Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Communalism Riots
Communalism Riots
Communalism Riots
Communal riots are nothing but clashes between two or more communities owing to
clashes of communal interests.
Paul Brass defines riot as a “violent disturbance of peace by an assembly or body of
persons” and a programme as “an organized massacre”
Communal riots are an indicator of socio-cultural difference existing between the
communities
1. There is a violence.
2. Two or more communally different groups confront each other or members of the
group at some point during the violence.
The reason for such a clash could be superficial and trivial, though underlying them are
deeper considerations of political representations, control of and access to resources and
power.
COMMUNAL RIOTS IN INDIA
Communal riots that took place from the 1960s to the 1980s follow a particular pattern.
They have mostly occurred in urban towns which are either industrial belts or trading
centers with the economy largely based on a particular occupation. Most of these places
had a considerable percentage of Muslim population whose political or economic
interests clashed with those of the
Hindus. Moreover, the major riots occurred when the Congress was in power in these
states or during the short and uncertain phase of the Janata Party coalition rule at the
Centre. Riots in this phase might have occurred in the villages or rural areas like the
Biharsharif riots, but they have often remained unreported. Therefore it is important to
distinguish this phase from the 1990s during which the BJP and its sister organizations
have been active in instigating communal riots. Communal violence since 1990s needs
to be seen in the light of the changing political equations in the country. The decline of
the Congress and the emergence of the BJP as a strong political force resulted in shifting
patterns of communal riots. Communal violence in the last two decades is a result of the
manipulation of the religious sentiments of people by the Hindu right-wing
organizations for political gains. The politicization of the Mandir-Masjid issue and the
subsequent demolition of the Mosque gave the BJP the opportunity to consolidate its
vote bank. But in the process the controversy created a communal divide, and frequency
of riots also increased during this time. Since partition, never before has one particular
incident resulted in the emergence of violence in almost all the states. From the 1960s
till 1980 local factors played a very important role in the emergence of riots, but since
the late 1980s this trend seems to be changing. Communal violence has always occurred
when the BJP has wanted to expand its base. In the recent years the South Indian states,
particularly Kerala and Tamilnadu, have also witnessed communal violence and are
slowly growing into communally sensitive areas. This is primarily because of the recent
entrance of BJP in the political arena of these states. Apart from Godhra, the other
incidences of communal violence in the 90s have been minor, yet they cannot be
dismissed. These eruptions of communal violence have not been spontaneous, but are
organized, and often have the support of the local administrations. The state support to
riots is a long established feature in India, yet the state has never been such an active
participant in the violence before the Gujarat riots. Communal violence has entered a
new phase with the Christians and members of other minority religions being made the
victims of planned attacks. Communal riots in this decade have been both urban and
rural features, but the extent of damage is always greater in the thriving centers of trade
and commerce. Tribal population in the rural areas is being forced to get involved in the
attacks on Christians and Muslims by bringing them within the Hindutva framework.
Apart from economic reasons, the call for Hindu unity which is primarily a means to
achieve political advantage is the main source for communal violence in this decade.
Godhra was indeed the first major communal riot that got such a wide media coverage
particularly from the satellite channels. Therefore the media now needs to be more
responsible, considering the influence that it can have over the masses. It is time that the
media stopped any kind of biased reporting as it can further encourage the communal
elements to instigate the masses. Political parties have always had a hand in instigating
and exploiting communal violence so as to meet their electoral interests. Though
communal riots are condemned in various quarters, there is still complete inaction both
from the administration and the ruling governments in many states. Though religious
festivals and processions are generally the starting points of communal riots, still
sufficient security is not provided during these times. There is also not much response
Historical factors
Educational factors
Political factors
Religious factors.
Socio-economic factors
Demographic factors
Psychological factors
Social media factors
FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR COMMUNAL RIOTS
Historical Factors: The history of Partition and the two-nation theory have generated
a deep sense of communalism and lack of mutual trust among both the communities. It
discouraged a harmonious association and peaceful co-existence.
Political Factors: Divide and rule policy practiced by the British and the subsequent
vote-bank politics followed by Indian political parties after Independence have added
to the divide between the communities. Lack of liberal, progressive and modern
attitude in both communities has also weakened the cause of communal harmony.
Religious factors:- Decline in religious norms and secular values • Narrow and
dogmatic religious values • Use of religion for political gains • Communal ideology of
religious leaders.
“...this is the time we have to retaliate, and you have to answer brutality with brutality.”
These sentences spoken by a Muslim and a Hindu, respectively, in Kolkata on the morning of
16 August 1946 serve as ominous harbingers of what the day would bring with itself. Now
known as the ‘Direct Action Day’ or The Great Calcutta Killings, 16 August poised itself
right next to perhaps one of the most important days in Indian history, the day of the
country’s Independence on 15 August, a year later. But unlike the latter, the former stands for
an unprecedented spectacle of hatred and bloodshed.
In 1946, Muhammad Ali Jinnah declared 16 August as ‘Direct Action Day’ and called for
Muslims all over the country to ‘suspend all business’. This was to put pressure on the British
government to relent to the Muslim League’s (headed by Jinnah) demand of dividing the
country on the basis of religion, thereby allowing the creation of a Muslim-dominated
Pakistan.
Partition riots(1947)
The communal violence spread to Bihar (where Hindus attacked Muslims), to Noakhali in
Bengal (where Muslims targeted Hindus), to Garhmukteshwar in the United Provinces
(where Hindus attacked Muslims), and on to Rawalpindi in March 1947 in which Hindus
were attacked or driven out by Muslims.
During the Partition of India, violence against women was an extensive issue. It is
estimated that during the partition between 75,000 and 100,000 women were kidnapped and
raped. . India and Pakistan later worked to repatriate the abducted women. Muslim women
were to be sent to Pakistan and Hindu and Sikh women to India.
Delhi sikh massacre(1984)
The assassination of prime minister Indira Gandhi on October 31, 1984 sparked riots that
lasted 15 days. Several inquiry panels later, eight people were convicted. The politicians and
police got away.
The mayhem began at about 6 p.m. shortly after the death of Indira Gandhi was announced at
the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, Delhi. The news set the tone for a communal
massacre that India hadn't quite witnessed since Independence. Chaos reigned on the streets
and locality after locality in the capital echoed with the shrieks of the dying and burning
people. A fortnight of carnage saw over 2,700 dead and many thousands injured.
"President Zail Singh wanted the army to act, but it didn't. The then prime minister and home
minister did not take his calls," recalls Tarlochan Singh, who was Zail Singh's press secretary.
The worst affected areas were the ones that had elected Congressmen HKL Bhagat and Sajjan
Kumar to the Lok Sabha. Yet the police could do nothing to lay their hands on them.
The riots began on May 21, 1987 and continued for two months. The state police conducted a
probe but all cases were later withdrawn by the state. The armed personnel accused went scot
free.
As with most riots, there are conflicting versions on what set this one off: burning of mills or
a reaction to the carnage by the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) personnel. A majority
claim it was the armed police.
The PAC men wanted to arrest a man from the Hashimpura area but were stopped by a mob.
When the uniformed men tried to force their way in, the crowd became violent. The PAC
called in reinforcements and retaliated instantly. About 40 bodies were later found floating in
the canal near Maliana village. This ignited communal passions and Meerut was soon on fire.
Within hours, over 350 shops in the city and three petrol pumps had been burnt. In the
following two months, 350 people were killed, among them prominent residents including a
doctor from Hapur and an army captain.
Rationality took the backseat as one set of residents instigated massacres against another. It
took several weeks for a 13,000-strong army detachment to restore peace in Meerut. The
Uttar Pradesh government, under pressure from the Rajiv Gandhi government, withdrew
hundreds of cases from district courts in Meerut. As a result, there were no convictions. The
PAC, having terrorised a large section of Meerut, was the biggest gainer-and justice the
biggest loser.
On October 23, 1989 began the month-long riots triggered by police atrocities. Of the 864
cases filed by the police, 535 were closed and most accused acquitted for lack of evidence.
Following police atrocities in 1989, the silk city of Bhagalpur saw massacre and arson in
which over 1,000 people died, nearly 50,000 were displaced and 11,500 houses torched.
In the carnage, an army major herded 100 men, women and children to a house at Chanderi
village and posted the local police for their protection. The next morning, however, he found
the house empty. Four days later, 61 mutilated bodies were found in a nearby pond, among
them a live Malika Bano whose right leg had been chopped off. Bano narrated a story that
continues to haunt Bhagalpur.
On the night of October 27, a frenzied mob took over the house from the police, slaughtered
the people hiding inside and tossed their bodies in the pond. Of the 864 cases registered by
the Bihar Police, chargesheets were filed in only 329 cases. In 100 of these, the accused were
acquitted for want of evidence. Chanderi was no different. Of the 38 accused, only 16 were
convicted and sentenced to rigorous life terms, while 22 were acquitted.
The Babri masjid demolition set off riots between December 1992 and January 1993. The Sri
Krishna panel examined 502 witnesses, but no
police officer has yet been punished.
Hours after the demolition of the Babri masjid, Mumbai erupted. For five days in December
1992 and then again for a fortnight in January, the city witnessed unprecedented riots. As
many as 1,788 people were killed and property worth crores of rupees destroyed.
On January 25, 1993, the Maharashtra government set up the Sri Krishna Commission of
Inquiry, which recorded the evidence of 502 witnesses and examined 2,903 exhibits. But
three years later, on January 23, 1996, the BJP-Shiv Sena government wound up the
commission, only to reinstate it later under public pressure. The commission finally
submitted its report on February 16, 1998. Of the 17 police officers who were formally
charged in mid-2001, not one has been arrested so far. Even departmental action has not been
initiated against them. In April this year, former city police commissioner RD Tyagi and
eight serving police officers accused of killing nine people, were discharged by a Mumbai
sessions court.
On February 27, 2002 suspected Muslim mob attacked a train carrying activists of the
Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) back from the disputed holy site of Ayodhya. The attack left
58 Hindu activists dead.
The episode resulted in major riots, which left many Mulims dead in Gujarat.
CONSEQUENCES OF COMMUNAL CONFLICTS
The greatest sufferers of communal violence are the innocent common people who get
caught inextricably into circumstances beyond their control.
There is an avoidable loss of life and essential public property gets damaged. It lends
to hooliganism, and the situation is often exploited by anti social elements by
plundering and indulging in activities only for their personal gains.
The anti national elements get adequate opportunity to fan anti national feelings and
work on creating an atmosphere to break the cohesiveness of our society.
The atmosphere of uncertainty and internal turmoil dissuades the
Quick and appropriate decisions by the administration. After identifying the type,
stage and gravity of the disturbance, must take immediate actions to mitigate the
losses and be proactive to requisition and move the resources and detain personnel
with provocative behavior.
Police forces especially trained for the purpose must be promptly deployed in
adequate numbers with requisite equipment and proper gear to handle situation at the
physical, as well as emotional level.
During the outbreak of a riot, the local people must be regularly kept updated
regarding the prevailing situation through various forms of media, which must be
controlled to ensure it does not aggravate the situation further.
Prior to the actual buildup of tension, licensed weapons such as
States must maintain emergency funds for the procurement of basic items such as
medicines and food or for compensating the losses of the people.
Cyber police should be watchful of posts made in the social media and websites
carrying any provocative content with the aim of spreading communal tension and
bring to book such people
CONCLUSION
We are aware that communalism is one of the most dangerous threat to Indian democracy and
National integrity. If we do not attempt to curb this evil force this will engulf the harmony of
our country, which will spread like a epidemic. To get justice for every individual in the
country social workers should intervene proactively in this area so that it can create a society
which will give justice and provide human conditions for living.
Communal violence is common now days throughout the world. Communal violence and
riots have also been called non-State conflict, violent civil or minorities unrest, mass racial
violence, social or inter-communal violence and ethno-religious violence.
However, while religious contestations are ubiquitous in India they do not always lead to
riots. In late colonial princely north India, the focus of this study, Hindus and Muslims were
forever testing the boundaries of each other’s civic tolerance, but these contestations rarely
spilled over into physical violence. Most remained transient and verbal. Of the rest, many
ended with one or both of the parties agreeing to back down; while others were resolved
formally through the mediation of responsible community elders. The evidence from the
states is that Indians in colonial times were keenly aware of the destructive potential of
collective violence and strove to organise their religious practices in such a way as to
minimise, as far as possible, the risk of it. The message I get from field studies is that this
spirit persists in many South Asian villages and towns. Communal rioting may now be an
endemic phenomenon in the region; yet the incidence of such riots, in India at least, is
scattered and erratic. It is easy to understand why, despite their relative rarity, most
scholarship on communalism has focussed on riot events rather than on the times and places
where they are absent. Violence is dramatic and lends itself to a good story. Moreover,
because riots are usually widely reported, often generating official inquiries and court cases,
they offer glimpses into the deeper recesses of society. This makes them a handy analytical
entry point for scholars looking to provide a ‘thick’ description of local social structures and
processes. However, in concentrating on riot events, we miss what was, and is, typical about
communal relations in South Asia. More importantly, we risk becoming blinded to the many
ties that bind face-to-face communities in the region together. Indeed, one wonders whether
our efforts to understand the phenomenon of communalism as it affects the region, worthy as
they are, have not, ultimately, been directed towards the wrong goal.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057%2F9780230005983_6
http://nagarikmancha.org/images/1242-Documents-Communal_Riots_in_India.pdf
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13602000601141323?
journalCode=cjmm20
https://www.hindustantimes.com/india/chronology-of-communal-violence-in-
india/story-jJtcgvxFYh5N3jhSw7H4KN.html