Urban Rev (2018) 50:69–96

https://doi.org/10.1007/s11256-017-0430-0

African Immigrants, the ‘‘New Model Minority’’:

Examining the Reality in U.S. k-12 Schools

Omiunota N. Ukpokodu1

Published online: 25 October 2017

 Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2017

Abstract African immigrants in the U.S. have been headlined as America’s ‘‘new
model minority.’’ The purpose of this paper is to examine if evidence exists to
support the claim of African immigrant students’ (AIS) educational achievement
and excellence (a core indicator of the ‘‘model minority’’ theory) in U.S. k-12
schools. Using a multiple methodological research approach and analysis, the study
examines whether aggregated and disaggregated data exist to verify AIS’ superior
academic achievement in U.S. k-12 schools. The study reveals a lack of data to
substantiate the claim. Instead, the study reveals a paucity of research on AIS’
academic performance and achievement in k-12 schools, as well as academic
underperformance and underachievement, and the challenges that exist. The notion
of a ‘‘model minority’’ attributed to African immigrants is disingenuous and a
disservice to AIS in U.S. k-12 schools. The paper discusses significant implications
and recommendations for policy and practice that include overhauling the data
collection and reporting system, data disaggregation for AIS, debunking the African
immigrant ‘‘model minority’’ ascription, preparing culturally responsive and glob-
ally competent teachers, and increasing research on AIS in k-12 schools.

Keywords African immigrant students
Achievement
Model minority
k-12

schools
Data disaggregation
Homogenization

& Omiunota N. Ukpokodu

ukpokodun@umkc.edu
1
Division of Teacher Education and Curriculum Studies, University of Missouri-Kansas City,
325 School of Education, 615 E. 52nd Street, Kansas City, MO 64110, USA

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Introduction

A recent phenomenon in academic and social discourse is the portrayal of African

immigrants in the U.S. as America’s new ‘‘model minority.’’ This representation
arises from reports and data that show that African immigrants are educationally
accomplished and that, overall, are the most highly educated immigrant group in the
U.S. In 2000, 43.2% of African immigrants had a college degree, compared to
42.5% of Asian Americans, 28.9% of immigrants from Europe, and 23.1% of the
general U.S. population. In 2010, data showed 48.9% of African immigrants had a
university degree, compared to 42.5% of Asian-Americans, 28.9% of European
Americans, and 23.1% of the general U.S. population (McCabe 2011; Zong and
Batalova 2017). In 2014 data showed that African immigrants have the highest
percentage of advanced degrees at 8.2%, compared to 6.8% of Asians and 2.6% of
all U.S-born citizens (Anderson 2015; Gambino et al. 2014). Headlines have drawn
attention to the phenomenon of African immigrants as America’s ‘‘new model
minority.’’ Headlines such as ‘‘African immigrants, an invisible model minority,’’
‘‘A success story: Immigrant Blacks in colleges’’ (Allen 2009), ‘‘African
immigrants are the most educated’’, ‘‘Black immigrants collect most degrees’’
(Page 2007), and ‘‘African immigrants now America’s new ‘‘model minority’’
(Kperogi 2009) tell the story. If this claim is true at the college level, how valid is it
for African immigrant students (AIS) in U.S. k-12 schools? Is this simply an
overstated generalization that obscures the lived academic realities of African
immigrant students in U.S. k-12 schools? What do we really know about the
academic performances and achievements of African immigrant students enrolled in
U.S. k-2 schools? Do their academic performances and achievements match the
standards of excellence, accomplishment, and success that are the hallmark of the
‘‘model minority’’?
Asian Americans were the first U.S. ethnic group to be designated America’s
‘‘model minority.’’ For Asian Americans, both aggregated and disaggregated data
have been used to demonstrate their high-level scholastic performance and
academic achievement in U.S. k-12 schools and to debunk the ‘‘model minority’’
myth. The purpose of this paper is to determine whether both aggregated and
disaggregated data exist to verify African immigrant students’ (AIS) academic
performance and excellence in U.S. k-12 schools. The paper aims to deconstruct the
implications of the ‘‘model minority’’ label ascribed to African immigrants, and to
offer recommendations for educational policy and practice for equitably serving
AIS in U.S. k-12 schools. The ultimate goal of the study is to increase the visibility
of AIS as a distinct minority subgroup and to place in true perspective their
achievement realities in U.S. k-12 schools. The study will raise educators,
researchers, and policymakers’ awareness about AIS’ true academic performance,
their lived educational and schooling realities, and to better understand how best to
serve them and maximize their academic achievement, educational success, and
citizenship development.

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Theoretical Perspectives and Literature Review

Because this study focuses on African immigrant students and the reality of their
academic performance and achievement in U.S. k-12 schools, the literature review
first examines their demographics and immigration trends and realities. Second,
because the study seeks to determine the reality and exemplification of the ‘‘model
minority’’ ascribed to African immigrants, the review attends to the ‘‘model
minority’’ myth discourse. Third, because African immigrant students are a part of a
marginalized student group of color in U.S. k-12 schools, it is relevant to draw on
critical race theory as a lens to understand and interrogate issues of schooling,
achievement accountability, and knowledge construction and legitimacy (Delgado
and Stefancic 2001).

African Immigrant Students and Demographic Trends and Realities

African immigrant students (AIS) are part of an immigrant student population influx
that is revolutionizing the U.S. k-12 schools. For the purpose of this paper, AIS
refers to any child under age 18, regardless of immigration or refugee status, who
resides in an African immigrant family, was born in any African country or is U.S-
born with at least one African immigrant parent, and is attending a U.S. k-12 school.
This definition will include those born outside of the U.S. (1.0 first-generation),
those born in Africa who immigrated prior to their adolescent years (1.5 first-
generation) and those U.S.-born with at least one African parent (2.0 second-
generation) (Awokoya 2012; Waters 1994). It is important to recognize that a
majority of AIS in U.S. k-12 schools are U.S.-born citizens or are naturalized
citizens (Gambino et al. 2014). Although African immigrants are found in many
U.S. communities, most reside in minoritized urban communities, and so their
children attend urban schools plagued by conditions of ‘‘savage inequalities’’ that
negatively affect their academic learning, performance, and achievement.
In 2009, 714,000 children resided with at least one African-born parent (McCabe
2011). In 2011, that number rose to 816,000, and to 861,000 in 2012 (McCabe 2011;
Kids Count Data Book Center 2014). These children are entering U.S. schools in
increasing numbers. However, despite their increasing number in U.S. k-12 schools,
they are invisible and marginalized (Arthur 2000; Allen et al. 2012).
AIS are a diverse group in U.S. k-12 schools. Although there are commonalities
within the group due to their own or parents’ origination from Africa and a common
cultural ancestry, there are also stark differences that affect their schooling and
educational experiences and outcomes. They are diverse geo-politically, linguisti-
cally, religiously, socioeconomically, and in immigration statuses and family
configurations. Like their immigrant families, AIS have roots in different
geopolitical regions in Africa. Data indicates that about 75% of African immigrants
come from 12 of the 55 African countries, namely Nigeria, Egypt, Ghana, Ethiopia,
South Africa, Kenya, Liberia, Cameroun, Somalia, Morocco, Cape Verde, and
Sierra Leone with a sizeable number also coming from the Sudan, Eritrea, and
Burundi (McCabe 2011). Most of them come from countries plagued by

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considerable economic, political, religious, and social conflicts that propel them to
immigrate (American Community Survey (ACS) 2009; Capps et al. 2011). Some
are ‘‘voluntary’’ or ‘‘involuntary’’ immigrants (Ogbu 1978). Voluntary AIS often
arrive with or join their families who immigrate to seek better lives and
opportunities and often are beneficiaries of the U.S. Diversity Visa Lottery
(DVL) program. In most cases, the families come from relatively stable countries
and so are better educated, have professional skills, language proficiency, and are
likely to hold professional jobs (Dodoo 1997; McCabe 2011).
African immigrants and AIS carry different immigration statuses such as
permanent residency, naturalized citizenship, and non-immigrant visa statuses (F-1
student visa and H-B and JV temporary working visas). Some are also undocu-
mented. These legal and non-legal statuses have different, unequal and consequen-
tial impact on each individual or family as they navigate and negotiate their
transmigrant spaces in U.S. society. For example, naturalized citizens and
permanent residents will have better opportunities, benefits, resources, and relative
security than those with legal, non-immigrant visas and the undocumented, who will
have limited or no access to resources and other necessities needed for living a
quality and dignified human life. For instance, an undocumented African immigrant
family or student will experience a life of invisibility and fear (fear of being caught
and deported), which may prevent them from taking advantage of services, such as
enrolling their children in schools or effectively advocating for them if enrolled in
school when they experience educational inequities and injustice. An Undocu-
mented AIS will keep a low profile and avoid expressing concerns when subjected
to inequitable and dehumanizing conditions.
Voluntary African immigrant families who originate from countries with relative
stability (for example, Nigeria, Kenya, and Ghana) are likely to be educated and to
have the tools to navigate their new society and the education system. AIS from
such families enter the U.S. k-12 schools with strong support for their educational
aspirations (Awokoya 2009; Waters 1994; Zong and Batalova 2017). Some may
have attended strong public/private or parochial elementary and middle schools
prior to immigrating to the U.S., and so have the literacy skills, self-discipline, and
the academic readiness to engage in U.S. schools. Involuntary African immigrants
families and students, on the other hand, who often are refugees and asylees, come
from disproportionately war-torn and conflict-ridden countries such as Sudan,
Somalia, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Burundi, and Rwanda, and are less likely to be
educated and to have the skills to navigate their new society and the education
system. Most often, involuntary AIS come from families with limited resources to
support their personal and educational development, and have had limited or no
educational opportunities and linguistic proficiency needed for success in U.S.
schools. Some may not have attended schools or good schools prior to their
immigration to the U.S. Some lack literacy and proficiency in their native language,
which limits their readiness to engage effectively in academic activities. As research
indicates, students with low literacy skills, disrupted schooling and traumatic
experiences take about 10 or more years to catch up to average levels of cognitive
and academic language proficiency and success (Thomas and Collier 1997). Some
AIS are unaccompanied minors who lack adequate resources to support their

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personal development and academic pursuits (Rana et al. 2011). Most refugee AIS
enter U.S. k-12 schools with deep physical and psychological traumas and academic
challenges caused by the horrors of war (genocide, massacre, rapes, nightmares of
watching their family members killed or tortured, and dislocation and separation of
families, and disrupted schooling) that other African immigrant students may not
have. This is not to suggest that involuntary AIS do not thrive and succeed
academically. There are success stories of the Sudanese ‘‘lost boys’’ such as John
Dau and Gai Nyok: the latter is now a U.S. diplomat (Simon 2013). AIS with longer
residency in the country are more likely to be well established and acculturated,
while new arrivals will struggle and experience stresses of acculturation and cultural
displacement (Suárez-Orozco and Suárez-Orozco 2001; Portes and Rumbaut 2001).
Religious diversity also exists among AIS and impacts differently on their
schooling experiences and academic outcomes. AIS who are Muslims are more
likely to experience tremendous challenges in navigating and negotiating the U.S.
school system and culture that are plagued by xenophobia or Islamophobia than
non-Muslim AIS. While AIS in general experience microaggressions from peers
and educators, this is intensified for Muslim AIS who are targets for harassment,
bullying, physical assault, and name-calling (Abu-Ras and Abu-Bader 2008; Aroian
2012; Council on American Islamic Relations 2012). These dehumanizing and
oppressive conditions contribute to their school dropout and the depression of
Somali Muslim students, for example (Ellis et al. 2008).

The ‘‘Model Minority’’ Myth

Asian Americans were the first U.S. ethnic group to be labeled America’s ‘‘model
minority.’’ In the 1980s, they were celebrated and headlined as America’s ‘‘Model
Minority.’’ Takaki (2003) has summarized how the various media networks such as
NBC Nightly News and The MacNeil/Lehrer Report aired special news reports on
Asian Americans and their success in America. CBS 60 min featured Asian
American 10-year-olds in college who were chaperoned by their parents on college
campuses. Mike Wallace prefaced the segment with the question: ‘‘Why are Asian
Americans doing so exceptionally well in school?’’ He then quickly added, ‘‘They
must be doing something right. Let’s bottle it!’’ Other news magazines featured
such stories as ‘‘Asian-American Advances’’ (U.S. News & World Report) and
‘‘Asian-Americans: The Drive to Excel’’ and ‘‘A Model Minority’’ (Newsweek) and
‘‘The Triumph of Asian-Americans’’ and ‘‘America’s Greatest Success Story’’ (New
Republic). Even President Ronald Reagan reportedly hailed their ‘‘American
success and preserving the Dream by living up to the bedrock value of America,’’
which in essence, linked Asian American value and hard work to that expressed in
America’s political system (pp. 474–476).
Peterson (1966), who published an article in the New York Times about Japanese
Americans and the ‘‘whiz kids’’ (Chew 1994), is credited with conceptualizing the
‘‘model minority’’ concept. The concept posits that Asians/Asian Americans have
‘‘successfully assimilated into the mainstream society’’ (Pang et al. 2011). The
connotation is that their success is due to their cultural values of work ethic, strong
family values, and/or stronger belief in the American ideology of meritocracy

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(Chang and Au 2007; Wu 2002). The concept thus validates the American dream
(Goodwin 2012; Pang et al. 2011). Although researchers have analyzed, criticized,
and even debunked the ‘‘model minority’’ as a myth (Chow 2011; Li and Beckett
2006; Pang et al. 2011), it remains pervasive in social and academic discourse. Both
aggregated and disaggregated data have been used to examine and debunk the Asian
‘‘model minority’’ stereotype or sociotype. Studies find that while many Asian
American Pacific Islander (AAPIs) such as the Chinese, Koreans, Indians, and
Japanese excel, others do not. Disaggregated data shows that some AAPIs,
particularly the Hmong and Laotians, struggle and underperform (Pang et al. 2011).
Researchers who have debunked the ‘‘model minority’’ as a myth argue that the
label engenders internalized racism within the AAPIs communities against other
communities of color and invalidates the American dream (Goodwin 2012; Pang
et al. 2011), promotes a color-blind society and harms the education of AAPIs (Pang
et al. 2011). This discourse relates well to this study, as it seeks to examine the
achievement reality of AIS—America’s new ‘‘model minority.’’

U. S. Schools, Student Achievement, and Accountability

The persistent ‘‘achievement gap’’ between different student groups in U.S. k-12
schools is of great concern for educators, leaders, researchers, and communities of
color. Although the concern often focuses on ethnically/racially diverse student
groups, much of the discourse has excluded immigrant students (Covington-Clark
2008; Pang et al. 2011). Traditionally, student achievement data have been reported
by aggregation in U.S. schools. The passage of the ‘‘No Child Left Behind (NCLB)
Act’’ in 2001 changed all that and has brought a much needed attention to the
achievement disparities between different student groups. It put forward a rigorous
accountability measure that holds schools accountable for the academic achieve-
ment of all students. The law requires that student achievement data be
disaggregated and reported by subgroups—race, ethnicity, gender, class, language,
and disability (U.S. Department of Education 2001). Six federally-mandated
categories—American Indian/Alaska Native, African American, Asian, Hispanic/
Latino, Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, and White (National Forum on Student
Statistics 2016)—are to be used for reporting student performance data. In 2011,
National Center for Education Statistics (2011) expanded the categories to include
two or more races (multiracial), economically disadvantaged students (free or
reduced-price lunch), limited English proficient students/English language learners
(ELL), and students with disabilities.
Student data disaggregation provides and highlights meaningful variation within
groups and subgroups. Unfortunately, even with the NCLB legislation, information
about some student groups is excluded. This is often the case with immigrant
students (Pang et al. 2011). Increasingly, there are calls for state, district, and
schools to disaggregate data beyond the federally mandated categories to ensure
educational equity for all students and to close the achievement gap. The National
Forum on Education Statistics (2016) has argued that data disaggregation beyond
the federally-mandated categories has value because it: (1) reveals complexities and
nuances that would otherwise be lost given student diversity (2) highlights trends

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and disparities that may otherwise go unnoticed, and (3) helps educators allocate
resources and target efforts to close educational achievement gaps and improve
educational outcomes for all students (p. 6). Currently, there are no mandates that
states, districts, and schools disaggregate student achievement data beyond the
federally mandated categories. As a result, some groups or subgroups are
marginalized and denied the instructional and support services they need (National
Forum on Education Statistics 2016), and this is inequitable and unjust.

Critical Race Theory

Critical race theory (CRT) is a vital lens for understanding and illuminating the
discourse on AIS’ educational and academic achievement in a racialized educa-
tional system. In order to ensure educational equity and social justice, CRT is
relevant for analyzing and critiquing policies and practices that marginalize others
such as immigrants (Delgado and Stefancic 2001; Ladson-Billing and Tate 1995).
The five tenets of CRT are that: race is fundamental, endemic and is linked to other
forms of oppression—gender, class, immigration; people of color experience racism
and other forms of oppression; dominant ideologies mask racism and other forms of
oppression; there is value in using multiple approaches for examining the
manifestations of racism and other forms of oppression; and that educators and
researchers must commit to working for social justice (Delgado 1995; Sleeter 2012).
CRT is used to understand the educational and achievement realities of other
marginalized groups such as African Americans, Asian Americans, Latino
Americans, and others. AIS are a minority and an invisible group in U.S. k-12
schools (Allen et al. 2012; Obeng 2008). As a minoritized group, CRT is a relevant
construct for examining the lived realities and experiences of AIS in U.S.
educational institution.

Methodology

This study examined whether AIS in U.S. k-12 schools perform and achieve at a
level implied in the ‘‘model minority’’ theory. The overarching research question
was, how well do the academic performance and achievement data of AIS in U.S.
k-12 schools reflect the standard of excellence indicator of the ‘‘model minority’’?
The sub-questions examined include, what aggregated and disaggregated academic
achievement data exist to support AIS’ educational excellence in U.S. k-12 schools?
What disaggregated data exist for subgroups within the AIS population in U.S. k-12
schools? The study employed a multiple research methodology for data collection.
First, I employed a literature research methodology to access the achievement data
on AIS in U.S. k-12 schools. I searched several databases, using Google Scholar,
Educational Resources Information Center (ERIC), Clearinghouse for Immigrant
Education (CHIME), and Journal Storage (JSTOR). Key terms searched were:
‘‘African immigrant students model minority,’’ ‘‘Black immigrants and the model
minority,’’ ‘‘America’s new ‘‘model minority,’’ ‘‘African immigrants and educa-
tional success,’’ ‘‘African immigrants in U.S. k-12 schools,’’ ‘‘African immigrant

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students achievement data,’’ ‘‘African immigrant students’ data disaggregation,’’

‘‘Data disaggregation by home language,’’ and ‘‘Data disaggregation by country of
origin.’’ Second, I searched and examined the websites of the Census Bureau, the
National Center for Education Statistics and the National Longitudinal Survey of
Freshmen (NLSF) for national, state and school districts’ assessment report cards.
Specifically, I searched numerous websites of school districts in four U.S. regions
and twenty states where the largest number of African immigrants mostly reside
(Gambino et al. 2014; Anderson 2015). I examined cities where the largest number
of African immigrant students are most likely to be enrolled (Kids Count Data
Center 2014) and their assessment report cards. Ten cities identified in Kids Count
with 3000 and above AIS population were selected and examined. These included
New York City (NY), District of Columbia (MD), Boston (MA), Philadelphia (PA),
Omaha (NE), Houston (TX), Charlotte (NC), San Diego (CA), Phoenix (AZ) and
Portland (OR)—see Table 1. Of these ten cities, thirty-seven school districts were
identified and their profiles reviewed for most diverse settlement areas of African
immigrants. They included twenty-five New York City counties of Bronx (6),
Brooklyn (12), and Queens (7); three Baltimore county public schools (Baltimore,
Montgomery, and Prince George); Boston Public Schools; The School District of
Philadelphia; Omaha Public Schools; Houston Independent School District;
Charlotte School District, San Diego Unified School District, Phoenix Union
School District, and Portland Public Schools (see Table 1). City School districts
with less than 3000 AIS (as listed in the Kids Count Data Book) were excluded.
Third, I conducted inquiries with one large local urban school district where I work.
I targeted two schools with high populations of AIS. One school is a k-8 charter
school, with predominantly newcomer and refugee students. The other school is a
9–12 comprehensive public high school populated by immigrant students, mostly
African immigrant students.
Further, qualitative data was collected through a review of publications (articles,
books, dissertations and theses). Although the data search yielded 300 references to
African immigrants and students, in addition to the data from 37 school districts’
websites, 15 articles, 4 books, 3 book chapters, and 25 online reports were relevant
to the study and examined. Using a content analysis approach (Krippendorff 2013),
all data were compiled and imported into one large file and carefully reviewed to
identify relevant information and themes. The study revealed four key findings: (1)
no data to substantiate the ‘‘model minority’’ claim for AIS in U.S. k-12 schools; (2)
paucity of research on AIS; (3) academic underperformance and underachievement
of AIS; and (4) struggles and challenges of AIS. These are discussed below.

No Data to Substantiate ‘‘Model Minority’’ Claim

This study sought to examine whether AIS in U.S. k-12 schools perform and
achieve at a level implied in the ‘‘model minority’’ theory, particularly whether
aggregated and disaggregated data exist to substantiate AIS’ superior academic
performance and achievement. Academic excellence is a key indicator of the
‘‘model minority’’ theory. As discussed earlier, the NCLB legislation requires that
state and districts use the federally mandated racial/ethnic categories to report

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Table 1 African immigrants’ residential settlements in the U.S. & City School Districts. Source: Pew
Research Center (http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/02/14/african-immigrant-population-in-u-
s-steadily-climbs/), Kids Count Data Center (http://datacenter.kidscount.org/)
Region and state Number % City and school districts Number %

East
New York 99,000 7 New York City 84,000 7
Maryland 73,000 20 Baltimore 3000 12
New Jersey 52,000 7 NA
Massachusetts 46,000 12 Boston 9000 16
Pennsylvania 31,000 10 Philadelphia 9000 13
Midwest
Minnesota 65,000 27 NA
Ohio 37,000 18 NA
Missouri 11,000 10 NA
Iowa 8000 11 NA
Nebraska 7000 10 Omaha 3000 11
South
Texas 109,000 5 Houston 17,000 6
Georgia 54,000 10 NA
Virginia 52,000 12 Virginia Beach 1000 6
Florida 34,000 3 Jacksonville 2000 5
North Carolina 25,000 6 Charlotte 5000 9
West
California 84,000 2 San Diego 7000 5
Washington 26,000 6 NA
Arizona 16,000 4 Phoenix 6000 4
Nevada 10,000 4 NA
Oregon 6000 3 Portland 3000 9

student assessment performance and academic achievement and other proficiency

tests such as ACT/SAT (Covington Clarkson 2008; National Center for Education
Statistics 2012; National Center for Fair & Open Testing 2012). This study found
that the states, school districts, and schools examined reported students’ assessment
and achievement by the federally mandated racial/ethnic categories of American
Indian/Alaska Native, African American/Black, Asian, Hispanic/Latino, Native
Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, White, and Two or More Races (Multiethnic/Multicul-
tural). Other reporting categories were for students who are Migrant, have Limited
English Proficiency (LEP/ELL), receive Free/Reduced Lunch (Economically
Disadvantaged), Student with Disabilities (SPED/504), and Homeless (see Table 2).
The study found no data reported for AIS. Instead, their academic performance and
achievement data are reported under the racial/ethnic category of African American/
Black. That is, their performance and achievement data are included with those of
native-born African American students and other Black students including those

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Table 2 School district achievement data report card categories. Adapted from school district websites
School district Data reporting categories

Baltimore (MD) Public Schools (Prince
George, Montgomery and Baltimore
Counties)
Boston Public Schools (MA)
New York City (NY) (Bronx, Brooklyn, and
Queens)
Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools (NC)
Houston Independent School District (TX)
Omaha Public Schools (NE)
Phoenix Union School District (AZ)
Portland Public Schools (OR)
San Diego Unified School District (CA)
American Indian/AK, Asian, African Am, Hispanic, Hi/
Pacific Island, White, Two or More Races, 504, LEP,
Migrant, Special Education
Black, Asian, Stud. W/Disability, ELL/FELL, Low-
Income
AI/AN, White, Black/AA, Hispanic/Latino, Stud.
w/Disability, ELL, Economically Disadvantaged
AI/AN, Asian, Black, Hispanic/Latino, Two or More
Races, White, ED, LEP, Stud. W/Disability
Hispanic/Latino, AI/AN, Asian, Black/AA, Nat Haw/
PIs, White, Two/More Races, Economically
Disadvantaged, Migrant, LEP, SPED
AI/AN, Asian, Black, Hispanic/Latino, NH/PI, Two or
More, White, Migrant, LEP, SPED, Free/Reduced
Lunch
African A, AI/AN, Asian, His/Latino, NH/PI, White,
Stud. W/Disability, LEP, ED, Migrant, Homeless,
Two/More Races
AI/AN, Asian, Black/AA, His/Latino, Native Hawaiian/
Pacific Island, White, Multiracial, Economically
Disadvantaged, English Learners, Migrant, Students
with Disability
African Am, Asian, Filipino, Hispanic, Indochinese,
Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, White, Multiracial,
Meal eligible, Homeless, IEP, ELP

from the Caribbean. This homogenizes and masks AIS’ demographics and their
academic performance and achievement data. Across the data, state, school district,
and schools’ assessment report cards were aggregated for all students identified as
Black or African American (see Table 2).
Overall, the study confirms previous studies that concluded the lack of
disaggregated achievement data for immigrant students (Covington Clarkson
2008). Subsuming AIS’ achievement data under the African American/Black racial
category creates a lack of clarity on their true performance and achievement.
Because there are no aggregated and disaggregated data reported for AIS, it is not
possible to determine if they perform and achieve at a level implied in the ‘‘model
minority’’ theory.
However, the study found two reports that showed disaggregated academic data
for students, including AIS, by home language and country of origin. The first data
disaggregation for AIS was found in a news report on how district officials of the
Seattle Southeast schools in Seattle, Washington, broke down students’ test scores
by home language and country of origin in 2011 for the first time (Rosenthal 2011).
This involved four AIS’ language-speaking groups of Amharic, Oromo, Somali, and
Tigrinya. The second data disaggregation for AIS was found from a collaborative

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research report for the Multnomah County Public Schools in Portland, Oregon
(Curry-Stevens and Coalition of Communities of Color 2013). Concerned about
racial/ethnic disparities in the Multnomah County, researchers at the Portland State
University and the Coalition of Communities of Color collaborated to document the
experiences of people of color in Multnomah County, Portland, Oregon. One of
their studies focused on African immigrants and refugees. Their report showed
student test score disaggregation by home language and country of origin. Data
disaggregation were provided for eleven AIS’ language-speaking groups of Amharic
(Ethiopia), Igbo (Nigeria, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroun), Kinyaranda (Rwanda,
Uganda), Kirundi (Burundi, Uganda, Rwanda), Krahn (Ivory Coast, Liberia),
Lingala (Democratic Republic of Congo, Republic of the Congo), Maay-Maay
(Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya), Oromo (Ethiopia, Kenya, Somali), Somali (Somalia),
KiSwahili (Burundi, Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Democratic Republic of
Congo, Malawi), and Tigrinya (Eritrea, Ethiopia). A review of these two data
showed that AIS did not evidence superior academic performance and achievement
to reflect the standard of academic excellence implied in the ‘‘model minority’’
theory (see Tables 3, 4).

Paucity of Research on AIS’ Academic Achievement

Although the population of African immigrants in the U.S. is growing (Arthur 2010;
Anderson 2015; Kent 2007) and their children are increasingly attending schools
across the nation (Kids Count Data Book 2015; Terrazas 2009; Wilson 2010), little
is known about their true academic performance and achievement in U.S. k-12
schools. This study confirms findings of previous studies about the paucity of
research on AIS’ academic achievement and educational experiences (Covington
Clarkson 2008; Curry-Stevens and Coalition of Communities of Color 2013). The
study yielded minimal data. Only a few, small-scale isolated studies have examined
AIS’ academic performance and achievement in U.S. k-12, notably studies by Njue
and Retish (2010) and Schwartz and Stefiel (2006), discussed in the literature
review. These small-scale studies were motivated by the nativity-gap discourse
(achievement between native-born African Americans and African immigrants).
Njue and Retish (2010) examined and disaggregated the academic performance of a
small group of East African high school students and compared their performance to

Table 3 Seattle Public School data disaggregation for AIS by home language. Source: Adapted from
Rosenthal’s The Seattle Times Report on Seattle Public Schools (2011)
Reading (district avg, 78%) Math (district avg, 70%)

Amharic 74% 62%

Oromo 68% 53%
Somali 67% 47%
Tigrinya 65% 58%
English (African American) 56% 36%

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Table 4 Multnomah County academic achievement by home language 2011 (as measured by % of
students who meet or exceed benchmarks). Source: Adapted from Data collected from six school boards
by Dr. Pat Burk, Portland State University and cited in Curry-Stevens and Coalition of Communities of
Color (2013)
Reading and literature Math (%)

White (n = 25,155) 84.9 69.6

Amharic (Ethiopia) (n = 72) 61 54.9
Igbo (Nigeria) (n = 72) 86 60
Kinyarwanda (Rwanda) (n = 5) 100 25
Kirundi (Burundi, Rwanda) (n = 25) 22 23.5
Krahn (Ivory Coast, Liberia) (n = 9) 38 0.0
Lingala (Rep of Congo) (n = 5) 60 25
Maay-Maay (Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya) (n = 77) 27 11.4
Oromo (Ethiopia, Somalia, Kenya) (n = 92) 63 47.6
Somali (Somalia) (n = 425) 42 26.1
[Ki]Swahili (Burundi, Uganda, Kenya) (n = 74) 25 13
Tigrinya (Eritrea, Ethiopia) (n = 55) 76 52.6

native-born African American peers. Their study found that the AIS in the study
performed better than their native-born African Americans, although they
performed below other student groups. A few qualitative studies have examined
the cultural, educational, social experiences, and challenges of AIS in U.S. k-12
schools (Awokoya 2009; Kanu 2008; Kumi-Yeboah and Smith 2016; Traore 2006).
While there has been a few studies on African or Black immigrant students’
scholastic achievement at the post-secondary or collegiate level (Bennett and Lutz
2009), this study found minimal empirical studies on AIS’ academic performance
and achievement in U.S. k-12 to support the ‘‘model minority’’ claim.

Academic Underperformance and Underachievement

The small qualitative research on AIS in U.S. k-12 schools shows that many
students struggle and underachieve because of the challenges they face in schools
(Allen et al. 2012; Kumi-Yeboah and Smith 2016; Traore and Lukens 2006). This
study found that disaggregated student data outcome showed that many AIS
underperform. As discussed above, the only two school districts where data
disaggregation were available for AIS showed that they did not perform at a
superior level (see Table 3). Although both the Seattle Public Schools’ and the
Multnomah County Public Schools’ disaggregated data showed that AIS performed
better than their native-born African American peers they neither performed at the
district standard of proficiency nor performed as well as their Asian and Caucasian
peers or better. Except for two subgroups in the Multnomah data, AIS’
performances did not measure up to the school district’s average test pass rate in
reading and math. For example, in the Seattle Public Schools data, in reading, the

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district’s average test score pass rate was 78%. All the AIS subgroups’ test score
pass rates were below this standard—Amharic-speaking (74%), Oromo-speaking
(68%), Somali-speaking (67%) and Tigrinya-speaking (65%). In math, all the AIS
subgroups were below the district’s average test pass rate of 70%: Amharic-
speaking (62%), Oromo-speaking (53%), Somali-speaking (47%) and Tigrinya-
speaking (58%) (see Table 3). Although all the AIS subgroups outperformed their
native-born African American subgroup whose scores were 56% in reading and
36% in math, they did not perform as well as their Caucasian subgroup who scored
88% in reading and 80% in math or the Asian subgroup with scores of 77% in
reading and 80% in math (Rosenthal 2011).
Similar achievement results and gaps were found in the Multnomah County
Public Schools’ disaggregated data. The Multnomah County Public Schools’
reading average test score pass rate was 84%. Of the eleven AIS subgroups, with the
exception of two subgroups—Nigeria, 86% and Rwanda, 100%, all other nine
subgroups scored lower. In math, all the AIS subgroups scored below the district’s
average pass rate of 69% (see Table 4). These two cases, the only disaggregated
data found in the study, suggest that AIS are not performing as well as implied by
the model minority claim. In fact, in the African immigrant community in the
Multnomah, Oregon, report, the researchers noted that at least one-in-three students
failed to meet the minimum benchmarks (Curry-Stevens and Coalition of
Communities of Color 2013).
Bashir et al. (2016), in their analysis of the Portland Public Schools progress
report, found that only 58% of AIS from Somali graduate from high school. They
also note, ‘‘They are underrepresented in advanced classes such as AP, IB and dual
credit classes and severely under-represented in the ‘‘talented and gifted’’ (TAG)
program’’ (n.p.).
Njue and Retish’s (2010) small-scale study, which compared and disaggregated
student data, revealed a similar result. Using the 2005 Minneapolis Public Schools
Basic Skills Tests of high school students, Njue and Retish disaggregated data for
two African immigrant student subgroups—Ethiopians and Somalis—whose
achievement data had been categorized as African American. They disaggregated
the data by English language proficiency—ELL and non-ELL—that is, ELL African
American and non-ELL African American. Although their study showed that the
ELL-African American students (AIS) outperformed the non-ELL African Amer-
ican students (native-born African American peers) they did not perform better than
their Asian and Caucasian peers. For example, in math, the AIS’ pass rate was 52%
compared to 57% ELL and 64% for non-ELL Asian American and 56% (ELL) and
56 (non-ELL) Caucasian American. In reading, AIS scored 59% compared to 61%
for Asian American (ELL) and 64% for Caucasian American.

Academic Struggles and Challenges

Data from qualitative studies reveal that many AIS in U.S. k-12 schools are
struggling academically, falling behind, experiencing academic disengagement and
failure, dropping out, and predisposing them to engage in criminal activities and
other at-risk behaviors (Deparle 2009; Harushimana et al. 2013; Medina 2009;

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Reyes and Curry-Stevens 2014; Suárez-Orozco 2001; Traore 2006). Reyes and
Curry-Stevens (2014), in their study, noted that many AIS in the Multnomah County
in Portland, Oregon, are predisposed to participate in gang activities. They noted
that 62% of AIS do not meet academic expectations, making them at risk of leaving
school and getting involved in gang activities. Reporting on her study in a U.S. high
school, one of the few most comprehensive studies on African immigrants,
Rosemary Traore found a similar finding:
There is a growing population of African [immigrant] adolescents who are
dropping out of school. Teenage girls are becoming pregnant, both boys and
girls are turning to drugs, both selling and using, and some who had started at
the [high school] are now in jail, on drugs, prostituting themselves on the
street, or falling into a host of negative street activities (Traore and Lukens
2006, p. 33).
In a study I conducted with African-born teachers in U.S. urban schools, several
participants lamented the at-risk behaviors and lack of academic success of many
AIS students in their schools. Although African immigrants are documented to be
educationally accomplished, and indeed, some AIS do well in U.S. k-12 schools,
some researchers have found that those that do well are mostly the first generation
(Portes and Rumbaut 2001). Second and third generations experience less
educational success than their first-generation immigrant parents, and newcomers
experience significant academic challenges and failure, especially after their second
year (Olneck 2004; Rong and Brown 2001; Portes and Rumbaut 2001). Studies
show that AIS face multiple challenges due to their invisibility, racialization,
colorization, linguistic and accent difference, stigmatization and stereotype (Kumi-
Yeboah and Smith 2016; Reyes and Curry-Stevens 2014), hostility and bullying
from native-born American peers, including African Americans/blacks.
Generally, research on immigrant students in U.S. schools reports that they
experience various forms of marginalization (Hernandez 2004; Suárez-Orozco and
Suárez-Orozco 2001, 2009). The few studies on AIS reveal that they are
marginalized and seemingly invisible as they are homogenized, mis-identified,
teased, ignored, neglected, bullied, stigmatized and discriminated against due to
their cultural and linguistic difference. They experience inappropriate grade
placement and poor academic counseling that jeopardize their academic success
(Agyepong 2013; Covington Clarkson 2008; Deparle 2009; Gibson 2001; Goodwin
2002; Ghong et al. 2007; Harushimana 2007; Kumi-Yeboah and Smith 2016; Obeng
2008; Traore and Lukens 2006; Reyes and Curry-Stevens 2014). Reyes and Curry-
Stevens highlighted inappropriate grade placement as a major concern expressed by
the African immigrant community about the challenge AIS face in U.S. public
schools:
The greatest challenge is that [schools] say, ‘‘You’re 15, so you must be in
grade 11’’… when you’ve missed education for the last 4 to 5 years. So the
system has totally failed to create a bridge to where [students] should be. They
come in and are expected to adapt. Just adapt. Now you are going to go to
school and this is the way it is.’’ They are not able to ultimately be

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successful… they don’t go any further. They stop going to school or they don’t
do well (Curry-Stevens et al. 2010, p. 49).
Ghong et al. (2007) found that invisibility is a major challenge for AIS, as they
are overlooked, forgotten, and marginalized in U.S. public schools. Agyepong
(2013) describes most vividly the marginalization she faced as a student in the New
York public middle and high schools. She recounts the public humiliation she
experienced in classes where she was told that her accent was ‘‘really thick and hard
to understand […] and to go to the board and write what she had said’’ (p. 174). She
also describes the constant harassment and teasing by peers who questioned her
about her jungle life in Africa.
One harsh reality AIS face in U.S. k-12 schools is bullying. Although bullying is
a common occurrence across many U.S. k-12 schools, it is more pronounced for AIS
who are victims of violent, verbal, and physical abuse, perpetrated by native-born
American peers, including African Americans. In 2005, in a southwest Philadelphia
high school, native-born African American peers viciously beat a 13-year-old
Liberian teenager (Moran et al. 2005). AIS also experience curriculum marginal-
ization (Ghong et al. 2007; Goodwin 2012) and dehumanization (Ukpokodu 2013;
Kumi-Yeboah and Smith 2016). AIS have recounted how Tarzan-like films and
movies are shown in their classes that make them feel ashamed (Kumi-Yeboah and
Smith 2016; Ukpokodu 2016).

Discussion and Implications

Academic excellence, as reflected in students’ assessment performance, is a core,

distinguishing indicator of the ‘‘model minority’’ theory (Chang and Au 2007; Chew
1994; Chow 2011; Li and Beckett 2006; Pang et al. 2011). Disaggregated
standardized test scores have been used to report subgroups’ academic and
scholastic achievement. This is what has been used to substantiate AAPIs’ ‘‘model
minority’’ status and used to debunk the myth. Unfortunately, although African
immigrants are heralded as educationally successful in the U.S., this study found no
evidence of significant data to verify the model minority claim for AIS in U.S. k-12
schools. The lack of aggregated/disaggregated data for AIS, as a distinct
group/subgroup in U.S. k-12 schools, impedes the verification of the ‘‘model
minority’’ claim. The homogenization of AIS’ achievement data under the racial
category of Black/African Americans obscures and masks their academic perfor-
mance and achievement outcomes. As revealed in the findings, school districts do
not disaggregate student data beyond the seven federally mandated racial/ethnic
categories. Rosenthal (2011), reporting on the Seattle Public Schools’ data
disaggregation, commented that it is rare for school districts across the nation to
disaggregate data beyond the federally mandated essential categories. The School
District disaggregated data for its students that include AIS, for the first time in
2011. Curry-Stevens and Coalition of Communities of Color (2013), in their study
of the African immigrant community in the Multnomah County, noted:

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We do not have [achievement] data for African immigrant students. No

information is collected on the status of our [African] students as a distinct
group within the larger category of African American. The African
community is typically incorporated within a larger group of ‘‘African
American/Black’’ in the majority of datasets. While likely to be ‘‘counted,’’
the specifics of their experience render them a distinct community, which is
unfortunately eclipsed when the community is embedded in the larger African
American community. All institutions fail this community (p. 49).
The findings show that U.S. k-12 school districts do not report aggregated and
disaggregated assessment data for AIS. This means that it is not possible to
determine if AIS perform and achieve at a level implied in the ‘‘model minority’’
theory, which not only has significant consequences for the students as well as
implications for policy and practice but also is inequitable and unjust. When school
districts fail to report data for a student group, they not only fail the students but also
their community. U.S. k-12 schools are failing the African immigrant community in
this regard.
This study’s findings have significant implications for the education, schooling,
learning, and citizenship development of AIS. First, labeling African immigrants as
America’s new ‘‘model minority’’ skews educators’ view, which has dire
consequences for AIS. Harushimana et al. (2013) illuminates the danger of labeling
African Immigrants as America’s model minority. In her quest to place her 15-year-
old newcomer child in a school, she was alarmed to learn that her child had been
assigned to one of the ‘‘toughest’’ New York City schools, and when she informed
the coordinator of the program about her child’s newcomer, war refugee status, she
was told, ‘‘Oh, he is from Africa! He will adapt fast; African children adapt easily’’
(p. 151). Harushimana noted that her concerns and her child’s needs were not even
acknowledged, let alone addressed. She described her anguish and pain as she
watched her children struggle with their academic learning. Labeling African
immigrants as ‘‘model minority’’ carries the implication that AIS can easily
negotiate the school system and achieve high-level academic success. This is
erroneous, misleading, and a disservice. In fact, many AIS are falling into the cracks
(Traore and Lukens 2006; Ghong et al. 2007).
Most of the available studies on AIS’ scholastic performance have focused on the
postsecondary level. Such studies have been drawn from NLSF data that are entirely
self-reported. In the self-reported data, there is the challenge of knowing where most
of the African immigrants received their primary and post-primary education,
bachelors, and other degrees. The generalization about African immigrants’
educational success is often based on the record of those who immigrated in the
60s through the early 80s (Arthur 2010; Curry-Stevens et al. 2010; Takougang
2003). Many of these immigrants came to the U.S. as a privileged group of
professionals and students. Some of them were sponsored by governments and
institutions and provided resources that allowed them to focus on their studies. This
group of African immigrants was well-grounded in the African culture; most
cultivated the African values of self-discipline, strong work ethic, high sense of
responsibility, and a communal and collectivist spirit. They had a high-level drive

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for success, a self-regulated learning behavior, a high academic achievement

identity and a strong educational and linguistic capital. They aimed to distinguish
themselves and aspire to the upper echelon of society upon returning to their
homeland. They desired to make their families and communities proud. They had no
choice but to attain a proud legacy of academic and educational success. The late
anthropologist John Ogbu’s seminal work (1978) on ‘‘voluntary’’ and ‘‘involuntary’’
immigrants was based on this group of African immigrants, himself an African
immigrant who arrived in the 60s. Additionally, many affluent Africans and
professional elites in the continent have always had a commitment to their
children’s educational success and sending them abroad to receive foreign
education. These children, including those that are U.S.-born while their parents
were themselves students in the U.S., have immigrated to the U.S. upon completing
high school education in their homeland. More often than not, these African
immigrant students enroll in Ivy League colleges. It is the information of these
students that are included in census data and other national longitudinal study data.
As discussed earlier, contemporary African immigrants are diverse in terms of
their immigration statuses and circumstances. Although most African immigrant
families place the same value on education for themselves and their children, the
differences in their backgrounds and social capital affect them differently in their
educational outcomes. While some AIS have the cultural and social capital to
competently negotiate and navigate the U.S. k-12 school system, others with limited
cultural, linguistic, educational, and social capital struggle. It is. Therefore,
misleading to generalize that African immigrants are educationally and econom-
ically successful. While a few studies with disaggregated data (Rosenthal 2011;
Njue and Retish 2010) show that AIS outperform their native-born African
American peers, it is no consolation given that they perform behind their Asian and
Caucasian peers.
Additionally, Black immigrants and AIS are not a monolithic group. Just as there
is lack of data disaggregation within the African American/Black racial/ethnic
category, there is also a lack of data disaggregation within the Black and AIS
groups. ‘‘Black immigrants’’ are a diverse group as they come from continental
Africa, the Caribbean, and other parts of the world. Bennett and Lutz (2009)
revealed that 75.1% of immigrant black high school graduates attend college
compared to 72.5% of Whites and 60.2% of native-born African Americans, and
that immigrant Blacks outperform native-born African Americans and Whites in
selective college enrollment. In their study, 95 Black immigrant students were
included in the sample but it is not clear who they were. Even if it is assumed that
they were African immigrants, there is no way to know the specific subgroups
included. More so, it is not clear if these AIS graduated from U.S. high schools or
from their countries of origin. Are Black immigrant students from continental
Africa, the Caribbean or other parts of the world the same?
This study revealed a lack of data to substantiate AIS’ scholastic achievement.
The stereotype of African immigrants as America’s new ‘‘model minority,’’ creates
a significant obstacle to understanding the needs of AIS who may be struggling in
schools. Although some schools with a high concentration of African immigrant
refugees may recognize the unique circumstances of a particular subgroup

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(refugees, Somali, Ethiopians), and so may provide some intervention programs,

other schools often do not distinguish between AIS and native-born African
American students, let alone within the AIS subgroups. However, the absence of
data to verify AIS’ academic excellence and achievement does not suggest that
some AIS are not academically successful or that they perform at a superior level.
Some high-achieving AIS have been documented such as Kwasi Enin, a first
generational Ghanaian (African) immigrant high school student, who was headlined
to have received admissions to all eight Ivy League colleges (Steffen and Sanchez
2014). In 2015, Harold Ekeh and Victor Agbafe, both Nigerian-born teens also were
accepted to all eight Ivy League colleges. Priscilla Samey, another African
immigrant, with Togolese parents, was accepted to seven Ivy League institutions in
2017. Thus, there are isolated success stories of AIS in U.S. k-12 schools but they
may be a statistical minority. The little research on AIS reveals that the focus is on
those with the largest group and those who are most successful, such as Nigerians or
Ghanaians. Massey et al. (2007) noted that the two African countries that contribute
the most significant numbers to the pool of AIS are Nigeria (17%) and Ghana (6%).
African immigrants from Nigeria are documented to be most highly educated, and
researchers are most interested in researching their educational and motivational
factors and parental/family influence. Yet many others struggle, underachieve, and
at risk for failure and failed citizenship. In the following section, I discuss
recommendations that are needed to effectively serve AIS in U.S. k-12 schools and
ensure their academic success, educational equity, and social integration.

Recommendations

Overhaul Data Collection and Reporting System

This study, along with previous studies, show that although AIS are increasing in
U.S. schools, they remain invisible and marginalized (Arthur 2000; Ghong et al.
2007; Harushimana 2007). When they are not distinctly recognized, they are
racialized and lumped together with native-born African Americans, so their
demographic and achievement data are homogenized and their academic needs
ignored. One major recommendation is to overhaul the data collection and reporting
system. School districts and schools must be intentional, systematic, and
equitable in their data collection, analysis, and categorization of information on
AIS in U.S. k-12 schools. This will involve the following: (1) School districts
should collect and track AIS demographics by students’ countries of origin and
home language. This will allow AIS to be distinguishable from their native-born
African Americans and therefore enable educators to recognize their unique
challenges and academic needs for intervention. Such data collection will also allow
AIS subgroups to be compared for accurate analysis; (2) track and disaggregate
scholastic data—grade point average, subject-based reading, math, science, social
sciences, and ACT/SAT test scores; and (3) disaggregate achievement data within
the AIS subgroups by country of origin, gender, socioeconomic status, language and

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family status. Implementing these ideas would help provide a clear picture about
AIS and their academic performances and educational experiences.
Specifically, school districts will need to put in place rigorous accountability
programs that document AIS’ demographics, academic achievement, and other data
such as attendance rate, dropout rate, discipline rate, course taking, participation in
enrichment programs, advanced and honors’ classes, and completion and graduation
rate, and high school attended. More importantly, achievement data must be broken
down by AIS’ parent/guardian’s country of origin and home language. School
districts should review, update, and compare this data across schools to inform
policies and reform. Tracking and keeping accurate data will ensure that AIS
receive appropriate services, including academic counseling, course taking, and
required tests for college preparation and admission. However, this is not to ignore
the inherent problem related to the data collection and reporting system. As
Covington Clarkson (2008) observed, there may be only a handful of AIS enrolled
at a particular school, so school districts or individual schools may find it less
worthwhile to document them. However, I argue that if we truly believe in
educational equity, each student deserves the right to be counted and documented
(Kids Count Data Book 2015). Similar recommendations have been proposed (see
Curry-Stevens and Coalition of Communities of Color 2013; Minnesota Minority
Education Partnership 2006; NCES 2010). Some African immigrant communities in
the U.S. have begun vocalizing their concerns about the academic challenges AIS
face in U.S. k-12 schools and have called for data that will show how their children
are doing:
Education reform is an urgent issue for our [African immigrant} families and
children. While data shows we have high levels of university degrees, we also
have high levels of those who have not graduated high school. We also
believe, but do not have the ‘‘hard’’ data (yet) to back this up, that our children
are [dropping out of] school in high numbers, departing from an unwelcoming
environment which has been very difficult and holds little prospect for reform
(Curry-Stevens and Coalition of Communities of Color 2013, p. 49).
Other school districts or individual schools should build partnerships with local
organizations of communities of color to support research projects on AIS data
collection, analysis, and reporting. The Coalition of Communities of Color suggests
‘‘African’’ as a racial identifier separate from African American, Caribbean, and
Other Black. Curry-Stevens and Coalition of Communities of Color (2014) provide
a research protocol that can guide school districts and communities as they embark
upon such initiative on data disaggregation to close achievement disparities. To
achieve this goal, school districts and collaborative universities will need resources
and must seek federal funding such as Race to the Top or other state support.

Debunk and Interrogate the AIS’ Model Minority Ascription

Due to the insufficient evidence to support AIS’ academic achievement excellence

in U.S. k-12 schools, it is important to debunk the ‘‘model minority’’ claim. The
‘‘model minority’’ claim disadvantages many AIS in U.S. schools who are

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struggling and are at-risk for failure. Much of the claim of African immigrant
educational success is based on misleading and isolated statistical subgroup. Chow
(2011) challenges educators to take an honest look at how the ‘‘model minority’’
myth plays out in schools and classrooms. He raises questions to guide educators in
debunking and interrogating the myth: ‘‘Does the high achievement of an immigrant
student group make us feel justified in our pedagogy for all students?’’ (n.p.). To
what extent do we believe that, if the Nigerian or Ghanaian immigrant student can
do it, then newcomer or refugee Somali, Sudanese, Liberian, Sierra Leonean, and or
Ethiopian students can do it? Educators must recognize the diversity within the
group. As discussed in the theoretical framework, while AIS may have some
commonalities as Africans, there are also stark differences such as immigration
status, geographic conditions, and economic, linguistic, and religious differences
that impact differently on their schooling and academic outcomes. It is critical to
disaggregate the achievement and performance data of each subgroup in order to
accurately identify their unique abilities and address their needs and challenges.
More importantly, educators must understand the differences between African
Americans and AIS groups. African Americans and African immigrants may be
racially related but are historically, culturally, and linguistically dissimilar.
It is particularly critical and responsible to deconstruct the African immigrant
‘‘model minority’’ label, given the divisiveness it instigates among other ethnic
groups, especially with native-born African Americans. Headlining African
immigrants as America’s new ‘‘model minority’’ contributes to and exacerbates
the divisiveness and hostility between African immigrants and native-born African
Americans. It pits AIS against their native-born African American peers. This
exacerbates the cultural divide and intra-ethnic tensions and conflicts between the
two groups (Arthur 2000; Traore and Lukens 2006). Kperogi (2009) notes that the
news and discourse on African immigrant educational success have spurred some
divisive commentaries and controversy among certain African American profes-
sional elites with specific reference to Harvard University professors, Lani Guinier
and Henry Louis Gates, who have both made divisive comments about African
immigrant students in U.S. colleges and universities. Guinier, a law professor, was
noted to say, ‘‘I don’t think, in the name of affirmative action, we should be
admitting people because they look like us, but then they don’t identify with us.’’
She also asked if ‘‘voluntary’’ immigrants should be the beneficiaries of affirmative
action and called for reevaluation of the affirmative action and admission policies to
ensure that native-born African Americans are the true beneficiaries of the
race/diversity-based policy (Johnson 2005; Kperogi 2009; Page 2004; Rimer and
Arenson 2004). I must note that not all African-American scholars or individuals
hold this anti-African immigrant view.
Further, labeling African immigrants as America’s new ‘‘model minority’’ has
created unfair comparisons between them and their native-born African American
peers. Comparisons have appeared that tend to indict or shame African-American
students whose primary language is English but perform significantly worse on
standardized tests than AIS who are English language learners. For instance, The
Seattle Times (Rosenthal 2011), reporting on the achievement gap between African

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immigrants and native-born African Americans in the Seattle Public Schools,

quoted a staff member’s comment:
Our school has a large proportion of both populations [African immigrants and
native-born African Americans], and most African immigrants are among the
most motivated students in the school. Their parents push them hard and are
supportive of everything we do in school […]. As we know all too well,
African American families don’t exactly share that same trust of our
educational system…It’s unfortunate, it’s sad, but it’s true (n. p.).
In their study, Njue and Retish (2010) referenced a similar comment:
The students [African immigrants] have made good use of what the school has
offered them. References such as the students are ‘‘more respectful,’’ ‘‘more
prepared to learn,’’ and ‘‘more teachable’’ that are heard from teachers are an
indication that the teachers favorably compare them to other racial and ethnic
groups within the school (p. 367).

Call for Culturally Responsive and Globally Competent Teachers

This study highlighted some dehumanizing treatment that AIS receive in U.S. k-12
schools, which affects their academic outcomes. Thus, this study calls for culturally
responsive and globally competent educators who are caring and able to create
respectful and humanizing learning spaces for AIS. Educators must recognize that
making disparaging comments about AIS’ linguistic pattern affects their self-esteem
and learning motivation. Educators must create and use balanced and stereotype-
free instructional content and materials in their classrooms. Teachers should
examine and evaluate instructional materials, especially films and videos, used in
teaching about Africa to eliminate stereotypes or negative images that shame and
dehumanize AIS. Teachers should also engage their classes in deconstructing
negative and biased content and images found in instructional materials and
curriculum. Images harbored by teachers and students that depict Africa as a
backward and ‘‘dark’’ continent, a jungle and a place with starving and emaciated,
skeleton-like people, as a disease-ridden place rife with ‘‘ebola’’ children, must be
interrogated, discountenanced, and discontinued. The African immigrant commu-
nity in Multnomah County Portland, Oregon, made this plea:
Our children need to enter schools where teachers understand their culture and
the conditions of their arrival in the USA. All teachers who engage with our
children need to understand the history, the challenges and the conditions in
which our children encounter their world. Understanding will provide an
important link to reducing the isolation and vulnerability of our children
(Curry-Stevens and Coalition of Communities of Color 2013, p. 9).

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Limitation and Future Research

While this study unpacks important information that is useful for understanding AIS
and the issue of homogenized academic performance and achievement and other
educational experiences in U.S. k-12 schools, it is important to recognize some
limitations that may affect the generalization of the findings. The major limitation of
the study is a lack of comprehensive data for analysis and interpretation. I used the
only data available. The data examined included states and school districts that were
identified in the Pew Research Center and Kids Count Data Book. This means that
school districts with large numbers of African immigrants and students such as in
Minnesota, where data was not provided, were excluded (see Table 1). School
districts in other community contexts such as in suburban or rural areas that AIS
attend were not examined. Another limitation relates to the two data disaggregation
examined. As discussed in the findings, only two school districts’ disaggregated data
was available and used to answer the research questions. Data disaggregation was
by home language or country of origin, which excludes African students born in the
U.S. and speak only English. However, this should not diminish the findings or the
information provided in the paper. Based on the findings and implications of this
research, this study recommends the following areas for further research. The
paucity of research on African immigrants and the increasing presence of their
children in U.S. k-12 schools calls for an urgent response and action. There is an
urgent need for increased, comprehensive, and robust empirical studies on the
academic performance and achievement, and the overall educational experience of
AIS in U.S. k-12 schools. There is a need for research studies that make AIS visible
in U.S. k-12 schools by disaggregating pertinent data such as academic achieve-
ment, graduation rates, participation in enrichment programs such as advanced
placement and honors’ classes, college and career readiness, and dropout rates. I call
on researchers, particularly university faculty to undertake collaborative research
projects such as those undertaken by Portland State University and the Coalition of
Communities of Color in Multnomah County, Portland, Oregon. Following this
study, I am inspired to explore the work of the Coalition of Communities of Color
and the possibility of undertaking a research project on data disaggregation for AIS
in k-12 across the U.S. schools. Educators will be more successful in fostering AIS’
academic achievement, psychological wellbeing, and social integration if they have
a better understanding of who they are, along with their unique schooling and
educational experiences and scholastic performance.

Conclusion

The purpose of this paper is to bring a needed attention to the schooling and
academic achievement realities of AIS in U.S. k-12 schools. The study examined
whether data exist to verify the achievement and performance excellence of AIS in
U.S. k-12 schools to justify the ‘‘model minority’’ claim ascribed to the group.
Although reports show that African immigrants have high levels of educational

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accomplishment, data does not exist to support the educational excellence of AIS in
k-12 schools. Instead, the study revealed that: (1) AIS’ academic achievement and
performance data are homogenized and subsumed under the African American
racial/ethnicity category in state and district databases; (2) a few disaggregated
achievement data for AIS show that even though they outperform their native-born
African American peers, they perform below their Asian and Caucasian peers.
Curry-Stevens and Sinkey (2016), in their report, found that AIS performed below
Asian and Caucasian peers. They noted that even low-income Asian and Caucasian
peers outperformed AIS at all grade levels regardless of their income levels. The
study also reveals that AIS experience marginalization and inequities that negatively
affect their schooling, learning, and achievement. The paper concludes that the
notion of a ‘‘model minority’’ attributed to African immigrants is disingenuous and
a disservice to AIS in U.S. k-12 schools. The idea fails to account for and
understand the stark differences among the group. As others have argued, it is a
racialized ideology used to undermine and vilify other marginalized groups,
particularly African American students or AIS subgroups.
Thus, I first argue that both aggregated and disaggregated data be available for
AIS so that educators and families are informed and can have a better understanding
of their true academic achievement and performance, as well as recognize the
unique needs and challenges they may face in order to best serve them and ensure
their success and social integration. One African immigrant community’s plea
illuminates:
We need accurate and routine information on how our children and youth are
doing in school […]. We ask all school boards […] to adopt the Coalition of
Communities of Color’s Research Protocol that will allow for the progress of
our children to be monitored as a composite group, rather than being rolled
into the data for African Americans (Curry-Stevens et al. 2010, p. 49).
The study is significant and contributes to the limited research on AIS and their
educational and academic realities in the context of U.S. k-12 schools. African
immigrants and their children are one of the fastest growing immigrant groups in the
United States (Anderson 2015). The African working-age population (15–64) is
projected to double and add 700 million more potential workers and emigrants
between 2005 and 2050 (American Community Survey (ACS) 2009; Capps et al.
2011; Ratha et al. 2011). This growth in African immigrant population is significant
for the United States as it contributes to its diversity and, especially, to the Black/
African American population (Konadu-Agyemang and Takyi 2006; Logan 2007).
Unlike the 60s, 70s, and even the early 80s, when most African immigrants came to
the U.S. to receive higher education and returned home, most of today’s African
immigrants are ‘‘voluntary’’ professionals, Diversity Visa Lottery recipients and
refugees who have every intention to not only make the U.S. their home but also to
bring and resettle their immediate and extended relatives. The implication is that
U.S. schools will experience an influx of African immigrant students that must be
effectively prepared in order to foster their educational success and effective
integration and citizenship development. Unfortunately, African immigrant students
in U.S. k-12 schools are understudied and remain an invisible minority group

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(Knight 2011). I concur with other researchers who argue that the future of the
American society depends on what happens to the young people growing up in
immigrant families and the need to invest in their future (Hernandez et al. 2009). As
African immigrant children increasingly become part of the U.S. society and future
members of the workforce, they will constitute an integral part of the U.S. human
capital. Overlooking and ignoring AIS’ schooling and educational experiences in
U.S. k-12 schools, and obscuring their performance and achievement data, could
spell doom for the nation. Homogenizing AIS obscures their true and accurate
performance, and denies them access to quality and equitable education, which
could lead to some devastating educational, political, psychological, and social
outcomes. Disaggregating AIS’ performance and achievement data is critical as data
often informs policymaking, intervention, and change. Serving AIS equitably and
qualitatively in schools ensures their academic success and democratic citizenship
which, in turn, benefits the U.S. society and humanity at large. The article is written
in hopes that it will increase the visibility of African immigrant students in U.S.
k-12 schools, raise awareness about their academic performance and achievement
and school districts’ reporting system, and in particular, create for understanding of
the educational issues they face. Another outcome is that other school districts will
emulate the efforts of the Seattle Research Evaluation Department to improve data
systems and data reporting.

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