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Dean A. Shepherd
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Dean A. Shepherd
Mendoza College of Business
University of Notre Dame
Notre Dame, IN
Dshepherd@nd.edu
I thank JMS for this invitation to explore how COVID 19, and its aftermath, leads us to
highlight five fundamental assumptions of the field that are challenged by COVID 19 that may
require a research pivot, i.e., that may require a change in research direction on specific topics.
First, entrepreneurship research assumes that entrepreneurs are a main force of disruption
(e.g., Schumpeter, 1950). In the current case, it is a virus that caused the disruption. The
disruption will dissipate (I hope), and there will be a new normal (eventually), but presently the
corporate ventures) play in establishing a new normal? In our study of the 2010 earthquake in
Haiti, Trent and I found that local entrepreneurs expressed the desire to “build back better”
(Williams and Shepherd, 2016). However, it is unclear how the “fluidity of everything” affects
entrepreneurial actions to build back a new and better equilibrium, which raises the following:
(1) What will be the “better” as entrepreneurs build it back and from whose perspective? (2)
when prior assumptions appear to no longer apply, and the environment is both highly dynamic
and complex? (3) Who represents the community of inquiry for opportunities in constructing
this new, better normal, and how are they engaged? (4) How are resources acquired and
deployed under such extreme fluidity? (5) Over time, which elements (of the opportunity,
business, community, and environment) are stabilized and which remain fluid, why, and to what
effect?
Second, prior research assumes that technologies and markets have extended periods of
stability that are only infrequently punctuated by disruptions. The spread of COVID may signal
that the magnitude and frequency of adverse events—as disruptions—are on the rise, and there
will be a series of “new normals” rather than an extended period of a new normal.
Entrepreneurship scholars are well-positioned to explore how people, organizations, and nations
effectively respond to these adverse events, and in doing so, contribute to the knowledge of
resilience at and across multiple levels of analysis. Indeed, essential contributions can be made
by further researching the following questions: (1) What are the forms of resourcefulness given
the destruction often caused by adverse events, how are new bundles of resources created, and
how do entrepreneurs circumvent prior and new constraints (legal, organizational, cultural, and
so on) (consistent with bricolage [Baker and Nelson, 2005]) to initiate, engage, and perform
entrepreneurial endeavors? (2) How does the localness of entrepreneurial action and
coordination with outsiders influence the effectiveness of the effort given that many adverse
events are geographically bound? (3) How are new ventures created so rapidly (hours and days
rather than months and years) in the chaos caused by adverse events, what are the consequences
of this rapid emergence for their effectiveness and survival (which may be negatively correlated),
and is this a new normal in which we will see ventures that, by design, are only temporary—
“pop up” ventures? (4) How can people shift their emotions from negative to positive (or
negative adding positive) to enhance creativity and energize entrepreneurial actions in the
context of the suffering, destruction, and separation caused by adverse events, and how do these
entrepreneurial actions create positive emotions and reduce negative emotions in the
entrepreneurs and others? (5) How do communities foster entrepreneurial action to build
community resilience?
Third, scholars have assumed that entrepreneurs are exceptional individuals—an extra-
mean that an individual’s (or an organization’s) attributes are commonplace, and, as a result,
entrepreneurial action is possible anywhere. For example, local victims of the Black Saturday
Bushfires in Australia quickly created new ventures to rapidly deliver customized products and
services that helped alleviate other community members’ suffering (Shepherd and Williams,
2014). Focusing on ordinary entrepreneurs offers the following research questions: (1) What
triggers the ordinary to take entrepreneurial action—is it only local, negative shocks, or are there
other motivators and triggers? (2) How are ordinary attributes deployed for entrepreneurial
action that generates extra-ordinary outcomes—what are the mechanisms and how do they differ
from “special” entrepreneurs? (3) What is the aggregate impact of ordinary individuals’
entrepreneurial actions within a community, and to what extent are these actions coordinated,
mutually dependent, or competitive? (4) How does engaging in entrepreneurial action change
the attributes of the ordinary—do they become less ordinary—and if they do change, in what
ways and to what effect? (5) How do communities generate, nurture, and deploy ordinary
Fourth, prior research has assumed that entrepreneurial careers generate considerable
loneliness (e.g., Gumpert and Boyd, 1984). During the response to the pandemic, we have all
suffered isolation and found ways of dealing with it (with varying success), which stimulates the
following research questions: (1) How can entrepreneurs use recent innovations in making
“remote” social connections to eliminate loneliness and thereby enhance their psychological
well-being? (2) To what extent had entrepreneurs developed capabilities for dealing with the
loneliness pre-COVID that has helped them cope with the social distancing required by COVID,
and do these capabilities promote social connections that enhance venture performance? (3)
Because entrepreneurs have traditionally depended on their social skills in face-to-face meetings,
how are entrepreneurs able to “remotely” create and maintain business connections, that is, what
are the “remote” social skills that are critical in a physically restricted business environment and
how might they apply in a new normal “physical context”? (4) Can we learn from adaptations
made to online dating and prosocial platforms for helping entrepreneurs create new relationships,
especially for prosocial purposes, such as, entering new markets, recruiting human talent,
accessing financial resources, and so on? (5) While entrepreneurs may have been well placed to
deal with the loneliness of COVID (vis-à-vis the population), what are the new vulnerabilities
Finally, prior research assumes that when entrepreneurs fail, it is because of their poor
decisions and actions. In the aftermath of the pandemic (and response), a lot of businesses have
failed, but there is little they could have done to avoid this outcome, which presents a different
set of issues. (1) How can entrepreneurs deploy their ego-protective mechanisms in the face of
business failure to ensure that they maintain high self-esteem and are motivated to try again? (2)
To what extent does the recognition that failure was beyond their control contribute to
and entrepreneurial intentions? (3) Does COVID wipe out a generation of entrepreneurs,
rejuvenate this generation, and/or make way for the next generation of entrepreneurs, that is, as
devastating as the failures are, is there a long-run economic, social, and environmental phoenix
that arises from the ashes of its predecessor? (4) In the context of so many other forms of
suffering (e.g., deaths), what are the emotional reactions to business failure, how are these
emotions regulated, and how do these feelings impact the entrepreneurs and their families? (5)
Despite the harsh conditions, why were some businesses able to survive (and even thrive)—was
it that the survivors were agile and frequently pivoted, or was it simply that they were lucky?
Entrepreneurship has a strong tradition of studying the more fortunate, helping the less
(obviously some worse than others), I hope that future research focuses on how victims of
adversity engage in entrepreneurial actions that help themselves and others. In doing so, these
victim entrepreneurs can eventually drop the label victim and build back a better future for
themselves and enhance resilience in the process. I hope scholars will focus their attention on
the entrepreneurial mechanisms for equilibrating around a new, better future, and the building of
society’s resilience; the ordinary (and unsung) heroes of entrepreneurship; the broader
implications of entrepreneurial action (benefits and costs to a diverse set of stakeholders); the
social innovations that enhance entrepreneurial endeavors and entrepreneurs’ well-being; and the
REFERENCES
Baker, T., and Nelson, R. E. (2005). ‘Creating something from nothing: Resource construction
through entrepreneurial bricolage’. Administrative Science Quarterly, 50(3), 329-366.
Gumpert, D. E., and Boyd, D. P. (1984). ‘The loneliness of the small-business owner’. Harvard
Business Review, 62(6), 18-24.
Schumpeter, J. A. 1950. ‘Capitalism, socialism and democracy’. New York: Harper & Row.
Shepherd, D. A., and Williams, T. A. (2014). ‘Local venturing as compassion organizing in the
aftermath of a natural disaster: The role of localness and community in reducing
suffering’. Journal of Management Studies, 51(6), 952-994.
Williams, T. A., and Shepherd, D. A. (2016). ‘Building resilience or providing sustenance:
Different paths of emergent ventures in the aftermath of the Haiti earthquake’. Academy
of Management Journal, 59(6), 2069-2102.