M a r c h 2 1 , 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

The Developing Pattern of the Congress Party

C N Bhalerao
While the Congress Party has attempted to modernise and democratise the country, the politics of the
party is directed more to capturing power and strengthening it than to establishing a democratic and open
society based on effective popular participation in politics.
The almost complete control of the party on politics and society leads to increasing powers of the
executive and frustrates individual freedom and popular participation in politics.
It is true that the party plays an important role in the development of the country, but because of its
failure to organise its power this role becomes subservient to its power politics.
The fundamental problem in India, as in other developing countries is to establish a responsible nati-
onal political process in which there is greater consistency between power and values. In the next decade or
so the Congress Party in India will increasingly have to face this challenge.

A F T E R w i n n i n g Independence the
Congress Party in India was
faced w i t h the task of carving out
a modern, democratic State f r o m a
t r a d i t i o n a l society. The p a r t y star-
ted w i t h a clear definition of the
aims and purposes of the new State
—Sovereignty of the People, Con-
stitutional Democracy and Funda-
mental Rights. An inherited stable
governmental machinery and ad-
ministrative structure, the adoption
of p a r l i a m e n t a r y and federal gov-
ernment and the setting up of the
P l a n n i n g Commission provided the
f o r m a l apparatus w i t h which these
purposes could be realised. All that
was needed was organisation and
drive to give content to the consti-
tutional forms by b u i l d i n g up an
institutional continuum that w o r l d
lay the basis of a modern, democra-
tic State.
R o u g h l y after 1955, when the
new linguistic States were carved
out, the Congress leaders became
complacent about the working
of democratic-parliamentary govern
merit in I n d i a . This complacency
was largely due to the ineffective-
ness of the opposition parties and
the successful implementation of the
First Five-Year P l a n . On the other
hand, the p e r i o d after 1955 was a h -
marked by a g r o w i n g concern over
fissiparous tendencies in the political
sphere and the slow progress of
development programmes. T h i s led
to the rise of what R a j n i K o t h a r i
calls " r o m a n t i c politics". The Con-
gress became pre-occupied w i t h for-
m u l a t i n g blue-prints for modernisa-
t i o n such as 'socialistic pattern of
society', 'cooperative commonwealth'
and 'democratic decentralisation'
and showed great concern over the
forces of regionalism, casteism and
l i n g u i s m in p u b l i c institutions, ln
f o r m u l a t i n g these Utopian program-
mes of action, the Congress d i d not
have to face the challenge of an
organised opposition and consequen-
t l y the work of i n s t i t u t i o n - b u i l d i n g
was not based on a searching ana
scientific study of social issues. The
period f r o m the beginning of the
nineteen sixties forms another stage
in the development of the Congress
during post-Independence period.
T h i s p e r i o d is m a r k e d by an intense
struggle for power between the orga-
nisational and the governmental
wings of the p a r t y , between various
factions of the party and between
urban and r u r a l leadership. W h i l e
the Congress leadership is seized of
the p r o b l e m of power-conflicts in
the p a r t y , it has not yet undertaken
a c r i t i c a l self-examination except in
a peripheral way. The recent rever-
ses of the p a r t y in the parliamentary
bye-elections at A m r o h a , Farrukka-
bad and Rajkot have given a j o l t
to the party, resulting in the adop-
t i o n of the K a m r a j Plan for the re-
organisation of the p a r t y . W h i l e it
is for the Congress leadership to
assess the adequacy of the K a m r a j
P l a n , it w o u l d be useful for an
understanding of the p o l i t i c a l pro-
cess in India to begin by e x a m i n i n g
the emerging structure of power in
the r u l i n g party and its consequen-
ces for society and government.
Factions and Divisions
The Congress was a united and
closely-knit party before indepen-
dence o w i n g m a i n l y to its devotion
to the goal of independence. Com-
mon aspirations of the leaders and
the rank and file of the party d i d
not p e r m i t any d i s i n t e g r a t i n g or
fissiparous forces w i t h i n the party.
However, after Independence, the
u n i t y w i t h i n the p a r t y began to
weaken. I n order to f i l l the power-
vacuum after the B r i t i s h left,
the p a r t y had to be based on the
existing socio-economic forces and
get closer to society. This process
is marked by two opposing features.
The westernised elite of the Con-
gress Party has attempted to stren-
gthen national unity, to modernise
the country, and to operate p o l i t i c a l
and governmental institutions in
order to lay the basis for democracy
in I n d i a . On the other hand, the
regional and local leaders are weak-
ening the forces that make for na-
tional u n i t y by strengthening caste-
ism, regionalism and l i n g u i s m ;
their t r a d i t i o n a l politics obstructs
the process of modernisation and
democratisation. In essence the con-
flict in the Congress Party is bet-
ween modern and t r a d i t i o n a l for-
ces, between the p o l i t i c s of moder-
nisation and the politics of power
in a traditional society.
A major characteristic of the
Congress Party is its all-pervasive
factionalism f r o m the M a n d a l Con-
gress Committee to the All-India
Congress Committee. Factions w h h -
in the r u l i n g party constitute the
operative p o l i t i c a l categories in
I n d i a and provide the substantive
context of the p o l i t i c a l process. The
factions organised on different lines
but w o r k i n g at a l l levels of the
Congress organization, have their
o w n structure and lines of commu-
nication and f o r m a complex system
of decision-making based on pres-
sure, adjustment and accommodation.
At the local level factions are based
on caste, kinship and personal l o y a l -

563
M a r c h 2 1 , 1964
ties, the last being the most i m p o r -
tant. At the State and national
levels, power positions a n d regional
and caste interests influence the
f o r m a t i o n of factions. These fac-
tions cut across f o r m a l l y established
institutions, the t r a d i t i o n a l divisions
of society and sometimes p a r t y lines.
The most important f o r m of the
faction system w i t h i n the Congress
Party is the struggle for power bet-
ween the governmental haves and
the organisational have-nots at the
State and national levels. Rajni
K o t h a r i describes this conflict w i t h -
in the Congress as "the two p a r t y
system that is r e a l l y emerging in
I n d i a " . 1 Indeed the organisational
w i n g of the p a r t y does act in a
manner t r a d i t i o n a l l y associated w i t h
opposition parties. Its members make
representation on behalf of aggrie-
ved interests; it publicises its dis-
satisfaction w i t h the government; it
attempts to w i n a m a j o r i t y in the
legislature; and it canvasses exten-
sively d u r i n g the election to the
A l l - I n d i a Congress Committee, the
High C o m m a n d and the Pradesh
Election Committees. The organisa-
tional w i n g was t i l l now regarded
as i n f e r i o r to the governmental
w i n g since it does not c o m m a n d
power a n d prestige. But now the
organisational w i n g is asserting it-
self. At the national level, the gov-
ernmental w i n g has succeeded in
r e t a i n i n g control over the most
powerful committees w i t h i n the Con-
gress — the H i g h C o m m a n d , the
A I C C and the Central Parliamen-
t a r y B o a r d ; but the organisational
w i n g is g a i n i n g a position of stren-
gth by c o n t r o l l i n g and m a k i n g poli-
tical use of the affiliated agencies of
the Congress like the Seva D a l , the
Y o u t h Congress and the M a h i l a
Congress.
Indiscipline
The organisational w i n g has been
successful to some extent at the
State level, though even there it s t i l l
continues to be neglected. 2 In four
States (Madras in 1954, A n d h r a in
1956, B o m b a y in 1956 and U t t a r
Pradesh in 1 9 6 0 ) . the Presidents of
the Pradesh Congress Committees
were made Chief M i n i s t e r s and
after the 1962 General Elections,
the leaders of the organisational
w i n g challenged the ministries for
power in M a d h y a Pradesh, Mysore
and G u j a r a t . In the D i s t r i c t , the
organisational w i n g is very weak
561
a n d the view is generally h e l d that
the office-bearers of the D i s t r i c t and
M a n d a l Congress Committees do
not possess any real power. It is
being realised that real power re-
sides not in the organisational w i n g ,
not even in the State legislature,
but in the Panchayat bodies, co-
operative institutions, m u n i c i p a l i t i e s
and Government-subsidised v o l u n t a r y
agencies. In general the neglect of
the organisational w i n g at the State
and D i s t r i c t levels o w i n g to its i n -
ferior power position in r e l a t i o n to
the governmental w i n g has given
rise to g r o w i n g i n d i s c i p l i n e w i t h i n
the p a r t y .
This does not mean that one w i n g
is u n i t e d against the other. In both
the wings there are factional group-
ings b u i l t around personalities and
ideologies. 3 The organisational w i n g
at the centre, for example, was d i -
vided into such factions as the H i n -
d u - m i n d e d and secularist groups,
the groups formed for securing the
Deputy Leadership of the p a r t y in
1961 or the rightist and leftist
groups. These groups interact in
an intricate manner, governmental
factions seeking support f r o m the
organisational factions and vice
versa.
New Regional Elite
A n o t h e r cleavage in the p a r t y is
constituted by the conflict between
the n a t i o n a l party leaders and
the new regional elites. 4 W i t h
the f o r m a t i o n of l i n g u i s t i c States
and the i n t r o d u c t i o n of regional
languages in the administration
and universities, there is grow
i n g a cadre of regional and local
leaders w h i c h is more in tune w i t h
t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c s . A l r e a d y i n the
State legislatures a large b u l k of
speeches is delivered in regional
languages; and some ministers
know o n l y their mother tongue.
Selig H a r r i s o n has cogently shown
that both history and the r e a l i t y of
l o c a l life in I n d i a p o i n t to a struc-
ture o f p o l i t i c a l power i n w h i c h
the new regional elites w i l l increas-
i n g l y corner c o m m a n d i n g positions.
This trend is b e g i n n i n g to under-
mine the u n i f y i n g r o l e of the cen-
tral leadership of the Congress
Party and is f o r c i n g it to adjust
more and m o r e to the compulsions
of regional politics.
Finally, the dynamics of the
struggle for power of the Congress
has also intensified casteism in the
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
body p o l i t i c . Caste forms the bases
of party factions, parliamentary
lobbies a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e espirit
de corps. B e h i n d the choice of
candidates for elections, there is
seen a calculated caste a p p e a l ; in
t u r n the successful candidate is ex-
pected to c h a m p i o n the interests of
his caste. The d o m i n a n t castes are
w e l l represented in the Congress
P a r t y and c o n t r o l p o l i t i c a l power
at the State level and even m o r e '
generally at the lower levels. 5 T h i s
is not to say that the Congress
politics is o n l y an epiphenomenon
or a reflection of the prevailing
structure of society. Recent studies
indicate that secular a n d p o l i t i c a l
forces are m a k i n g inroads in the
traditional structure of society.
P o l i t i c a l organisation and leadership
constantly cut across t r a d i t i o n a l
loyalties and cleavages, assume an
autonomy of their own and create
new loyalties and cleavages. 6 It is
thus clear thai w h i l e casteism plays
an i m p o r t a n t role in the power p o l i -
tics of the Congress, the party also
secularises the caste loyalties and
cleavages and acts as a modernising
social force.
The Party and Society
The r e l a t i o n between the Congress
P a r t y and society 7 can be under-
stood by e x a m i n i n g how far the
p r e v a i l i n g structure of p o l i t i c a l
c o m m u n i c a t i o n and recruitment en-
able the assimilation of society's
needs and interests into the frame-
w o r k of institutions which it has
established. It is now w e l l - k n o w n
that the p o l i t i c a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n
between the party leaders and the
people in I n d i a is too general and
amorphous and is not based on spe-
cific interests, issues and policies.
The politics of the party is an auto-
nomous process h a v i n g a periphe-
r a l and general relation to the
issues arid interests of society. T h i s
is because of the lack of account-
a b i l i t y of politics to society. The
p o l i t i c a l leaders depend for their
continuation in office not on the
f u l f i l m e n t of the p r o g r a m m e placed
before the people, but on the local
potentates, the 'key m e n ' w h o con-
t r o l pockets of power in society and
who constitute the ' v o t i n g banks'.
This has led to the emergence of a
new species of p o l i t i c a l i n t e r m e d i -
aries who w i e l d social and economic
power, men who can cajole, coerce
or i n t i m i d a t e the local voters i n t o
casting the vote for this or t h a t
March 21, 1964
candidate. W h e n a voter casts h i s
vote, it is not based on any v e r d i c t
o n the o u t g o i n g government n o r
does the e l e c t o r a l m e c h a n i s m re-
flect the voters' consent to the p r o -
grammes or j u d g m e n t on the c o m -
petence of i n d i v i d u a l s contesting
in the elections. T h e mechanics of
a c q u i r i n g p o l i t i c a l power is so gear-
ed that it is not necessary to have
the a p p r o v a l of the people. Indeed
the spectacle of an u n p o p u l a r lea-
der c o n t i n u i n g in power unaffected
by p u b l i c o p i n i o n is not i n f r e q u e n t .
The p o l i t i c a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n bet-
ween the p a r t y a n d society is thus
e x t r e m e l y general and a m o r p h o u s .
P o l i t i c a l recruitment i n the p a r t y
has also a structure of its o w n . It
is based more on the need to w i n
power t h a n on the need to b u i l d up
a f u n c t i o n i n g h i e r a r c h y of p o l i t i c a l
cadres a n d an effective p o l i t i c a l
machine. The p a r t y dynamics does
not encourage the e n t r y of persons
who c o u l d strengthen the organiza-
tion. Indeed the most vigorous of
the i n t e l l e c t u a l l y endowed and high-
ly educated go into a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ,
science, technology, teaching, jour-
n a l i s m and i n d u s t r y ; they have 'no
a t t r a c t i o n for politics because of the
insecurity of p o l i t i c a l office and the
fear of being steamrolled into the
operative standards of the party.
The p o l i t i c a l leadership that emer-
ges at different levels in the party
is, consequently, not the most com-
petent available in society. It is
f a i l u r e on this f r o n t w h i c h explains
f a i l u r e on m a n y f r o n t s — in econo-
m i c development, in a d m i n i s t r a t i o n
and local government, in the a p p l i -
cation of research and in m o b i l i s i n g
p u b l i c cooperation. Thus the stme-
ture of both p o l i t i c a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n
and r e c r u i t m e n t of the party does
not enable the needs a n d interests
of society to he assimilated in the
f r a m e w o r k of existing institutions.
This has led to a wide cleavage bet-
ween the party and society. 8
Politicisation of Society
It is p a r a d o x i c a l that w h i l e the
cleavage between the p a r t y a n d soci-
ety has w i d e n e d , the c o n t r o l of the
f o r m e r on the latter has increased
r e s u l t i n g in the p o l i t i c i s a t i o n of
social processes. T h i s results f r o m
the p e c u l i a r position occupied by
the p a r t y p o l i t i c i a n in society. The
p o l i t i c i a n in I n d i a c o n t r o l s all ave-
nues of p o w e r . Office-bearers of the
Congress Party man all agencies
devoted to development w o r k , t h e i r
nominees f i n d representation on the
g o v e r n i n g bodies of educational i n -
stitutions, most charitable
w h i c h r u n schools and hospitals are
in their hands, t h e i r women take
charge of most social w e l f a r e orga-
nisations and are a b l e to p r o c u r e
substantial grants, and they or t h e i r
kins become the authorised dealers
of government products, issue licen-
ces and fix quotas. The patronage
of the Congress boss extends f a r a n d
wide. A n y o n e who wants a seat in
a college or a licence to r u n a l o r r y
or p e r m i t f o r cement is at his mer-
cy. He c o n t r o l s the panchayats,
various cooperative institutions,
m u n i c i p a l i t i e s a n d other local agen-
cies. 9 He and his p o l i t i c a l collea-
gues in the government collect p a r t y
f u n d s f r o m local and other indus-
trialists and are able to oblige them
in r e t u r n . T h i s m o n o p o l i s a t i o n of
power by the Congress boss and his
alliance with industrialists creates
vast scope for c o r r u p t i o n , influence
and patronage. He also wields in-
fluence on local administration
w h i c h is a f r a i d of h i m because of
his connections w i t h m i n i s t e r s a n d
higher-ups in the p a r t y . I n d e e d , as
Professor D R G a d g i l has s h o w n ,
the t r i u m v e r a t e of the Congress p o l i -
t i c i a n , the industrialist and the c i v i l
servant forms the r u l i n g class of
society. 1 0 If this trend increases,
the Congress party w i l l develop i n t o
a m o n o l i t h i c p a r t y , an imperium in
imperio. controlling all vantage
positions of p o l i t i c a l , social a n d eco-
nomic power and s i g n a l i s i n g the
end of progress towards a democra-
tic p a r t y system.
Its Consequences for Government
T h e Constitution of I n d i a sets up
a d e m o c r a t i c , p a r l i a m e n t a r y and fe-
deral structure of government and
her c i v i l service laws establish a po-
l i t i c a l l y neutral c i v i l service. The
w o r k i n g o f the I n d i a n government
and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n f o r the last four-
teen years, however, shows that it
bypasses the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l forms and
gives rise to u n i q u e features w h i c h
reflect those of the r u l i n g party and
the p a r t y system. The framework
of government a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n
is the same but its operative catego-
ries are different.
F i r s t l y , though the Congress P a r t y
dominates the p o l i t i c a l process the
factions of the p a r t y p e r m i t accom-
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
m o d a t i o n of different points of view
and interests and consequently
achieve m u c h flexibility. T h e real
trusts o p p o s i t i o n that operates in I n d i a is
n o t against the Congress but w i t h -
in the Congress and in this pro-
cess the o p p o s i t i o n parties also
p l a y some r o l e . T h e p a r t y factions
of the Congress also prevent exces-
sive concentration of power w i t h i n
the p a r t y and the o p e r a t i o n of M i t -
chel's I r o n Law o f O l i g a r c h y . The
consequence of this f o r government
is that the policies of the government
are not dictated by cabinet and p a r t y
leaders but are generally based on
the view-points of different factions
and interests w i t h i n the p a r t y ; if the
g o v e r n m e n t a l p o l i c y is dictated by
a few cabinet and party leaders, it
is subject to change as a result of
the pressures w h i c h may be exer-
cised by different factions. As aga-
inst this, f a c t i o n a l i s m in the p a r t y
results i n i n s t a b i l i t y i n p u r s u i n g
policies and an increase in the size
of cabinets.
Caste and Cabinets
T h e d o m i n a n t castes and m a j o r
p a r t y factions are w e l l represented
in the cabinets. T h i s basis of con-
s t i t u t i n g the highest executive o r g a n
of government does n o t always con-
f o r m to the c r i t e r i o n of competence
and a b i l i t y . Even w i t h r e g a r d t e
the U n i o n Cabinet, as an observer
points out, few ministers have been
appointed on grounds of competence
alone, fewer s t i l l have been removed
on grounds of incompetence alone. 1 1
In c o n s t i t u t i n g his Cabinet the P r i m e
M i n i s t e r has to take i n t o account
regional and c o m m u n a l representa-
t i o n ; his choice of ministers is also
governed by personal considerations.
The result is governmental leader-
ship at the centre and in the States
w h i c h is g e n e r a l l y weak in the
grasp of g o v e r n m e n t a l and a d m i n i -
strative processes a n d unable to
tackle issues in a scientific and tho-
rough manner. In this connection
Dr C D D e s h m u k h has r i g h t l y poin-
ted out that the basic p r o b l e m in
I n d i a is that of leadership in p o l i t i -
cs and government and has sugges-
ted that the r u l i n g p a r t y should
utilise the services of able persons
f r o m outside the p a r t y .
The C o n s t i t u t i o n envisages a fe-
deral p o l i t y w h i c h , w h i l e b a l a n c i n g
the autonomy of the States with
national interests, gives some more
565
March 21, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

powers to the Centre. This federal ruling party. T h e Congress H i g h M i n i s t r i e s , a n d v a r i o u s c e n t r a l agen-

relationship is. however, operation- C o m m a n d , the P l a n n i n g Commis- cies w h i c h give grants-in-aid to the
a l l y governed by the need for eco- sion, the U n i o n M i n i s t r y o f C o m m u - States introduce a centralisation
nomic d e v e l o p m e n t a n d the pres- nity Development, P a n c h a y a t i Raj w h i c h is e x t r a - c o n s t i t u t i o n a l . Se-
sures and adjustments w i t h i n the and Cooperation a n d other U n i o n c o n d l y , the p a r t y consultations and
 March 21, 1964
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

conferences w i t h i n the Congress such earlier that t h o u g h the o p p o s i t i o n t i c a l influences a n d considerations

as the meetings of P C C Chiefs or
between the State Chief M i n i s t e r s
and Union M i n i s t e r s w h o share
c o m m o n loyalties a n d allegiances,
a n d d e p u t a t i o n s f r o m the Congress
H i g h C o m m a n d t o the States p r o -
vide the operative context i n w h i c h
m a j o r decisions are t a k e n . A l o n g
d r a w n - o u t process of d e l i b e r a t i o n ,
adjustment and decision-making
takes place w i t h i n t h i s f r a m e w o r k
a n d it cuts across the c o n s t i t u -
t i o n a l d i v i s i o n o f powers between
the Centre a n d the States in I n d i a .
T h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l f e d e r a l i s m is fur-
ther c o n s i d e r a b l y affected by the
emergence of r e g i o n a l leadership as
a result of the f o r m a t i o n of l i n g u i -
stic states.
Implications for Parliamentary
System
T h e e m e r g i n g p a t t e r n of the Con-
gress P a r t y and p a r t y p o l i t i c s i n
I n d i a also influence the w o r k i n g of
parliamentary government. Theo-
r e t i c a l l y , p a r l i a m e n t a r y government
is based on p o l i t i c a l homogeneity of
the cabinet, its collective responsibi-
l i t y to the l e g i s l a t u r e a n d the exis-
tence o f a n opposition. In India's
e m e r g i n g p a r l i a m e n t a r y system of
government, c o l l e c t i v e responsibi-
l i t y of the cabinet to the legislature
is not a l w a y s observed. T h i s is be-
cause of the lack of u n i t y and
h o m o g e n e i t y in the Central and
State Ministries. They resemble
m o r e a c o a l i t i o n of r e g i o n a l a n d
p o l i t i c a l interests t h a n a cohesive
group united b y c o m m o n loyal-
ties. T h i s is more m a r k e d at the
State level where the s t r u g g l e bet-
ween the o r g a n i s a t i o n a l and govern-
m e n t a l w i n g s of the p a r t y and fac-
tions compel diverse interests to be
accommodated. M o r e o v e r , the con-
centration o f power i n the " i n n e r "
cabinets reduces the position of the
M i n i s t e r t o t h a t o f the D e p a r t m e n t a l
Secretary w h o i m p l e m e n t s the deci-
sion or p o l i c y t r a n s m i t t e d to h i m .
At the Centre, the p o w e r f u l persona-
l i t y o f the P r i m e M i n i s t e r and his
charismatic leadership does lend
some h o m o g e n e i t y a n d team spirit
to the cabinet, a l t h o u g h even the
C e n t r a l Cabinet is sometimes i n t e r -
n a l l y d i v i d e d . A g a i n , the c a b i n e t
M i n i s t e r s i n I n d i a are m o r e respon-
sible t o the C h i e f o r P r i m e M i n i s t e r
t h a n t o the l e g i s l a t u r e . W i t h r e g a r d
t o the o p p o s i t i o n i t was p o i n t e d out
p a r t i e s a n d interest g r o u p s i n society appear to be at w o r k in the day-to-
do p r o v i d e criticism against the day w o r k i n g o f the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n
Congress, the real opposition comes i n w h i c h police a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s not
f r o m w i t h i n the Congress. I n this the least i m p o r t a n t , the a p p o i n t -
o p p o s i t i o n , the H e a d of the State, ments to h i g h a d m i n i s t r a t i v e offices
prominent i n d i v i d u a l s outside the l i k e m e m b e r s h i p o f P u b l i c Service
m i n i s t r y a n d the p a r l i a m e n t a r y com- Commissions and statutory bodies,
mittees p l a y a n i m p o r t a n t r o l e . Thus a n d p r o m o t i o n s and transfers o f c i v i l
the e m e r g i n g p a r l i a m e n t a r y govern- servants. T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of Pan-
m e n t i n I n d i a i s one w h i c h i s m o r e c h a y a t Raj in I n d i a may further
a n a m a l g a m o f the B r i t i s h , A m e r i - lead to a drastic change in the rela-
can a n d c o n t i n e n t a l systems of go- t i o n s h i p between a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d
v e r n m e n t t h a n an exact r e p l i c a of p o l i t i c s at the l o w e r levels.
the B r i t i s h p a r l i a m e n t a r y system.
W h i l e in the present phase of
Administration De-bureaucratised p o l i t i c a l development i n I n d i a the
organisation and drive available
One of the p r o b l e m s in develop-
through coordination of work
i n g societies is that in the absence of
t h r o u g h the Congress P a r t y and the
sufficient channels of democratic
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n is useful, the danger
p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the bureau-
is t h a t the l a t t e r w i l l become h e a v i l y
cratic and r a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of
politicised a n d m a y v i r t u a l l y become
g o v e r n m e n t get p o l i t i c i z e d . 1 2 It has
a n a r m o f the r u l i n g party. The
been noted e a r l i e r that between the
o n l y w a y to arrest this t r e n d is to
r u l i n g p a r t y and society i n India
b u i l d up active channels of c o m m u -
there exists a wide cleavage a n d that
n i c a t i o n both w i t h i n the a d m i n i s t r a -
p o p u l a r p a r t i c i p a t i o n in politics is
t i o n and between the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n
generally l i m i t e d to casting votes
a n d the p u b l i c a n d to encourage the
only. Consequently, the p o l i t i c a l
g r o w t h of v o l u n t a r y interest groups
process that takes place in I n d i a is
i n society. T h i s a p p r o a c h t o i n s t i t u -
largely independent of the needs,
t i o n - b u i l d i n g is f a r more basic t h a n
aspirations a n d anxieties of the peo-
which is followed in establishing
ple. In the absence of e x p l i c i t chan-
bodies l i k e the V i g i l a n c e Units or
nels for popular p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a -
Ombudsman.
t i o n , the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n in I n d i a is
b e c o m i n g de-bureaueratised and p o l i - Power and Values
ticised. It is clear t h a t w h i l e the Cong-
ress P a r t y has attempted to m o d e r -
The r u l i n g p a r t y controls p r a c t i -
nise and democratise the c o u n t r y ,
cally the e n t i r e field of p l a n n i n g
the p o l i t i c s of the p a r t y is directed
and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The Planning
more to the need f o r c a p t u r i n g po-
Commission w h i c h is m o r e p o l i t i c a l
wer a n d s t r e n g t h e n i n g it than to es-
t h a n professional in character and
t a b l i s h i n g a d e m o c r a t i c a n d open
w h i c h is a small e d i t i o n of the go-
society based on the f r e e d o m of the
v e r n m e n t itself, and other p l a n n i n g
individual and effective popular
bodies are closely l i n k e d un w i t h
participation in politics. The almost
the A I C C and the W o r k i n g Com-
t o t a l i t a r i a n c o n t r o l o f the p a r t y o n
mittee. The personnel of the p a r t y
p o l i t i c s a n d society leads to increas-
man most of the Panchayati R a j
i n g powers of the executive and
bodies, cooperative institutions and frustrates i n d i v i d u a l f r e e d o m a n d
o t h e r local a u t h o r i t i e s , provide in- popular participation in politics. It
f o r m a t i o n t o government officials a n d is t r u e that the p a r t y p l a y s an i m -
a c t i v e l y collaborate i n s o l v i n g local p o r t a n t r o l e i n the development o f
problems. The Congress P a r t y has the c o u n t r y , b u t because of its
evolved a m a c h i n e r y of consultation f a i l u r e to organise its p o w e r this
and communication between the r o l e becomes subservient to its
p a r t y and the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n at the power politics. The fundamental
Pradesh, D i s t r i c t and T a l u k a levels p r o b l e m s i n I n d i a a s i n o t h e r deve-
a n d has also attempted c o o r d i n a t i o n l o p i n g countries is to establish a res-
of effort between the party and p o n s i b l e n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l process
official agencies l i k e the c o m m u n i t y in w h i c h there is a greater consist-
development administration and ency between power a n d values. I n
non-official b u t nonetheless officially the next decade or so the Congress
sustained organisations like the Party in India w i l l increasingly
B h a r a t Sevak S a m a j . Further, poli- have to face this c h a l l e n g e .

567
 March 21, 1964 THE
Politics i n I n d i a i n c r e a s i n g l y i m - Congress Party" Marcus F Franda,
pinges on society and tends to be- Pacific Affairs.Vol XXXV, No 3, Fall
1962.
come t o t a l i t a r i a n . T h e reason f o r
See Nandan kagal's "In Perspective:
this is the absence of an i n s t i t u t i o n a l The High Command ", The Times of
or socio-cultural infra-structure India, July 25, 1963.
8
built around voluntary organisa- 4
"India: The Most Dangerous Decades",
t i o n s : social power is not dispersed Selig S Harrison, Princeton, New Jer-
among i n s t i t u t i o n s but is concent- sey, 1960.
5 C II Phillips, George Allen & Unwin
rated in the r u l i n g p a r t y . Such vo- M N Srinivas, "Caste in Modern India
l u n t a r y interest groups and organi- and Other Essays" Asia Publishing 9
House. 1961 and "Changing Institu-
sations imbibed with democratic
tions and Values in Modern India".
valuer alone can lay the basis of The Economic Weekly, Annual Num-
10
d e m o c r a c y in I n d i a , p r o v i d e suste- ber. February 1962.
nance to her d e m o c r a t i c p o l i t i c a l 6
Rajni kothari and Tarun Sheth, "Stu-
11
i n s t i t u t i o n s and m o b i l i s e p u b l i c co- dies in Voting Behaviour: Extent and
operation f o r economic development. Limits of Community Voting — The
Case of Baroda East". The Economic
Weekly, September 15. 1962. 12
Notes 7
1 The analysis made here is based ou
"Party System", The Economic Week- Rajni Kothari's paper on "Social Tra-
ly, June 3, 1961. ditions and Political Leadership; Some
2 "
Organizational Development of India's Problems of Articulation in Indian
ECONOMIC WEEKLY
Polities" read at the International
Political Science Association Seminar
in Bombay, January, 1964 and his
other paper on "India's Political Take-
Off", The Economic Weekly, Annual
Number, February, 1962
F G Bailey's paper on "Politics and
Society in Contemporary Orissa" in
"Polities and Society in India", (Ed)
Ltd, London, 1963.
Rajni Kothari, "Prospects for Democ-
racy," The Economic Weekly, June 10,
1961.
See his Convocation Address delivered
at the Nagpur University in 1962.
Nandan Kapal, " I n Perspective: Mr
Nehru's Cabinet", The Times of
India, June 28, 1963.
See Lucian W Pye's paper on "The
Political Implications of Urbanization
and the Development Process" read at
the U N Conference in Geneva in Feb-
ruary 1963.