A Handbook of Biblical Hebrew

A HANDBOOK OF BIBLICAL HEBREW
A Handbook of
Biblical Hebrew A Handbook of
Biblical Hebrew is studied worldwide by university students, seminarians, and
the educated public. It is also studied, almost universally, through a single prism—
that of the Tiberian Masoretic tradition, which is the best attested and most widely
Biblical Hebrew
available tradition of Biblical Hebrew. Thanks in large part to its endorsement by
Maimonides, it also became the most prestigious vocalization tradition in the Middle
Ages. For most, Biblical Hebrew is synonymous with Tiberian Biblical Hebrew.
There are, however, other vocalization traditions. The Babylonian tradition was
widespread among Jews around the close of the first millennium CE; the tenth-
VOLUME 1: PERIODS, CORPORA,
century Karaite scholar al-Qirqisani reports that the Babylonian pronunciation was
in use in Babylonia, Iran, the Arabian peninsula, and Yemen. And despite the fact that
AND READING TRADITIONS
Yemenite Jews continued using Babylonian manuscripts without interruption from
generation to generation, European scholars learned of them only towards the middle
of the nineteenth century. Decades later, manuscripts pointed with the Palestinian
vocalization system were rediscovered in the Cairo Genizah. Thereafter came the
discovery of manuscripts written according to the Tiberian-Palestinian system and,
perhaps most importantly, the texts found in caves alongside the Dead Sea.
What is still lacking, however, is a comprehensive and systematic overview of the
different periods, sources, and traditions of Biblical Hebrew. This handbook provides
VOLUME 1
students and the public with easily accessible, reliable, and current information in
English concerning the multi-faceted nature of Biblical Hebrew. Noted scholars
in each of the various fields contributed their expertise. The result is the present
two-volume work. The first contains an in-depth introduction to each tradition; and
the second presents sample accompanying texts that exemplify the descriptions of
the parallel introductory chapters.
Garr and Fassberg
Eisenbrauns edited by
POB 275
Winona Lake, IN 46590 W. Randall Garr and Steven E. Fassberg
www.eisenbrauns.com
EISENBRAUNS
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A Handbook of Biblical Hebrew
Volume 1
Volume 1: Periods, Corpora,
and Reading Traditions
edited by
W. Randall Garr and Steven E. Fassberg
Winona Lake, Indiana

E isenbrauns
2016
© 2016 by Eisenbrauns Inc.
All rights reserved.
Printed in the United States of America.
www.eisenbrauns.com
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Garr, W. Randall, editor. | Fassberg, Steven Ellis, editor.
Title: A handbook of biblical Hebrew / edited by W. Randall Garr and Steven E.
Fassberg.
Description: Winona Lake, Indiana : Eisenbrauns, [2016] | This title consists of 2
physical volumes sold only as a set. | Includes bibliographical references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016011709 (print) | LCCN 2016012454 (ebook) | ISBN
9781575064697 (vol. 1, hardback : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781575064703 (vol.
2, hardback : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781575063713 (set, hardback : alk. paper) |
ISBN 9781575063720 (pdf)
Subjects: LCSH: Hebrew language—Grammar, Comparative. | Bible Old
Testament—Language, style.
Classification: LCC PJ4567.3 .H36 2016 (print) | LCC PJ4567.3 (ebook) | DDC
492.4/82421—dc23
LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016011709
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American Na-
tional Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Mate-
rials, ANSI Z39.48–1984. ♾™
For Laura and Yaʿala
Contents
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
Part I
Phases of Biblical Hebrew
1. Standard/Classical Biblical Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Joseph Lam and Dennis Pardee
2. Archaic Biblical Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Agustinus Gianto
3. Transitional Biblical Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Aaron D. Hornkohl
4. Late Biblical Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
Matthew Morgenstern
Part II
Contemporary Hebrew Attestations
5. Epigraphic Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

Shmuel Aḥituv, W. Randall Garr,
and Steven E. Fassberg
6. Ben Sira . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69

Wido van Peursen
7. The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Jan Joosten
Part III
Ancient and Medieval Reading Traditions
8. Hebrew in Greek and Latin Transcriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99

Alexey Eliyahu Yuditsky
vii
viii Contents
9. Samaritan Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

Moshe Florentin
10. Babylonian Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
Shai Heijmans
11. Karaite Transcriptions of Biblical Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
Geoffrey Khan
12. Palestinian Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161
Joseph Yahalom
13. Tiberian-Palestinian Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
Holger Gzella
Part IV
Essays
14. The Tiberian Tradition of Reading the Bible and the

Masoretic System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
Yosef Ofer
15. The Contribution of Tannaitic Hebrew to Understanding
Biblical Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
Moshe Bar-Asher
16. Modern Reading Traditions of Biblical Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . 215
Aharon Maman
Preface
Biblical Hebrew is studied worldwide by university students, seminar-

ians, and the educated public. It is also studied, almost universally, through
a single prism—that of the Tiberian Masoretic tradition, which is the best
attested and most widely available tradition of Biblical Hebrew. Thanks
in large part to its endorsement by Maimonides, it also became the most
prestigious vocalization tradition in the Middle Ages. For most, Biblical
Hebrew is synonymous with Tiberian Biblical Hebrew.
There are, however, other vocalization traditions. The Babylonian tradi-
tion was widespread among Jews around the close of the first millennium
CE; the tenth-century Karaite scholar al-Qirqisāni reports that the Baby-
lonian pronunciation was in use in Babylonia, Iran, the Arabian penin-
sula, and Yemen. And despite the fact that Yemenite Jews continued using
Babylonian manuscripts without interruption from generation to genera-
tion, European scholars learned of them only toward the middle of the
nineteenth century. Decades later, manuscripts pointed with the Palestinian
vocalization system were rediscovered in the Cairo Genizah. Thereafter
came the discovery of manuscripts written according to the Tiberian-
Palestinian system and, perhaps most importantly, the texts found in caves
alongside the Dead Sea. The ingathering of Jewish exiles in Palestine in
the last century also initiated intensive investigation into the different
oral traditions of Biblical Hebrew. For example, in the 1930s, Zeʾev Ben-
Ḥayyim began to study the Samaritan oral tradition of Hebrew; and in the
1970s, Shelomo Morag inaugurated the important series Eda ve-Lashon.
With the exception of the Dead Sea Scrolls, students are unfamiliar
with these other, authentic traditions of Biblical Hebrew. Even though
early scholarship quickly noted non-Tiberian traditions—for example,
Böttcher, Ausführliches Lehrbuch (1866) §81 n. 2 and, especially, Ewald,
Ausführliches Lehrbuch (8th ed., 1870) §20e—it has still been slow to
incorporate these traditions in major grammatical works. In the 1910 edi-
tion of Gesenius’ Hebrew Grammar, Babylonian and Palestinian traditions
ix
x Preface
are mentioned in a single long footnote (§8g n. 3). Bergsträsser, whose
Hebräische Grammatik (1918 [vol. 1]) began as an update of the 28th Ger-
man edition of Gesenius’ grammar, was the first to incorporate in a more
extensive manner the non-Tiberian traditions (including Greek and Latin
transcriptions and even mention of the Yemenite oral tradition). Thereafter
followed Bauer and Leander’s Historische Grammatik der hebräischen
Sprache (1922), which contained a lengthy excursus on the Babylonian
and Palestinian vocalization systems but only occasionally mentioned
the Babylonian tradition in the sections on phonology and morphology.
Among grammatical works, Muraoka’s revision of Joüon’s Grammaire
de l’hébreu biblique (1991 [1st ed.], 2006–11 [2d ed.]) goes further than
previous grammars in referring to non-Tiberian traditions (including Sa-
maritan Hebrew), epigraphic material, the Dead Sea Scrolls, and even an
occasional reference to Tannaitic Hebrew. Regretfully, the most thorough
comparative discussion of the Hebrew vocalization systems today remains
a chapter that appeared in Shelomo Morag’s 1962 monograph, The Vocal-
ization Systems of Arabic, Hebrew, and Aramaic.
This gap has been partly filled by three works. Kutscher’s posthumous A
History of the Hebrew Language (1982) discusses several Second-Temple
varieties of Biblical Hebrew. Sáenz-Badillo’s A History of the Hebrew
Language (1993; 2007 [rev. Italian ed.]) goes into greater depth and adds
information on Palestinian, Babylonian, and even Tiberian-Palestinian tra-
ditions. But the 2007 edition of Sáenz-Badillo’s History indirectly exem-
plifies another problem surrounding discussions of non-Tiberian traditions:
many of the fundamental studies are written in languages inaccessible to
most English-speaking students—principally Modern Hebrew and Ger-
man. The recently published Encyclopedia of Hebrew Language and
Linguistics (2013) makes significant strides in rectifying that situation by
providing readers with English entries on a wide array of subjects, includ-
ing many related to Biblical Hebrew.
What is still lacking, however, is a comprehensive and systematic over-
view of the different periods, sources, and traditions of Biblical Hebrew.
We decided to construct a handbook that would provide students and the
public with easily accessible, reliable, and current information in English
concerning the multi-faceted nature of Biblical Hebrew. We divided the
biblical corpus into its different constituent phases (Archaic, Standard,
Transitional, and Late). We isolated contemporary corpora (epigraphic,
Preface xi
Qumran, and Ben Sira). We added a number of ancient and medieval read-
ing traditions (Greek and Latin transcriptions, Samaritan, Babylonian,
Karaite, Palestinian, and Tiberian-Palestinian). Finally, we included three
topics that are often omitted in discussions of Biblical Hebrew: the Tibe-
rian tradition and Masorah, the light shed by Tannaitic Hebrew on its Bibli-
cal Hebrew antecedent, and modern reading traditions of Biblical Hebrew.
To accomplish this task, we asked noted scholars in each field to con-
tribute their expertise. The result is the present two-volume work. The first
contains in-depth introductions that orient the reader to handling the par-
ticular traditions and follow, when the subject matter allowed, a similar
template: speakers, sources, editions, orthography, phonological sketch,
morphological sketch, syntactic issues, and bibliography. The second vol-
ume presents sample accompanying texts that exemplify the descriptions
of applicable introductory chapters. In the case of the oral traditions of Bib-
lical Hebrew, we have also included recordings, which may be downloaded
from the website associated with this book (http://www.eisenbrauns.com/
item/GARHANDBO/).
We thank all of the authors for their participation and forbearance. We
also thank Jim Eisenbraun and the staff of Eisenbrauns for their help, kind-
ness, friendship, and skill in dealing with the many technical difficulties
that arose while producing this book.
Hanukkah, 5775
W. Randall Garr Steven E. Fassberg
Santa Barbara Jerusalem
Chapter 1
Standard/Classical Biblical Hebrew
J oseph L am and D ennis P ardee
Introduction
The division of Biblical Hebrew (BH) into four stages as adopted in
this book—Archaic/Old, Standard/Classical, Transitional, and Late—rep-
resents a refinement of the traditional tripartite division of Biblical Hebrew
into archaic, standard, and late (post-exilic) phases (Kutscher 1982: 12). As
a literary language defined by a group of texts rather than a speech commu-
nity, Biblical Hebrew presents certain difficulties for the task of linguistic
description. This essay will first discuss the issues related to the definition
of Standard/Classical Biblical Hebrew (hereafter, SBH) as a linguistic cor-
pus, then provide a sketch of the grammar of this phase of Hebrew with
reference to both earlier and later phases.
The Speech Community

Traditional historical-critical scholarship of the Hebrew Bible uses
the term SBH to designate the stage of the language spoken in the Iron
Age kingdom of Judah in the eighth-sixth centuries BCE. 1 While this is
undoubtedly a simplification of a more complex diachronic and dialectal
reality, it is useful insofar as the differences between SBH and Archaic Bib-
lical Hebrew (ABH) or Transitional Biblical Hebrew (TrBH)/Late Biblical
Hebrew (LBH) are more consistent, significant, and agreed-upon than the
linguistic variation discernible within the SBH corpus. Epigraphic Hebrew
texts from pre-exilic Judah, nearly all of which are prose, confirm this
assessment; Judahite epigraphic Hebrew is essentially identical to SBH
1. On the possibility of isolating a northern (“Israelite”) dialect within the Biblical
Hebrew corpus, see Pardee 1992.
1
2 Chapter 1
prose in terms of morphosyntax and lexicon (Pardee 2012: 286 n. 8)—the

linguistic facets most directly comparable across the two corpora.
The Corpus
The term SBH implies a restriction of the corpus to texts contained in
the Hebrew Bible. Most often, the term SBH has been applied to the nar-
rative prose portions of the “primary history” of Genesis-Kings (Kutscher
1982: 12), especially because the books of Kings and Chronicles, by virtue
of the purported time-gap between their respective dates of composition
and their overlap in content, provide a convenient starting point for dia-
chronic comparison (Polzin 1976). Such a definition also has the advantage
of producing a relatively homogeneous corpus for linguistic analysis.
The question arises, however, whether it is methodologically justifi-
able to exclude poetry from a definition of the SBH corpus that is ostensi-
bly diachronic. Since it is generally agreed that ABH is attested only in a
limited number of poetic texts containing features that are especially old
(e.g., Genesis 49, Exodus 15, Judges 5) (see chapter 2), the remaining non-
archaic poems (including the prophetic texts) of the Hebrew Bible need to
be assigned some place in the diachronic continuum, either within broader
definitions of SBH/TrBH/LBH or as distinct stages. And since it is clear
historical-critically that poetic texts span the entire chronological range of
Biblical Hebrew, one is inexorably led to include poetic texts in the defini-
tions of SBH/TrBH/LBH, with SBH poetry encompassing biblical poems
that are not overtly archaic or demonstrably late. This is not to deny that
even “standard” poetry in the Hebrew Bible reflects aspects of usage—
particularly in the verbal system—that appear older than SBH prose. But
it might be better to view these as characteristic of poetic style (whether
as genuinely archaic or archaizing elements), classifying them with other
stylistic features such as the omission of prose particles (the definite article
-‫ה‬, the definite direct object marker ‫את‬, and the relative marker ‫)אשר‬.
The downside of such a definition, of course, is that it muddies the wa-
ters of the description of SBH as a linguistic system. Nothing prevents us,
though, from making further linguistic observations specific to SBH prose
or poetry, so long as we understand these distinctions not to be primarily
or purely diachronic. The tendency for archaic features to persist in poetry
may have led to the synchronic simultaneity of different diachronic stages
tied to the different linguistic forms.
Standard/Classical Biblical Hebrew 3
Orthography
We have no direct access to the orthographic conventions of biblical
manuscripts from the pre-exilic period. 2 Instead, we rely primarily on the
various Masoretic orthographic traditions (especially the Tiberian), which
involved a set of diacritics for recording an oral tradition for synagogue
reading superimposed on a received consonantal text. Any claims regard-
ing the artificiality of the Tiberian Masoretic vocalization are greatly ex-
aggerated. This is not to say that the Masoretic tradition is not without
errors, but to assert, with James Barr, that “the [Masoretic] vocalization
is historical evidence just as other aspects of the text are” (1968: 221),
representing the pronunciation of the text as the Tiberian Masoretes heard
it. Though it is not artificial, it does, however, represent an oral tradition
far removed in time (well over a millennium) from the composition of the
biblical texts themselves. 3
The consonantal text of the Masoretic Text (MT) shows a more con-
servative use of matres lectionis than that of most of the Dead Sea Scrolls
or of later Tannaitic Hebrew. For the most part, the MT restricts the use
of matres lectionis to vowels that are historically long: e.g., ‫ י‬marks [i:] or
[e:] (< contraction of [aɪ] diphthong); ‫ ו‬marks [u:] or [o:] (< contraction of
[aʊ] diphthong); and ‫ה‬- marks several word-final long vowels (particularly
[a:], [e:], and [ɛ:]). Further comparison with the orthography of the (non-
biblical) epigraphic Hebrew corpus reveals some interesting differences:
the inscriptions rarely use ‫ י‬or ‫ ו‬in environments outside of a historical
diphthong, and they use ‫ה‬- instead of ‫ו‬- to mark the third-person masc.
sing. pronominal suffix (with ‫ה‬- reflecting the consonantal element of the
old suffix *-hu). 4 Thus it seems that the consonantal orthography of the MT
2. The two silver scrolls from Ketef Hinnom, whose inscriptions contain short por-
tions in common with the Pentateuch (including the Priestly blessing of Num 6:24–26),
represent, according to the excavator, the earliest attested examples of identifiably “bib-
lical” texts. However, the uncertainty of their archaeological dating (for a brief review
of one of the principal problems of these texts, see Pardee 2008: 64, 67), not to mention
their fragmentary and terse nature, as well as their function as amulets, limit their use-
fulness in the reconstruction of pre-exilic orthography.
3. The oldest attested biblical manuscripts come from the Dead Sea site of Khirbet
Qumran, some of which are attributable to as early as the third century BCE. These pre-
date the invention of the Masoretic vocalization system (ca. 600 CE?) by many centuries.
4. This particular orthographic variation is preserved in a limited fashion in the
Masoretic Text, such as in the variant ‫‘ ָא ֳהֹלה‬his tent’ (vs. ‫)א ֳהלֹו‬
ָ for the noun with
4 Chapter 1
falls typologically between that of epigraphic Hebrew and the Dead Sea
Scrolls or Tannaitic Hebrew.
Phonetics
No direct evidence exists for how Biblical Hebrew sounded in pre-exilic
times. The Tiberian Masoretic orthography merely provides a starting point
for reconstructing the pronunciation of Hebrew in the pre-exilic period.
Scholars make use of multiple lines of evidence, including comparative
Semitics and early transcriptions into Greek, Latin, and other languages,
to aid in this task.
The Tiberian Masoretes distinguished 23 consonantal phonemes in their
orthography; though their received consonantal text was written with an
alphabet of 22 letters, they used a diacritical dot to differentiate the letters
śin (‫ )ׂש‬and šin (‫)ׁש‬. Six of these consonants, the letters ‫בג״ד כפ״ת‬, partici-
pated in an allophonic variation between plosive and fricative (spirantized)
pronunciations, one that was marked by the Masoretes by the dageš lene
(see pp. 6–7, 9, below). The phonetic values shown in the table on p. 5 are
reconstructed based largely on comparative Semitic evidence.
Apart from these 23 phonemes, there are indications that additional con-
sonants were distinguished in the spoken language (or at least in some
reading traditions) in antiquity. In particular, transcriptional evidence from
the Greek Septuagint has been adduced in support of the idea that, in the
first millennium BCE, ‫ ע‬represented both the Hebrew outcomes of Proto-
Semitic *ʿ (IPA [ʕ]) and *ġ (IPA [ʁ]), and ‫ ח‬represented both *ḥ (IPA [ħ])
and *ḫ (IPA [χ]) (Bergsträsser 1918: §§6d–f; Kutscher 1982: 17–18; Blau
1982).
The Tiberian Masoretic vowel symbols were markers only of vowel
quality and not of length (GKC §8b n. 4; Chomsky 1952: §3a n. 11), with
the latter being a conditioned variable (Khan 1987). Phonetically, the seven
basic Tiberian symbols probably represented the following vocalic quali-
ties in a symmetrical distribution (for more on the other vocalization tradi-
tions, see chapters 9–13, 16) (see table, p. 6).
It is likely, however, that length was phonemic at earlier stages of the
language. The account of Joseph Qimḥi (Chomsky 1952: §3a n. 11), which
third-person masc. sing. pronominal suffix, the spelling of the name ‘Solomon’ (‫)ׁשֹלמֹה‬,ְ
or the one instance of the writing of the place name ‘Jericho’ as ‫( יְ ִריחֹה‬1 Kgs 16:34).
Name Symbol Transliteration IPA

ʾaleph ‫א‬ ˀ [ʔ]
bet ‫ּב‬ b [b]
‫ב‬ ḇ [v]
gimel ‫ּג‬ g [g]
‫ג‬  [ɣ]
dalet ‫ּד‬ d [d]
‫ד‬ ḏ [ð]
he ‫ה‬ h [h]
waw ‫ו‬ w [w]
zayin ‫ז‬ z [z]
ḥet ‫ח‬ ḥ [x]
ṭet ‫ט‬ ṭ [t’]a
yod ‫י‬ y [j]
kaph ‫ּכ‬ k [k]
‫כ‬ ḵ [x]
lamed ‫ל‬ l [l]
mem ‫מ‬ m [m]
nun ‫נ‬ n [n]
samekh ‫ס‬ s [s]
ʿayin ‫ע‬ ˁ [ʕ]
pe ‫ּפ‬ p [p]
‫פ‬  [f ]
ṣade ‫צ‬ ṣ [s’]
qoph ‫ק‬ q [k’]
reš ‫ר‬ r [ᴚ]
śin ‫ׂש‬ ś [ɬ]
šin ‫ׁש‬ š [ʃ]
taw ‫ּת‬ t [t]
‫ת‬ ṯ [θ]
a. For the hypothesis tentatively adopted here, that the so-called “emphatic” conso-
nants (traditionally ṭ, ṣ, and q) were glottalic ejectives in Proto-Semitic and (thus) early
Hebrew, see Kogan 2011: 59–61.
arranges the Tiberian symbols into five pairs of long and short vowel sounds
(see p. 8, below), should be understood as designating a hypothetical in-
termediate stage between Proto-Hebrew and the seven-vowel system of
6 Chapter 1
Name Symbol IPA

ḥireq ‫ִס‬ [i]
ṣere ‫ֵס‬ [e]
səgol ‫ֶס‬ [ɛ]
pataḥ ‫ַס‬ [a]
qameṣ ‫ָס‬ [ɔ]
ḥolem ֹ ‫ס‬ [o]
qibbuṣ ‫ֻס‬ [u]
the Masoretes. This distinction between Masoretic phonetic representation

and pre-Masoretic phonological reconstruction is illustrated most clearly
in the Qimḥian analysis of the Tiberian symbols qameṣ, šəwa, and dageš.
For the Tiberian Masoretes, qameṣ represented [ɔ]. The Qimḥian distinc-
tion between qameṣ gadol (/ā/) and qameṣ qaṭan (/o /, the ‘small’ qameṣ),
however, reflects the Sephardic reading tradition (see chapter 16) in which
the Tiberian [ɔ] is a reflex of Proto-Hebrew *a in certain environments and
of Proto-Hebrew *u in others. Similarly, the distinction between “silent”
and “vocal” šəwa often corresponds to the historical distinction between
Proto-Hebrew *∅ (i.e., the end of a closed syllable) and a reduced vowel.
And, despite the orthographic identity of dageš lene (alt., ‫ דגש קל‬dageš qal)
and dageš forte (alt., ‫ דגש חזק‬dageš ḥazaq), these terms help to distinguish
between two different historical origins of the plosive pronunciation of the
letters ‫( בג״ד כפ״ת‬see pp. 9–10, below).
Given the heuristic and descriptive value in this kind of analysis, the
following presentation of phonology will be based largely on the Qimḥian
interpretation of the Tiberian system. (It should be noted that the Qimḥian
vowel system has been widely adopted in Biblical Hebrew grammars, par-
ticularly since the Christian Hebraists of the Renaissance.)
Phonology
Consonants in SBH can be lengthened—a phenomenon that is called
doubling or gemination and is known across the Semitic languages. In Ti-
berian notation, this was marked by the dageš, a dot placed in the middle of
the letter (‫ ;)ּק‬since the dageš can in certain environments have a different
phonological interpretation (see below), a dageš that indicates consonant

length is designated more specifically dageš forte (the ‘strong’ dageš). In
transliteration, gemination is represented by repeating the consonant sym-
bol itself (qq for ‫ּק‬, as in ‫ֻּקים‬ ִ ‫ ח‬ḥuqqîm ‘statutes’).
As mentioned, in the Qimḥian interpretation of the Tiberian vowel sys-
tem, there exist five pairs of short and long vowels, another set of histor-
ically long vowels (most often marked in the Masoretic Text by matres
lectionis), and four ultra-short vowels—the šəwa plus its three qualitative
(and conditioned) variants, the ḥateph vowels (tables on pp. 8–9).
This analysis of the vowel system arises out of the observation that un-
stressed closed syllables (consonant-vowel-consonant) in SBH nearly al-
ways contain vowels designated as “short” (e.g., the initial syllables in each
of the words ‫ ִמ ְׁש ָּפט‬miš/pāṭ ‘judgment, decision’, ‫ ֶמ ְר ָּכ ָבה‬mɛr/kā/ḇâ ‘char-
iot’, ‫ יַ ְׁש ִמיד‬yaš/mîḏ ‘he will destroy’, ‫ ָמ ְׁש ָחת‬moš/ḥāṯ ‘corrupted, polluted’,
‫ ֻח ִּקים‬ḥuq/qîm ‘statutes’), while unstressed open syllables (consonant-
vowel), by contrast, contain vowels of the “long” (including “historically
long”) or “reduced” type (e.g., the initial syllables in ‫ יִ ָירא‬yî/rāˀ ‘he will
be afraid’, ‫ ֵענָ ב‬ˁē/nāḇ ‘grape’, ‫ ָּד ָבר‬dā/ḇār ‘word’, ‫ ׁש ֵֹפט‬šō/ēṭ ‘judge’,
ַ yû/maṯ ‘he will be put to death’, ‫ ְּב ִרית‬bə/rîṯ ‘covenant’, ‫ ֱא ֶמת‬ˀɛ̆/mɛṯ
‫יּומת‬
‘truth’, ‫ ֲחלֹום‬ḥă/lôm ‘dream’, ‫ ֳענִ י‬ˁŏ/nî ‘affliction’). The major exceptions
to these rules have historical explanations: (1) “virtual doubling” occurs
when an open syllable with a short vowel is known to have once been
closed by a historically geminated consonant (‫ ַה ֶה ֶבל‬ha/hɛ́ḇɛl ‘the vanity’
< *hahhabl [V] or ‫ ֶא ָחד‬ˀɛ/ḥāḏ ‘one’ < *ˀaḥḥad [V]), and (2) “secondary
opening” occurs when an anaptyctic echo vowel is inserted after a closed
syllable ending in a guttural consonant (‫ יַ ֲעמֹד‬ya/ˁă/mōḏ ‘he will stand’
< *yaˁmud [u]). Stressed syllables tend to contain long vowels, with two
notable exceptions relating to the reflex of a short *a-vowel (1) in a histor-
ically geminated syllable (‫ ַרב‬raḇ ‘much, many’ [adj.] < *rabb) and (2) in
a closed syllable in a (usually) finite verbal form (e.g., note the distinction
between ‫ נָ ַתן‬nā/ṯan ‘he gave’ and ‫ נָ ָתן‬nā/ṯān ‘Nathan’ [proper name], ‫נִ ְׁש ַּבר‬
niš/bar ‘he/it was broken’ [qatal] and ‫ נִ ְׁש ָּבר‬niš/bār ‘broken’ [participle];
also note the form ‫ ָׁש ַמ ְר ִּתי‬šā/már/tî ‘I kept’).
The šəwa, in addition to representing a reduced vowel /ə/, also corre-
sponds in the Tiberian system to phonological zero—that is, at the end of a
closed syllable (‫ יִ ְכּתֹב‬yiḵtōḇ ‘he will write’). In the Babylonian vocalization
system (see chapter 10), silent and vocal šəwa are distinguished from one
8 Chapter 1
Vowels Written without Matres Lectionis
Name Symbol Transliteration Name Symbol Transliteration

ḥireq ‫ִס‬ i ḥireq ‫ִס‬ ī
səgol ‫ֶס‬ ɛ a ṣere ‫ֵס‬ ē
pataḥ ‫ַס‬ a qameṣ ‫ָס‬ ā
(gadol)
qameṣ ‫ָס‬ o ḥolem ֹ ‫ס‬ ō
(qaṭan)
qibbuṣ ‫ֻס‬ u qibbuṣ ‫ֻס‬ ū
a. Here we deviate from the traditional system of transliteration due to the unique
challenges presented by Tiberian səgol (conventionally transliterated e); not only is it
unique in that it can represent the reflex of either Proto-Hebrew *a or *i, but it also was
the Tiberian phonetic representation of the result of certain contractions (corresponding
to səgol-yod and səgol-he; see also note a to the table below).
Vowels Written with Matres Lectionis
Name Symbol Transliteration

ḥireq-yod ‫ִסי‬ î
ṣere-yod ‫ֵסי‬ ê
ṣere-he ‫ֵסה‬ ē(h)
səgol-yod ‫ֶסי‬ ɛ̂
səgol-he ‫ֶסה‬ ̄ɛ(h) a
qameṣ-he ‫ָסה‬ â or ā(h)
ḥolem-waw ‫סֹו‬ ô
ḥolem-he ‫סֺה‬ ō(h)
šureq ‫סּו‬ û
a. Although the Tiberian system presents səgol and səgol-he (and səgol-yod) as pho-
netically identical, in SBH these may have corresponded to both a “short” variant (i.e.,
in unstressed closed syllables) and a “long” one (particularly at the end of words and
the result of contraction—thus səgol-he and səgol-yod). In the latter position, it would
have been as long as Tiberian ṣere, but it must also have represented a distinct phoneme
(or a regularly distributed allophone) since its distribution is predictable in final weak
forms (absolute vs. construct in substantives, indicative yiqtol vs. imperative in verbs).
Ultra-Short Vowels
Name Symbol Transliteration

(vocal) šəwa ‫ְס‬ ə
ḥaṭeph səgol ‫ֱח‬ ̆ɛ
ḥaṭeph pataḥ ‫ֲח‬ ă
ḥaṭeph qameṣ ‫ֳח‬ ŏ
another in most cases; there, the latter is marked with the symbol ‫ס‬, ֿ while
the former is usually unmarked (though occasionally it is indicated with
‫ ֿס‬as well).
Another important phonological phenomenon concerns the six conso-
nants ‫“( בג״ד כפ״ת‬bəg̱aḏ-kəp ̱ aṯ ” or “bέgεd kέphεt ”) which, at some stage
in the language, each exhibited two allophonic variants: one plosive in
articulation ([b], [g], [d], [k], [p], [t]) and one fricative ([v], [ɣ], [ð], [x],
[f ], [θ]). Conventionally, the fricatives are represented in transliteration
with an underline (ḇ, ̱g, ḏ, ḵ, ̱ p, ṯ) and the plosives without (b, g, d, k, p, t).
In Tiberian orthography, a dageš is used to mark the plosive pronunciation
of these consonants—a symbol traditionally specified as dageš lene (the
“weak” dageš) but graphically indistinguishable from the dageš forte (i.e.,
‫ ּב‬can be transliterated b or bb depending on the phonological context). In
other words, the Tiberian orthographic system did not differentiate between
geminated and non-geminated pronunciations of the plosive ‫ בג״ד כפ״ת‬let-
ters, though the two are to be understood as phonologically distinct.
The plosive variant of the ‫ בג״ד כפ״ת‬letters is the default, appearing
in the absence of a preceding vocalic phone—that is, following a closed
syllable (‫ ִמ ְׁש ָּפט‬mišpāṭ ‘judgment, decision’) or at the beginning of a word 5
ִ ‫ ְּב ֵר‬bərēˀšît ‘in [the] beginning [of ]’ [Gen 1:1]). Conversely, the
(‫אׁשית‬
fricative variant appears when immediately preceded by a vocalic phone,
including reduced vowels (‫ ָח ָדׁש‬ḥāḏāš ‘new’, ‫ ְּד ָב ִרים‬dəḇārîm ‘words’).
The extent to which this variation between plosive and fricative had be-
come phonemic by the time of the Masoretes remains a matter of debate.
5. In the Tiberian Masoretic vocalization, this rule did not apply when the previous
word ended in a vowel and had a conjunctive accent. See, e.g., ‫‘ ָל ֶ֣מה ִת ְב ִּ֗כי‬why are you
crying’ (1 Sam 1:8) vs. ‫(‘ ֵמ ֲע ָׂש ָ ֖רה ָּב ִנֽים‬better) than ten children’ (1 Sam 1:8), which has
a disjunctive accent.
10 Chapter 1
Examples of minimal pairs are quite limited in the MT: e.g., ‫‘ ָל ַק ַח ְת‬you
took’ (Ezek 22:12) vs. ‫‘ ָל ַק ַחת‬to take’ (Gen 4:11), and the paucity of ex-
amples makes it difficult to assert the existence of a phonemic distinction
with certainty. A related issue is the phenomenon of “medial” šəwa—the
situation in which a closed syllable (the end of which is marked by medial
šəwa, which synchronically is a silent šəwa) is followed by another syllable
beginning with a fricative ‫ בג״ד כפ״ת‬consonant (‫ ַמ ְל ֵכי‬malḵê ‘kings of’ <
*malakê). Since medial šəwa, like vocal šəwa, usually corresponds to his-
torical vowel reduction, some explain this as the fricative pronunciation of
the consonant having been frozen before the syncopation of the particular
vowel preceding the fricative.
In the Tiberian system, words were usually stressed on the final syllable,
or less frequently, on the penult. In light of the dropping of final short
vowels in the historical development of Hebrew, Proto-Hebrew must be
reconstructed as having had (mostly) penultimate stress. At the same time,
the details of the history of stress in Proto-Hebrew and (S)BH are partially
obscured by the Masoretic accentuation. For instance, the vocalization of
construct forms of nouns (see p. 11, below) suggests that they were pro-
clitic at some earlier stage of the language, even though they mostly retain
primary word accent in the Tiberian system.
Morphology
A useful strategy for the grammatical analysis of SBH is to divide lex-
emes into three categories: nouns, verbs, and particles. The vast majority
of these ― particularly nouns and verbs ― can be analyzed as a combina-
tion of (1) a root consisting of (usually) three consonants that carries basic
semantic information pertaining to the word, and (2) a pattern of vowels
with (optionally) prefixed, suffixed, and/or infixed elements. Such patterns
are both derivational and inflectional. The usefulness of this abstract notion
of root can be illustrated by the following forms of the root ‫( רח״ק‬having to
do with ‘being distant’): ‫‘ ָרחֹוק‬distant, far’, ‫‘ ֶמ ְר ָחק‬distant place, distance’,
‫‘ ָר ֲחקּו‬they were/are far’, ‫‘ ִה ְר ַח ְק ָּת‬you caused (someone/something) to be
far’.
Nouns. Nouns (substantives and adjectives) are usually marked for
grammatical gender (masculine or feminine) and are further inflected for
number (singular, plural, or dual for certain substantives), state (absolute,
construct, or pronominal), and definiteness (definite or indefinite). The cat-
egories of gender and number, as a rule, are marked by a series of suffixes:

-∅ (masc. sing.), ‫ה‬/‫ת‬- (fem. sing.), ‫ ִ ים‬- (masc. pl.), ‫ֹות‬- (fem. pl.), and, for
paired body parts, expressions of time, and some other idiomatic terms,
ַ (fem./masc. dual). Exceptions to these patterns are not hard to find,
‫)ת(יִ ם‬-
however, whether it is feminine nouns without explicit feminine ending
(‫‘ ֶא ֶרץ‬land, earth’, ‫‘ יָ ד‬hand’, ‫‘ נֶ ֶפׁש‬person, living being’), masculine plu-
ral nouns with ending ‫ֹות‬- (‫‘ ָאבֹות‬fathers’, ‫‘ נְ ָהרֹות‬rivers’), feminine plural
nouns with ending ‫ ִ ים‬- (‫‘ נָ ִׁשים‬women, wives’, ‫‘ ָע ִרים‬cities’), or collective
nouns without explicit plural ending (‫‘ ַעם‬people’, ‫‘ צֹאן‬sheep, flock’—both
attested with plural adjectival and/or verbal agreement).
The category of state designates whether a noun is syntactically inde-
pendent (absolute) or bound to a following noun (construct or annexed) or
to a suffixed pronoun (pronominal). Nouns in the construct or pronominal
states can show further morphological change from the absolute state: e.g.,
‫‘ ֲא ָד ָמה‬ground’ (absolute), but ‫‘ ַא ְד ַמת‬ground of’ (construct) and ‫‘ ַא ְד ָמתֹו‬his
ground’ (pronominal); or ‫‘ ְּד ָב ִרים‬words’ (absolute), but ‫‘ ִּד ְב ֵרי‬words of’
(construct) and ‫‘ ְּד ָב ַרי‬my words’ (pronominal). When one or more nouns
in the construct state are combined with an absolute or a suffixed noun,
the result is a construct phrase, wherein the first (head) noun in the phrase
is semantically qualified or restricted by each successive noun: e.g., ‫ָּבנִ ים‬
‘sons’ vs. ‫‘ ְּבנֵ י יִ ְׂש ָר ֵאל‬the sons of Israel’ or ‫‘ ָּב ִּתים‬houses’ vs. ‫ָּב ֵּתי ְבנֵ י־יִ ְׂש ָר ֵאל‬
‘the houses of the sons of Israel’ (Exod 12:27).
A noun is grammatically definite: (1) when it has the definite article
(normally a prefix ha- plus gemination of first consonant, e.g., ‫ַה ֶּמ ֶלְך‬
hammɛ́ lɛḵ ‘the king’), permitted in the absolute state; (2) when it is a proper
noun; (3) when it has a pronominal suffix; or (4) when it is in construct with
another noun that is definite. A corollary to these rules is that a construct
phrase is either definite or indefinite in its entirety: e.g., ‫‘ ִּד ְב ֵרי ָׁשלֹום‬words
of peace’ (Deut 2:26) or ‫ּתֹורה‬ ִ ‫‘ ֶא‬the words of the book of the
ָ ‫ת־ּד ְב ֵרי ֵס ֶפר ַה‬
instruction’ (2 Kgs 22:11).
Adjectives, when functioning attributively, follow the substantive they
modify and agree in gender, number, and definiteness: e.g., ‫טֹובה‬ ָ ‫‘ ֶא ֶרץ‬a
good land’ (Deut 8:7) and ‫‘ וְ ַהּיָ ִמים ָה ִראׁש ֹנִ ים‬and the former days’ (Num
6:12). Attributive adjectives modifying any noun in a construct phrase
follow the entire phrase: e.g., ‫‘ וְ יֶ ֶלד זְ ֻקנִ ים ָק ָטן‬and a small child (born) of
old age’ (Gen 44:20). Predicative adjectives must be indefinite and show
agreement in gender and number, but can precede or follow the subject:
12 Chapter 1
e.g., ‫‘ ָט ֵמא הּוא‬it is impure’ (Num 19:15) and ‫ַעם ְּבנֵ י יִ ְׂש ָר ֵאל ַרב וְ ָעצּום ִמ ֶּמּנּו‬
‘the nation of the sons of Israel is more numerous and mighty than we’
(Exod 1:9). Adjectives can also be used substantively: e.g., ‫ל־הּגְ ד ֹלֹות‬ ַ ‫‘ ָּכ‬all
the great (things)’ (2 Kgs 8:4) or ‫‘ ַה ְּׂש ֵמ ִחים ַל ֲעׂשֹות ָרע‬those who rejoice in
doing evil’ (Prov 2:14). Demonstratives, when used as attributive adjec-
tives, usually appear at the end of the noun phrase: ‫ָה ֲאנָ ִׁשים ָה ְר ָׁש ִעים ָה ֵא ֶּלה‬
‘these wicked men’ (Num 16:26).
Pronouns. Personal pronouns in SBH can appear as words or as suf-
fixed elements depending on their syntactic function. Every declension of
pronouns in SBH distinguishes between masculine/feminine and singular/
plural in both the third and second persons, but only singular/plural in the
first person. (Such is the case with the finite verbal conjugations as well;
see below.) The independent personal pronouns are words that function as
the subject of the sentence: e.g., ‫‘ ַא ָּתה ָה ִאיׁש‬you are the man’ (2 Sam 12:7)
or ‫‘ ֲא ֵׁש ִמים ֲאנַ ְחנּו‬we are guilty’ (Gen 42:21). Suffixes are used to express
pronominal possession on nouns (‫‘ ְּד ָב ְרָך‬your [masc. sing.] word’) as well
as pronominal objects on prepositions (‫‘ ְלָך‬to you’ [masc. sing.]) and verbs
(‫‘ יִ ְׁש ָל ֲחָך‬He will send you’ [Jer 42:5]).
Verbs. As mentioned, SBH makes use of vowel and affix patterns ap-
plied to a root for verbal derivation and inflection. All verbs are formed
within a system of stems (‫ בנינים‬binyanim), involving regular patterns for
(re-) configuring the semantic relationship between the subject, the verbal
core (associated with the root), and objects (if any). There is one basic
and unmarked stem, the qal (meaning ‘light’—that is, it is the simplest
of the stems). There are also several derived stems which differ from one
another in categories such as voice, transitivity, and valency. To take one
example, the subject of the qal verb ‫‘ גד״ל‬be big, large’ is in the state ex-
pressed by the root: e.g., ‫‘ ַעד־יִ גְ ַּדל‬until he will grow up’ (Gen 38:11). In
the hiphil, the second most common stem in Biblical Hebrew, the subject
causes or provokes that state in another core argument: e.g., ‫‘ יַ גְ ִּדיל‬He will
magnify, make great’ (Isa 42:21). The functions of the seven major stems
in SBH—qal, niphal, piel, pual, hitpael, hiphil, and hophal—can be sum-
marized in the chart shown on p. 13 (adapted from Waltke and O’Connor
1990: §§21.2.1c, 21.2.2n), with the caveat that it presents a deliberately
simplified picture for descriptive and pedagogical purposes and so should
not be taken as having priority over the meanings attested in actual forms.
simple intensive/factitive causative
unmarked qal piel hiphil
middle/passive pual hophal

niphal
reflexive
hitpael (internal hiphil) a
(double-status)
a. The internal hiphil is attested only with roots that are intransitive or stative in
the qal stem. Compare, for example, in ‫ּופ ְרעֹה ִה ְק ִריב‬
ַ ‘and Pharaoh approached’ (Exod
14:10) with ‫‘ ָק ַרב‬he approached, drew near’ (qal) (see also Waltke and O’Connor
1990: §§27.2f–g). Further, an archaic and non-productive hishtaphel stem (causative-
reflexive) is possibly preserved only for the root ‫חו ״ה‬, unless the verb is borrowed from
another language.
For each derived verbal lexeme, inflectional patterns are employed to

specify additional categories of semantic content to produce contextually
appropriate forms. These categories include tense-aspect-mood (TAM)
characteristics, the finite or non-finite nature of the form, and subject agree-
ment (person, gender, and number) for finite forms. These inflectional pat-
terns can be divided into three groups (cf. Waltke and O’Connor 1990:
§29.1): the finite, indicative forms (two of which mark subject agreement
via suffix elements, qatal and wəqatal, and two that do so via prefix or
circumfix elements, yiqtol and wayyiqtol); the volitive forms (cohortative,
imperative, and jussive); and the non-finite forms (infinitive construct, in-
finitive absolute, and participle). For the finite, indicative forms in particu-
lar, a wide range of terminology has been employed to designate them:
the most common names for qatal are “suffix conjugation” or “perfect”;
likewise, the most common names for yiqtol are “prefix conjugation”
or “imperfect.” Wayyiqtol and wəqatal are sometimes called the “waw-
consecutive” forms because of (1) the presence of the conjunction waw
and (2) their regular appearance after, especially sequential to, qatal (in the
case of wayyiqtol ) and yiqtol (in the case of wəqatal ). However, in actual
usage, wayyiqtol and wəqatal also express their function independent of the
verbal form in the preceding clause (see below).
The finite, indicative forms reflect a system that is primarily aspectual
and secondarily temporal, whose salient opposition is that of perfectivity
14 Chapter 1
(viewing an action as a complete whole—that is, perfective viewpoint as-

pect) vs. imperfectivity (Pardee 2012; on the notion of “non-perfectivity”
as potentially a more accurate functional description of the latter, see
Pardee 2012: 289 n. 23). Somewhat counterintuitively, and in contrast to
later forms of Hebrew, the suffix and prefix conjugations do not express
the same aspectual force as their corresponding waw-less counterparts;
perfective aspect is expressed by the forms qatal and wayyiqtol, while im-
perfective aspect is expressed by yiqtol and wəqatal. This situation can
be understood as the result of a series of diachronic developments. At an
earlier stage of the language, there existed (at least) two distinct prefix
conjugation forms, *yaqtul (perfective) and *yaqtulu (imperfective), both
of which had indicative and non-indicative uses (cf. Huehnergard 1988).
The *yaqtul could either express an indicative act as complete (perfec-
tive, indicative) or function as a jussive (perfective, volitive); similarly,
the imperfective *yaqtulu would have had both indicative (future, past
frequentative) and irrealis uses. At some point, the dropping of certain
final short vowels rendered these two forms morphologically indistinguish-
able in nearly all verbs. Consequently, *yaqtulu survived as SBH yiqtol,
indicative *yaqtul was preserved only in the waw-bound narrative form
wayyiqtol, while irrealis *yaqtul persisted as the jussive. 6 Similarly, both
qatal and wəqatal represent distinct (and divergent) developments from the
older West Semitic *qatala.
Morphologically, the finite, indicative forms are inflected for person
(first, second, third), gender (masculine or feminine, but with no gender
distinction in the first person or in the third person plural of the suffix con-
jugations), and number (singular or plural). While wəqatal consists of the
simple form of the conjunction attached to qatal, wayyiqtol involves a spe-
cial form of the conjunction, wa- plus gemination of the prefix element (-‫י‬,
-‫ת‬, -‫נ‬, or -‫[ א‬and since ‫ א‬cannot be geminated, the form is -‫וָ א‬, with com-
pensatory lengthening]). The “waw-consecutive” forms, by virtue of their
syntactic inflexibility as necessarily clause-initial (attached to the clause
divider waw), came to function in SBH prose as the unmarked verbal forms
in certain kinds of literary discourse: wayyiqtol for reported discourse, in
6. This explains why both the wayyiqtol and the jussive reflect a “short” prefix con-
jugation form as opposed to the “long” form of the yiqtol when the verb type allows for
such a distinction to be observed (e.g., for the qal of the root ‫קו״ם‬: ‫‘ יָ קּום‬he will arise’
[yiqtol ], ‫‘ יָ קֹם‬let him arise’ [jussive], and ‫‘ וַ ּיָ ָקם‬he arose’ [wayyiqtol]).
which perfective forms naturally dominate; and wəqatal for procedural and
predictive types of discourse, where imperfective forms are more common.
So, for instance, wayyiqtol forms in a prose narrative are used to mark the
basic narrative line (‫ וַ ּיָ ֻׁשבּו וַ ּיָ בֹאּו‬. . . ‫ וַ ּיִ ְׁש ַּת ֲחוּו‬. . . ‫‘ וַ ּיַ ְׁש ִּכמּו‬They got up early
. . . and did obeisance . . . and returned and came’ [1 Sam 1:19]), while
wəqatal forms serve as the default verbs in a procedural description (‫וְ ָל ַקח‬
‫ וְ ָר ַחץ‬. . . ‫ וְ ִכ ֶּבס‬. . . ‫ וְ ִה ְׁש ִליְך‬. . . ‘He is to take . . . and throw . . . and wash . . .
and bathe’ [Num 19:6–7]).
The jussive forms are orthographically identical to yiqtol except in verbs
from final weak and middle weak roots, as well as hiphil forms. The im-
perative is the second-person form used for direct commands; morphologi-
cally, it resembles the corresponding second-person yiqtol forms but with
the conjugational prefix element removed (compare ‫‘ קּומּו‬arise!’ [masc. pl.
imperative] with ‫‘ ָתקּומּו‬you shall arise’ [second-person masc. pl. yiqtol]).
Imperatives cannot be negated with the particles ‫ לֹא‬or ‫;אל‬ ַ a direct prohibi-
tion is usually expressed by ‫ ַאל‬plus a second-person jussive. The cohorta-
tive is the first-person volitive, and its form is ostensibly an expansion of
the first-person yiqtol form with the suffix ‫ָה‬- (not to be confused with the
marker of the feminine singular noun): ‫‘ ֵא ְל ָכה־ּנָ א ַה ָּׂש ֶדה וַ ֲא ַל ֳק ָטה‬please let
me go to the field and glean’ (Ruth 2:2). Historically, it is descended from
a third prefix conjugation pattern, *yaqtula.
The non-finite forms consist of the two verbal nouns (the infinitives
construct and absolute) and a verbal adjective, the participle. The infinitive
construct is used in a variety of grammatical contexts, including purpose/
result phrases (‫ ְל ִה ְׁש ַּת ֲחו ֺת וְ ִלזְ ּב ַֹח‬. . . ‫‘ וְ ָע ָלה‬he used to go up . . . to do obei-
sance and to offer sacrifices’ [1 Sam 1:3]), temporal phrases, and nominal
uses (‫‘ ִהּנֵ ה ְׁשמ ַֹע ִמּזֶ ַבח טֹוב‬Surely, obeying is better than sacrifice’ [1 Sam
15:22]); it can be attached to a preposition and/or take a pronominal suf-
fix (functioning as the logical subject or object of the verbal idea). The
infinitive absolute is more restricted in its usage; it is employed adverbi-
ally in collocation with another finite form of the same stem and root to
express emphasis (‫ּובכֹה ִת ְב ֶּכה‬ ָ ‘and she was weeping all the while’ [1 Sam
1:10]—highlighting the intensity and continuousness of the weeping in this
instance) or as a replacement for any other finite form (‫ָׁשמֹור ֶאת־יֹום ַה ַשּׁ ָּבת‬
‘keep the Sabbath day’ [Deut 5:12]—infinitive absolute used in place of an
imperative). The participle, as a verbal adjective, is inflected as such and
can function attributively (‫‘ ָה ִא ָשה ַהנִ ֶצ ֶבת ִע ְמ ָכה ָבזֶ ה‬the woman standing
16 Chapter 1
with you here’ [1 Sam 1:26]), predicatively (‫‘ קֹול יְ הוָ ה ש ֵֹבר ֲא ָרזִ ים‬the voice
of Yhwh breaks cedars’ [Ps 29:5]), or substantively (‫‘ וְ ַהש ֵֹרף א ָֹתּה‬and the
one who burns it’ [Num 19:8]).
Particles. The class of particles encompasses a wide range of lexemes
that lack the distinctive inflectional characteristics of nouns or verbs, though
in many cases they were probably derived from other parts of speech (e.g.,
many prepositions are in fact frozen nominal forms). The major categories
here are adverbs, prepositions, conjunctions, and interjections (see GKC
§§99–105; Joüon and Muraoka 2011: §§102–5). Adverbs are always sepa-
rate words in SBH, whatever their origin (‫‘ לֹא‬not’, ‫‘ ָׁשם‬there, in that place’,
‫‘ יַ ְח ָּדו‬together’). Prepositions, by definition, govern a nominal; they are ei-
ther attached as a prefix (as is always the case with the three “inseparable”
prepositions ‫‘ ְּב‬in, on, at, with’, ‫‘ ְל‬to, for’, and ‫‘ ְּכ‬like, as’, and sometimes
with ‫‘ ִמן־‬from’), or they appear as a separate word (as is true for all the
other prepositions, though some are regularly proclitic [with maqqeph] in
the Tiberian Masoretic system—e.g., ‫‘ ֶאל־‬to, toward’, or ‫‘ ַעל־‬upon, over,
concerning, against’). Conjunctions, which serve to link sentences and
clauses, can also be prefixed or independent and functionally coordinating
or subordinating: e.g., ְ‫‘ ו‬and’ (a prefixed coordinating conjunction) and ‫ִּכי‬
‘for, because, when’ (an independent subordinating conjunction). Inter-
jections are expressions of emotion and include onomatopoeic words (‫הֹוי‬
‘woe! alas!’, ‫‘ ֲא ָהּה‬ah! alas!’), the “particle of entreaty” ‫( ־נָ א‬which is often
enclitic in the Masoretic tradition and usually accompanies volitive verb
forms), and the presentative particle ‫‘ ִהּנֵ ה‬look! here is/are’, which can take
objective pronominal suffixes (‫‘ ִהּנֵ נִ י‬Here I am!’ [Gen 22:1]).
Lexicon
As mentioned, regular patterns of internal vowel change and affixation
can be observed in SBH for the derivation of noun lexemes from roots. A
large number of nouns are of the historical patterns *qatl/*qitl/*qutl (that
is, nouns originally consisting of a single short vowel between the first
and second letters of the root: *CVCC), which develop into the so-called
segolate group with penultimate stress: e.g., ‫[ ֶמ ֶלְך‬mɛ́ lɛx] ‘king’ (< *malk)
or ‫[ ֶע ֶבד‬ʕɛ́vɛð] ‘slave, servant’ (< *ˁabd ). The preformative m- tends to
produce deverbal nouns of many types but especially concrete substan-
tives of place and of instrument: e.g., ‫‘ ִמזְ ֵּב ַח‬sacrificial altar’, ‫‘ ָמקֹום‬place’,
‫‘ ִמ ְק ָּדׁש‬sanctuary’, ‫‘ ַמ ְל ָאְך‬messenger’, and ‫מֹוקׁש‬
ֵ ‘snare’. The preformative
t-, on the other hand, is associated with abstracts: e.g., ‫‘ ִּת ְפ ָא ָרה‬glory’, ‫ּתֹודה‬
ָ
‘thanks(giving)’, ‫‘ ְּתבּונָ ה‬understanding’, and ‫ׁשּובה‬ָ ‫‘ ְת‬return, turning back’.
The sufformative elements -îṯ and -ûṯ form abstracts, too: e.g., ‫אׁשית‬ ִ ‫‘ ֵר‬be-
ginning’ or ‫‘ זְ נּות‬fornication’.
Basic verbs of motion in SBH show affinity with Phoenician (and Uga-
ritic) over against Aramaic: ‫‘ ָה ַלְך‬to go, walk’, ‫‘ ָע ָלה‬to go up’, ‫‘ יָ ַרד‬to go
down’, ‫‘ יָ ָצא‬to go out’, and ‫‘ )ּבֹוא( ָּבא‬to enter, come’. Interestingly, SBH is
especially rich in its “expressions of hills and mountains” (Kutscher 1982:
54), arguably owing to the geographical setting of the central Palestinian
hill country out of which the majority of the biblical texts arose.
Overall, the BH lexicon, with fewer than 9,000 entries (including proper
names but not counting verbal lexemes derived from a common root via the
different stems), cannot but represent a mere fraction of the total lexical in-
ventory of ancient spoken Hebrew (Sáenz-Badillos 1993: 74–75). Thus, it
is possible that lexemes known from later Hebrew (e.g., Tannaitic Hebrew)
preserve forms that would have been part of pre-exilic idiom but never ap-
peared in the biblical texts due to historical accident (or reasons of literary
style). See chapter 15.
Sentences
In terms of word-order typology, SBH is undoubtedly a V-O language,
but its status as V-S(-O) or S-V(-O) is more contentious. The assessment
of this question depends partly on how one defines the corpus (only prose
or both prose and poetry) and partly on whether one relies on statistical fac-
tors alone or balances statistics with other criteria of evaluation. Given that
wayyiqtol and wəqatal serve as the default verbal forms in narrative and
instructional/predictive discourse respectively, and since these forms are
necessarily clause-initial, it has seemed self-evident to almost all scholars
that V-S(-O) be regarded as the default word order for SBH prose.
Bibliography
Barr, James
1968 Comparative Philology and the Text of the Old Testament. Oxford: Clarendon.
Bergsträsser, G.
1918–29 Hebräische Grammatik mit Benutzung der von E. Kautzsch bearbeiteten
28. Auflage von Wilhelm Gesenius’ hebräischer Grammatik. 2 vols. Leipzig:
Vogel / Hinrichs.
18 Chapter 1
Blau, Joshua
1982 On Polyphony in Biblical Hebrew. Israel Academy of Sciences and Humani-
ties Proceedings 6/2. Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities.
Chomsky, William
1952 David Ḳimḥi’s Hebrew Grammar (Mikhlol) Systematically Presented and
Critically Annotated. New York: Bloch.
GKC Gesenius’ Hebrew Grammar, ed. E. Kautzsch. 2nd English translation by
A. E. Cowley. Oxford: Clarendon, 1910.
Huehnergard, John
1988 The Early Hebrew Prefix-Conjugations. Hebrew Studies 29: 19–23.
Joüon, P., and Muraoka, T.
2011 A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew. 2nd ed. Subsidia Biblica 27. Rome: Grego-
rian and Biblical Press.
Khan, Geoffrey
1987 Vowel Length and Syllable Structure in the Tiberian Tradition of Biblical
Hebrew. Journal of Semitic Studies 32: 23–82.
Kogan, Leonid
2011 Proto-Semitic Phonetics and Phonology. Pp. 54–151 in The Semitic Lan-
guages: An International Handbook, ed. Stefan Weninger. Handbücher zur
Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft 36. Berlin: De Gruyter.
Kutscher, Eduard Yechezkel
1982 A History of the Hebrew Language, ed. Raphael Kutscher. Leiden: Brill /
Jerusalem: Magnes.
Lambdin, Thomas O.
1971 An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew. New York: Scribner’s.
Pardee, Dennis
1992 Review of Linguistic Evidence for the Northern Origin of Selected Psalms,
by Gary A. Rendsburg. Journal of the American Oriental Society 112: 702–4.
2008 Review of Leaves from an Epigrapher’s Notebook: Collected Papers in He-
brew and West Semitic Palaeography and Epigraphy, by Frank Moore Cross.
Journal of Near Eastern Studies 67: 63–67.
2012 The Hebrew Verbal System in a Nutshell. Pp. 285–317 in Language and Na-
ture: Papers Presented to John Huehnergard on the Occasion of His 60th
Birthday, ed. Rebecca Hasselbach and Naʿama Pat-El. Studies in Ancient
Oriental Civilization 67. Chicago: Oriental Institute.
Polzin, Robert
1976 Late Biblical Hebrew: Toward an Historical Typology of Biblical Hebrew
Prose. Harvard Semitic Monographs 12. Missoula, MT: Scholars Press.
Sáenz-Badillos, Angel
1993 A History of the Hebrew Language, trans. John Elwolde. Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press.
Waltke, Bruce K., and O’Connor, M.
1990 An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
Watson, Wilfred G. E.
1984 Classical Hebrew Poetry: A Guide to Its Techniques. Journal for the Study of
the Old Testament Supplement Series 26. Sheffield: JSOT Press.
Chapter 2
Archaic Biblical Hebrew
A gustinus G ianto
Introduction
The term “Archaic Biblical Hebrew” (ABH) characterizes a phase of
Hebrew that differs from “Standard Biblical Hebrew” (SBH) but is closer
to the older Northwest Semitic (NWS) languages (i.e., Ugaritic and Amarna
Canaanite) and the early first-millennium cognate languages (i.e., Phoeni-
cian, Old Aramaic, and Transjordanian languages). There is no consensus
whether its features represent an actual, spoken phase of language. Earlier
scholarship tends to proceed on the basis of this view (see especially Cross
and Freedman 1975; Freedman 1960, 1972). On the other hand, Robertson
(1972) shows that various archaic features also appear in SBH, especially
in the poetic texts. This leads to the idea that ABH reflects a stage transi-
tional to the classical language. Several older NWS features in ABH have
also been explained as originating in Aramaic, which, in this case, retains
the older NWS forms (see Kutscher 1982: 38–42; Hurvitz 1973, 2003).
Some features in ABH have been considered as belonging to a northern He-
brew dialect with closer affinities to Phoenician and Aramaic than Judean
Hebrew (see Rendsburg 2003). In addition to the historical development
from NWS to Hebrew and on-going contacts with adjacent languages, sty-
listic registers and various sociolinguistic factors may also account for the
diversity within Biblical Hebrew (Gianto 1996; Kim 2013).

A precise date cannot be assigned to ABH. It can be assumed that the
original speech community of ABH is the early Israelite society. The origins
19
20 Chapter 2
of this society are closely connected with sociopolitical transformations in

Syria–Palestine during the second half of the second millennium BCE. This
period witnessed the collapse of the city-state system in the area (with the
exception of Phoenicia) and the rise of larger groups such as the Aramean,
Moabite, Edomite, Ammonite, and Israelite kingdoms, each having a ruler,
an administrative center (e.g., Jerusalem for the Israelites, Damascus for
the Arameans, Dibon for the Moabites), a deity (Yhwh, Hadad, Kemosh,
respectively), and a language of its own. For the linguistic situation of this
area during the first millennium BCE, see Harris (1939) and Garr (1985).
This is the setting for the growth of Hebrew as the “national” language of
Israel, which reached its peak in the form of SBH during the First Temple
period. The speech community was also the one that lay at the base of the
first genuinely royal court—that is, that of David. ABH thus represents the
earliest stage of the development of Hebrew. This was also the period when
Hebrew crystallized into a written literary language. See Sanders (2009)
for further ramifications.
The Corpus
Early traditions are preserved in a number of poems in the Hebrew
Bible; these poems form the corpus of ABH. The Divine Warrior and His
acts are exalted in Exod 15:1–18 (the Song of the Sea); Num 23:7–10,
23:18–24, 24:3–9, 24:16–19 (the Oracles of Balaam); Deut 32:1–43 (the
Song of Moses); Habakkuk 3; and Psalm 68. The tradition about a common
patriarch is reflected in Genesis 49 (the Blessing of Jacob). In the same
way, the tradition about Moses as leader is preserved in Deut 33:1–29 (the
Blessing of Moses). Judg 5:1–30 (the Song of Deborah) represents collec-
tive memories about ancient heroines. 1 Sam 2:1–10 (the Song of Hannah)
and 2 Sam 22:2–51 // Psalm 18 (David’s Thanksgiving Psalm) also belong
to the corpus of ABH.
Early Israelite society cultivated traditions about its Divine Warrior,
Yhwh, while distancing itself from its Egyptian overlord and Canaanite
society. These traditions reflect Israel’s religious awareness as the people
of their national God Yhwh. This religious allegiance provides a strong
basis for unity among diverse groups within early Israelite society. Another
effort to build unity is reflected in the traditions about a common patriarch,
Jacob, as in Genesis 49, or a common leader, Moses, as in Deuteronomy
32–33. Also part of the collective memory in the early Israelite society are
Archaic Biblical Hebrew 21
traditions about early heroines such as Deborah and Jael uniting the tribes
against the Canaanites, as in Judges 5. These traditions are recorded in the
poetic compositions that form the corpus of ABH.
During the later part of the First Temple period, nearly all poetic texts
representing ABH were sutured into a grand narrative that includes stories
of the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; the crossing of the sea on the
journey leaving Egypt; the giving of the Law at Sinai; the conquest of the
land of Canaan; and finally the establishment of kingship in Israel. These
stories form the first five books of the Bible (Genesis through Deuteron-
omy) and the historical books from Joshua though Kings. This develop-
ment introduced a reinterpretation of the experience of the early Israelite
society mentioned earlier. Adaptations of ABH to the language of the late
First Temple period—that is, SBH—also took place. The following sec-
tions discuss certain older forms and usages that survive in the present
corpus.
Orthography
In all likelihood, ABH was first written in a strictly consonantal spelling,
as in Phoenician, whose alphabet and orthography were adopted in Hebrew
at an early period. A reconstruction of the purely consonantal orthography
of this corpus is given by Cross and Freedman (1975) on the basis of their
study of the development of Hebrew orthography (1952). Such a purely
consonantal writing is reflected in the Gezer calendar (if, indeed, it is
written in Hebrew and not in Phoenician), dated to the tenth century BCE
or even earlier. During the next four centuries, as documented in Hebrew
inscriptions, vowel letters (matres lectionis) were gradually introduced to
indicate long vowels—first at the end of the word, and then in the middle.
For all practical purposes, in ABH only final he indicating long -ō can
be considered evidence for the earlier spelling practice. This is illustrated
by the spelling of the third-person masc. sing. pronominal suffix attached
to nouns, as in ‫‘ ִעיר ֹה‬his donkey’ and ‫‘ סּותֹה‬his garment’ (Gen 49:11). The
same suffix is attached to a perfect verb, as in ‫(‘ ַקּבֹה‬El) has (not) cursed
him’ (Num 23:8).
The use of he for the third-person masc. sing. is connected with the
following historical development: *-Vhu > *-uhu > [-uh], written ‫ה‬-. At a
later period, [-uh] was pronounced [-ō] and was written with waw instead.
But in a number of cases, the letter he is retained as historical writing, as
22 Chapter 2
in the examples above (for other examples in archaizing texts, see GKC
§91e). In pre-exilic Hebrew inscriptions, the third-person masc. sing. suffix
is still written mainly with ‫ה‬- (see Gogel 1998: 156, 159; Renz 2003: 7).
The writing of the place name ‫‘ ִׁשיֹלה‬Shiloh’ (Gen 49:10) also reflects the
earlier spelling practice.
Phonetics and Phonology

In ABH, Proto-Semitic *ā has shifted to [ō]. There is no agreement
whether this change, known as the Canaanite shift, occurs in all environ-
ments or only in stressed syllables; for an assessment of these positions
and further suggestions, see Fassberg 2013. The other two long vowels,
*ī and *ū, are generally stable in all phases of Hebrew. There is, however,
no conclusive evidence whether conditioned changes of the short vowels,
such as vowel raising in open pretonic syllables or the reduction of short
vowels to šəwa, also started in ABH. The consonantal phonemic inventory
of ABH is the same as SBH. Naturally, familiar changes such as spiranti-
zation of post-vocalic stops and segolation of *qVtl-nouns (*malk > ‫ֶמ ֶלְך‬
‘king’) probably had not yet taken place.
Morphology and Syntax

Special features in the morphology and syntax of ABH nouns and verbs
that differ from SBH can be described as vestiges of the older NWS system,
which was going through a series of changes as a consequence of the disap-
pearance of short vowels in word-final position. In nouns and adjectives,
this loss caused the collapse of the morphological marking of the older case
system. Thus, the earlier NWS nominative *malk-u ‘king’, genitive *malk-
i, accusative *malk-a all became *malk and finally ‫ ֶמ ֶלְך‬in Hebrew. The loss
of the accusative ending may have triggered the development of various
forms of the accusative marker in the first-millennium languages—that is,
Hebrew ‫את‬, ֵ Phoenician ‫אית‬, ‫את‬, ‫ת‬, and Aramaic ‫אית‬, ‫ית‬. This marker is
normally governed by the definite article ha- which began to appear around
the same time. In ABH, the object marker and definite article were not yet
fully in use.
In some places, the vocalic ending on nouns can be considered remnants
of the NWS case system (Waltke and O’Connor 1990: §§8.2a–d). In other
places, such an ending represents something else (Waltke and O’Connor
1990: §8.2e): e.g., the yod compaginis in ‘(Your right hand, O Yhwh,)
‫ נֶ ְא ָּד ִרי ַּבּכ ַֹח‬glorious with strength...’ (Exod 15:6) and twice in ‫א ְֹס ִרי ַלגֶ ֶפן‬
‫‘ ִעיר ֹה וְ ַלש ֵֹר ָקה ְבנִ י ֲאתֹנֹו‬binding to the vine his foal and to the choice vine
the offspring of his donkey’ (Gen 49:11). According to Moran (1961: 60),
the yod in these passages is a reflex of the Canaanite infinitive absolute
qatāli documented in Amarna Canaanite, which in Hebrew should appear
as qātōlî. Accordingly, ‫ נֶ ְא ָּד ִרי‬and ‫ א ְֹס ִרי‬may be revocalized as neʾdōrî and
ʾāsōrî. The yod compaginis in Deut 33:16 is different: ‘(the favor of) ‫ש ְֹכנִ י‬
‫ ְסנֶ ה‬the One dwelling in the bush’. Here it is a kind of linking vowel be-
tween two nouns. Likewise, the final waw in ‫‘ ְּבנֹו ִצּפֹר‬O son of Zippor!’
(Num 23:18) has been considered a remnant of a case ending on a noun.
Yet, this construction can be better explained as a proleptic pronominal suf-
fix in a genitive construction ‘his son, that is, of Zippor’ (cf. Sivan 1998:
104), known also in Aramaic (in Hebrew and Aramaic, however, there is
usually a relative in this construction: e.g., ‫‘ ִמ ָּטתֹו ֶּש ִּל ְׁשֹלמֹה‬Solomon’s bed’
[lit., ‘his bed, that is, of Solomon’] [Song 3:7]). Since Balaam is said to
have come from “Aram” (Num 23:7), the author may have deliberately
used this construction in order to give local color.
The apocope of final short vowels had a greater impact in the verbal
system. It can be assumed that the second-millennium NWS languages
had three different prefix conjugations morphologically marked by end-
ings: using a template of the third-person masc. sing. qal stem, they are
the imperfective *yaqtul-u, preterite *yaqtul (also functioning as jussive),
and volitive *yaqtul-a. The loss of short unstressed vowels in word-final
position blurred the formal distinctions and their use. Yet, the existence
of “short” vs. “long” forms in the Hebrew prefix conjugation of ‫ ל״ה‬verbs
(‫‘ וְ ֶיִבן‬and let him build’ [Ezra 1:3] vs. ‫‘ ְיִבנֶ ה‬he will build’) and hollow verbs
(‫‘ יָ קּום‬he will arise’ vs. ‫‘ יָ קֹם‬let him arise’) indicates that the older system
outlined above had not completely disappeared. ABH represents a stage
before the changes were complete. Older and newer forms coexisted.
Research into the verbal forms in ABH has a long history. The most
recent monograph is Notarius (2013). This work provides a useful synopsis
of earlier scholarship and, more importantly, an analysis of the use of verbs
in their specific ABH context. The work also describes diversity within
ABH itself. The following discussion draws from the findings in that work
and adapts them to the present format.
In a number of places in the ABH corpus, yiqtol is the reflex of NWS
*yaqtul and expresses the narrative past: e.g., ‫(‘ יַ ֵּצב ּגְ ֻבֹלת ַע ִּמים‬the Most
24 Chapter 2
High) fixed the boundaries of the peoples . . . ‫( יִ ְמ ָצ ֵאהּו ְב ֶא ֶרץ ִמ ְד ָבר‬Yhwh)
found him (i.e., Jacob) in the desert’ (Deut 32:8, 10). This usage is docu-
mented in the narrative parts in ABH, notably Deut 32:8–20 (see vol. 2).
Generally, NWS preterite *yaqtul survives in the form of the clause-
initial narrative form wayyiqtol, which is characteristic of SBH. The form
with waw is rarely found in ABH, and most of its occurrences are attested
in Genesis 49: e.g., ‫‘ וַ ּיַ ְרא‬he saw’ (v. 15), ‫‘ וַ ּיֵ ט‬he bowed (his shoulder)’
(v. 15), and ‫‘ וַ ּיִ ּפֹל‬he fell’ (v. 17); see the other cases in vv. 23–24. If genu-
ine, these few examples serve as evidence for the early development of
wayyiqtol. Alternatively, they may have originally consisted of simple waw
and the reflex of NWS narrative *yaqtul but, in the later MT, were vocal-
ized as wayyiqtol in conformity with SBH.
NWS imperfective *yaqtulu became Hebrew yiqtol while keeping its
present-future temporal reference and its various modal senses. At an early
stage, including ABH, Hebrew yiqtol was also used to refer to past situa-
tions and thus express a historical present. See examples from Exodus 15
below.
The following analysis illustrates the complex use of yiqtol in Exodus
15. In a number of places, yiqtol is clearly associated with past events:
e.g., ‫(‘ יְ ַכ ְסיֻ מּו‬the floods) covered them’ (v. 5); ‫(‘ ִּת ְר ַעץ‬Your right hand)
crushed’ (v. 6); ‫‘ ַּת ֲהר ֹס‬You overthrew’, ‫‘ ְּת ַׁש ַּלח‬You sent out’, ‫אכ ֵלמֹו‬ ְ ֹ‫י‬
‘(Yhwh’s fury) consumed them’ (v. 7); ‫(‘ ִּת ְב ָל ֵעמֹו‬the earth) swallowed
them’ (v. 12); ‫אחזֵ מֹו‬ ֲ ֹ ‫(‘ י‬fear) seized them’ (v. 15); ‫(‘ ִּתּפֹל‬terror) fell (upon)’,
‫(‘ יִ ְּדמּו‬the inhabitants of Canaan) became still’ (v. 16); and ‫‘ ְּת ִב ֵאמֹו‬You
brought them’, ‫‘ וְ ִת ָּט ֵעמֹו‬and You planted them’ (v. 17). Therefore these
forms may be interpreted as the reflex of NWS preterite *yaqtul. But it is
equally possible to take them as the reflex of NWS imperfective *yaqtulu,
which functions as the historical present. This is evident in ‫(‘ יִ ְרּגָ זּון‬the
nations) trembled’ (v. 14): the paragogic nun presupposes an underlying
imperfective. In either case, the events are presented as the main events.
The other occurrences of yiqtol in Exodus 15 are reflexes of NWS
imperfective *yaqtulu and express the present-future, mostly with some
modal nuance: ‫‘ וְ ַאנְ וֵ הּו‬I will praise Him’, ‫‘ וַ ֲאר ְֹמ ֶמנְ הּו‬I will exalt Him’ (v. 2);
‫‘ ֶא ְרּד ֹף‬I will pursue’, ‫‘ ַא ִּׂשיג‬I will overtake’, ‫‘ ֲא ַח ֵּלק‬I will divide’, ‫ִּת ְמ ָל ֵאמֹו‬
‘(my desire) will have its fill of them’, ‫‘ ָא ִריק‬I will unsheath’, ‫יׁשמֹו‬ ִ ‘(my
ֵ ‫ּתֹור‬
hand) will disinherit them’ (v. 9); ‫(‘ יַ ֲעבֹר‬until Your people) cross over’
(v. 16); and ‫יִמֹלְך‬ ְ ‘(Yhwh) will reign’ (v. 18). The form ‫‘ ָא ִׁש ָירה‬I will sing’
(v. 1) is a normal cohortative.
The perfect, as expected, refers to the current relevance of a past event

(its translation value is often very close to the English present perfect): ‫ּגָ ָאה‬
‘(Yhwh) has triumphed’, ‫‘ ָר ָמה‬He has thrown’ (v. 1); ‫‘ יָ ָרה‬He has hurled’,
‫(‘ ֻט ְּבעּו‬Pharaoh’s officers) have been sunk’ (v. 4); ‫‘ יָ ְרדּו‬they have gone
down’ (v. 5); ‫(‘ נֶ ֶע ְרמּו‬the waters) stood piled up’, ‫(‘ נִ ְּצבּו‬the floods) stood up
erect’, ‫(‘ ָק ְפאּו‬the deeps) have become congealed’ (v. 8); ‫(‘ ָא ַמר‬the enemy)
has said’ (v. 9); ‫‘ נָ ַׁש ְפ ָּת‬You have blown’, ‫(‘ ִּכ ָּסמֹו‬the sea) has fully covered
them’, ‫‘ ָצ ֲללּו‬they sank’ (v. 10); ‫ית‬ ָ ‫‘ נָ ִט‬You hold (Your right hand) extended’
(v. 12); ‫ית‬ ָ ‫‘ נָ ִח‬You have led’, ‫‘ ּגָ ָא ְל ָּת‬You have redeemed’, ‫‘ נֵ ַה ְל ָּת‬You have
guided’ (v. 13); ‫(‘ ָׁש ְמעּו‬the nations) have heard’, ‫(‘ ָא ַחז‬pain) has seized’
(v. 14); ‫(‘ נִ ְב ֲהלּו‬the chiefs of Edom) became dismayed’, ‫(‘ נָ מֹגּו‬the inhab-
itants of Canaan) melted away’ (v. 15); ‫ית‬ ָ ִ‫‘ ָקנ‬You have acquired’ (v. 16);
and ‫‘ ָּפ ַע ְל ָּת‬You have made’ (v. 17). These provide background information
to the main events described by yiqtol.
NWS volitive *yaqtul-a survives in Hebrew only in the first person, both
singular and plural—that is, the forms traditionally called cohortative—
ʾeqtəlâ and niqtəlâ. The cohortative, the jussive, and the imperative form
the injunctive paradigm in Hebrew: the cohortative for the first person, the
imperative for the second, and the jussive for the third and negated second
persons. This complementary distribution seems to be operative in ABH. In
SBH the imperative is also found in the lengthened form with -â. This end-
ing may be explained as reanalysis of the cohortative as first-person imper-
fect expressing volition followed by -â. This ending is then also extended
by analogy to the imperative producing the long imperative. In ABH, this
long imperative occurs only in the Oracles of Balaam.
In NWS there were also two sets of energic forms associated with the
prefix conjugations: the long *yaqtulanna, and the short *yaqtulan. The
long energic was reanalyzed in Hebrew as the short energic followed by
an enclitic *-na, written ‫נָ א‬-, which follows the cohortative and the long
imperative (as well as the presentative ‫הּנֵ ה‬, ִ the prohibitive ‫אל‬, ַ and condi-
tional ‫‘ ִאם‬if’). The specific function of this enclitic is unclear: some think
it marks deference or entreaty, and others think it signals logical conse-
quence. In ABH, the enclitic occurs only in the Oracles of Balaam.
The NWS short energic, *yaqtulan, survives in SBH in the imperfect
with pronominal suffixes: *yaqtulan-nī, -anka (> -akka), -anhu (> -annu),
-anha (> -anna), with the stress on the original energic suffix. With the
first-person suffix, for example, *-ánnī shifted to *-ínnī and, finally,
ֶ -énnî. This series of suffixes is labeled in grammars as pronominal
‫אנִ י‬-
26 Chapter 2
suffixes with “energic nun,” used exclusively with the imperfect. There
are several places in ABH where the he of the third-person masc. sing.
has not assimilated to the nun: ‫‘ וַ ֲאר ְֹמ ֶמנְ הּו‬and I shall exalt Him’ (Exod
15:2) and ‫‘ יְ ֽסֹ ְב ֶבנְ הּו יְבֹונְ נֵ הּו יִ ְּצ ֶרנְ הּו‬He shielded him, cared for him, guarded
him’ (Deut 32:10).
Other anomalous features found in the ABH verbal system can be ex-
plained as retentions of an earlier system. The form ‫(‘ יְ ַכ ְסיֻ מּו‬the floods)
covered them’ (Exod 15:5) shows the retention of the final yod of the root
‫*כס״י‬. In SBH, the yod has disappeared almost entirely (see GKC §§75u,
dd; for the retention of final waw, see GKC §75b). The second-person fem.
sing. verbal affix -tî in the perfect—‫בֹורה‬ ָ ‫‘ ַעד ַש ַק ְמ ִתי ְד‬until you stood up,
O Deborah’ (Judg 5:7)—contrasts with the normal SBH fem. sing. affix -t
(SBH ‫)*ק ְמ ְת‬.ַ Other anomalous examples are: third-person fem. sing. ‫ָאזְ ַלת‬
‘she is gone’ (Deut 32:36), instead of ‫;*אזְ ָלה‬ ָ or third-person fem. pl. ‫ָבֹנות‬
‫(‘ ָצ ֲע ָדה‬his) branches run over (the wall)’ (Gen 49:22), rather than ‫*צ ֲעדּו‬. ָ
The fact that the NWS second-person fem. sing. *-tî, third-person fem.
sing. *-at, and third-person fem. pl. *-ā are retained in Old Aramaic does
not necessarily provide evidence that these ABH forms are Aramaisms.
In a few cases, pronominal suffixes in ABH are different from the classi-
cal form. Thus instead of third-person masc. pl. ‫הם‬- ֶ or ‫ם‬-, ABH sometimes
uses ‫ֹמו‬-, both with the imperfect—e.g., ‫אכ ֵלמֹו‬ ְ ֹ ‫‘ י‬it consumed them’ (Exod
15:7; see also vv. 5 [vocalized as -mû], 9 [bis], 12, 15, 17 [bis])—and the
perfect ‫‘ ִכ ָסמֹו‬it covered them’ (Exod 15:10). Although in Exod 15 this
suffix occurs only with verbs, in Deut 32 it is used only with nouns, as
in ‫ֹלהימֹו‬ֵ ‫‘ ֱא‬their gods’ (Deut 32:37; see also vv. 27, 32, 38; Deut 33:29).
Whether this distribution is more than a coincidence awaits further scru-
tiny. The forms might reflect the following development: NWS *-humū
became *-himmā by analogy to the fem. pl. *-hinnā and then participated
in the Canaanite shift and was replaced by *-himmō; later, this form was
shortened into -mō and written ‫ֹמו‬-. The use of this form in later poetic
passages reflects an archaizing tendency (with verbs, see GKC §58g; with
nouns, GKC §91l[3]; also with prepositions, GKC §103f n. 3; cf. Robert-
son 1972: 65–69). For the archaic writing of the third-person masc. sing.
pronominal suffix as ‫ׂה‬- instead of ‫ֹו‬-, see p. 21, above.
ABH also exhibits a long form of the preposition ‫‘ ְּכ‬like’, as in ‫מֹו־א ֶבן‬ ָ ‫ְּכ‬
‘like stone’ (Exod 15:5) and ‫‘ ְכמֹו־נֵ ד‬like a wall’ (Exod 15:8). The long
form is paralleled in Ugaritic. Its ending is not be confused with the third-
person masc. pl. suffix. Long forms of the preposition ‫‘ ַעל‬upon’, are also
found in ABH before nouns, as in ‫ ֲע ֵלי־א ַֹרח‬. . . ‫י־ד ֶרְך‬
ֶ ‫‘ ֲע ֵל‬on the way . . . on
the path’ (Gen 49:17; see also v. 22 [bis]; Num 24:6; Deut 32:2 [bis]). SBH
normally uses the short form, although the long form is the base to which
pronominal suffixes are attached.
The use of the masc. sing. demonstratives ‫זֶ ה‬, ‫זֹו‬, and ‫ זּו‬as relatives is
another feature of ABH: e.g., ‫‘ יְ הוָ ה זֶ ה ִסינַ י‬Yhwh, the One of Sinai’ (Judg
5:5), ‫ֹלהים זֶ ה ִסינַ י‬
ִ ‫‘ ֱא‬God, the One of Sinai’ (Ps 68:9), and ‫ית‬ ָ ִ‫‘ ַעם־זּו ָקנ‬the
people whom You acquired’ (Exod 15:16). A similar use of the cognate de-
monstrative pronoun is found in Ugaritic and retained in Aramaic through-
out its development. This suggests that the usage in ABH represents the
stage of the language where the demonstrative had not been completely
replaced by ‫( ֲא ֶׁשר‬e.g., Gen 49:1; Num 24:4; Deut 32:38; 33:8). On the
other hand, the appearance of the relative -‫ ַש‬in ‫בֹורה‬ ָ ‫‘ ַעד ַש ַק ְמ ִתי ְד‬until
you arose, O Deborah’ (Judg 5:7) has been explained as a northern trait,
as against SBH ‫א ֶׁשר‬, ֲ which resurfaced in Late Biblical Hebrew. In two
Dead Sea Scrolls (Copper Scroll [3Q15] and 4QMMT [4Q394–399]) and
in Tannaitic Hebrew, -‫ ש‬is the standard relative (Kutscher 1982: 32, 80).
Lexicon
It is not possible to isolate a unique ABH lexicon; all ABH words recur
in other parts of the Hebrew Bible. There is, however, some preference
for rare words. Sáenz-Badillos (2007: 55–56) gives a list of roots occur-
ring in ABH that seldom appear in other corpora, such as ‫( אז״ן‬hiphil) ‘to
hear’ vs. ‫שמ״ע‬, ‫‘ את״ה‬to come’ vs. ‫בו״א‬, ‫‘ די״ן‬to judge’ vs. ‫שפ״ט‬, ‫‘ זע״ם‬to
be furious’ vs. ‫כע״ס‬, ‫ ( חו״ה‬piel ) ‘to tell, say’ vs. ‫אמ״ר‬, ‫‘ חז״ה‬to see’ vs.
‫רא״ה‬, ‫‘ נג״ה‬to shine’ vs. ‫או״ר‬, ‫‘ מח״ץ‬to smite’ vs. ‫( נכ״ה‬hiphil), ‫‘ פע״ל‬to do’
vs. ‫עש״ה‬, ‫‘ צע״ד‬to step’ vs. ‫הל״ך‬, ‫‘ שע״ר‬to know’ vs. ‫יד״ע‬, and ‫‘ שת״ל‬to
transplant’ vs. ‫נט״ע‬. The list also includes the following nominal forms:
‫‘ א ֶֹמר‬word’ vs. ‫ּד ָבר‬,ָ ‫‘ א ַֹרח‬way’ vs. ‫ּד ֶרְך‬,ֶ ‫ ּגֶ ֶבר‬and ‫‘ ֱאנֹוש‬man’ vs. ‫א ָדם‬,ָ ‫ָחרּוץ‬
and ‫‘ ַּפז‬gold’ vs. ‫זָ ָהב‬, ‫‘ ֶח ֶמר‬wine’ vs. ‫יַ יִ ן‬, ‫‘ ֶט ֶרף‬food’ vs. ‫א ֶֹכל‬, ‫‘ ַּכ ִּביר‬big’
vs. ‫ּגָ דֹול‬, ‫‘ ר ֹזְ נִ ים‬chiefs’ vs. ‫ׂש ִרים‬,
ָ ‫‘ סּות‬dress’ vs. ‫לבּוׁש‬,ְ and ‫‘ ָׂש ַדי‬field’ vs.
ָ Nevertheless, since the words are also found elsewhere, albeit rarely,
‫ׂש ֶדה‬.
they may simply indicate dialectal preference or poetic register.
28 Chapter 2
Bibliography
Cross, Frank Moore, and Freedman, David Noel
1952 Early Hebrew Orthography: A Study of the Epigraphic Evidence. American
Oriental Series 36. New Haven, CT: American Oriental Society.
1975 Studies in Ancient Yahwistic Poetry. Society of Biblical Literature Disserta-
tion Series 21. Missoula, MT: Scholars Press.
Fassberg, Steven E.
2013 Two Biblical Hebrew Sound Laws in the Light of Modern Spoken Semitic.
Pp. 95–100 in Nicht nur mit Engelzungen: Beiträge zur semitischen Dialek
tologie. Festschrift für Werner Arnold zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Renaud J.
Kuty, Ulrich Seeger, and Shabo Talay. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Freedman, David Noel
1960 Archaic Forms in Early Hebrew Poetry. Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche
Wissenschaft 72: 101–7.
1972 Some Observations on Early Hebrew. Biblica 53: 413–20.
Garr, W. Randall
1985 Dialect Geography of Syria-Palestine, 1000–586 B.C.E. Philadelphia: Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania Press. Reprinted, Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns,
2004.
Gianto, Agustinus
1996 Variations in Biblical Hebrew. Biblica 77: 493–508.
GKC Gesenius’ Hebrew Grammar, ed. E. Kautzsch. 2nd English translation by
A. E. Cowley. Oxford: Clarendon, 1910.
Gogel, Sarah L.
A Grammar of Epigraphic Hebrew. Society of Biblical Literature Resources
for Biblical Study 23. Atlanta: Scholars Press.
Harris, Zellig S.
Development of the Canaanite Dialects: An Investigation in Linguistic His-
tory. American Oriental Series 16. New Haven, CT: American Oriental
Society.
Hurvitz, Avi
1973 Linguistic Criteria for Dating Problematic Biblical Texts. Hebrew Abstracts
14: 74–79.
2003 Hebrew and Aramaic in the Biblical Period: The Problem of “Aramaisms”
in Linguistic Research on the Hebrew Bible. Pp. 24–37 in Biblical Hebrew:
Studies in Chronology and Typology, ed. Ian Young. Journal for the Study of
the Old Testament Supplement Series 369. New York: T. & T. Clark.
Kim, Dong-Hyuk
2013 Early Biblical Hebrew, Late Biblical Hebrew, and Linguistic Variability: A
Sociolinguistic Evaluation of the Linguistic Dating of Biblical Texts. Supple-
ments to Vetus Testamentum 156. Leiden: Brill.
Jerusalem: Magnes.
Mandel, Alice
2013 Biblical Hebrew, Archaic. Pp. 325–29 in vol. 1 of Encyclopedia of Hebrew
Language and Linguistics, ed. Geoffrey Khan. Leiden: Brill.
Moran, William L.
1961 The Hebrew Language in Its Northwest Semitic Background. Pp. 54–72 in
The Bible and the Ancient Near East: Essays in Honor of William Foxwell
Albright, ed. G. Ernest Wright. Garden City, NY: Doubleday.
Notarius, Tania
2013 The Verb in Archaic Biblical Poetry: A Discursive, Typological, and His-
torical Investigation of the Tense System. Studies in Semitic Languages and
Linguistics 68. Leiden: Brill.
Rendsburg, Gary A.
2003 A Comprehensive Guide to Israelian Hebrew: Grammar and Lexicon. Orient
38: 5–35.
Renz, Johannes
2003 Materialen zur althebräischen Morphologie. Pp. 3–78 in vol. II/2 of Hand
buch der althebräischen Epigraphik, by Johannes Renz and Wolfgang Röllig.
Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.
Robertson, David A.
1972 Linguistic Evidence in Dating Early Hebrew Poetry. Society of Biblical Lit-
erature Dissertation Series 3. Missoula, MT: Scholars Press.
Sáenz-Badillos, Ángel
2007 Storia della lingua ebraica, trans. Piero Capelli. Introduzione allo studio
della Bibbia Supplementi 34. Brescia: Paideia.
Sanders, Seth L.
2009 The Invention of Hebrew. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.
Sivan, Daniel
1998 The Gezer Calendar and Northwest Semitic Linguistics. Israel Exploration
Journal 48: 101–5.
Waltke, Bruce K., and O’Connor, M.
1990 An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
Chapter 3
Transitional Biblical Hebrew
A aron D. H ornkohl

Transitional Biblical Hebrew (= TrBH), like Biblical Hebrew (= BH)
more generally, was not the language of a specific speech community. It
was rather a heterogeneous historical layer of the ancient Hebrew literary
register as reflected in certain works of the Hebrew Bible, representing
various genres (narrative, poetry, prophecy, hortatory rhetoric), writers of
diverse vocations (historian, prophet, poet), and several regional contexts
(principally Judah and Babylon). TrBH is a term of convenience, since in
reality this stage of ancient Hebrew is no more “transitional” than the lan-
guage’s other historical strata. Each was a phase in the perpetual process
of evolution between preceding and successive stages. TrBH’s uniquely
transitional label owes to the fact that it would appear to link the two more
well-defined historical stages known as Standard (or Classical) Biblical
Hebrew (= SBH) and Late Biblical Hebrew (= LBH). The label also re-
flects the perspective according to which SBH is viewed as the norm. This
is justified not only because a majority of the Bible is written in SBH but
because later writers evidently considered it a literary standard worthy of
emulation.
Stated simply, TrBH refers to the historical stratum of BH that links
pre-exilic SBH and post-Restoration LBH. Since material written in SBH
is generally dated to the period 1000–600 BCE—that is, from the period of
the Israelite monarchy to the time of the Babylonian Exile in 586 BCE—
and LBH proper is reflected in biblical texts from after 450 BCE, TrBH is
defined as the language of biblical material written over the approximately
150 years from the close of the First Temple period through the years of
31
32 Chapter 3
the Exile and into the Restoration—that is, ca. 600–450 BCE (more gener-
ally on BH periodization, see Hornkohl 2013; for a sustained, but highly
problematic, critique of BH periodization methods and results, especially
as they apply to the dating of biblical texts, see Young, Rezetko, and Eh-
rensvärd 2008; Rezetko and Young 2014).
It is commonly understood that LBH material reveals remarkable con-
centrations of linguistic affinities with late extra-Biblical Hebrew sources,
such as the Dead Sea Scrolls, Ben Sira, Tannaitic literature, and with vari-
ous Second Temple Aramaic corpora. By way of illustration, whether na-
tive to Aramaic or borrowed therein, ‫‘ ִאּגֶ ֶרת‬letter’ (e.g., 2 Chr 30:1, 6),
‫‘ ָא ַחז‬to close, lock’ (Neh 7:3; a calque of Aramaic ‫)א ַחד‬, ֲ and ‫‘ זְ ַמן‬time’
(e.g., Esth 9:27, 31) are clear Aramaisms in Hebrew (in some cases also
characteristic of post-Biblical Hebrew); the spellings and pronunciations
of proper names like ‫‘ ָּדוִ יד‬David’ (chiefly in Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah,
and Zechariah) (for ‫)ּדוִ ד‬, ָ ְ‫‘ י‬Jerusalem’ (Jer 26:18; Esth 2:6; 1 Chr
ָ ‫רּוׁש ַליִ ם‬
4:5; 2 Chr 25:1; 32:9) (for ִ‫רּוׁש ַלם‬ ַ ֵ‫‘ י‬Yeshua’ (Ezra, Nehemiah, Chron-
ָ ְ‫)י‬, ‫ׁשּוע‬
icles) (for ‫הֹוׁש ַע‬
ֻ ְ‫)י‬, and ‫‘ ַּד ְר ֶמ ֶׂשק‬Damascus’ (2 Chr 16:2; 24:23; 28:5, 23) (for
‫ ַ)ּד ֶּמ ֶׂשק‬connect LBH to later Hebrew (and, often, Aramaic) strata; and ele-
ments such as ‫‘ ִמ ְד ָרׁש‬account’ (2 Chr 13:22; 24:27), ‫‘ ַּת ֲענִ ית‬affliction, fast’
(Ezra 9:5), ‫‘ ַה ָּת ִמיד‬the perpetual, daily (sacrifice)’ (Dan 11:31), and ‫ַל ֲעׂשֹות‬
‫‘ יֹום טֹוב‬celebrate as a holiday’ (Esth 9:19) anticipate Tannaitic Hebrew.
These and similar features represent both inner-Hebrew developments and
the results of external influence, especially that of Imperial Aramaic, not
to mention indirect Akkadian influence via Aramaic: e.g., the Babylonian
month names ‫יסן‬ ָ ִ‫‘ נ‬Nisan’ (Esther; Nehemiah), ‫‘ ִסוָ ן‬Sivan’ (Esther), ‫ֱאלּול‬
‘Elul’ (Nehemiah), ‫‘ ִּכ ְס ֵל(י)ו‬Kislev’ (Zechariah; Nehemiah), ‫‘ ֵט ֵבת‬Tevet’
(Esther), ‫‘ ְׁש ָבט‬Shevat’ (Zechariah), and ‫‘ ֲא ָדר‬Adar’ (Esther; Ezra). Ara-
maic also mediates Persian loanwords into LBH: e.g., administrative terms
such as ‫‘ ּגִ זְ ָּבר‬treasurer’ (Ezra), ‫ּגֶ נֶ ז‬/‫( *ּגְ נַ ז‬Esther) and ‫ ּגַ נְ זַ ְך‬both ‘treasury’
(Chronicles), and ‫‘ ָּדת‬edict’ (Esther; Ezra).
The Corpus
In accordance with conventional assessments (see, generally, Driver
1898; Hurvitz 1983), the TrBH corpus is thought to consist of Isaiah 40–66
(Paul 2012), Jeremiah (Smith 2003; Hornkohl 2014a), Ezekiel (Hurvitz
1982; Rooker 1990), Haggai (Shin 2007; Rendsburg 2012), Zechariah
(Hill 1982; Shin 2007), Malachi (Hill 1982; Shin 2007), and Lamentations
Transitional Biblical Hebrew 33
(Dobbs-Allsopp 1998); the language of 2 Kgs 24–25 also bears traits of

TrBH, and there is some evidence that the second half of Kings has a
later linguistic profile than the first half (see below). The earliest evidence
for these books consists of multiple, though often fragmentary, Hebrew
manuscripts from the Judean Desert dating to the period of the third century
BCE–first century CE. Later, albeit indirect, evidence is offered by the
Greek, Latin, Syriac, and Aramaic translations of the following centuries.
The description below is based on the Tiberian Masoretic consonantal text
and vocalization, here represented by the Leningrad Codex (B19a), dated
to 1009 CE.
There is much that unifies the corpus. Understandably, TrBH is dif-
ferent from both SBH and LBH. Unlike SBH, there is an accumulation
of characteristically late linguistic usages: e.g., an increased use of ‫ְק ָטל‬
nominal forms like ‫‘ יְ ָקר‬glory’, ‫‘ ְּכ ָתב‬writing’, ‫‘ ְמנָ ת‬portion, lot’, and ‫ְק ָרב‬
‘battle, war’. Unlike LBH, there are only traces of features later to be-
come common in LBH and/or in post-biblical sources. For example, while
Jeremiah continues to employ the classical terms ‫‘ ַמ ְמ ָל ָכה‬kingdom, reign’
(20 times) and ‫לּוכה‬ ָ ‫‘ ְמ‬kingdom, reign’ (1 time) as well as the infinitive
construct -‫מ ְלכ‬/‫ֹלְך‬
ָ ‫‘ ְמ‬reign, rule’, there are also three occurrences of ‫ַמ ְלכּות‬
‘kingdom, rule’ in the book (Jer 10:7; 49:34; 52:31); ‫מ ְלכּות‬, ַ of course,
is frequent in LBH proper. Some TrBH works also exhibit admixtures of
classical and post-classical style not characteristic of LBH proper, like the
continued but conditioned use of ‫ ָאנ ִֹכי‬alongside ‫ ֲאנִ י‬for the first-person sing.
pronoun, the former of which is all but absent from LBH and the Mishnah,
and the preservation of the preposition ‫‘ ֵאת‬with’, which falls into disuse
in the face of increased employment of ‫ ִעם‬in later stages of the language
(on both phenomena, see below). Grammatical innovations are common.
To a lesser extent than in LBH, lexical neologisms are also found: e.g., ‫ַרב‬
‘officer, noble’ (for ‫)ׂשר‬, ִ ְ‫‘ י‬Judahite, Judean, Jew’ (for ‫‘ ִע ְב ִרי‬Hebrew’),
ַ ‫הּודי‬
and ‫‘ ַמ ֲע ָרב‬west’ (for ‫יָמה‬,
ָ lit., ‘seaward’) (see below). Significantly, unlike
many LBH works, TrBH compositions do not employ Persian lexemes,
despite explicit references to Persian historical figures (e.g., Isa 45; Hag 1;
Zech 1).
Orthography
The relevance of spelling conventions to the dating of biblical texts is a
debated issue. It is widely agreed that ancient Hebrew orthography became
34 Chapter 3
more plene—that is, fuller—with time, so that later texts exhibit more ex-
tensive usage than earlier texts of matres lectionis—that is, consonants
used to mark vowel sounds, especially medial long vowels. This trend is
clear in extra-biblical material and is generally borne out in recent studies
of biblical orthography as well (Andersen and Forbes 1986, 2013; Forbes
and Andersen 2012; Hornkohl 2014b). However, no biblical text, no matter
how early, exhibits orthography as defective as that found in the pre-exilic
Hebrew inscriptional corpus. Accordingly, either the entire biblical text
is later than the pre-exilic inscriptional corpus or, more likely, it under-
went some form of orthographic revision that has blurred the earlier or-
thographic picture and has presumably brought spelling into line with later
conventions. Despite this state of affairs, striking cases of orthographic
development are still discernible.
One case involves the name ‘David’. The full spelling ‫ דויד‬appears only
five times in SBH texts (1 Kgs 3:14; 11:4, 36; Amos 6:5; 9:11); by contrast,
defective ‫ דוד‬is attested 680 times in the books of Samuel, Kings, Isaiah,
Hosea, and Amos. The full form dominates in LBH, with 272 cases against
1 occurrence of ‫ דוד‬in Qoh 1:1. For their part, the TrBH books of Jeremiah,
Ezekiel, and Zechariah, in which the ratio of full to defective spellings
is 7 : 18, appear to document the advance of the late spelling, with each
book exhibiting a ratio that ranges from classical (Jeremiah 0 : 15) through
intermediate (Ezekiel 1 : 3) to characteristically late (Zechariah 6 : 0). Still,
these books may all be classified as transitional only in light of their overall
linguistic profiles.
A second case involves numerals. Plene forms of ‘three’—‫( שלוש‬for
‫ )שלש‬and ‫( שלושה‬for ‫—)שלשה‬and ‘thirty’—‫( שלושים‬for ‫—)שלשים‬are
found in 46 of 59 cases in LBH or other material characterized by a post-
classical linguistic profile. Of the four attestations of these numerals in the
narrative framework of Job, two are plene; of a sum total of 16 attestations
of these numerals in Esther, 7 are plene; of eight attestations in Daniel,
four are plene; and of 117 attestations in Chronicles, 33 are plene. Only
seven examples of the same appear in SBH or in material of undetermined
date: Num 22:32; Deut 16:16; 19:2; Josh 15:14; 2 Sam 14:27; Prov 30:15,
21; and Job 33:29. The only significant accumulation of plene forms
outside of LBH comes, as might be expected, in a TrBH work, specifically
Ezekiel, where 5 cases in 15 have full orthography (Ezek 40:11, 21; 41:6,
22; 48:31). These and other late plene phenomena begin occurring with
relative frequency in TrBH sources (Hornkohl 2014b).
Phonetics
Our knowledge of the phonetic realization of TrBH, like that of BH in
general, is indirect and based on copies of the relevant texts and reading
traditions from much later periods, among which there is some variety.
While the pronunciation preserved in such sources may well have its
roots in the Second Temple period—that is, the period during which the
texts in question were composed—the reconstruction of earlier phonetic
inventories remains conjectural. Such developments as the merger of *ḫ
(IPA [χ]) and *ḥ (IPA [ħ]) into ‫ח‬, of *ġ (IPA [ʁ]) and *ʿ (IPA [ʕ]) into ‫ע‬,
and the post-vocalic fricativization of ‫ בג״ד כפ״ת‬consonants may or may
not have been in progress during the transitional period. The consonantal
orthography does not reveal the realization of ‫ ח‬and ‫ע‬, and the Tiberian vo-
calization presents a virtually uniform realization of ‫ בג״ד כפ״ת‬throughout
the Bible, regardless of the underlying historical stage. In neither case can
any trace of historical development be discerned within BH.
Phonology
Due to the mainly consonantal nature of ancient Hebrew orthography
and to the rather uniform vocalization tradition with which it is overlaid in
medieval manuscripts, relatively few instances of clear phonological de-
velopment can be discerned. One important exception involves the spelling
and pronunciation of the place name ‘Jerusalem’. Its consonantal spelling
in the Hebrew Bible is at odds with its pronunciation according to the
Tiberian reading tradition. The name is nearly always spelled ‫ירושלם‬, in
which the last syllable was presumably pronounced [lem] or [lim], but has
had the vocalization [yərūšɔ̄layim] superimposed on it; against Hebrew
orthographic convention, the lamed of ִ‫רּוׁש ַלם‬ָ ְ‫ י‬is marked with both a- and
i-vowels. The alternate, and orthographically more predictable, spelling
suggested by the Tiberian reading tradition has a yod after the lamed; the
consonant marks a glide in the triphthong [ayi] (as in ‫רּוׁש ַליִ ם‬
ָ ְ‫[ י‬Jer 26:18;
Esth 2:6; 1 Chr 3:5; 2 Chr 25:1; 32:9]) or the diphthong [ay] (as in ‫יְ רּו־‬
‫‘ ָׁש ַליְ ָמה‬to Jerusalem’ [2 Chr 32:9]). This orthography is thus rare in BH
but becomes common in the Dead Sea Scrolls and thereafter. Crucially,
36 Chapter 3
however, both spellings are historically authentic. Pronunciation accord-

ing to the consonantal spelling—that is, without the glide—is supported by
both biblical evidence (‫‘ ָׁש ֵלם‬Salem’ in Gen 14:18 and Ps 76:3) and extra-
biblical evidence (pronunciation of the name in cognate languages and in
transcription in non-cognate languages). The corresponding spelling with-
out yod also persists in later sources. Of the five occurrences in the Bible,
four appear in LBH (see above), and the sole biblical case of the spelling
representing the characteristically late pronunciation outside LBH proper
is the TrBH forerunner in Jer 26:18 (Hornkohl 2014a: 91–95).
Another case of differential orthography appears in the theophoric suf-
fix of names such as ‘Elijah’, ‘Isaiah’, and ‘Jeremiah’. The short form,
‫יָ ה‬-, occurs sporadically in pre-exilic extra-biblical sources and somewhat
more frequently in biblical texts thought to be pre-exilic; the long form,
‫יָ הּו‬-, dominates in both the inscriptions and in pre-exilic biblical texts, e.g.,
Isa 1–39. In post-exilic biblical and extra-biblical material, the short form
is the rule, while the long form is an archaism reserved principally for the
names of well-known First Temple personages (Kutscher 1982: 60–62,
94; Sáenz-Badillos 1993: 121, 134; Shin 2007: 101–14; Hornkohl 2014a:
83–91). TrBH material reveals mixed tendencies. Unlike the core LBH ma-
terial, the books of Kings and Jeremiah appear to show similarly strong
preferences for the classical long form (which outnumbers the short form
by an approximate ratio of 3 : 1). Notably, however, the abbreviated ending
is more than twice as common in the second half of Kings as in the first
half. Likewise, in the first half of Jeremiah, which contains a great deal
of first-person poetic material attributed by many to the prophet himself,
names with the long theophoric suffix appear 50 times, whereas the short
suffix appears thrice and only in the editorial heading in Jer 21:1. Yet, the
short form is much more common in the second, biographical half of the
book, especially in chapters 27–29 and 41. Thus, the name of the book’s
protagonist, ‘Jeremiah’, is spelled 122 ‫ יִ ְר ְמיָ הּו‬times, while the alternate
spelling ‫יִ ְר ְמיָ ה‬, otherwise known only from LBH and late extra-biblical
sources, appears only 9 times in Jeremiah. The latter is confined to chapters
27–29, where short names outnumber long names by a ratio of 34 : 8 (over
against a ratio of 49 : 232 in the rest of the book). For its part, in the appar-
ently later TrBH book of Zechariah, with its terminus a quo of 520 BCE,
short outnumber long forms 12 : 1 (see the relevant names in Jer 26, 27, 41;
Zech 1; and Mal 3).
Morphology
Pronouns. SBH texts use ‫אנכי‬, ‫אני‬, or a combination of both forms for
the first-person independent subject pronoun ‘I’. In LBH proper and post-
Biblical Hebrew, ‫ אנכי‬has fallen into virtual disuse, probably in line with
vernacular speech patterns, as reflected in Tannaitic Hebrew. The influence
of Aramaic, which has only a parallel to ‫אני‬, may also have had a hand in
this development. This situation is also typical of TrBH material: Kings,
Second Isaiah, and Zechariah show strong preferences for ‫ ;אני‬in Ezekiel,
Lamentations, and Haggai, use of the short form is exclusive or nearly
so. Among TrBH books, only Jeremiah employs the long form with any
frequency. But here its use is conditioned and archaistic: of the 37 cases of
the long form, 35 are placed in the mouth of God. These are comparable
to the three instances of the long form in LBH proper, all of which may be
explained as archaisms: Dan 10:11 comes in divine speech; Neh 1:6 is part
of a prayer; and 1 Chr 17:1 reflects the form of the source in 2 Sam 7:1–2
(Rooker 1990: 72–74; Shin 2007: 23–26; Hornkohl 2014a: 108–11).
There are also unique forms that evidently developed by popular anal-
ogy and are never again documented in the language: e.g., the fem. sing.
demonstrative ‫‘ זאתה‬this’ (Jer 26:6 [kətiv]) (for ‫)זֹאת‬, with its transparently
feminine suffix ‫ה‬-. Whether ‫ת‬- marks feminine gender or deixis, ‫ זאתה‬ap-
pears to have developed out of the perceived need for more conspicuous
feminine concord (Smith 2003: 79–81; Hornkohl 2014a: 145–47).
A different situation applies to forms of the third-person masc. pl. pos-
sessive suffix on plural nouns ending in ‫ות‬-. In contrast to ‫ֹותם‬-,
ָ the redun-
dantly plural ‫יהם‬ ֵ is relatively rare in SBH, common but not dominant
ֶ ‫ֹות‬-
in TrBH (e.g., Isa 59:7–8), and dominant in LBH. For example, of its 107
attestations in the Bible, ‫ֹ(ו)תם‬ָ ‫ ֲאב‬appears 16 times in TrBH and 15 times
in LBH proper. ‫יהם‬ ֵ ‫ ֲאב‬appears a total of 33 times, of which 29 are in
ֶ ‫ֹ(ו)ת‬
LBH; the 4 remaining cases are 1 Kgs 14:15 and Jer 19:4, 24:10, and 50:7
(Hurvitz 1982: 24–27; Bar-Asher 2004; Hornkohl 2014a: 135–42).
Noun. Post-classical texts reveal a tendency to pluralize nouns that
are commonly used in the singular in classical texts (Polzin 1976: 42–43;
Rooker 1990: 75–77; Paul 2012: 298; Hornkohl 2014a: 298–305). For ex-
ample, ‫(‘ ֲחיָ ִלים‬military) forces’ (e.g., 2 Kgs 25:23, 26; Jer 41:11, 13, 16)
and ‫עֹול ִמים‬
ָ ‘eternity’ (e.g., Isa 45:17) are found predominantly in TrBH and
LBH contexts, as well as in post-biblical sources.
38 Chapter 3
Certain nominal patterns especially characteristic of Aramaic also begin

occurring with some frequency in TrBH and LBH texts: e.g., the infinitival
‫ ַק ָּט ָלה‬template seen in ‫‘ ַּב ָּק ָרה‬seeking’ (Ezek 34:12).
Verb. An apparent Aramaism occurs in ‫אותינּו ָענְ ָתה ָּבנּו‬
ֵ ֹ ‫‘ וְ ַחּט‬and our
sins testify against us’ (Isa 59:12), where a feminine plural noun serves as
the subject of what appears to be a third-person fem. sing. verbal form (cf.
‫ ענוא‬in 1QIsaa 48:24, in which the verbal form has been “standardized”
to reflect a third-person masc. pl.). This phenomenon occurs sporadically
in Archaic and Standard BH, where it is often explained as a genuinely
archaic or perhaps just archaistic use of the old Canaanite third-person
fem. pl. form (preserved, e.g., in Arabic and some dialects of Aramaic,
including qəre forms in Biblical Aramaic), but in late pre-exilic, exilic,
and post-exilic texts the usage is better explained as what Kutscher (1982:
38–39) termed a “mirage form” under the influence of Imperial Aramaic.
This feature is not common in any stratum of ancient Hebrew, including
late texts, where, to be sure, the prevailing tendency was to eliminate fem.
pl. verbal forms.
Traces of late developments, such as the reanalysis of ‫‘ ָחיָ ה‬to live’ in
wəqatal as a final weak (rather than geminate) form (Hurvitz 1982: 46–48;
Hornkohl 2014a: 181–86) and the conjugation of piel middle weak verbs
after the pattern of strong verbs (Hurvitz 1982: 32–35), occur sporadically
in TrBH but are more typical of LBH. The former phenomenon is conve-
niently exemplified in renditions of the Priestly dictum ‘by doing which
(things) a man shall live’:
‫ָּב ֶהם‬ ‫וָ ַחי‬ ‫ָה ָא ָדם‬ ‫א ָֹתם‬ ‫יַ ֲע ֶׂשה‬ ‫ֲא ֶׁשר‬ Lev 18:5, 11, 13, 21 (MT)
‫ָּב ֶהם‬ ‫וָ ַחי‬ ‫ָה ָא ָדם‬ ‫אֹותם‬
ָ ‫יַ ֲע ֶׂשה‬ ‫ֲא ֶׁשר‬ Ezek 20:11, 13, 21 (MT)
‫בהם‬ ‫וחיה‬ ‫האדם‬ ‫אתם‬ ‫יעשה‬ ‫אשר‬ Lev 18:5, 11, 13, 21 (SP)
‫ָּב ֶהם‬ ‫וָ ָחיָ ה‬ ‫ָה ָא ָדם‬ ‫יַ ֲע ֶׂשה‬ ‫ֲא ֶׁשר‬ Neh 9:29 (MT)
‫בהם‬ ‫וחיה‬ ‫האדם‬ ‫יעשה‬ ‫אשר‬ CD III 15–16
‫וחיה‬ ‫אדם‬ ‫עשה‬֯ ‫אשר‬ 4QDa (4Q266) 11 12
Significantly, Ezekiel makes use of the classical form when quoting the
Priestly tradition, but elsewhere (e.g., Ezek 33:11) shows signs character-
istic of LBH and later linguistic strata. The same is true of Jeremiah. Like-
wise, the piel form ‫קּיֵ ם‬,
ִ typical of LBH and post-Biblical Hebrew, appears
in Ezek 13:6 in reference to the fulfillment of prophecy (cf. similar usages
in Pss 119:28, 106; Ruth 4:7 [see Driver 1898: 454–55, judging this case
to be part of a late explanatory gloss]; and Esth 9:21–31), but the classical
hiphil form, used of establishing covenants, installing leaders, raising up a
shield, and bestowing agricultural land, is more frequent in Ezekiel.
Finally, a gradual realignment of the various yiqtol forms is evident
throughout BH. Especially notable is the move in the case of first-person
wayyiqtol forms from the short yiqtol (e.g., ‫וָ ָ֫א ָקם‬, ‫[ וָ אגדל‬routinely vocalized
‫]וָ ַאגְ ִּדל‬, ‫ )וָ ֶ֫א ֶקן‬to the full (e.g., ‫וָ ֶא ְקטֹל‬, ‫וָ ָאקּום‬, ‫וָ ַאגְ ִּדיל‬, ‫ )וָ ֶא ְקנֶ ה‬and lengthened
patterns (e.g., ‫וָ ֶא ְק ְט ָלה‬, ‫קּומה‬ ָ ‫וָ ָא‬, ‫)וָ ָאגְ ִּד ָילה‬, apparently due to analogy to the
relevant modal forms. The progression from SBH, especially as represented
in the Pentateuch, through TrBH to LBH and post-Biblical Hebrew, is un-
mistakable (see, e.g., the full forms in Mal 1:3–4) (Talshir 1987; Hornkohl
2014a: 160–62).
Particles. One of the most striking differences separating SBH, TrBH,
and LBH involves use of the comitative preposition ‘with’. SBH uses both
‫ ֵאת‬and ‫ ִעם‬in significant proportions, while use of the former is very rare
in LBH and in post-biblical sources not dependent on biblical material. For
their part, TrBH texts—including Isaiah 40–66, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Hag-
gai, Zechariah, and Malachi—show a strong predilection for classical ‫את‬, ֵ
virtually eschewing ‫עם‬. ִ In this way, TrBH differs appreciably from LBH
(Hornkohl 2014a: 294–97). Similarly, TrBH sources often replace suffixed
forms of the same preposition, -‫אּת‬, ִ with suffixed forms of the definite
direct object marker, -‫( אֹות‬e.g., Isa 59:21); by comparison, the two are
distinguished in SBH, whereas in LBH, ‫‘ ֵאת‬with’ is infrequent and the
number of chances for interchange is reduced (Hornkohl 2014a: 298–300).
Lexicon
For the most part, the lexicons of SBH, TrBH, and LBH show a high
degree of continuity; that of SBH is augmented through gradual expansion.
Also, as stated above, in TrBH morphological and grammatical develop-
ments are more common than lexical innovations. Even so, the use of char-
acteristically late lexemes in TrBH works is not unknown. Post-classical
items such as ‫‘ ַרב‬officer, noble’ (e.g., Jer 41:1) (for ‫)ׂשר‬ ַ (Hornkohl 2014a:
344–47), ‫הּודי‬ ִ ְ‫‘ י‬Judahite, Judean, Jew’ (for ‫‘ ִע ְב ִרי‬Hebrew’) in the inclu-
sive sense of all Israel and the specifically religio-cultural nuance ‘Jew’
(Hornkohl 2014a: 305–14), ‫‘ ַמ ֲע ָרב‬west’ (e.g., Isa 45:6; 59:19) (for ‫יָמה‬,ָ lit.,
‘seaward’) (Paul 2012: 298), and ‫‘ ַמ ְלכּות‬kingdom, rule, reign’ (Jer 52:31)
(for ‫מ ְמ ָל ָכה‬,
ַ ‫לּוכה‬
ָ ‫מ‬,ְ and the infinitive construct ‫מ ְלכ‬/‫ֹלְך‬
ָ ְ (Polzin 1976:
‫מ‬-)
142; Smith 2003: 137–43; Hornkohl 2014a: 318–25) are all characteristic
40 Chapter 3
of LBH and/or post-biblical phases of Hebrew; but they also appear in

TrBH, albeit often as minority forms relative to more common classical
alternatives. As already noted, use of Babylonian month names, as opposed
to Canaanite names or the ordinal numeration used earlier, is first attested
in the TrBH book of Zechariah, where, however, ordinal numbers are also
used, sometimes in conjunction with the new system.
Sentences
The most significant shift in the Hebrew TAM (= Tense-Aspect-Mood)
system—that is, elimination of the “consecutive” forms—is not docu-
mented with any consistency until Tannaitic Hebrew. Thus, though both
TrBH and LBH occasionally use qatal and non-“consecutive” wəqatal
for sequential past actions, the consecutive system remains productive
throughout biblical literature (with the notable exception of Qohelet,
where consecutive forms are only rarely employed) (Cohen 2013: 77–94;
Hornkohl 2014a: 254–66).
Some TrBH material shows relatively frequent use of the infinitive abso-
lute in place of finite verbal forms (e.g., Isa 59:4, 13; Hag 1:6). This feature
is uncommon in SBH and post-Biblical Hebrew, but it is relatively fre-
quent in some TrBH and LBH sources (Paul 2012: 294; Rendsburg 2012:
335–36; Cohen 2013: 253–72; Hornkohl 2014a: 266–73). For the most
part, however, the TrBH and LBH verb system is basically that of SBH.
Beyond the verb system, other syntactic developments in TrBH are espe-
cially characteristic of LBH and post-Biblical Hebrew: e.g., direct objects
marked with -‫ ל‬instead of ‫( את‬Polzin 1976: 64–66; Hornkohl 2014a: 238–
44); interchange of the prepositions ‫ ֵאל‬and ‫( ַעל‬e.g., Jer 27:19) (Rooker
1990: 127–31; Hornkohl 2014a: 227–38), the latter for the former due to
the influence of Aramaic, the former for the latter due to hypercorrection;
marking of the goal of motion with -‫ ל‬rather than ‫אל‬, ֵ directional ‫ה‬, or the
so-called accusative of place (e.g., Isa 59:20) (Shin 2007: 29–33; Hornkohl
2014a: 218–26); the neutralization and superfluous use of directional ‫ה‬
(e.g., Isa 45:6; Jer 27:16, 22; Ezek 34:21) (Hornkohl 2014a: 203–17); the
appositional order ‫‘ ָּדוִ ד ַה ֶּמ ֶלְך‬David the king’ (e.g., Hag 1:1, 15), for ‫ַה ֶּמ ֶלְך‬
‫( ָּדוִ ד‬Rendsburg 2012: 334–35; Hornkohl 2014a: 244–51); and employment
of the double-plural construct, as in ‫‘ ָׂש ֵרי ֲחיָ ִלים‬army officers’ (e.g., 2 Kgs
25:23, 26; Jer 41:11, 13, 16) for ‫( ָׂש ֵרי ַחיִ ל‬Smith 2003: 123–30; Hornkohl
2014a: 273–82).
Bibliography
Andersen, Francis I., and Forbes, A. Dean
1986 Spelling in the Hebrew Bible: Dahood Memorial Lecture. Biblica et Orien-
talia 41. Rome: Biblical Institute Press.
2013 Matres Lectionis: Biblical Hebrew. Pp. 607–11 in vol. 2 of Encyclopedia of
Hebrew Language and Linguistics, ed. Geoffrey Khan. Leiden: Brill.
Bendavid, Abba
1967–71 ‫[ לשון מקרא ולשון חכמים‬Biblical Hebrew and Mishnaic Hebrew]. 2 vols.
Tel Aviv: Dvir.
Bar-Asher, Moshe
2004 )‫[ לשון קומראן בין לשון המקרא ללשון חז״ל (עיון בסעיף במורפולוגיה‬The Lan-
guage of Qumran: Between Biblical and Mishnaic Hebrew (A Study in Mor-
phology)]. Meghillot 2: 137–49.
Cohen, Ohad
2013 The Verbal Tense System in Late Biblical Hebrew Prose. Harvard Semitic
Studies 63. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
Dobbs-Allsopp, Frederick W.
1998 Linguistic Evidence for the Date of Lamentations. Journal of the Ancient
Near Eastern Society 26: 1–36.
Driver, Samuel Rolles
1898 An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament. Rev. edition. Edin-
burgh: T. & T. Clark.
Forbes, A. Dean, and Andersen, Francis I.
2012 Dwelling on Spelling. Pp. 127–45 in Diachrony in Biblical Hebrew, ed. Cyn-
thia L. Miller-Naudé and Ziony Zevit. Linguistic Studies in Ancient West
Semitic 8. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
Hill, Andrew E.
1981 The Book of Malachi: Its Place in Post-Exilic Chronology Linguistically
Considered. Ph.D. dissertation. University of Michigan.
1982 Dating Second Zechariah: A Linguistic Reexamination. Hebrew Annual Re-
view 6: 105–34.
Hornkohl, Aaron
2013 Biblical Hebrew: Periodization. Pages 315–25 in vol. 1 of Encyclopedia of
Hebrew Language and Linguistics, ed. Geoffrey Khan. Leiden: Brill.
2014a Ancient Hebrew Periodization and the Language of the Book of Jeremiah:
The Case for a Sixth-Century Date of Composition. Studies in Semitic Lan-
guage and Linguistics 74. Leiden: Brill.
2014b Characteristically Late Spellings in the Hebrew Bible: With Special Refer-
ence to the Plene Spelling of the O Vowel in the Triliteral Qal Infinitive
Construct. Journal of the American Oriental Society 134: 643–71.
Hurvitz, Avi
1982 A Linguistic Study of the Relationship between the Priestly Source and the
Book of Ezekiel: A New Approach to an Old Problem. Cahiers de la Revue
Biblique 20. Paris: Gabalda.
1983 ‫הלשון העברית בתקופה הפרסית‬. Pages 210–33, 306–309 in ‫ההיסטוריה של עם‬
‫ישראל‬, vol. 2: ‫[ שיבת ציון—ימי שלטון פרס‬The Restoration — The Persian
Period], ed. Hayim Tadmor. Jerusalem: Pilay / Am Oved.
42 Chapter 3

Jerusalem: Magnes.
Paul, Shalom M.
2012 Signs of Late Biblical Hebrew in Isaiah 40–66. Pp. 293–99 in Diachrony in
Biblical Hebrew, ed. Cynthia L. Miller-Naudé and Ziony Zevit. Linguistic
Studies in Ancient West Semitic 8. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
Polzin, Robert
Rendsburg, Gary A.
2012 Late Biblical Hebrew in the Book of Haggai. Pp. 329–44 in Language and
Nature: Papers Presented to John Huehnergard on the Occasion of His 60th
Birthday, ed. Rebecca Hasselbach and Naʿama Pat-El. Studies in Ancient
Oriental Civilization 67. Chicago: Oriental Institute.
Rezetko, Robert, and Young, Ian
2014 Historical Linguistics and Biblical Hebrew: Steps toward an Integrated Ap-
proach. Society of Biblical Literature Ancient Near East Monographs 9. At-
lanta: SBL.
Rooker, Mark F.
1990 Biblical Hebrew in Transition: The Language of the Book of Ezekiel. Journal
for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series 90. Sheffield: JSOT
Press.
Sáenz-Badillos, Angel
Shin, Seoung-Yun
2007 A Lexical Study on the Language of Haggai–Zechariah–Malachi and Its
Place in the History of Biblical Hebrew. Ph.D. dissertation. Hebrew Univer-
sity of Jerusalem.
Smith, Colin
2003 With an Iron Pen and a Diamond Tip: Linguistic Peculiarities of the Book of
Jeremiah. Ph.D. dissertation. Cornell University.
Talshir, David
1987 ‫[ התפתחות מערכת העתיד המהופך בזיקה אל המערכת המודאלית‬The Develop-
ment of the Consecutive Imperfect Forms in Relation to the Modal System].
Tarbiz 56: 585–91.
Young, Ian; Rezetko, Robert; and Ehrensvärd, Martin
2008 Linguistic Dating of Biblical Texts. 2 vols. London: Equinox.
Chapter 4
Late Biblical Hebrew
M atthew M orgenstern
Introduction
Late Biblical Hebrew (LBH) is a modern scholarly term applied to the
language in the books of the Hebrew Bible that are regarded as composed
during the Restoration and Second Temple periods. The stratification of
Biblical Hebrew into pre-exilic and post-exilic was already acknowledged
in the twelfth century CE by the Jewish exegete and grammarian Abraham
ibn Ezra, who, in his comments on Exod 12:1, noted that the names of the
months only appear in late books and were brought back from the Baby-
lonian exile. While several biblical books explicitly relate to events that
occurred during the Achemenid period (ca. 536–333 BCE), none mentions
events from the Hellenistic period by name. Yet the Neoplatonic philoso-
pher Porphory of Tyre (third century CE) correlated the book of Daniel to
events from the time of Antiochus Epiphanes; hence, the book, at least in
part, was composed no earlier than the second century BCE. The biblical
books from the late Hellenistic period are thus roughly contemporaneous
with the earliest non-biblical compositions found in the Qumran scrolls.
Indeed, these books and scrolls share many linguistic features.

With the exception of Nehemiah’s personal memoirs, which appear as
part of the book bearing his name and are narrated in the first person, the
biblical text provides no explicit information regarding the identity of the
authors of the books in the LBH corpus. The other parts of the corpus—
both those that clearly mention events of the Achemenid period and those
that have been ascribed to the period of the Second Temple—are narrated
43
44 Chapter 4
anonymously in the third person. The books of Ezra and Nehemiah (which
were probably originally a single work) relate to events surrounding the
foundation of the Second Temple. Their two central characters are Judean
exiles of high birth serving in the Achemenid court prior to their return to
Zion; both were presumably competent speakers of Persian and Aramaic.
The book of Chronicles retells the history of the monarchy from a polem-
ical theological standpoint, and its redactor is often assumed to have been
a Levite. The author of the book of Esther also appears to be acquainted
with the Persian court, though some authorities have cast doubt on the ac-
curacy of the account.
Prior to the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls (both from Qumran and the
later texts from other sites in the Judean Desert), it was often claimed that
Hebrew in this period was a literary admixture of inherited materials drawn
from earlier sources and borrowings from Aramaic. Already, Nehemiah
complained of the children who could not speak “Judean” (Neh 13:24),
and from the Hellenistic period we have clear evidence of pro-Hebrew
linguistic polemics (Rubin 1998), which led some scholars to believe that
Hebrew was no longer a spoken language following the Babylonian exile.
Other scholars challenged this assumption (Segal 1908), and the epigraphic
and documentary evidence now indicates that Hebrew remained a spoken
language at least until the second century CE (Mor 2011). Nonetheless,
there are usages found in LBH that appear to be unique to this period and
may result specifically from the literary influence of Aramaic, since they
do not survive into later Hebrew usage (Talshir 1987). This fact implies
that the authors of these books were well-versed in Aramaic literature and
its linguistic usages. The presence of Aramaic in Daniel and Ezra and the
importance of Aramaic in the epigraphic and literary record of the Second
Temple period support this assumption. By contrast, there is no compelling
evidence for Greek influence in LBH, with the possible exception of ‫ַא ִפ ְריֹון‬
‘couch (?)’ (Song 3:9), though the Greek origin of this word is debated
(Dobbs-Allsopp 2005: 67–68).
The Corpus
The LBH corpus usually includes the books of Ezra-Nehemiah, Es-
ther, Chronicles, Daniel, and Qohelet. Many scholars also include Song
of Songs (Dobbs-Allsopp 2005), Jonah (Dan 1996), and some psalms
Late Biblical Hebrew 45
(Hurvitz 1972), despite uncertainties of dating. The discovery of the Dead

Sea Scrolls indicates the extent to which literary and linguistic borrowing
from earlier Hebrew religious texts was common. As a result, classicisms
and neologisms are frequently juxtaposed in Hebrew literary works of the
period, including the prophetic books of the transitional period and Late
Biblical Hebrew works. The degree to which a LBH text conforms to the
norms of monarchic period Hebrew may depend upon the genre or the skill
of the writers.
When a work does not explicitly relate to the post-exilic period, its as-
cription to Late Biblical Hebrew is primarily based on linguistic consider-
ations. Thus Qohelet and, according to many scholars, Song of Songs are
now included in the Late Biblical Hebrew corpus despite their traditional
attribution to King Solomon. In dating such texts, emphasis is placed on
the distribution of lexemes and syntactic forms, contrasts between pre-
exilic and later forms, and, where possible, external corroboration of the
later usage from other sources (Hurvitz 2006: 194). In recent years, this
approach has been subject to attack by the so-called “minimalists” in bibli-
cal research (e.g., Young, Rezetko, and Ehrensvärd 2008), but it still enjoys
widespread support (see the criticism of this approach in Joosten 2012).
When discussing the corpus, we must take into consideration the nature
of our textual witnesses. For the most part, we are dependent on textual
witnesses of the Masoretic version of the Hebrew Bible for our corpus.
Since the Masoretic Text is the outcome of many years of transmission of
both the written text and its reading tradition, there is some doubt regard-
ing the extent to which it reflects the Hebrew of the LBH period. In cer-
tain cases, copies of books in the LBH corpus found among the Dead Sea
Scrolls contain significant variants: e.g., 4QCantb (4Q106) (Young 2001).
On historical and literary grounds, most scholarly assessments place the
recension of Daniel at around the mid-second century BCE (Collins 1993:
24–30). This dating suggests that the Qumran manuscript 4QDana (4Q112),
which probably dates to the late Hasmonean period (ca. 75–50 CE), was
copied only a hundred years after the final composition of the book (Ulrich
1987). Similarly, fragments of Ezra (but not Nehemiah), Chronicles, Qo-
helet, and Song of Songs have been found among the Dead Sea Scrolls. By
contrast, Esther is absent. The Dead Sea Scrolls suggest that in the Second
Temple period, the fourth and fifth books of Psalms—chapters 90–106 and
46 Chapter 4
107–150, respectively—were less stable regarding the inventory of Psalms

than the earlier books (Flint 1998). In fact, the many LBH elements identi-
fied in the Psalms belong to the fourth and fifth books.
Orthography
It is generally agreed that the spellings of Hebrew reflect an increasing
use of internal plene orthography over time. It is also commonly accepted
that the orthography of pre-exilic works was subject to change during the
Second Temple period. The extent of this change is subject to debate, as
is its significance for establishing contrastive usage between the earlier
and later books of the Bible. Some biblical manuscripts from the Dead
Sea Scrolls show a marked tendency to “modernize” spellings of earlier
books both by adding waw and yod to represent the vowels and by omitting
consonants that were no longer pronounced (Kutscher 1974: 126–60). By
contrast, LBH orthography tends to be more conservative. Furthermore,
orthographic change may actually reflect historical changes in pronuncia-
tion. For example, LBH authors write ‘Jerusalem’ as ‫רּוׁש ַליִ ם‬
ָ ְ‫י‬, in contrast
to SBH ִ‫רּוׁש ַלם‬
ָ ְ‫ ;י‬the older consonantal spelling may represent a different
pronunciation of the toponym. Nonetheless, several, contrastive ortho-
graphic changes have been noted. Among the most striking is ‫‘ דויד‬David’
for SBH ‫דוד‬. In SBH sources, this name is rarely written with yod; in Ezra-
Nehemiah and Chronicles, only the spelling with yod is used. This finding
accords with the late spellings of 1QIsaa, which similarly employs plene
spelling (Rooker 1990: 68–71).
Phonology
The later reading traditions probably hide many of the phonological dis-
tinctions that existed between the Hebrew of the monarchic period and that
of the Second Temple period (Ginsberg 1934). Comparison between the
Dead Sea Scrolls and the Masoretic vocalization demonstrates the degree
to which the later reading traditions have blurred phonological differences
that presumably existed between earlier and later forms of Hebrew, just
as a modern English reading of Shakespeare does not reveal how Shake-
speare’s language originally sounded. However, several important features
may be identified. Thus while pre-exilic books tend to preserve the distinc-
tion between [ś] (IPA [ɬ]) and [s], this distinction is sometimes lost in LBH
sources (Ben-Ḥayyim 2000: 35–36). Transcriptions of Hebrew from the
Second Temple period also suggest that there was a shift from uvulars to
pharyngeals: of *ḫ (IPA [χ]) > ḥ (IPA [ħ]) and *ġ (IPA [ʁ]) > ʿ (IPA [ʕ])
(sometimes > ∅ in the Qumran scrolls). The absence of diacritical marks
in contemporaneous documents does not allow us to establish how far this
phenomenon is attested in the LBH corpus, though Blau (1982) and Steiner
(2005) have suggested that /ḫ/ existed and remained an independent pho-
neme longer than /ġ/ (see chapter 8). Steiner (2005) has also emphasized
that the phonemes might have been preserved in formal literary readings
longer than in daily speech.
There is also some evidence that geminated consonants may have spo-
radically undergone a dissimilatory process of *CC > [rC]. For example,
‫‘ ְב ַד ֶמ ֶשק‬in Damascus’ (1 Kgs 15:18) is replaced by ‫‘ ְב ַד ְר ֶמ ֶשק‬in Damascus’
in LBH (2 Chr 16:2); the same replacement occurs in 1QIsaa and in the
gentilic form ‫‘ דורמסקי‬Damascene’ in Tannaitic Hebrew (Kutscher 1974:
3–4). Similarly, it has been argued that ‫‘ ַש ְר ִביט‬scepter’ (Esth 4:11) may
be a dissimilated loan-form of Akkadian šabbīṭu ‘scepter’, though the dis-
similation may have taken place in Akkadian or Aramaic prior to its loan
into Hebrew (Mankowski 2000: 147–48).
Morphology
Pronouns. In LBH, the first person pronominal form ‫ אנכי‬does not oc-
cur. Conversely, ‫זֹו‬/‫‘ זֹה‬this’ (fem.), which appears extensively in Qohelet, is
employed sporadically in earlier books alongside SBH ‫‘ זֹאת‬this’; the LBH
usage is best regarded as an ancient dialectal form that was later adopted
as a literary standard (Sivan and Schniedewind 1997: 327).
Nouns. Salient is the use of the ‫ ַק ָּט ָלה‬pattern to express verbal nouns
of the piel stem: e.g., ‫‘ ַּב ָּק ָׁשה‬request’ (e.g., Esth 5:7; Ezra 7:6) and ‫נֶ ָא ָצה‬
‘provocation’ (Neh 9:18, 26; see already Ezek 35:12).
Instead of SBH ‫( ָש ֻבעֹות‬Deut 16:9), the plural form ‫‘ ָש ֻב ִעים‬weeks’ ap-
pears in LBH (Dan 9:24), presumably influenced by Aramaic (see Tg. Onq.
ִ ‫[ ָש‬Deut 16:9]). Likewise, the nominal pattern of ‫‘ ַמ ָּדע‬knowledge’
‫בּועין‬
(with gemination) and its distribution (Qoh 10:20; Dan 1:4, 17; 2 Chr 1:10,
11, 12) indicate an Aramaic origin.
Verbal Morphology. In the LBH verbal system (Talshir 1986, 1988:
168–75), the first-person forms with waw-“consecutive” usually align
formally with either the imperfect (e.g., ‫‘ וַ נַ ֲע ִמיד‬and we established’ [Neh
4:3]) or, more often, the long imperfect (e.g., ‫‘ וָ ֶא ְק ְב ָצה‬and I gathered’
48 Chapter 4
[Ezra 7:28]). In contrast, the second- and third-person forms with waw-
“consecutive” are short (e.g., ‫‘ וַ ֵת ֶרא‬and you saw’ [Neh 9:9] and ‫‘ וַ יַ ַעׂש‬and
they did’ [Neh 5:13]). The use of the infinitive absolute in the so-called
tautological construction (i.e., followed by a finite verb of the same root)
appears to be on the decline in LBH, and Chronicles avoids the use of the
infinitive absolute as an imperative. For instance, ‫‘ ָהלֹוְך וְ ִד ַב ְר ָת‬go and say!’
(2 Sam 24:12) is substituted in its parallel in Chronicles by ‫‘ ֵלְך וְ ִד ַב ְר ָת‬go
and say!’ (1 Chr 21:10) (Polzin 1976: 43). There is some evidence for
the shift of verbs from qal to hiphil: e.g., ‫‘ ְל ַה ְבזֹות‬to despise’ (Esth 1:17)
for SBH qal (e.g., Ps 102:18). This phenomenon is characteristic of the
Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Tannaitic Hebrew (Moreshet 1976:
255–56).
Conjunctions. Several conjunctions are found exclusively in LBH,
with neither precedent in SBH nor continuation in Rabbinic Hebrew: e.g.,
ְ ‘then’ (Qoh 8:10; Esth 4:16) (cf. SBH ‫‘ ָאז‬then’); and ‫‘ ְּב ֶׁשל‬on account
‫ּוב ֵכן‬
of’ (Jonah 1:7, 12), ‫‘ ְב ֶשל ֲא ֶשר‬on account of’ (Qoh 8:17), or ‫‘ ַב ֲא ֶשר ְל‬on ac-
count of’ (Jonah 1:8) (cf. SBH ‫‘ ִּבגְ ָלל‬on account of’). ‫‘ ֲא ֶשר ָל ָמה‬lest’ (Dan
1:10) and ‫‘ ַש ָל ָמה‬lest’ (Song 1:7), in contrast to SBH ‫‘ ֶּפן‬lest’, appear to be
calques on Aramaic (see ‫י־ל ָמה‬ ְ ‫‘ ִד‬lest’ [Ezra 7:23]).
Syntax
Construct State. There is a growing tendency toward double plurals
in the construct state. For example, ‫‘ וְ ָח ָר ֵׁשי ֵעץ‬and carpenters’ (2 Sam 5:11)
is replaced by ‫‘ וְ ָח ָר ֵשי ֵע ִצים‬and carpenters’ in LBH (1 Chr 14:1) (Kropat
1909: 8–9).
Verbal System. Several changes in the verbal system may be discerned,
especially as the verb forms begin to mark tense. The waw-“consecutive”
remains the predominant narrative form but is in decline; it is not entirely
extinct as in Tannaitic Hebrew. Substitutions in LBH (and in Qumran He-
brew) provide evidence for its reduced use: e.g., SBH ‫ת־ה ָעם וְ יָ ַד ְע ִתי‬ ָ ‫ּופ ְקדּו ֶא‬ ִ
‫‘ ֵאת ִמ ְס ַפר ָה ָעם‬take account of the people that I may know the number of
the people’ (2 Sam 24:2) is recast in LBH as ‫ וְ ָה ִביאּו ֵא ַלי‬. . . ‫ִס ְפרּו ֶאת־יִ ְש ָר ֵאל‬
ִ ‫‘ וְ ֵא ְד ָעה ֶא‬count the Israelites . . . and bring me (a report) that I may
‫ת־מ ְס ָפ ָ ֽרם‬
know their number’ (1 Chr 21:2) (Kropat 1909: 19).
A series of events in the past may be presented by employing the perfect
with a conjunctive waw (Kropat 1909: 22): e.g., ‫הֹוצאתֹו‬ ֵ ְ‫ֲא ֶשר ָב ַח ְר ָת ְב ַא ְב ָרם ו‬
‫ת־ל ָבבֹו נֶ ֱא ָמן ְל ָפנֶ יָך‬
ְ ‫את ֶא‬ ָ ‫‘ ֵמאּור ַכ ְש ִדים וְ ַש ְמ ָת ְשמֹו ַא ְב ָר ָ ֽהם‬who chose Abram
ָ ‫ּומ ָצ‬
and brought him out of Ur of the Chaldees and named him Abraham; and
found his heart to be faithful to You’ (Neh 9:7–8).
In SBH, a suppletive paradigm is employed for the future: at the head
of the clause one finds wəqatal, while within the clause one finds yiqtol,
as in ‫ת־אּמֹו וְ ָד ַבק ְב ִא ְשּתֹו וְ ָהיּו ְל ָב ָשר ֶא ָחד‬
ִ ‫ת־א ִביו וְ ֶא‬ ִ ָ‫‘ ַעל ֵכן יַ ֲעז‬Therefore
ָ ‫ב־איׁש ֶא‬
shall a man leave his father and his mother, and shall cleave to his wife;
and they shall be one flesh’ (Gen 2:24). This syntactically dependent use is
lost in LBH, wherein jussive forms may be employed with non-volitive use
and interchange with wəqatal: ‫‘ וְ יָ ֵשב ָפנָ יו ְל ָמעּוזֵ י ַא ְרצֹו וְ נִ ְכ ַשל וְ נָ ַפל וְ לֹא יִ ָמ ֵצא‬He
shall turn his face toward the forts of his own land, but he shall stumble and
fall and not be found’ (Dan 11:19) (Joosten 2005: 332–23).
Verbal Complementation. The direct object structures have undergone
several changes. When the direct object is pronominal, there is a marked
tendency to prefer the suffixed pronoun, as witnessed by the substitution
‫יאּוה‬
ָ ‫הֹוצ‬ ִ ‘bring her out!’ (2 Chr 23:14) for ‫הֹוציאּו א ָֹתּה‬ ִ (2 Kgs 11:15). There
appears to be an increased use of the preposition l- to mark direct ob-
jects: e.g., ‫ירּוש ָל‍ִם‬
ָ ‫‘ וַ ָיְב ֲרכּו ָה ָעם ְלכֹל ָה ֲאנָ ִשים ַה ִמ ְתנַ ְד ִבים ָל ֶש ֶבת ִב‬and the people
blessed all of the men who volunteered to dwell in Jerusalem’ (Neh 11:2)
(Polzin 1976: 65–6).
Agreement. Certain collective nouns that are construed as singular in
SBH are regarded as plural in LBH. In SBH, ‫ ַעם‬is generally taken as singu-
lar, while in Second Temple Hebrew it more often takes plural agreement
in reworkings of earlier verses. For example, ‫ל־ה ָעם ִאיׁש ְל ֵביתֹו‬ ָ ‫‘ וַ יֵ ֶלְך ָכ‬and all
the people went, each man to his home’ (2 Sam 6:19) becomes ‫ל־ה ָעם‬ ָ ‫וַ יֵ ְלכּו ָכ‬
‫( ִאיׁש ְל ֵביתֹו‬1 Chr 16:43).
Comparatives. Esther, like Rabbinic Hebrew, employs the unique
construction -‫‘ יותר מ‬more than’ in comparative expressions: e.g., ‫ְל ִמי יַ ְחפֹץ‬
ֵ ‫‘ ַה ֶמ ֶלְך ַל ֲעׂשֹות יְ ָקר‬To whom would the king delight to do honor
‫יֹותר ִמ ֶמנִ י‬
more than to myself?’ (Esth 6:6); cf. ‫ת־בנֶ יָך ִמ ֶמנִ י‬ ָ ‫‘ וַ ְת ַכ ֵבד ֶא‬and you honor
your sons above Me’ (1 Sam 2:29) (Bergey 1984: 75).
Lexicon
LBH shows many lexical innovations compared to SBH (see now Hur-
vitz et al. 2014). Most derive from language contact with Aramaic. The
following are some representative examples: ‫‘ יְ ָקר‬glory’, for SBH ‫;ּכבֹוד‬ ָ
the verbal root ‫‘ בה״ל‬hurry’, for SBH ‫‘ ּבּוץ ;מה״ר‬fine linen’, for SBH ‫;ׁשׁש‬ֵ
‫‘ זְ ָמן‬time’; ‫‘ ְמ ִדינָ ה‬domain’ (see already Ezek 19:8); and the verbal root
50 Chapter 4
‫‘ תק״ן‬strengthen, set right’ (Qoh 1:15; 7:13; 12:9), for SBH ‫כנ״ן‬. Although
the root ‫ קב״ל‬is attested in SBH, the piel stem is used with the Aramaic
meaning ‘to receive’ (Esth 4:4; Ezra 8:30; 1 Chr 12:19; 21:11; 2 Chr 29:16,
22); in SBH, the corresponding terms are ‫ נש״א‬or ‫לק״ח‬. The word also ap-
pears in the Aramaizing Prov 19:20 and Job 2:10 (the prose framework).
In Esther and Qohelet, the irrealis conditional particle ‫‘ ִאּלּו‬if’, an Aramaic
borrowing, substitutes for SBH ‫לּו‬: e.g., ‫וְ ִאּלּו ַל ֲע ָב ִדים וְ ִל ְש ָפחֹות נִ ְמ ַכ ְרנּו ֶה ֱח ַר ְש ִתי‬
‘But if we had been sold for bondmen and bondwomen, I had held my
tongue’ (Esth 7:4) or ‫‘ וְ ִאּלּו ָחיָ ה ֶא ֶלף ָשנִ ים ַפ ֲע ַמיִ ם‬though he live a thousand
years twice’ (Qoh 6:6) (Bergey 1984: 163).
Aramaic influence is also reflected in phrasal calques. In the expression
‫‘ וְ ָכ ֵשר ַה ָד ָבר ִל ְפנֵ י ַה ֶמ ֶלְך‬and (if) the thing seems right before the king’ (Esth
8:5), there appear both LBH ‫( ָּכ ֵשר‬otherwise attested in Qoh 10:10; 11:6;
and in Tannaitic Hebrew) and ‫;ל ְפנֵ י‬ ִ the latter replaces SBH ‫ב ֵעינֵ י‬,ְ as in ‫יטב‬ ַ ִ‫וַ י‬
‫‘ ַה ָד ָבר ִל ְפנֵ י ָה ָמן‬and the thing pleased Haman’ (Esth 5:14) vs. SBH ‫יטב‬ ַ ִ‫וַ י‬
‫‘ ְב ֵעינֵ י ַפ ְרעֹה‬and it pleased Pharaoh well’ (Gen 45:16) (Bergey 1983: 165).
Similarly, ‫ל־ה ֶמ ֶלְך טֹוב‬ ַ ‫ם־ע‬ ַ ‫‘ ִא‬if it please the king’ (Neh 2:5), for SBH ‫ִאם טֹוב‬
‫‘ ְב ֵעינֶ יָך‬if it be good in your eyes’ (1 Kgs 21:2). Compare Aramaic ‫ֵהן ַעל־‬
‫‘ ַמ ְל ָכא ָטב‬if it please the king’ (Ezra 5:17) (Hurvitz 2013). The expression
ָ ‫‘ ֵּבית‬eternal home’ (i.e., the grave) (Qoh 12:5) appears to be a calque
‫עֹולם‬
on the cognate expression in Aramaic (Hurvitz 1992).
Aramaic also served as a conduit for words from Persian and Akkadian
(Mankowski 2000), though Wilson-Wright (2015) has argued that many
Persian words may have been transmitted to Hebrew through direct con-
tact. Certain Persian borrowings include: ‫‘ ַא ַפ ְדנֹו‬his palace’ (Dan 11:45),
‫‘ ַהגִ זְ ָבר‬the treasurer’ (Ezra 1:8), ‫‘ ָּדת‬law’, ‫‘ ַהנִ ְש ְתוָ ן‬the letter’ (Ezra 4:7,
7:11), ‫‘ ַּפ ְר ֵדס‬garden, forest’, ‫‘ ַפ ְר ְת ִמים‬nobles’ (Esth 1:3; 6:9; Dan 1:3), ‫ַפת‬
‫‘ ַבג‬dainties’, and ‫‘ ִּפ ְתגָ ם‬word’ (see also Sir 5:11). Loanwords from Akka-
dian that are likely to have been borrowed through Aramaic include: ‫ִאּגֶ ֶרת‬
‘letter’, ‫‘ ִּב ָירה‬fortress’ (see also Aramaic ‫‘ ְב ִב ְיר ָתא‬in the fortress’ [Ezra
6:2]), ‫‘ ּפּור‬lot’, ‫‘ ֶּפ ֶלְך‬district’, ‫תיו‬ ָ ָ‫‘ ְּכנ‬his associates’ (Ezra 4:7 [qəre]; see
also Aramaic ‫ּוכנָ וָ ֵתּה‬ ְ ‘his associates’ [Ezra 5:6]), ‫‘ ְצ ִפיר‬he-goat’, and pos-
sibly ‫‘ ַׁש ְר ִביט‬scepter’. For some words such as ‫יתן‬ ָ ‫‘ ִּב‬palace’, the Aramaic
evidence is less forthcoming, because there is no clear attestation of this
word in Aramaic. Finally, the Mesopotamian month names ‫א ָדר‬, ֲ ‫אלּול‬,
ֱ ‫ט ֵבת‬, ֵ
‫ּכ ְס ֵלו‬,
ִ ‫יסן‬ ָ ִ‫נ‬, ‫סיוָ ן‬, ְ and ‫ ַּתּמּוז‬all originate in Akkadian. The toponym ‫ֵע ֶבר‬
ִ ‫ׁש ָבט‬,
‫( ַהנָ ָהר‬e.g., Ezra 8:36) is a calque on Aramaic ‫( ֲע ַבר נַ ֲה ָרה‬e.g., Ezra 4:10),
ultimately derived from Akkadian eber nāri (Rosenthal 2006: 62).
The book of Chronicles, in comparison to its known sources, removes
outdated or old-fashioned terms and replaces them with more contempo-
rary substitutes. For example, there is a noted tendency to substitute other
verbs for the verb ‫‘ חפ״ץ‬desire’, as when ‫וַ אד ֹנִ י ַה ֶמ ֶלְך ָל ָמה ָח ֵפץ ַב ָד ָבר ַהזֶ ה‬
‘but why does my lord the king desire this thing?’ (2 Sam 24:3) appears in
LBH as ‫‘ ָל ָמה ַיְב ֵקׁש זֹאת ֲאד ֹנִ י‬why does my lord desire this?’ (1 Chr 21:3).
In Tannaitic Hebrew, ‫ כר״ת‬has become restricted to the idiom ‫כרת ברית‬
‘make a covenant’; already in Chronicles, the non-idiomatic verb in SBH
ָ ‫‘ וְ ָכ ַרת ֶא‬and he cut down the Asherah’ (2 Kgs 18:4) is replaced by
‫ת־ה ֲא ֵש ָרה‬
LBH ‫‘ וַ יְ גַ ְדעּו ָה ֲא ֵש ִרים‬and they cut down the Asherahs’ (2 Chr 31:1) (Japhet
1987: 20). There is also the account of Saul’s burial: ‫וַ יִ ְקחּו ֶאת־גְ וִ יַ ת ָשאּול‬
‫ת־ה ֶא ֶשל‬
ָ ‫יהם וַ יִ ְק ְברּו ַת ַח‬ ַ ‫ וַ יִ ְקחּו ֶא‬. . . ‫‘ וְ ֵאת גְ וִ יֹת ָבנָ יו‬and they took the
ֶ ‫ת־ע ְצמ ֵֹת‬
body of Saul and the bodies of his sons. . . . And they took their bones, and
buried them under the tamarisk’ (1 Sam 31:12–13). In LBH, its equivalent
is ‫יהם ַת ַחת ָה ֵא ָלה‬ ֶ ‫מֹות‬ ַ ‫ וַ יִ ְק ְברּו ֶא‬. . . ‫ת־ּגּופת ָשאּול וְ ֵאת ּגּופֹת ָבנָ יו‬
ֵ ‫ת־ע ְצ‬ ַ ‫‘ וַ יִ ְשאּו ֶא‬and
they took away the body of Saul, and the bodies of his sons . . . and buried
their bones under the oak’ (1 Chr 10:12). It has been suggested that the late
writer (1) understood the SBH verb ‫ לק״ח‬on the basis of its late meaning
‘buy’ and substituted ‫ וַ יִ ְשאּו‬instead or omitted it altogether, (2) knew ‫ ּגְ וִ ּיָ ה‬to
have become old-fashioned, and (3) replaced the rare word ‫‘ ֵא ֶׁשל‬tamarisk’
with the more common term ‫‘ ֵא ָלה‬oak’ (Kutscher 1982: 82–83).
In several cases, neologisms found in LBH are harbingers of Tannaitic
Hebrew. For example, the particle ‫‘ ִאי‬woe’, which occurs once in LBH ‫ִאי־‬
‫‘ ָלְך ֶא ֶרץ ֶש ַמ ְל ֵכְך נָ ַער‬Woe to you, O land, when your king is a child’ (Qoh
10:16), substitutes for ‫ אֹוי‬in 1QIsaa 6:5 and is also employed in Tanna-
itic Hebrew (Kutscher 1963: 266–67). Tannaitic religious terminology is
similarly anticipated by LBH: e.g., ‫‘ ַה ָתּ ִמיד‬the perpetual (sacrifice)’ (Dan
11:31), for SBH ‫עוֹלת ַה ָתּ ִמיד‬ ַ (e.g., Num 28:10); and ‫‘ ַתּ ֲענִ ית‬fast’ (Ezra 9:5),
for SBH ‫( צוֹם‬e.g., 2 Sam 12:16) (Hurvitz 2013).
Bibliography
Ben-Ḥayyim, Zeʾev
2000 A Grammar of Samaritan Hebrew Based on the Recitation of the Law in
Comparison with the Tiberian and Other Jewish Traditions. Jerusalem:
Magnes / Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
52 Chapter 4
Bergey, Ronald
1983 Post-Exilic Hebrew Linguistic Developments in Esther: A Diachronic Ap-
proach. Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 31: 161–68.
1984 Late Linguistic Features in Esther. Jewish Quarterly Review 75: 66–78.
Blau, Joshua
1982 On Polyphony in Biblical Hebrew. Proceedings of the Israel Academy of
Sciences and Humanities 6/2. Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and
Humanities.
Collins, John J.
1993 Daniel. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress.
Dan, Barak
1996 ‫עיון והערכה נוספים—לשון ספר יונה בספרות המחקר‬. Beit Mikra 147: 344–68.
Dobbs-Allsopp, F. W.
2005 Late Linguistic Features in the Song of Songs. Pp. 27–77 in Perspectives
on the Song of Songs—Perspektiven der Hoheliedauslegung, ed. Anselm C.
Hagedorn. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
346. Berlin: De Gruyter.
Flint, Peter
1998 The Book of Psalms in the Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Vetus Testamentum
48: 453–72.
Ginsberg, H. L.
1934 ‫[ מבעד למסורת‬From Behind the Massorah]. Tarbiz 5: 208–23.
Hurvitz, Avi
1972 ‫[ בין לשון ללשון‬The Transition Period in Biblical Hebrew: A Study of Post-
Exilic Hebrew and Its Implications for the Dating of Psalms]. Jerusalem:
Bialik.
1992 ‫ בית קברות‬and ‫בית עולם‬: Two Funerary Terms in Biblical Literature and Their
Linguistic Background. Maarav 9: 59–68.
2006 The Recent Debate on Late Biblical Hebrew: Solid Data, Experts’ Opinions,
and Inconclusive Arguments. Hebrew Studies 47: 191–210.
2013 Biblical Hebrew, Late. Pp. 329–38 in vol. 1 of Encyclopedia of Hebrew Lan-
guage and Linguistics, ed. Geoffrey Khan. Leiden: Brill.
Hurvitz, Avi; Gottlieb, Leeor; Hornkohl, Aaron; and Mastéy, Emmanuel
2014 A Concise Lexicon of Late Biblical Hebrew: Linguistic Innovations in the
Writings of the Second Temple Period. Supplements to Vetus Testamentum
160. Leiden: Brill.
Japhet, Sara
1987 Interchanges in Verbal Roots in Parallel Texts in Chronicles. Hebrew Studies
28: 9–50.
Joosten, Jan
2005 The Distinction between Classical and Late Biblical Hebrew as Reflected in
Syntax. Hebrew Studies 46: 327–39.
2012 Review of Young et al. 2008. Babel und Bibel 6: 535–42.
Kropat, Arno
1909 Die Syntax des Autors der Chronik verglichen mit der seiner Quellen: Ein
Beitrag zur historischen Syntax des Hebräischen. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für
die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 16. Giessen: Töpelmann.

1963 ‫לשון חז״ל‬. Pp. 246–80 in ‫[ ספר חנוך ילון׃ קובץ מאמרים‬Henoch Yalon Jubilee
Volume on the Occasion of His Seventy-Fifth Birthday], ed. Saul Lieberman
et al. Jerusalem: Kiryat Sepher.
1974 The Language and Linguistic Background of the Isaiah Scroll (1 Q Isaa).
Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 6. Leiden: Brill. Translation of
‫הלשון והרקע הלשוני של מגילת ישעיהו ממגילות ים המלח‬. Jerusalem: Magnes,
1959.
Jerusalem: Magnes.
Mankowski, Paul V.
2000 Akkadian Loanwords in Biblical Hebrew. Harvard Semitic Studies 47. Wi-
nona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
Mor, Uri
2011 Language Contact in Judea: How Much Aramaic is There in the Hebrew
Documents from the Judean Desert? Hebrew Studies 52: 1–8.
Moreshet, Menahem
1976 ‫הפעיל ללא הבדל מן הקל בלשון חז״ל‬. [The Hifʿil in Mishnaic Hebrew as Equiv-
alent to the Qal]. Bar-Ilan 13: 249–81.
Polzin, Robert
Rooker, Mark F.
1990 Biblical Hebrew in Transition: The Language of the Book of Ezekiel. Journal
for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series 90. Sheffield: JSOT
Press.
Rosenthal, Franz
2006 A Grammar of Biblical Aramaic. 7th ed. Porta Linguarum Orientalium 5.
Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Rubin, Milka
1998 The Language of Creation or the Primordial Language: A Case of Cultural
Polemics in Antiquity. Journal of Jewish Studies 49: 306–33.
Segal, Moses H.
1908 Mišnaic Hebrew and Its Relation to Biblical Hebrew and to Aramaic. Jewish
Quarterly Review 20: 647–737.
Sivan, Daniel, and Schniedewind, William
1997 The Elijah–Elisha Narratives: A Test Case for the Northern Dialect of He-
brew. Jewish Quarterly Review 87: 303–37.
Steiner, Richard C.
2005 On the Dating of Hebrew Sound Changes (*ḫ > ḥ and *ġ > ʿ) and Greek Trans-
lations (2 Esdras and Judith). Journal of Biblical Literature 124: 229–67.
Talshir, David
1986 ‫[ התפתחות מערכת העתיד המהופך בזיקה אל המערכת המודאלית‬The Develop-
ment of the Imperfect Consecutive Forms in Relation to the Modal System].
Tarbiz 56: 585–91.
54 Chapter 4
1987 ‫מעמדה של העברית המקראית המאוחרת בין לשון המקרא לבין לשון חכמים‬. [The
Autonomic Status of Late Biblical Hebrew]. ‫ מחקרים בלשון‬2–3: 161–72.
1988 A Reinvestigation of the Linguistic Relationship between Chronicles and
Ezra-Nehemiah. Vetus Testamentum 38: 165–93.
Ulrich, Eugene
1987 Daniel Manuscripts from Qumran. Part 1: A Preliminary Edition of 4QDana.
Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 268: 17–37.
Wilson-Wright, Aren Max
2015 From Persepolis to Jerusalem: A Reevaluation of Old-Persian-Hebrew Con-
tact in the Achaemenid Period. Vetus Testamentum 65: 152–67.
Young, Ian
2001 Notes on the Language of 4QCantb. Journal of Jewish Studies 52: 122–31.
Young, Ian; Rezetko, Robert; and Ehrensvärd, Martin
2008 Linguistic Dating of Biblical Texts. 2 vols. London: Equinox.
Chapter 5
Epigraphic Hebrew
S hmuel A ḥituv , W. R andall G arr ,

and S teven E. F assberg
Introduction
The term “epigraphic Hebrew” designates the Hebrew language attested
in extra-biblical texts, seals, and bullae. For the present purposes, these
inscriptions also span a period slightly longer than that of the First Temple
(ca. 1000–586 BCE). The oldest known texts tend to be short, fragmen-
tary, and often difficult to decipher; they record the alphabet (e.g., Izbet
Ṣarṭah [eleventh century BCE]), personal names (e.g., Tell eṣ-Ṣafi [late
eleventh–early tenth century BCE]), or present a mostly unintelligible text
with few recognizable words (e.g., Qeiyafa [late eleventh–early tenth cen-
tury BCE]) (for an extended and controversial discussion, see Becking
and Sanders 2011). The seven-line Gezer calendar (tenth century BCE),
however, seems to be complete and yields coherent sense. A number of
extended texts from the end of this period have been unearthed at sixth-
century outposts such as Arad and Lachish. So, too, epigraphic texts have
been discovered throughout the territory of ancient Israel and Judah (see
Davies et al. 1991: xxvi). Despite this temporal and geographical expanse,
though, epigraphic Hebrew is largely the same language as Biblical He-
brew of the same period. Its importance lies in revealing biblical-period
Authors’ Note: Unless otherwise specified, all texts herein are cited by descriptive la-
bels and are available in Renz and Röllig (1995–2003), Davies et al. (1991–2004), or
Dobbs-Allsopp et al. (2005). The remaining texts are cited according to Aḥituv (2008)
(= EP). Texts from Kuntillet Ajrud are cited by descriptive label, followed by the nu-
meration (in brackets) and lineation presented in Aḥituv et al. 2012.
55
56 Chapter 5
Hebrew as written, and sometimes spoken, without the intervention of sub-

sequent editors and copyists.

This is not to say, however, that the language represented in the epi-
graphic texts is unmediated. Since “the vast majority of the population
was not literate[,] . . . most of the extant Old Hebrew inscriptions are the
product of trained scribal professionals” (Rollston 2010: 128). Yet, several
texts purport to represent a non-professional class of speakers. For ex-
ample, the document from Yavneh Yam, also known as Meṣad Ḥashavyahu
(late seventh century BCE), records a complaint of an agricultural worker;
he claims to have fulfilled his work quota and requests the return of his
pledged garment being held as collateral. Lachish letter 3 (early sixth cen-
tury BCE) has engendered debate, especially lines 8–9: ‫לא ידעתה קרא ספר‬.
Perhaps its author, a soldier named Hoshayahu, protests the accusation that
he is unable to read (‘You don’t know how to read a letter’) (Aḥituv 1992:
40; Schniedewind 2000). Alternatively, Hoshayahu is accused of failing to
understand a prior message and is told to get scribal assistance (‘You did
not understand it. Call a scribe!’) (Cross 1985). Recently, it has even been
claimed that language of the Siloam tunnel inscription (late eighth century
BCE) was influenced by that of its workmen (Schniedewind 2013: 90; cf.
Naʾaman 2014: 7–8).
Literacy, though, need not be restricted to “trained scribal profession-
als.” The existence of scribes, or scribal training, can be inferred for ancient
Israel. The Hebrew Bible recognizes scribes or a scribal class (see Rollston
2010: 88–89). The existence of epigraphic exercise texts, abecedaries, the
development of a shared “national script,” relatively strict spelling con-
ventions, and the limited number of spelling errors throughout the entire
epigraphic corpus—all these factors suggest a high degree of standardiza-
tion and formal training. But these features do not demand a closed scribal
profession. Writing was used to record administrative documents, com-
mercial texts, legal petitions, military reports and orders, dedicatory in-
scriptions, and more. According to the archaeological record, writing also
enjoyed spreading popularity, especially in Judah, from the eighth century
on (Demsky 2012; Golub 2014: 30–31). The evidence therefore suggests
that writing was a (spreading) phenomenon among the elite or educated
echelons of society, rather than just among scribes. For the representation
Epigraphic Hebrew 57
of Hebrew, then, the implication is clear: the epigraphic texts probably

reflect a higher register and more refined language than was spoken by the
majority population of Israel and Judah.
The Corpus
The study of epigraphic Hebrew texts began in the late 1800s. In 1870,
two funerary inscriptions were discovered in the Silwan section of Jeru-
salem. In 1880, the Siloam tunnel inscription was discovered and imme-
diately published. In 1881, a third, fragmentary funerary inscription was
again found in Silwan. By the turn of the century, the inventory of Hebrew
inscriptions was small; the only Hebrew text included in Cooke (1903) is
Siloam.
Today, the number is much higher. The major collections are indicative
of the steady increase: Donner and Röllig (1962–1964, 2002) included 19
inscriptions; Gibson (1971) presented 56; Renz and Röllig (1995–2003)
raised the number to 340. The collection of Davies et al. (1991) first in-
creased the inventory to approximately 500 (including one forgery) and
then (2004) added some 91 more texts (including two forgeries and several
without provenance); these tallies are restricted to legible, First Temple in-
scriptions. Finally, André Lemaire estimates that, at present, the number of
published Hebrew inscriptions from the First Temple period hovers around
700 (p.c.). The most recent compilation is that of Aḥituv (2012a).
The corpus of epigraphic Hebrew texts is varied. It varies in genre and
includes letters (e.g., Lach 3; Arad 10), receipts (e.g., Sam ost. 10, 18),
amulets (Ketef Hinnom 1, 2), writing exercises (e.g., Ajrud Pithos B [3.6]),
and perhaps even literary pieces (e.g., Siloam). It varies in its material and
technical production, ranging from texts engraved on stone or pottery to
texts written in ink on vessels, ostraca, and even plaster and papyri. There
are also numerous seals and bullae (Avigad and Sass 1997). The texts vary
in geography and dialect. A minority of texts was either found in a north-
ern Israelite context or seems to reflect a northern dialect. The principal
northern texts are the Samaria ostraca (early eighth century BCE); some
would also include the earlier Gezer calendar, the texts on the pithoi from
Kuntillet Ajrud (early eighth century BCE) (e.g., Aḥituv 2008: 252–57,
313), and a few others. The great majority of texts, though, was retrieved
from Judah and reflects a southern dialect. One scholar wished to add the
ninth-century Mesha inscription to the list of epigraphic Hebrew texts,
58 Chapter 5
specifically northern Hebrew (Segert 1961); in both corpora, for example,

‘year’ takes the form ‫שת‬. Yet, since the Mesha inscription also reflects
features not native to Hebrew (see, e.g., Garr 1985: 209), it is more likely
that the language registered in this inscription is written in the language of
its royal protagonist: Moabite.
It also deserves mention that the epigraphic texts carry great impor-
tance for issues other than language. They yield information about admin-
istrative matters (e.g., the Samaria ostraca), military affairs and protocol
(e.g., Arad letters), civil complaints and legal precedent (e.g., Yavneh Yam
1), literacy (see above), epistolography (Pardee et al. 1982), narratology,
and more. Just as importantly, they supply information about Israelite and
Judean religion. They attest to divine epithets known from the Hebrew
Bible: e.g., ‫‘ [אל] קנארץ‬El, creator of the earth’ (Jerusalem Ophel ost. 5)
(late eighth–early seventh century BCE) (see Gen 14:19, 22), ‫יהוה צבאות‬
‘Yhwh of hosts’ (el-Qom? [seventh century BCE?] [EP 229], and, per-
haps, ‫( אל‬Ajrud Plaster Text [4.2] 2, 6 [early eighth century BCE]; see
also Jerusalem Ophel ost. 5 [broken]). Some scholars believe that these
texts refer to a divine partner of Yhwh: ‫‘ אשרתה‬his Asher ah’ (e.g., Ajrud
Pithos A [3.1] 2 [early eighth century BCE]; el-Qom 1:3 [late eighth
century BCE]), though the interpretation of the word is contested; many
scholars understand ‫ אשרתה‬to refer to a sacred pole or tree. Interestingly,
the texts establish the absence of a prohibition against writing the Tetra-
grammaton (divine name) ‫ ;יהוה‬in fact, it appears widely in the epigraphic
corpus (e.g., Ajrud Pithos A [3.1] 2; Arad 16:3 [early sixth century BCE];
el-Qom 1:2; Ketef Hinnom 1:12 [late seventh–early sixth century BCE];
Lach 3:3, 9; see also Mesha 18). Finally, at least one biblical text has now
appeared in the amulets found at Ketef Hinnom: the Priestly blessing of
Num 6:24–26. It has even been argued that the amulet is contemporary
with, or perhaps antecedent to, the Priestly source itself (but see Ahituv
2012b: 230–31).
Unprovenanced inscriptions—that is, inscriptions that were not discov-
ered in organized archaeological digs but showed up on the antiquities
market—present a challenge, since some are skillful forgeries. The fab-
rication of an inscription may be revealed by its paleography or language
(Golub 2012), as well as by chemical and other technological means. Pur-
ported forgeries include a seal belonging to ‫‘ מעדנה בת המלך‬Maʿadanah
the king’s daughter’, an ivory pomegranate (‫‘ לבית י[הו]ה קדש כהנים‬of the
house of Yhwh holy to the priests’), and the Jehoash inscription (corre-
sponding to 2 Kgs 12) (Aḥituv 2008: 9–11; Rollston 2013).
Orthography
Almost all of the orthographic conventions governing Hebrew inscrip-
tions find their correspondents in the Hebrew Bible. For instance, the alpha-
bet serves a larger phonemic inventory than its 22 letters strictly represent:
‫ ש‬does double duty for /š/ and /ś/ (IPA ɬ); it is also likely that ‫ ח‬represents
/ḥ/ (IPA ħ) and /ḫ/ (IPA χ), and ‫ ע‬represents both /ʿ/ (IPA ʕ) and /ġ/ (IPA
ʁ). The orthography of texts changes over time, too. The earliest texts seem
not to use vowel letters (matres lectionis) at all; later, vowel letters emerge
slowly, beginning with the end of words and spreading to word-internal
position. The evidence has been rehearsed several times (e.g., Zevit 1980).
Scholars have placed a great deal of attention on orthographic varia-
tion reflected in the inscriptions. For example, the third-person masc. sing.
possessive suffix may have three representations: -∅, as in ‫‘ ירח‬his month’
(e.g., Gezer 3, 4); ‫ה‬-, as in ‫‘ עבדה‬his servant’ (Yavneh Yam 1:2); and ‫ו‬-,
as in ‫‘ בו‬in it, through him’ (Ketef Hinnom 1:11). In all likelihood, this
varying orthography reflects chronological development. Other variation,
however, reflects dialectal distinction. ‘Wine’ is a case in point: in south-
ern texts, the form is ‫( יין‬e.g., Arad 2:2 [early sixth century BCE]; Lach 25
[early sixth century BCE]; “Ration List” 3:6 [late First Temple period] [EP
183]); in the Samaria ostraca, it is ‫( ין‬e.g., 5:3, 10:3 [both early eighth cen-
tury BCE]). The orthography suggests that *ay was retained in the south
(cf. Noqdim ost. 5–6 [late First Temple period] [EP 194–195]), whereas
in the north it contracted to [ē] (ê) (see also ‫‘ קץ‬summer fruit’ [Gezer 7]
and ‫‘ התמן‬the south’ [Ajrud Pithos B (3.9) 1; see also (3.6) 6 [early eighth
century BCE]). The status of *aw is more difficult to determine. There is
no indisputable example of *aw > [ō] (ô) in Samaria texts; the name ‘Jona-
than’, though, is attested as ‫יונתן‬, with a consonantal waw (Sam ost. 45:3
[early eighth century BCE]). In the south, the name ‫( הושעיהו‬Yavneh Yam
1:7) and common noun ‫‘ מוצא‬source’ (Siloam 5) are good evidence for the
preservation of *aw > [aw] (cf. Noqdim ost. 11–12).
The epigraphic texts also present a couple of orthographic novelties not
(overtly) known from the Hebrew Bible. One is the use of abbreviations
for common commodities and measures: ‫‘ ב = בת‬bath’, ‫‘ קמ = קמח‬flour’,
and ‫‘ ש = שקל‬sheqel’. The other is more limited; a phrase is occasionally
60 Chapter 5
written as a single word. Two examples involve enclitics: ‫‘ חי יהוה‬by the

life of Yhwh’ (Lach 6:12 [early sixth century BCE]) > ‫( חיהוה‬Lach 3:9;
Arad 21:5 [broken] [early sixth century BCE]); and ‫*לא תשלח > לתשלח‬
‘you shouldn’t send’ (“Silver, Pistachio, and Grain” ost. 1:8 [late First
Temple period] [EP 203]). The other example is the epithet > ‫*קנה ארץ‬
‫ קנארץ‬which, to judge from its appearance in the Phoenician Karatepe text
(A III 18) (late eighth century BCE), was probably an old West Semitic
divine designation (cf. Bornstein 2013: 33–35).
Phonology
The epigraphic Hebrew texts suggest that its phonology is consistent
with that of Biblical Hebrew as attested in the Masoretic Text. The Ca-
naanite vowel shift had probably occurred (Gogel 1998: 68–70): see now,
perhaps, [‫‘ האו]פם‬the bakers’ (Jerusalem Ophel Pithos [late First Temple
period]). He of the third-person masc. sing. appears to have been synco-
pated in some cases (see p. 62, below). A vowelless nun generally assimi-
lated to a following consonant: e.g., ‫‘ תתן‬you will give’ (Arad 1:10, 18:6
[both early sixth century BCE]). But a familiar alternation occurs as well:
‫‘ מימן ומ[שמ]אל‬right and left’ (Siloam 3) ~ ‫‘ מן המוצא‬from the source’ (line
5). As in Biblical Hebrew poetry, he may or may not assimilate to a preced-
ing energic nun: ‫‘ ושלחנו‬and send it!’ (Arad 4:2 [early sixth century BCE])
~ ‫‘ אתננהו‬I will give it’ (Lach 3:12).
In other ways, however, epigraphic Hebrew is phonologically different
from its contemporary, biblical counterpart. Epigraphic Hebrew has two in-
stances of post-vocalic voicing: ‫‘ *הפקיד > והבקידם‬he will hand them over’
(Arad 24:14–15 [early sixth century BCE]) and ‫‘ *נפש > בנבשכם‬by your
life’ (line 18; attested also in Phoenician, Samalian, and Old Aramaic). It
may participate more fully in the apocope of gentilic *-īy before the masc.
pl. ending *īm: ‫‘ כתים‬Cypriotes (?)’ (e.g., Arad 1:2, 4:1, 7:2 [early sixth
century BCE]) (note Sarfatti 1982: 66, on the MT). It is also possible that,
unlike Standard Biblical Hebrew, identical consonants may merge after
the loss of an intervening vowel (cf. Aḥituv et al. 2012: 96 and, differ-
ently, 111–12); Standard Biblical Hebrew ‫‘ ָיְב ֶר ְכָך‬may He bless you’ (e.g.,
Num 6:24; cf. pausal ָ‫‘ ָיְב ֲר ֶכּך‬he will “bless” You’ [Job 1:11, 2:5]) takes the
epigraphic form ‫‘ יברך‬may He bless you’ (Ketef Hinnom 1:14–15, 2:5 [late
seventh–early sixth century BCE]; Ajrud Pithos B [3.6] 7–8). Finally, there
is one alleged instance where syllable-final ʾaleph is lost: the compound
preposition ‫‘ לקרת‬towards’ (Siloam 4). But since ʾaleph is not lost else-
where in the epigraphic record, ‫ לקרת‬may represent historical orthography
(‫ )קר״ה‬whereas the corresponding biblical form ‫ לקראת‬conflates the root
with ‫קר״א‬.
Morphology
The inscriptions provide little new information on ancient Hebrew
morphology. The pronominal inventory, for example, is the same. Among
proximal demonstratives, there are the masc. sing. ‫‘ זה‬this’ (e.g., Yavneh
Yam 1:9) (Tiberian ‫ )זֶ ה‬and two forms of the fem. sing.: ‫( זה‬Lach 6:2) (Ti-
berian ‫ה‬) and ‫( זאת‬e.g., Silwan 2:1 [early seventh century BCE]) (Tiberian
‫)זֹאת‬. Among independent personal subject pronouns, the first-person sing.
has two forms: ‫( אני‬e.g., Arad 88:1 [early sixth century BCE]) and prob-
ably ]‫( אנכ[י‬Lach 6:8). Interestingly, the only attested form of the first-
person pl. pronoun is ‫( נחנו‬Lach 4:10–11 [early sixth century BCE); in the
Bible, this form is attested 6 times (Gen 42:11; Exod 16:7, 8; Num 32:32;
2 Sam 17:12; Lam 3:42), in contrast to ‫אנַ ְחנּו‬,
ֲ which appears approximately
120 times. The attested third-person pronouns are written defectively as
expected: ‫ הא‬for the masc. sing. (e.g., Arad 40:12 [early sixth century
BCE?]), presumably [hūʾ]; and ‫ הם‬for the masc. pl. (Horvat Uza Literary
Text 5), presumably [hēm] or [hem].
Suffixed and clitic pronouns show some variation. In the first-person
sing. and second-person masc. sing. perfect, two forms are attested. The
first-person forms are, e.g., ‫‘ מלכתי‬I ruled’ (Arad 88:1) and ‫‘ כתבתי‬I wrote’
(Lach 4:3) ~ ‫‘ ברכת‬I bless’ (Ajrud Pithos A [3.1] 1) and ‫‘ כלת‬I finished’
(Yavneh Yam 1:8). This alternation may also occur on verbs bearing object
suffixes: ‫‘ ברכתך‬I bless you’ (e.g., Arad 16:2–3) ~ ‫‘ שלחתיך‬I have sent you’
(Shephelah ost. 1:1–2 [late First Temple period] [EP 205]). The second
person follows suit: ‫‘ ונתת‬you should give’ (Arad 2:7–8) and ‫‘ ולקחת‬you
should take’ (e.g., Arad 17:3–4) ~ ‫‘ ידעתה‬you did (not) know’ (e.g., Lach
3:8) and ‫‘ והתערערתה‬you have become destitute’ (alt., ‘you will be stripped
naked’) (Horvat Uza Literary Text 9). See also the possessive suffixes on,
e.g., ‫‘ אחך‬your brother’ (Arad 16:1) and ‫‘ עבדך‬your servant’ (e.g., Lach
2:3–4, 3:5) ~ ‫‘ קברכה‬your grave’ (Horvat Uza Literary Text 13; see also
line 12 [broken]). The interpretation of all these long ~ short pronominal
forms is disputed, however (compare, e.g., Cross 2000; Aḥituv 2008: 62;
Garr f.c.).
62 Chapter 5
The third-person masc. sing. possessive suffix presents a special prob-

lem (see, in detail, Pardee 2011: 115–17). The oldest orthography on sing.
nouns appears to be -∅, suggesting a pronunciation [ō]. Forms are subse-
quently attested in ‫ה‬- and ‫ו‬-. The former, unlike its tenth-century prede-
cessor, suggests it was pronounced [(V)hu, (V)hū]; the latter suggests [ō]
(ô). Aḥituv, however, cautions against reading every suffixed waw as [ō]:
regarding ‫‘ רעו‬his companion’ in the late eighth-century Siloam inscription
(lines 2, 3, 4), he asserts that “it would be an anomaly if final ‫ ו‬represented
final ô at this early period. So perhaps the intended pronunciation here was
*rēʿēu” (2008: 23; see also Cross and Freedman 1952: 50). The evidence
has yet to be interpreted consistently and in a satisfying manner.
More consistent is the evidence for the third-person masc. sing. posses-
sive suffix on non-singular nouns and prepositions, in which an original
he is syncopated: *-ayhu > Tiberian ‫יו‬. The oldest attestation seems to be
attached to a dual noun: ‫‘ ירחו‬his two months’ (Gezer 1, 2, 6). Some later
forms agree, too: e.g., ‫‘ אנשו‬his men’ (Lach 3:18) and ‫‘ אלו‬to him’ (Yavneh
Yam 1:13). These forms may have been pronounced [ɔw], as in later Tibe-
rian Hebrew. Yet other forms written plene are also attested: ‫‘ פניו‬his face’
(Ketef Hinnom 2:9) and, possibly, the difficult word ‫‘ מצריה‬his enemies’
(el-Qom 3:3 [late eighth century BCE]).
In inscriptions from the north, intervocalic he is elided in personal names
ending with a form of the divine name Yahu: e.g., ‫( שמריו‬Sam ost. 1:1–2,
13:2, 14:2, 21:1–2 [all early eighth century BCE]; Ajrud Stone Bowl [1.1],
Pithos B [3.10] 3 [both early eighth century BCE]) ∼ ‫( שמריהו‬Arad 18:4),
‫( שכניו‬Ajrud Pithos B [3.10] 1) ∼ ‫“( שכניהו‬List of Payments” 10 [late First
Temple period] [EP 186]), and ‫( עזיו‬Ajrud Pithos B [3.10] 5) ∼ ‫]ע]ז[י]הו‬
(Arad 20:2 [late First Temple period]) (Golub 2014: 42).
The third-person fem. sing. perfect form, ‫‘ הית‬there was’ (Siloam 3;
see also Mesha 12), requires discussion. According to the orthography of
this inscription, it is unlikely that the form was pronounced like its Tibe-
rian counterpart, with a final vowel. In this text, final [ā] is consistently
marked with he, regardless of morphological origin: ‫‘ היה‬it was’ (lines
1, 6), ‫‘ אמה‬cubit’ (lines 5, 6), and ‫‘ ברכה‬pool’ (line 5). ‫ הית‬is closer to
forms like Tiberian ‫‘ וְ ָע ָׂשת‬it will yield’ (Lev 25:21) and ‫‘ וְ ִה ְר ָצת‬it will sat-
isfy’ (Lev 26:34). ‫ ל״ה‬forms such as ‫ הית‬occur regularly in reliable manu-
scripts of Tannaitic Hebrew and can also be found in a few cases in the
Dead Sea Scrolls (Hornkohl 2014: 121, with examples and bibliography).
Consonant-final ‫ הית‬is a valid First Temple form.
Syntax and Verbal Semantics

Syntactic structures appearing in epigraphic Hebrew texts conform to
expectations set by Tiberian Biblical Hebrew (see, overall, Schüle 2000).
For example, relative clauses are marked with ‫אשר‬: e.g., ‫כל ספר אשר יבא‬
‫‘ אלי‬any letter that comes my way’ (Lach 3:11). Nominal determination
appears as a prefixed -‫ ה‬at the beginning of a word or after the conjunction;
when following a proclitic preposition, -‫ ה‬is syncopated: e.g., ‫‘ האיש‬the
man’ (Arad 40:7), ]‫‘ והבטנ[ם‬and the pistachios’ (“Silver, Pistachio, and
Grain” ost. 1:7), and ‫‘ בשת העשרת‬in the tenth year’ (e.g., Sam ost. 16A:1
[early eighth century BCE]), respectively. The third example also shows
that when a head noun has a definite article, so too does its attributive ad-
jective (see also ‫‘ העת הזה‬this season’ [Lach 6:2]). When the head lacks a
definite article, however, the attribute lacks it as well: ‫‘ קצרי זה‬this harvest
of mine’ (Yavneh Yam 1:9).
Like Standard Biblical Hebrew, the definite direct object is sometimes
introduced with ‫את‬: e.g., ‫‘ ברכת אתכם‬I bless you’ (Ajrud Pithos A [3.1] 1),
‫‘ אשר יפתח את זאת‬whoever opens this’ (Silwan 2:2–3), ‫ו[א]ת לא עשת דברי‬
‘and you did not enact my order’ (Shephelah ost. 1:5–6), and ‫קרא עבדך‬
‫‘ את הספרם‬your servant read the letters’ (Lach 6:13–14). Object marking,
however, is not obligatory: e.g., ‫‘ השב עבדך הספרם‬your servant returned
the letters’ (Lach 5:6–7) and ‫‘ ואת הודויהו בן אחיהו ואנשו שלח לקחת מזה‬and
he sent word to get Hodawyahu ben Ahiyahu and his men from here’ (Lach
3:16–18).
Word order tends to follow the pattern of Standard Biblical Hebrew.
The verb usually begins a clause. This is especially true of “consecutive”
and modal forms. Other forms are occasionally clause-initial as well: e.g.,
‫‘ ברכתך ליהוה‬I bless you by Yhwh’ (e.g., Arad 16:2–3) and, perhaps,
‫‘ ישלח [ע]בד[ך] הספר‬your servant will send the letter’ (Lach 18:1 [early
sixth century BCE]). Such instances, however, are rare. Usually, the per-
fect and imperfect are used in non-initial clausal position: e.g., ‫ובים הנקבה‬
)‫ (וילכו המים‬. . . ‫‘ הכו החצבם‬when the breakthrough occurred, the ma-
sons struck. . . , (and the water flowed)’ (Siloam 3–5) and ). . . ‫(והבקידם‬
‫(‘ פן יקרה את העיר דבר‬He will hand them over . . .) lest something happen
to the city’ (Arad 24:14–17). Deviations from this general pattern are
64 Chapter 5
probably motivated by pragmatic need and thus require context-specific

explanation.
The final syntactic features revealed by the epigraphic texts pertain to
the verb. One feature applies to ‫ ושלחנו‬in Arad 4:2; if the pronominal suf-
fix does not refer to the container jar presumed in the text (‘send it!’), it
may have “dative force” (‘send [the jar of oil] to us!’) (Aḥituv 2008: 103).
The other features are more secure. In addition to connoting the temporal
past and perfect aspect, the perfect form can be interpreted as a performa-
tive: e.g., ‫( ברכתך ליהוה‬see above) and, somewhat differently, ‫‘ וצוך‬and he
commands you’ (Arad 3:2–3 [early sixth century BCE]) (for the latter, see
Gogel 1998: 266–67). Like Standard Biblical Hebrew, epigraphic Hebrew
attests to both the perfect and imperfect “consecutive”: e.g., ‫) ולקחת‬. . . ‫(בא‬
‘(go . . .) and take!’ (Arad 17:1–4) and ‫) ויעלהו‬. . . ‫(‘ (לקחה‬he took him . . .)
and brought him’ (Lach 4:6–7), respectively. In several Arad letters, the
infinitive absolute can substitute for the imperative; compare, e.g., Arad
2:1 (‫ )נתן‬and 3:1–2 (‫)תן‬. There may be an example of ‘be’ with a participle
to express a progressive event: ‫( עבדך קצר היה עבדך בחצר אסם‬Yavneh Yam
1:2–4). If these words constitute one sentence, the example is valid (‘As
for your servant, your servant was harvesting in Ḥaṣar-Asam’) (Aḥituv
2008: 159, 160). If, however, these words constitute two sentences, the
example fails (‘Your servant is reaping; your servant was in Ḥaṣar-Asam’)
(see Gogel 1998: 107 n. 80).
Lexicon
The lexicon of epigraphic Hebrew is well-represented by Gogel (1998:
293–383) and Hoftijzer and Jongeling (1995). Two general items merit
special attention:
(1) The epigraphic texts often confirm the existence of biblical words
and idioms in a contemporary, non-biblical context. For example, a term
identical with or similar to biblical ‫ ָא ֵמן‬appears in Yavneh Yam 1:11. The
phrasal title ‫‘ ֲא ֶׁשר ַעל ַה ַּביִ ת‬steward, majordomo’ appears in Silwan 2:1. A
biblical idiom for obstinacy, ‫( ָּכ ֵבד ֵלב‬e.g., Exod 7:14), now appears in the
epigraphic record, too (Shephelah ost. 1:3–4). Further afield, it has been
argued that the epigraphic record may suggest that ‫( ֶע ְר ְּכָך‬e.g., Lev 27:3)
and especially ‫( ָה ֶע ְר ְּכָך‬vv. 23, 23) are not suffixed nouns (‘your valuation,
assessment’) but are, like ‫‘ ַר ֲענָ ן‬verdant, leafy’, absolute forms based on a
partially-reduplicated root (see ‫“[ לערכך‬Assessment” ost. 8] [late seventh

century BCE] [EP 190]).
(2) The epigraphic record has contributed new words to the lexicon
of Hebrew in the First Temple period (see Sarfatti 1982: 73–80). Some
come from the south. The Siloam inscription adds one or two: ‫‘ זדה‬crack,
fissure (?)’ (line 3) and, perhaps ‫‘ הנקבה‬the tunnel’ (line 1 [bis]) (cf. Ti-
berian ‫ ְּת ָע ָלה‬or ‫)מ ְח ֶּת ֶרת‬,
ַ unless ‫ הנקבה‬is an activity noun (niphal infinitive
construct with pronominal suffix) as suggested by lines 3–4. The Lachish
letters add another: (‫(‘ )ב)תסבת (הבקר‬when the morning) comes around’
(Lach 4:9) (cf. Tiberian ‫קּופה‬ ְ It is now attested at Qumran: ‫תסובות כלי‬
ָ ‫)ּת‬.
‫(‘ אור‬the) rounds of the (heavenly) luminaries’ (4QpapPrQuot [4Q503]
1–6 III 9). It is also possible that the vocative particle ‫ יה‬appears in Beit
Lei 2 (early sixth century BCE). Northern texts have also furnished new
lexical items. The Gezer calendar supplies a couple of nouns for agricul-
tural activities: ‫‘ זמר‬vine harvesting’ (line 6) (cf. Tiberian ‫)ּב ִציר‬ ָ and ‫עצד‬
‘cutting’ (line 3). The Samaria ostraca yield new terms for qualities of oil
and wine: e.g., ‫‘ שמן רחץ‬pure oil’ (e.g., Sam ost. 18:2–3 [early eighth cen-
tury BCE]) (cf. Tiberian ‫[ ֶׁש ֶמן זַ יִ ת זָ ְך‬Exod 27:20; Lev 24:2]). These ostraca
also offer an otherwise unattested Hebrew form of ‘year’: ‫( שת‬passim)
(cf. Tiberian ‫ = ָׁשנָ ה‬Judean [“Ration List” 1:1] [early sixth century BCE]
[EP 180]).
Bibliography
Aḥituv, Shmuel
1992 ‫[ אסופת כתובות עבריות מימי בית־ראשון וראשית ימי בית־שני‬Handbook of An-
cient Hebrew Inscriptions from the Period of the First Commonwealth and
the Beginning of the Second Commonwealth (Hebrew, Philistine, Edomite,
Moabite, Ammonite and the Bileam Inscription)]. Biblical Encyclopaedia Li-
brary 7. Jerusalem: Bialik / Israel Exploration Society.
2008 Echoes from the Past: Hebrew and Cognate Inscriptions from the Biblical
Period, transl. Anson F. Rainey. Jerusalem: Carta.
2012a ‫הכתב והמכתב׃ אסופת כתובות מארץ־ישראל וממלכות עבר הירדן מימי בית־ראשון‬
[HaKetav VeHamiktav: Handbook of Ancient Inscriptions from the Land of
Israel and the Trans-Jordanian Kingdoms from the First Commonwealth Pe-
riod]. 2nd ed. Biblical Encyclopaedia Library 21. Jerusalem: Bialik.
2012b A Rejoinder to Nadav Naʾaman’s “A New Appraisal of the Silver Amulets
from Ketef Hinnom.” Israel Exploration Journal 62: 223–32.
66 Chapter 5
Aḥituv, Shmuel; Eshel, Esther; and Meshel, Zeʾev

2012 The Inscriptions. Pp. 73–142 in Kuntillet ʿAjrud (Ḥorvat Teman): An Iron
Age II Religious Site on the Judah-Sinai Border, by Zeʾev Meshel et al. Jeru-
salem: Israel Exploration Society.
Avigad, Nahman, and Sass, Benjamin
1997 Corpus of West Semitic Stamp Seals. Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences
and Humanities / Israel Exploration Society / Institute of Archaeology, He-
brew University of Jerusalem.
Becking, Bob, and Sanders, Paul
2011 Plead for the Poor and the Widow: The Ostracon from Khirbet Qeiyafa as
Expression of Social Consciousness. Zeitschrift für Altorientalische und Bib-
lische Rechtsgeschichte 17: 133–48.
Bornstein, Mitchell
2013 The Jerusalem Ostracon ‫ אלקנארץ‬Reconsidered. Israel Exploration Journal
63: 26–38.
Cooke, G. A.
1903 A Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions: Moabite, Hebrew, Phoenician,
Aramaic, Nabataean, Palmyrene, Jewish. Oxford: Clarendon.
Cross, Frank Moore
1985 A Literate Soldier: Lachish Letter III. Pp. 41–47 in Biblical and Related
Studies Presented to Samuel Ivry, ed. Ann Kort and Scott Morschauser. Wi-
nona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
2000 An Ostracon in Literary Hebrew from Ḥorvat ʿUza. Pp. 111–13 in The Ar-
chaeology of Jordan and Beyond: Essays in Honor of James A. Sauer, ed.
Lawrence E. Stager, Joseph A. Greene, and Michael D. Coogan. Winona
Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
Cross, Frank Moore, and Freedman, David Noel
1952 Early Hebrew Orthography: A Study of the Epigraphic Evidence. American
Oriental Series 36. New Haven, CT: American Oriental Society.
Davies, G. I.; Bockmuehl, M. N. A; de Lacey, D. R.; and Poulter, A. J.
1991 Ancient Hebrew Inscriptions: Corpus and Concordance. Cambridge: Cam-
Davies, Graham; Aitken, J. K.; de Lacey, D. R.; Smith, P.A.; and Squirrel, J.
2004 Ancient Hebrew Inscriptions: Corpus and Concordance. Volume 2. Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press.
Demsky, Aaron
2012 ‫[ ידיעת ספר בישראל בעת העתיקה‬Literacy in Ancient Israel]. Biblical Encyclo-
paedia Library 28. Jerusalem: Bialik.
Dobbs-Allsopp, F. W.; Roberts, J. J. M.; Seow, C. L.; and Whitaker, R. E.
2005 Hebrew Inscriptions: Texts from the Biblical Period of the Monarchy with
Concordance. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Donner, H., and Röllig, W.
1962–1964 Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften. 3 vols. Wiesbaden: Harras-
sowitz.
2002 Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften. Volume 1. 5th ed. Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz.
EP inscriptional text presented in Aḥituv 2008

Garr, W. Randall
1985 Dialect Geography of Syria–Palestine, 100–586 BCE. Philadelphia: Univer-
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1971 Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions, vol. 1: Hebrew and Moabite Inscrip-
tions. Oxford: Clarendon.
Gogel, Sandra Landis
1998 A Grammar of Epigraphic Hebrew. Society of Biblical Literature Resources
for Biblical Study 23. Atlanta: Scholars Press.
Golub, Mitka Ratzaby
2012 The Distribution of Names on Hebrew Bullae from the Time of Jeremiah: A
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2014 Personal Names in the Land of Israel During the Iron Age II: Archaeological
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Hoftijzer, J., and Jongeling, K.
1995 Dictionary of the North-West Semitic Inscriptions. 2 vols. Handbuch der Ori-
entalistik 1/21. Leiden: Brill.
Hornkohl, Aaron D.
2014 Ancient Hebrew Periodization and the Language of the Book of Jeremiah:
The Case for a Sixth-Century Date of Composition. Studies in Semitic Lan-
guages and Linguistics 74. Leiden: Brill.
Naʾaman, Nadav
2014 Dismissing the Myth of a Flood of Israelite Refugees in the Late Eighth
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Pardee, Dennis
2011 Vestiges du système casuel entre le nom et le pronom suffixe en hébreu bi-
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1982 Handbook of Ancient Hebrew Letters: A Study Edition. Society of Biblical
Literature Sources for Biblical Study 15. Chico, CA: Scholars Press.
Renz, Johannes, and Röllig, Wolfgang
1995–2003 Handbuch der althebräischen Epigraphik. 3 vols. Darmstadt: Wissen-
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Rollston, Christopher A.
2010 Writing and Literacy in the World of Ancient Israel: Epigraphic Evidence
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2013 Forgeries of Hebrew Texts. Pp. 904–6 in vol. 1 of Encyclopedia of Hebrew
68 Chapter 5
Sarfatti, Gad B.
1982 Hebrew Inscriptions of the First Temple Period: A Survey and Some Lin-
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2000 Sociological Reflections on the Letter of a “Literate” Soldier (Lachish 3).
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2013 A Social History of Hebrew: Its Origins through the Rabbinic Period. Anchor
Yale Bible Reference Library. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Schüle, Andreas
2000 Die Syntax der althebräischen Inschriften: Ein Beitrag zur historischen
Grammatik des Hebräischen. Alter Orient und Altes Testament 270. Mün-
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Segert, Stanislav
1961 Die Sprache der moabitischen Königsinschrift. Archiv Orientální 29: 197–
267.
Zevit, Ziony
1980 Matres Lectionis in Ancient Hebrew Epigraphs. ASOR Monograph Series 2.
Cambridge, MA: American Schools of Oriental Research.
Chapter 6
Ben Sira
W ido van P eursen

Unlike many other compositions written in Classical Hebrew, the back-
ground and author of the book of Ben Sira are relatively well-known. The
book was written in Jerusalem by Yeshua ben Eleazar ben Sira (see Sir
50:27 in Hebrew and Greek) at the beginning of the second century BCE.
Ben Sira presents himself as a teacher of wisdom who supported, and per-
haps even belonged to, the Jerusalem priesthood. There is also information
about the origins of the Greek translation of Ben Sira; the prologue states
that it was undertaken by Ben Sira’s grandson, who found a copy of the
book when he arrived in Egypt in 132 BCE.
This information about the book’s background does not mean, however,
that the available sources give direct access to the Hebrew language as
spoken and written in the first half of the second century BCE. At times, it
seems that the extant Hebrew witnesses reflect the language of later scribes
rather than that of the original author. This is evident from a comparison of
the known manuscripts, in which some features recur only in the medieval
Genizah manuscripts while other orthographic peculiarities appear only in
the Qumran scroll 11QPsa (11Q5) (see details below). Later language is
also evident from a comparison between the Hebrew manuscripts and the
ancient Greek and Syriac translations; for example, though the well-known
Rabbinic term ‫‘ בית מדרש‬house of learning’ occurs in Sir 51:28b (MS B),
a comparison with the Greek and Syriac texts shows this phrase to be sec-
ondary (Van Peursen 2003: 369).
Author’s Note: Herein, references to the Dead Sea Scrolls follow standard convention
and publication in the series Discoveries in the Judaean Desert (DJD).
69
70 Chapter 6
Although various non-biblical linguistic elements such as ‫בית מדרש‬

probably entered the text during its transmission, it should not be assumed
that Ben Sira tried to write Standard Biblical Hebrew (SBH) as best he
could or that any deviation from this standard should either be ascribed to
his failure to achieve his aim or to corruption of the text by later scribes.
For a long time, this was, implicitly or explicitly, the prevalent scholarly
approach to Ben Sira’s language. Presumably, Ben Sira regarded himself
as part of the biblical tradition (see Sir 24:30–34; 33:16–18) and therefore
tried to imitate the classical language of the Hebrew Bible. Such a direct
connection between the theological content of the book (continuation of
the biblical tradition) and its language (imitation of the biblical language)
obscured the linguistic and literary skills of Ben Sira. Also, this approach
occasionally led to harsh negative judgments about Ben Sira’s linguistic
skills and his command of Biblical Hebrew (BH).
Because scholars did not recognize biblical parallels to Ben Sira’s use
of certain forms and constructions, they tended to view his language use
negatively even when his Hebrew conformed to a BH model. Examples
include the omission of the pronominal suffix in ‫‘ הכאף ראש‬bow down
your head!’ (Sir 4:7 [MS A]), the omission of the generic definite article
before ‫‘ שמים‬heavens’ and ‫‘ כוכב‬star(s)’ (43:9 [MS B]), and the absence of
explicit marking in conditional sentences (as in ‫[‘ קרב נדיב היה רחוק‬when]
a noble draws near, keep your distance!’ [13:9 (A)]) (for full discussion,
see Van Peursen 2004: 51–64).
A reappraisal of Ben Sira’s literary skills can be found in the work of
Chaim Rabin (1958), who showed that the transition from BH to Tannaitic
Hebrew took place gradually and that various forms of “BH with a strong
M[ishnaic] H[ebrew] admixture” and “MH with a strong BH admixture”
attest to this transition. More recently, Menahem Kister (1989–90: 306,
310) has convincingly argued that Ben Sira can be considered a “linguistic
virtuoso,” who deliberately chose “a language that was influenced by BH
and continued it, but not one that tried to imitate it in the plain sense of the
word.” Ben Sira’s perfect command of the language appears, in fact, from
his “puns of various types, some very sophisticated,” and from his use of
“many rare words which were incomprehensible to readers as early as two
or three generations after his time” (including Ben Sira’s grandson).
Although it is wrong to explain every biblical element in Ben Sira’s lan-
guage as an attempt to imitate BH, and wrong to explain every non-biblical
Ben Sira 71
element as a mistake, Ben Sira’s imitation of the classical language seems

to have played a role in his language use. According to Jan Joosten, for
instance, the Hebrew text of Ben Sira contains various pseudo-classicisms
that are “expressions that purport to be classical but on close inspection
are revealed to be essentially different from their classical counterparts”
(Joosten 1999: 150). One category is in the arena of pseudo-classicisms
where “formally the word is correctly transcribed, but its meaning is inter-
preted wrongly”: e.g., ‫‘ פי שנים‬twice as much, double’ (Sir 12:4 [MS A]),
rather than its standard meaning in BH as ‘a double part of a larger whole’.
Ben Sira’s language, then, may be more literary than spoken idiom; his
artfulness (Kister) gives way to artificiality (Joosten; see further Hurvitz
1997: 86 n. 34).
The Corpus
The corpus consists of one book of 51 chapters for which there are 9
extant Hebrew manuscripts. Some manuscripts, however, are fragmentary,
and none contain the whole book. One manuscript (C) is not a continuous
text but instead an anthology of verses from Ben Sira (Coarley 2011).
Overall, about two-thirds of the book is attested in Hebrew. Therein, ap-
proximately three-quarters of the text is attested in only one of the nine
extant manuscripts; about one-quarter of the Hebrew text is preserved in
two manuscripts; and some lines—less than 2% of the text—are attested in
three manuscripts. The manuscripts may be divided into two groups: three
manuscripts from Masada and Qumran and six manuscripts from the Cairo
Genizah. For an analysis of the language of Ben Sira, the most important
manuscript is a scroll from Masada dated to the first half of the first century
CE (Yadin 1999). This manuscript (M), however, contains only portions
of Sir 39:27–44:17.
A fragment found among the Dead Sea Scrolls (2QSir [2Q18]) from the
second half of the first century BCE is an important witness to the antiquity
of the Hebrew text and its presence in the community to which the Dead
Sea Scrolls belonged, but it is too small to have any text-critical or linguis-
tic significance. A larger portion from Ben Sira is found in another Dead
Sea Scroll, 11QPsa (11Q5), where the concluding acrostic poem (51:13–30,
of which only 51:13–20, 30b is preserved) appears among other, mainly
biblical, psalms.
72 Chapter 6
The first Hebrew text of Ben Sira recovered was a leaf containing Sir
39:15c–40:8 from the Cairo Genizah (Schechter 1896). This discovery
aroused great excitement, because, among other things, the original lan-
guage of Ben Sira had been debated (Reif 1997). This discovery also con-
firmed the brilliant hypothesis of Gustav Bickell that the final poem of Ben
Sira (Sir 51:13–30) was composed as a Hebrew acrostic poem (Bickell
1882); notably, Bickell wrote 17 years prior to the Genizah text’s publica-
tion (Schechter and Taylor 1899).
More Cairo Genizah fragments belonging to six manuscripts from the
eleventh and twelfth centuries (MSS A–F) were identified at the end of the
nineteenth and the first decades of the twentieth century, and a few frag-
ments were discovered later (leaves I and VI of MS C were first published
in 1959–60, and the single leaf of MS F in 1982). Additional parts of pre-
viously known manuscripts were discovered only at the beginning of the
twenty-first century: a new leaf from MS C (Elizur 2007, 2010) and one
from MS D (Elizur and Rand 2011). Because of these new discoveries, the
standard text editions—those by the Academy of the Hebrew Language
(Historical Dictionary 1973) and Pancratius Beentjes (1997)—are no lon-
ger complete.
The debate about the original language of Ben Sira that raged before the
discovery of the Hebrew texts continued after the discovery but in a differ-
ent guise: scholars argued that these texts were not authentic but transla-
tions from Syriac, Greek, or even Persian. Nonetheless, after the discovery
of the Hebrew witnesses from Masada and Qumran, which definitively
established the authenticity of the Hebrew texts, it has been argued that the
Genizah manuscripts contain some retranslations (retroversions) (Di Lella
1966; Skehan and Di Lella 1987: 57–59; see also Kister 1989–90: 304 n. 2;
Van Peursen 2001, 2004: 21–22).
Orthography
The orthography of the Masada scroll is rather defective and remarkably
consistent. Even morphological patterns that in the Masoretic Text (MT)
vary between plene and defective spelling (e.g., the qal active participle)
are often written defectively. The text of Sir 51:13–30 in 11QPsa (11Q5)
follows the orthographic practice of the so-called Qumran system (Tov
2004). This is reflected, for example, in the plene spelling of ‫‘ אוזני‬my ear’
(51:16 [XXI 14]), ‫‘ לוא‬not’ (51:18, 19, 20 [XXI 15, 16 (bis)]), and certain
Ben Sira 73
imperfect forms with an object suffix, such as ‫‘ אדורשנה‬I will look for it’
(51:14 [XXI 12]).
Genizah manuscripts A and B show a frequent use of the vowel letters
waw and yod even in environments where they are uncommon in the MT.
Thus waw represents [ō] that derives from short *u, and yod represents [ē]
deriving from short *i: e.g., ‫‘ יושר‬honesty’ (Sir 4:9, 9:17 [A]), ‫‘ חולי‬sick-
ness’ (37:30 [B] in pause) (cf. Tiberian ‫[ ֳח ִלי‬context] and ‫[ ח ִֹלי‬pause]), and
‫‘ העוני‬poverty’ (13:24 [A] in context) (cf. Tiberian ‫[ ָה ֳענִ י‬context] and ‫עֹנִ י‬
[pause]); and ‫‘ חוקיך‬your decree’ (41:3 [B]) and ‫‘ חביר‬comrade’ (37:6 [B]).
Yet, the manuscripts also contain some unexpected defective spellings:
e.g., ‫‘ וישב‬He enthrones’ (10:14 [A]), ‫‘ רב‬dispute’ (11:9 [A]; cf. ‫[ ריב‬B]),
and ‫‘ ועד‬and still’ (36:28 [B]). The manuscripts also display other ortho-
graphic peculiarities that are primarily known from Tannaitic Hebrew, such
as the double writing of medial consonantal waw (e.g., ‫‘ מוות‬death’ [15:17
(A)]) and the doubling of medial consonantal yod (e.g., ‫‘ חייבים‬guilty’ [8:5
(A)] and ‫‘ תבייש‬you embarrass’ [8:6 (A)]).
Manuscripts C and D are more defective than A and B. Where the manu-
scripts parallel one another, many words written plene in A and B are writ-
ten defectively in C and D. For example, in Sir 37:6, MS D ‫‘ חבר‬comrade’
corresponds to ‫ חביר‬in MS B. But in C and D, plene spellings occasionally
occur where in Tiberian vocalization a ṣere < *i or a ḥolem < *u is ex-
pected: e.g., ‫‘ יסביב‬he turns’ (36:26 [C]), ‫‘ ריע‬a friend’ (37:2 [D; cf. B, C:
‫)]רע‬, and ‫‘ אוכל‬food’ (37:30 [D, Bmargin]). In manuscripts A, B, C, and D we
also find plene spelling before the suffix of the second-person masc. sing.
in pause: e.g., ‫‘ לשוניך‬your tongue’ (4:29 [A]).
The orthography of manuscripts E and F is more defective than that of
C and D and, in many respects, resembles the orthographic practice of the
MT. An exception is the plene spelling of segolate nouns, which is rare in
the MT: e.g., ‫‘ חוטר‬branch’ (33:27 [E]) and ‫‘ אופן‬wheel’ (33:5 [E, F]).
Phonology
It is difficult to know whether occasional deviations from BH ortho-
graphic practice also reflect phonological differences. But three spelling
variations likely reflect phonological phenomena. The first is the omission
of the guttural in ‫‘ בתרה‬in her form’ (Sir 51:14a [11QPsa (11Q5) XXI
11]) (cf. Tiberian ‫)ּת ַֹאר‬, like the weakening of gutturals known elsewhere
from Qumran Hebrew (see chapter 7). The second is the occasional use of
74 Chapter 6
samekh instead of śin in ‫‘ מחסוף‬exposing’ (42:1 [B]; cf. ‫[ מחשף‬M]). This

spelling suggests that the distinction between śin and samekh had disap-
peared. This view is further supported by the opposite phenomenon (a hy-
percorrection?), where śin is used instead of samekh: ‫‘ עשק‬companionship’
(11:10 [A, B]) and ‫‘ שמים‬herbs’ (38:4 [B]). The third variation may reflect
neutralization of voicing: see ‫‘ פצע‬bruise’ > ‫( בצע‬Sir 7:6 [A]), where the
context does not allow the biblical meaning ‘unjust gain’ (Elwolde 1997:
32).
Morphology
A description of the morphology of Ben Sira is also dependent upon the
analysis of orthography. For example, a detailed orthographic analysis is
necessary to understand the different forms of the imperfect of hollow roots
(Van Peursen 2004: 27–51). Or some features are typical of a particular
textual witness and can be accounted for by the transmission of the text,
as in the case of ‫( אדורשנה‬mentioned above). In the Genizah manuscripts,
especially A and B, morphological patterns that parallel Tannaitic Hebrew
sometimes occur, such as the formation of the piel of hollow roots on
the analogy of the strong verb: e.g., ‫‘ תבייש‬you embarrass’ (Sir 8:6 [A])
or ‫‘ תסתייד‬you take counsel’ (9:3 [A]); ‫( תסתיד‬42:12 [Bmargin]; cf. ‫תסתויד‬
[B]). The masc. sing. imperative of final weak verbs sometimes takes a
final yod, as in Aramaic: ‫‘ רעי‬befriend!’ (38:1 [B]) and ‫‘ ונהי‬wail!’ (38:16
[Bmargin]). Other typically Tannaitic forms in manuscripts A and B are the
demonstrative pronoun ‫‘ אילו‬these’ (51:24 [B]) and the infinitive ‫‘ לירד‬to
descend’ (30:17 [B]).
Lexicon
A large part of Ben Sira’s vocabulary (93% in the case of verbs ac-
cording to Dihi [2000: 56]) is also found in Biblical Hebrew. To these
belong words that are typical of biblical poetry: e.g., ‫‘ איה‬where?’. Lexical
innovations in Ben Sira include words that are also attested in other post-
biblical corpora (e.g., ‫‘ אונס‬compulsion’ [unknown in the classical corpus
but well-known in Tannaitic Hebrew]) and words unattested in other cor-
pora (e.g., ‫‘ זהירה‬brightness’) (see Elwolde 1997: 22–23). Ben Sira shares
with post-Biblical Hebrew some words that are rare in BH or restricted to
LBH: e.g., ‫‘ נבואה‬prophecy, prophetic office’ (Neh 6:12; 2 Chr 9:29; 15:29;
Sir 44:3; 46:1, 13, 20 [B]) (Hurvitz 1997: 74–79). In the case of verbs, a
Ben Sira 75
root that is attested in specific verbal stem(s) in BH may appear in another

verbal stem in Ben Sira. Sometimes this concerns a formation also found
in other post-Biblical Hebrew corpora, such as the hiphil forms ‫‘ תדאיב‬you
cause to languish’ (4:1 [A]) and ‫‘ האהב‬endear!’ (4:7 [A]). In other cases,
the stem assignment is unique to Ben Sira: e.g., ‫‘ התרטש‬be crushed!’ (8:8
[A]) (Dihi 2000).
There is also an increase in noun patterns that are typical of Tannaitic
Hebrew, though most occasionally occur in BH, too. To these patterns be-
long the following categories (Van Peursen 2003: 368–70; 2004: 246–48):
1. Nouns ending in -ūt. Attested in BH, but more common in Tanna-

itic Hebrew, they include abstract nouns such as ‫‘ דלות‬poverty’ (Sir
10:31 [A]) and ‫‘ נערות‬youth’ (51:16, 28 [B]) and verbal nouns such
as ‫‘ רפאות‬healing’ (38:14 [B]), ‫‘ חשבות‬reckoning’ (41:21 [Bmargin]),
and ‫‘ מרדות‬instruction’ (42:8 [Bmargin]). The increase of verbal nouns
with this ending may be due to Aramaic influence (Van Peursen
2004: 246).
2. Verbal nouns with a preformative mem (whose frequent use may also
be due to Aramaic influence): ‫‘ מענה‬answering’ (Sir 4:24 [A]; 20:6
[C]), ‫‘ מרפא‬healing’ (36:23 [B, C]), ‫‘ מקנה‬acquiring’ (42:4 [B, M]),
and others.
3. Nouns of the patterns qətīlā, qittūl and haqtālā, which function
as verbal nouns of the qal, piel and hiphil, respectively.
qətīlā: ‫‘ גויעה‬passing away, death’ (Sir 38:16 [Bmargin]), ‫ שקידה‬
‘waking, watching’ (38:26 [B]), and ‫‘ ישיבה‬sitting’ (51:29 [B])
qittūl: ‫‘ חמוד‬desire, lust’ (14:14 [A]), ‫‘ עדוי‬delight’ (31:28 [B, F]),
‫‘ נסוי‬testing’ (33:1 [B, E, F]; 44:20 [B]), ‫‘ יסור‬chastisement’ (40:29
[Bmargin, F]), and ‫‘ עזוז‬strength, fierceness’ (45:18 [B])
haqtālā: ‫‘ השגת‬attaining of’ (35:12 [B]; cf. ‫[ השיגת‬14:13 (A)]), ‫הגשת‬
‘approaching of’ (35:12 [Bmargin]), and ‫‘ הודאה‬thanksgiving’
(51:17 [B]).
In addition to the statistics of the lexical inventory and the occurrences of

certain patterns, there are some functional and semantic shifts that mark a
departure from BH usage. An interesting example is the use of ‫ עמד‬in the
sense of ‘to rise, appear on the scene’. In SBH there is a clear functional
distinction between ‫‘ קום‬rise’ (action) and ‫‘ עמד‬stand’ (state), but in LBH
and post-Biblical Hebrew ‫ עמד‬takes over the function of ‫קום‬: compare ‫יעמד‬
76 Chapter 6
‫‘ מלך‬a king will arise’ (Dan 8:23) with ‫‘ ויקם מלך חדש‬a new king arose’
(Exod 1:8). This also happens in Ben Sira: e.g., ‫‘ וגם אחריו עמד נתן‬and,
furthermore, after him Nathan stood up’ (47:1 [B]) (Hurvitz 1997).
In sum, Ben Sira shares more than 90% of his vocabulary with BH. But,
on closer inspection, the innovative use of verbal stems, the frequency of
some typically Mishnaic patterns of noun formation, and changes in the
meaning of these words show more deviation from the BH lexicon than
this high percentage initially suggests.
Morphosyntax
In many respects the use of the verbal forms in Ben Sira resembles BH.
A first glance at the Hebrew text shows the abundant use of the “consecu-
tive” forms wayyiqtol and wəqatal (Van Peursen 2004: 128). Other usages
attested in Ben Sira—common in BH but in decline in the post-biblical
period—are the use of the perfect of stative verbs for the present, the gno-
mic use of the perfect, and the use of the imperfect for the present (also in
Qumran Hebrew and, in elevated style, Tannaitic Hebrew). Another point
deserves note as well. Both the imperfect and the participle can be used in
the sphere of the past: e.g., ‫[‘ [כן] זעמו גוים יוריש‬thus] His wrath expelled
nations’ (Sir 39:23 [B]) and ‫‘ לבו אוהב עושהו בכל‬with his whole heart he
loved his Maker’ (47:8 [B]), respectively.
Despite some linguistic features shared with BH, Ben Sira also departs
from BH. The participle is a case in point. Morphologically, qotel replaces
BH ‫ק ֵטל‬.ָ Thus we find the participles ‫ אוהב‬and ‫( שונא‬rather than ‫ ָא ֵהב‬and
ָ functioning as verbs (‘loving’, ‘hating’), which, unlike the nominal-
‫)שׂנֵ א‬
ized use (‘friend’, ‘enemy’), is uncommon in the Bible. Syntactically, the
participle expresses the general present for situations that are not ongoing
or unbroken (for which the imperfect is more common in BH): e.g., ‫וכן רוקח‬
‫‘ עושה מרקחת‬and similarly the druggist prepares (his) medicines’ (38:8
[B]). Finally, the periphrastic construction of a finite form of ‫ הי״ה‬with an
active participle (e.g., ‫‘ אל תהי זורה‬do not winnow!’ [5:9 (C)]) links the
language of Ben Sira to LBH, Tannaitic Hebrew, Qumran Hebrew, and
even Aramaic.
The various forms of the imperfect (regular, short, and long) are used
more or less as in Biblical Hebrew. Yet, some forms agree with tendencies
known in LBH. For example, forms of the imperfect are distributed accord-
ing to syntactic position—‫ אקטלה‬clause-initially vs. ‫ אקטל‬in non-initial
Ben Sira 77
position: e.g., ‫‘ אהללה שמך‬I will praise Your name’ (51:11 [B]) but ‫ולמלמדי‬
‫‘ אתן הודאה‬and to my teacher(s) I will give thanks’ (51:17 [B]). Or the
short form of the imperfect appears after the copulative waw, even when
the verb has no jussive sense: e.g., ‫‘ ויצמח כסנה צצים‬and he produces thorn-
like blossoms’ (43:19 [M]) (the defective spelling of the hiphil requires
that the form be interpreted as short). After the negation ‫אל‬, both the short
imperfect (as in BH) and the regular imperfect (predominant in Tannaitic
Hebrew) are attested (see 5:9, quoted above, where ‫[ תהי‬C] ~ ‫[ תהיה‬A]).
The low frequency of the paragogic nun, the long imperative, and the
particle ‫ נא‬ties the Hebrew of Ben Sira to LBH and post-Biblical Hebrew.
The paragogic nun occurs only three times: twice in passages linked to
biblical verses and once in a textually doubtful passage. ‫אשר לא יאכלון‬
]‫(‘ ולא י֯ ֯ר[יחון‬the idols of the nations) who cannot eat or sm[ell]’ (30:19
[Bmargin]) is an obvious parallel to Deut 4:28, and ‫‘ אשי ייי יאכלון‬the fire-
offerings of Yhwh they should eat’ (Sir 45:20 [B]) to Deut 18:1. Textu-
ally doubtful is the occurrence in the concluding acrostic poem in ‫עד מתי‬
‫‘ תחסרון מן אילו ואילו‬how long will you be deprived of this and that?’ (51:24
[B]). The long imperative occurs once in ‫‘ דעה רעך כנפשך‬recognize your
neighbor is like you!’ (31:15 [B]), but this passage is also textually doubt-
ful (cf. Van Peursen 2004: 184–85). The particle ‫ נא‬occurs only four times
in passages couched in biblical style: e.g., ‫(‘ )ו(עתה ברכו נא את ייי‬and) now,
bless Yhwh!’ (45:25; 50:22 [B]).
Occasionally in BH, and more frequently in Tannaitic Hebrew, the pas-
sive participle denotes a perfect state. There are two occurrences with an
intransitive verb in Ben Sira: ‫‘ עמודים‬standing fast’ (Sir 16:18 [A]) and
‫‘ אבוד‬lost’ (41:2 [M]; cf. ‫[ אבד‬B]).
Sentences
In many respects, the syntax of Ben Sira follows the rules of BH. It
was already noted that some constructions formerly interpreted as errors
or mistakes, such as the formation of conditional clauses without a con-
junction preceding either the protasis or the apodosis, at closer inspec-
tion agree with syntactic patterns found in BH. Also, in areas where LBH,
Qumran Hebrew, and Tannaitic Hebrew differ significantly from SBH, Ben
Sira agrees with the classical language. This applies to many items: the
formation of conditional clauses in which the apodosis is introduced by
waw (not in Tannaitic Hebrew; but the construction without waw is more
78 Chapter 6
frequent in Ben Sira); temporal, causal, comparative, and instrumental ad-

verbials composed of a preposition (not only lamed ) and an infinitive (not
in Tannaitic Hebrew); the use of the bare infinitive as the subject of a main
clause (in Tannaitic Hebrew, only the infinitive with lamed survived in this
position); the combination of the infinitive with separative ‫ מקטל( מן‬as in
BH) (contrast Tannaitic Hebrew ‫ ;)מלקטל‬the combination of an infinitive
with a subject suffix (which also disappeared in Tannaitic Hebrew); and the
use of the infinitive absolute as internal object.
There are some features in Ben Sira that are rare or poetic in the Bible:
asyndetic relative clauses, which occur frequently in Ben Sira, such as
‫‘ דבר תשמע‬a word you hear’ (Sir 41:18 [B, M]); the juxtaposition of two
comparative clauses, as in ‫‘ כי מבגד יצא עש ומאשה רעת אשה‬for (as) moths
come from garments, (so) from a woman the wickedness of a woman’
(42:13 [B, M]); the extraposition of an element before the interrogative
pronoun (possibly under Aramaic influence), as in ‫‘ ובמרום מי יזכרני‬and
who will remember me in heaven?’ (16:17 [A]); the use of sentence-initial
‫ פן‬indicating a negative wish, as in ‫‘ פן תאמר‬do not say!’ (15:12 [A, B]);
as well as other negative constructions with ‫‘ בלא‬without’, ‫‘ באין‬without’,
and ‫‘ בל‬not’ (Van Peursen 1999).
The most striking deviation from BH syntax is the construction ‫אל‬
‫תקטלך‬, in which the object suffix expresses a reflexive pronoun: e.g., ‫אל‬
‫‘ תרשיעך‬do not declare yourself wicked!’ (Sir 7:7 [A]), ‫‘ אל תפילך‬do not
cause yourself to fall!’ (7:7 [A]), and ‫‘ אל תחשיבך‬do not esteem yourself!’
(7:16 [A]). This construction has been advanced as evidence of Ben Sira’s
failure to imitate Classical Hebrew, since it has rare and uncertain paral-
lels in the Bible (e.g., Ezek 29:3 and, perhaps, 1 Sam 2:29; for comparable
cases involving the object marker ‫את‬, see Exod 5:19; Jer 7:19; Ezek 34:2,
8, 10). The construction is now also attested in the DSS: ‫‘ למה תכבדכה‬lest
you honor yourself’ (1QInstruction [1Q26] 1 5 [// 4QInstructiong (4Q423)
4 1]) (cf. Rey 2008: 168–71).
Some other phenomena are unique to the language of Ben Sira. Unlike
contemporary or earlier Hebrew, but like later paytanic literature, Ben Sira
marks a final clause with ‫‘ עבור‬so that’ (3:8 [A]). He uniquely uses ‫כדי כן‬
and ‫ איככה‬in the sense ‘all the more’: ‫(‘ קרב נדיב היה רחוק וכדי כן יגישך‬if)
a noble draws near, keep your distance and all the more he will cause you
to approach’ (13:9 [A]).
Ben Sira 79
There are some other features in which Ben Sira’s language deviates
from SBH and agrees with LBH and/or post-Biblical Hebrew (Fassberg
1997): the introduction of the direct object by lamed (as in Aramaic and
LBH), as in ‫‘ האהב לנפשך‬endear yourself!’ (Sir 4:7 [A]); the absence of
the interrogative -‫ ;ה‬the formation of apodosis clauses without waw (see
above); the introduction of a complement clause with -‫ ש‬or ‫( אשר‬both
twice) alongside SBH ‫( כי‬15 times), as in ‫‘ דע שרעך כמוך‬know that your
neighbor is like you!’ (31:16 [B]); the formation of temporal clauses with
‫ עם‬plus infinitive, as in ‫‘ עם צאת נפשו‬when his soul leaves’ (38:23 [B]);
the marking of consecutive and final clauses with ‫ אשר‬or -‫ש‬, as in ‫העבד‬
‫‘ עבדך שלא ימרוד‬make your servant work, that he may not rebel’ (33:28
[E]); object-verb word order, where the verb is an infinitive (also in LBH
and Qumran Hebrew), as in ‫‘ לא כל להביא אל בית‬one should not bring
everybody into one’s house’ (11:29 [A]); the use of ‫( ללא‬also attested in
Qumran Hebrew) in ‫‘ ללא יכרת‬it will not be cut off’ (41:11 [M]; cf. ‫לא‬
[B]); the use of the nominal negation ‫‘ לאין‬without’ (also in LBH), as in ‫לאין‬
‫‘ פחה‬without a trace’ (51:4 [B]); and the prohibitive construction ‫אין לקטל‬
(also LBH and post-Biblical Hebrew, especially Qumran Hebrew), as in ‫אין‬
‫‘ לבזות דל משכיל‬it is not proper to despise a poor man’ (10:23 [A, B]). The
latter item is paralleled by ‫‘ אל לאמר‬one should not say’ (39:34 [B]; cf. ‫אין‬
[Bmargin]). Most commentators regard this construction as corrupt. But the
same construction with ‫ אל‬is attested in Qumran Hebrew (4QCommConf
[4Q393] 3 3–4) and has parallels in the construction ‫ לא לקטל‬in LBH and
Qumran Hebrew (Van Peursen 1999).
In nominal and participial clauses, the subject is often not marked with
a personal pronoun but is omitted altogether. The omitted subject may be
indefinite, as in ‫‘ לא נאסף‬nothing can be added’ (Sir 42:21 [B, M]). In other
cases, a referential third-person pronoun is missing: e.g., ‫‘ ושוחק לך‬and he
will smile at you’ (13:6 [A]) and ‫‘ ושנואה‬and (if) she is hated’ (7:26 [A]).
Once, a second-person masc. sing. pronoun is missing: ‫‘ ואם נמוט‬and if you
shake’ (12:15 [A]) (Van Peursen 2004: 221–23).
Bibliography
In addition to the publications listed below, various valuable online re-
sources are available, including a website with the Hebrew text and images
of the manuscripts: www.bensira.org.
80 Chapter 6
Beentjes, Pancratius C.
1997 The Book of Ben Sira in Hebrew: A Text Edition of All Extant Hebrew Manu-
scripts and a Synopsis of All Parallel Hebrew Ben Sira Texts. Supplements
to Vetus Testamentum 68. Leiden: Brill.
Bickell, Gustav
1882 Ein alphabetisches Lied Jesus Sirach’s. Zeitschrift für Katholische Theologie
6: 319–33.
Coarley, Jeremy
2011 An Alternative Hebrew Form of Ben Sira: The Anthological Manuscript C.
Pp. 3–22 in The Text and Versions of the Book of Ben Sira: Transmission and
Interpretation, ed. Jean-Sébastien Rey and Jan Joosten. Supplements to the
Journal for the Study of Judaism 150. Leiden: Brill.
Di Lella, Alexander A.
1966 The Hebrew Text of Sirach: A Text-Critical and Historical Study. Studies in
Classical Literature 1. The Hague: Mouton.
Dihi, Hayyim
2000 Non-Biblical Verbal Usages in the Book of Ben Sira. Pp. 56–64 in Diggers at
the Well: Proceedings of a Third International Symposium on the Hebrew of
the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Sira, ed. T. Muraoka and J. F. Elwolde. Studies
on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 36. Leiden: Brill.
Elizur, Shulamit
2007 ‫[ קטע חדש מהנוסח העברי של ספר בן סירא‬A New Hebrew Fragment of Ben
Sira (Ecclesiasticus)]. Tarbiz 76: 17–28.
2010 Two New Leaves of the Hebrew Version of Ben Sira. Dead Sea Discoveries
17: 13–29.
Elizur, Shulamit, and Rand, Michael
2011 A New Fragment of the Book of Ben Sira. Dead Sea Discoveries 18: 200–205.
Elwolde, John F.
1997 Developments in Hebrew Vocabulary between Bible and Mishnah. Pp. 17–55
in The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Sira: Proceedings of a Sym-
posium Held at Leiden University, 11–14 December 1995, ed. T. Muraoka
and J. F. Elwolde. Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 26. Leiden:
Brill.
Fassberg, Steven E.
1997 On the Syntax of Dependent Clauses in Ben Sira. Pp. 56–71 in The Hebrew
of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Sira: Proceedings of a Symposium Held at
Leiden University, 11–14 December 1995, ed. T. Muraoka and J. F. Elwolde.
Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 26. Leiden: Brill.
Historical Dictionary of the Hebrew Language
1973 ‫ונתוח אוצר המלים‬ ‫קונקורדנציה‬ ‚‫ המקור‬:‫[ ספר בן סירא‬The Book of Ben Sira:
Text, Concordance, and an Analysis of the Vocabulary]. Jerusalem: Academy
of the Hebrew Language / Shrine of the Book.
Hurvitz, Avi
1997 The Linguistic Status of Ben Sira as a Link between Biblical and Mishnaic
Hebrew: Lexicographical Aspects. Pp. 72–86 in The Hebrew of the Dead Sea
Scrolls and Ben Sira: Proceedings of a Symposium Held at Leiden Univer-
Ben Sira 81
sity, 11–14 December 1995, ed. T. Muraoka and J. F. Elwolde. Studies on the
Texts of the Desert of Judah 26. Leiden: Brill.
Joosten, Jan
1999 Pseudo-Classicisms in Late Biblical Hebrew, in Ben Sira and in Qumran
Hebrew. Pp. 146–60 in Sirach, Scrolls and Sages: Proceedings of a Second
International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, Ben Sira,
and the Mishnah, Held at Leiden University, 15–17 December 1997, ed.
T. Muraoka and J. F. Elwolde. Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 33.
Leiden: Brill.
Kister, Menahem
1989–90 ‫[ לפירושו של ספר בן סירא‬A Contribution to the Interpretation of Ben Sira].
Tarbiz 59: 303–78.
Peursen, W. T. van
1999 Negation in the Hebrew of Ben Sira. Pp. 223–43 in Sirach, Scrolls and
Sages: Proceedings of a Second International Symposium on the Hebrew of
the Dead Sea Scrolls, Ben Sira, and the Mishnah, Held at Leiden University,
15–17 December 1997, ed. T. Muraoka and J. F. Elwolde. Studies on the Texts
of the Desert of Judah 33. Leiden: Brill.
2001 The Alleged Retroversions from Syriac in the Hebrew Text of Ben Sira Re-
visited: Linguistic Perspectives. Kleine Untersuchungen zur Sprachen des
Alten Testaments und seiner Umwelt 2: 47–95.
2003 Sir 51:13–30 in Hebrew and Syriac. Pp. 357–74 in Hamlet on a Hill: Semitic
and Greek Studies Presented to Professor T. Muraoka on the Occasion of His
Sixty-Fifth Birthday, ed. M. F. J. Baasten and W. T. van Peursen. Orientalia
Lovaniensia Analecta 118. Leuven: Peeters.
2004 The Verbal System in the Hebrew Text of Ben Sira. Studies in Semitic Lan-
guages and Linguistics 41. Leiden: Brill.
Rabin Chaim
1958 The Historical Background of Qumran Hebrew. Pp. 144–61 in Aspects of the
Dead Sea Scrolls, ed. Chaim Rabin and Yigael Yadin. Scripta Hierosolymi-
tana 4. Jerusalem: Magnes.
Reif, Stefan C.
1997 The Discovery of the Cambridge Genizah Fragments of Ben Sira: Scholars
and Texts. Pp. 1–22 in The Book of Ben Sira in Modern Research: Pro-
ceedings of the First International Ben Sira Conference, 28–31 July 1996,
Soesterberg, Netherlands, ed. Pancratius Cornelis Beentjes. Beihefte zur
Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 255. Berlin: De Gruyter.
Rey, Jean-Sébastien
2008 Quelques particularités linguistiques communes à 4QInstruction et à Ben
Sira. Pp. 155–73 in Conservatism and Innovation in the Hebrew Language
of the Hellenistic Period: Proceedings of a Fourth International Symposium
on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Sira, ed. Jan Joosten and
Jean-Sébastien Rey. Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 73. Leiden:
Brill.
Schechter, S.
1896 A Fragment of the Original Text of Ecclesiasticus. Expositor 5/4: 1–15.
82 Chapter 6
Schechter, S., and Taylor, C.

1899 The Wisdom of Ben Sira: Portions of the Book Ecclesiasticus from Hebrew
Manuscripts in the Cairo Geniza Presented to the University of Cambridge
by the Editors. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Segal, M. H.
1972 ‫ספר בן סירא השלם‬. 2nd ed. Jerusalem: Bialik.
Skehan, Patrick W., and Di Lella, Alexander A.
1987 The Wisdom of Ben Sira. Anchor Bible 39. New York: Doubleday.
Tov, Emanuel
2004 Scribal Practices and Approaches Reflected in the Texts Found in the Judean
Desert. Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 54. Leiden: Brill.
Yadin, Yigael
1999 The Ben Sira Scroll from Masada. Repr., with “Notes on the Reading,” by
Elisha Qimron and “Ben Sira: A Bibliography of Studies, 1965–1997,” by
Florentino García Martínez. Pp. 151–252 in Masada VI: The Yigael Yadin
Excavations 1963–1965: Final Report, ed. Joseph Aviram, Gideon Foerster,
and Ehud Netzer. Jerusalem: Hebrew University / Israel Exploration Society.
Chapter 7
The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls
J an J oosten
Introduction
Beginning in 1947 and for a number of years afterward, a large number
of Hebrew manuscripts—mostly fragments of parchment or papyrus but
also one or two scrolls preserved in their entirety—were discovered in
eleven caves situated near Khirbet Qumran, west of the northernmost tip
of the Dead Sea. There are Aramaic and Greek writings, but the great ma-
jority of texts are written in Hebrew. Alongside copies of almost all of the
canonical biblical books, a sizeable part of the Qumran corpus consists of
writings from the Second Temple period. Some of the latter, such as Tobit
or Jubilees, had been known previously, although from later translations.
But, with the notable exception of the Damascus Document, which had
been discovered in the Cairo Genizah in 1897, most of the non-biblical
writings discovered at Qumran were unknown.
More recently, Hebrew texts also have been found in other localities
near the Dead Sea. Some of these, notably some fragments discovered at
Masada, are comparable to the texts found at Qumran. Some, however,
reflect a later period: legal documents from the time of the First and Second
Jewish Revolts against the Romans and the Bar Kokhba letters from the
Second Revolt (Yardeni 2000).
Grammatical analysis of the Dead Sea Scrolls (DSS) began early, with
important studies by Hanoch Yalon and others. But it was E. Y. Kutscher
who set the study of Qumran Hebrew on a sure footing with his book on the
Great Isaiah Scroll (1QIsaa) (Kutscher 1974). Kutscher showed that many
of the divergences between the Isaiah Scroll and the Masoretic Text (MT)
of Isaiah reflect the former’s adaptation to the Hebrew of its time. While
83
84 Chapter 7
the MT is very conservative, 1QIsaa updates the language of the prophetic

book—presumably with a view to making it more accessible to readers of
the Hellenistic period. The “later Hebrew” that influenced the Scroll is to a
large extent identical with the Hebrew of the sectarian scrolls (and indeed
most Hebrew documents discovered near Qumran). Kutscher’s study of
DSS Hebrew through the prism of 1QIsaa was astute because it allowed
for a comparative approach. The proper place, however, to study this later
dialect is in the writings that were composed in it from the start (Qimron
1986; see also Reymond 2014).

The relationship between the manuscripts stored in the caves behind
Qumran and the inhabitants of Qumran is debated. Most scholars hold that
the manuscripts belonged to the group dwelling at the site; others believe
that the scrolls were brought to Qumran from Jerusalem. The most wide-
spread hypothesis views the group living at Qumran as Essenes, a sect
described by Flavius Josephus and other ancient writers.
Some texts describe in detail the elaborate ritual by which members
entered the group and might be expelled if they did not measure up to the
strict criteria of inclusion (1QS I 16–II 18). Religious groups are notorious
for using words and phrases in ways that are uncommon or incomprehen-
sible to non-members and can be fully understood only in terms of the
doctrine and practice of the group. This phenomenon certainly applies to
the Dead Sea Scrolls, even though the absence of contemporary Hebrew
literature makes it hard to estimate its extent. Undoubtedly, words referring
to the group itself (‫‘ יחד‬Yachad, community’ and ‫‘ בני אור‬Sons of Light’)
and its leader or founder (‫‘ מורה הצדק‬Teacher of Righteousness’) fall into
the category of sectarian language. Probably, technical terms pertaining to
the group’s doctrine belong to this category, too (e.g., ‫‘ רז נהיה‬the secret
of being’).
Some scholars have described Qumran Hebrew as an “anti-language”
(Schniedewind 1999), giving linguistic expression to the opposition of
the sectarians to their contemporaries. Apart from sectarian terminology,
however, Qumran Hebrew may well represent language use that was much
more widespread and is only by accident unattested outside of the Dead Sea
Scrolls. Phonological and morphological features that are rare or absent in
other Hebrew corpora should in most cases be regarded as dialectal (Meyer
The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls 85
1957; Qimron 1986; Morag 1988). It is hard to attribute such features as the
o-vowel in the noun ‫‘ להוב‬blade’ (e.g., 1QHa X 26) or the syllabic structure
of imperfect forms of the type ‫‘ אדורשנה‬I will seek her’ (11Psa [11Q5] XXI
12), to sociolinguistic factors. Some lexical peculiarities may be due to
the special style of the Scrolls, geared to the imitation of classical models.
Variations—such as ‫ אשר ~ ש‬for the relative particle, or ‫ אנחנו ~ אנו‬for
the first-person pl. pronoun—have led some scholars to the view that the
spoken language underlying the DSS was a form of Tannaitic Hebrew,
and that all biblical elements reflect artificial imitation (Rabin 1965). This
view, however, is disputable. Such variations could just as well reflect
distinct stylistic registers: the first more formal, and the second closer to
spontaneous speech.
In the “Halakhic Letter” (4QMMT), a member of the Qumran group ap-
pears to be addressing an audience of outsiders. This rhetorical stance leads
to vocabulary that is otherwise rare in the Scrolls (e.g., ‫‘ פרש‬to separate’
is used in 4QMMT C 7 [4Q397 14–21:7] instead of the usual DSS term,
‫)בדל‬. This phenomenon shows that the use of “sectarian” language reflects
a conscious choice on the part of the writer.
The Corpus 1
Not all the texts found in the Qumran caves were composed by the group
who hid them there. The books that came to make up the Hebrew Bible are
older—some of them much older—than the corpus of sectarian writings.
Most of the “biblical” books were already regarded as authoritative by
the Qumran group as demonstrated by, among other things, the existence
of multiple copies of various books. Several other Hebrew writings, too,
seem to predate the sectarian scrolls, notably Ben Sira, Jubilees, Tobit, and
some apocryphal Psalms. Finally, a number of scrolls that do not exhibit
the special vocabulary and phraseology of the sectarian scrolls may have
also come to the group from outside. In light of these diverse origins, it is
hardly surprising to observe a certain measure of linguistic diversity among
the DSS. Apart from the biblical books, a document that stands out in this
regard is the Copper Scroll (3Q15), written in a more evolved and more
popular language bordering at times on Tannaitic Hebrew.
1. All Qumran texts have now been published in the series Discoveries in the Ju-
daean Desert (DJD). For a convenient list and directory of publication information, see
DJD 39: 27–114.
86 Chapter 7
Sectarian writings make up a notable share of the corpus: the Rules

Scroll (1QS), the War Scroll (1QM), the Thanksgiving Hymns (e.g., 1QHa
and 1QHb), the Damascus Document (CD), Pesher Habakkuk (1QpHab)
and other pesharim, the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice (e.g., 4Q400–
407), the Temple Scroll (11Q19), 4QMMT, and many fragments of other
works. These seem to go back to a single religious movement. Distinc-
tive theological or halakhic nuances may be attributed to inner diversity
in the group. Slight linguistic differences, particularly but not exclusively
between 4QMMT and the other writings, appear to reflect stylistic prefer-
ences of the authors. It has been usual to date the oldest of these writings
to the second century BCE, but recent research suggests rather that all were
composed around the middle of the first century BCE (Wise 2010). If cor-
rect, this would make the sectarian scrolls approximately one century later
than the latest books of the biblical corpus. The dependence of the scrolls
on books that in time came to be adopted in the Jewish Bible is manifest
throughout. Some of the writings, not only the pesharim, extensively com-
ment upon biblical verses. Biblical quotations and allusions are frequent.
Over and beyond this, the sectarian authors tend to clothe their thoughts
in biblical expressions. Correct understanding of the scrolls often presup-
poses identifying the biblical source of certain words or idioms and grasp-
ing the interpretation the later author gave to the biblical text.
Orthography
Different orthographic traditions are represented among the manuscripts
(Tov 2004), some of which approximate the conservative spelling of the
MT. On the whole, there is a tendency toward more plene spellings (Qim-
ron 1986: 17–24; Reymond 2014: 35–63). More specifically, o- and u-
phones are almost invariably written with waw, whatever their length or
etymology. The tendency is so strong that where the waw is lacking one
may sometimes suspect a different morphology. Thus the noun ‫ארך‬, used
in the metaphorical expression ‫‘ ארך יד‬capacity’ (4QTobe 4:7 [4Q200 2 6]),
is probably to be distinguished from the noun ‫‘ אורך‬length’ (Tiberian ‫)א ֶֹרְך‬:
the orthography suggests that ‫ ארך‬was vocalized with a vowel other than
[o] (perhaps akin to ‫)א ֶרְך‬.
ֶ 2 The use of yod as mater lectionis for i- and
2. Note also ‫‘ ארך אפים‬patience’ (e.g., CD II 4); in 1QS IV 3, it is corrected to ‫אורך‬
‫אפים‬. In Tiberian Hebrew, ‫ ֶא ֶרְך‬is often assumed to be the construct state of the non-
attested adjective *‫‘ ָא ֵרְך‬long’; ‘patience’ is ‫( א ֶֹרְך ַא ַּפיִ ם‬Prov 25:15; but see Jer 15:15).
e-vowels is much less systematic and mostly limited to cases where the
vowel is long. Final vowels are written with he, ʾaleph, or yod, more or
less as in the MT. However, ʾaleph for final [ā] is much more frequent than
in the MT, probably due to Aramaic influence (note ‫‘ גבורא‬might’ [1QIsaa
36:5 (XXIX 5)]). A peculiar feature of Qumran orthography, only rarely
encountered in other Hebrew traditions, is the presence of digraphs com-
bining ʾaleph, sometimes he, with waw or yod to express a single vowel.
Such digraphs are found both in word-internal and word-final positions:
e.g., ‫ראוש‬/‫‘ רואש‬head’, ‫‘ לוא‬not’, ‫‘ כיא‬because’, and ‫‘ כוה‬thus’; see also
‫‘ אותוה‬him’ (1QIsaa 36:21 [XXX 1]). Whether these digraphs had a spe-
cific phonetic value is debated. The haphazard fashion in which they occur
indicates that they probably do not. They are more frequent in some manu-
scripts than in others, but in no text are they used consistently.
Phonology and Phonetics

Because the writing system gives little information on the pronunciation
of the texts, the phonology and phonetics of DSS Hebrew remain uncer-
tain on many points. Accordingly, all phonetic representations hereafter are
approximate. All one can do is observe tendencies in the spelling that may,
in comparative perspective, be significant (Qimron 1986: 25–40; Reymond
2014: 65–140).
On the whole, the phonetic system of DSS Hebrew seems to be simi-
lar to that of Tiberian Hebrew. A number of differences, however, merit
comment. Many orthographic features show that the ʾaleph was no longer
realized as a glottal stop: the ʾaleph may be omitted entirely (e.g., ‫‘ תנתו‬his
fig-tree’ [1QIsaa 36:16 (XXIX 25)] [Tiberian ‫;)]ּת ֵאנָ תֹו‬ ְ or another vowel
letter may be added to it and thus constitute a digraph (e.g., ‫‘ ויואמר‬and he
said’ [1QIsaa 36:7 (XXIX 9)] [Tiberian ‫אמר‬ ֶ ֹ ‫)]וַ ּי‬. Spellings such as ‫מאיות‬
‘hundreds’ or ‫‘ באוו‬they came’ show that the weakening of intervocalic
ʾaleph could produce a glide: [meyot] and [bawu], respectively. The general
weakening of the ʾaleph does not mean that its pronunciation as a glot-
tal stop had completely disappeared. The spelling ‫‘ אשאול‬Sheol’ (11QPsa
141:7 [11Q5 XXIII 4]) for ‫ שאול‬tends to indicate that the word was pro-
nounced [ešʾol]: if there were no consonantal cluster at the beginning of
the word, the addition of the prosthetic ʾaleph would be difficult to explain.
The other gutturals, he, ḥet, and ʿayin also present irregularities, show-
ing that they had weakened as well (Qimron 1986: 25–26; Reymond 2014:
88 Chapter 7
71–114). They may be omitted, as in ‫‘ יבור‬it passes through’ (1QIsaa 28:15

[XXII 19]) (Tiberian ‫)יעבר‬. They may be replaced by another guttural, as in
‫‘ באופיע‬when (they) appeared’ (1QS X 2) < ‫*בהופיע‬. Or they may combine
with a mater lectionis in a way that shows they were not pronounced: e.g.,
‫‘ להוב‬blade’, probably [loḇ] or the like, for etymological [lohaḇ] (1QHa X
26); contrast Tiberian ‫ל ַהב‬.ַ Finally, reš presents some of the same anoma-
lies as the gutturals, indicating that it too had weakened in some cases
(note ‫‘ אבחר‬I shall choose’ [11QTa (11Q19) LII 16]). The similarity of reš
to the gutturals is attested in several reading traditions of ancient Hebrew.
Several variations indicate that both the guttural-like pronunciation of reš
and its occasional weakening may be rather old: e.g., ‫( עשר‬1 Kgs 7:43)
vs. its parallel ‫( עשה‬2 Chr 4:14), or MT ‫( תשאה‬Isa 6:1) vs. Septuagint
καταλειφθήσεται (‫)תשאר‬.
Final mem and nun occasionally interchange (Qimron 1986: 27; Rey-
mond 2014: 66–67). In addition they may occur where they are not ex-
pected, as in ‫‘ סבבום‬they surrounded’ (1QHa X 27). Or, they may be absent,
as in ‫‘ למע‬so that’ (1QHa XII 12) < ‫למען‬. These phenomena suggest that the
two nasal consonants were pronounced similarly in final position and also
that their pronunciation was weakened. Perhaps they were nasalized, as in
French (e.g., faim, vin) (Ben-Ḥayyim 1958: 210–11).
Occasional interchanges between samekh and śin (< *s l [IPA [ɬ]) sug-
gest that the two letters were pronounced similarly, as in other traditions of
Hebrew (Qimron 1986: 28–30; Reymond 2014: 68–70). More intriguing
is the interchange between samekh and šin in ‫‘ יכחס‬he will lie’ (1QS VII
3) < ‫*יכחש‬. Perhaps all three sibilants were pronounced similarly in DSS
Hebrew. The interchanges among the sibilants cause difficulties for mod-
ern scholars. For instance, the analysis of the form ‫ אנוש‬in 1QS VII 12 is
debated: some relate it to Tiberian ‫‘ ָאנּוׁש‬gravely ill’, while others analyze
it as a passive participle of the LBH and Aramaic root ‫‘ אנס‬to force, to
compel’.
Many more observations and suggestions have been made regarding the
phonology and phonetic structure of DSS Hebrew: on stress, vowel length,
and the pronunciation of various combinations of vowel letters (ʾaleph,
waw, yod) (for discussion, see Qimron 1986). The written data clearly in-
dicate that DSS Hebrew sounded different from Tiberian Hebrew. Exactly
how the data are to be interpreted is not always easy to say, however.
Morphology
In spite of the imprecision of the writing system, it is clear that many
morphological differences exist between the language of the DSS and other
varieties of ancient Hebrew. As was argued above, morphological peculi-
arities of DSS Hebrew are for the most part to be explained as reflecting
a distinct local dialect of Hebrew. The distinct morphological features of
DSS Hebrew are too systematic to attribute to careless scribes. Aramaic
influence cannot account for more than a handful of them: e.g., ‫‘ יהכין‬he
will prepare’ (1QS III 9) or the personal suffix ‫והי‬- ‘his’ (Qimron 1986:
62). As to the notion of a consciously designed “anti-language,” this could
explain a small number of features, particularly features with a “biblical
ring” (compare certain religious groups’ use of “thou” instead of “you,”
under the influence of the King James Bible). But features characterizing
the morphology of DSS Hebrew are legion, and many of them are not
“biblical” or archaic in any way.
Some of the most striking differences concern individual words
or forms, such as have already been noted above: e.g., DSS ‫[ להוב‬loḇ]
(< *[lohaḇ]) vs. Tiberian ‫ל ַהב‬.ַ Individual differences between the DSS and
Biblical Hebrew as codified in the MT may attest to development in the
language. It is entirely possible, for instance, that the transition from one
segolate class to another exemplified in ‫ ַל ַהב > להוב‬was caused by assimila-
tion of the a‑vowel to the labial b (or perhaps to the liquid l?). This change
would place the DSS form later than the Tiberian one. In other instances,
however, such individual differences may reflect parallel developments or
even the preservation of early forms in a later dialect. Thus the absence of
a vowel letter in the noun ‫‘ טמאה‬impurity’, attested tens of times in the
DSS, suggests that it was pronounced [ṭimʾā] or the like (for parallels in the
Babylonian tradition, see Yeivin 1985: 670); in comparison, Tiberian ‫ֻט ְמ ָאה‬
seems to reflect the assimilation of the initial, characteristic vowel to the
mem. In this latter case, the typologically earlier form is that of the DSS.
Individual differences in the morphology are not limited to nominal
forms. Pronouns, verbal forms, and adverbs also turn up with a distinct
morphology in the DSS. Perhaps the single most striking feature of DSS
Hebrew is the masc. sing. independent personal pronoun ‫‘ הואה‬he’, prob-
ably [huwa] (or [huwa]), corresponding to Tiberian ‫הּוא‬. The long form of
the DSS is unattested in any other corpus or tradition of Hebrew. Some
90 Chapter 7
have analyzed it as an artificial creation, designed for use among a sec-

tarian group (Schniedewind 1999). The fact that the long form appears
to alternate, although rarely, with the short form in the DSS favors this
approach (see ‫‘ אפהו‬also’ [1QHa XVIII 5]). Others have defended ‫ הואה‬as
an authentic form—whether an archaic form accidentally preserved in a
single dialect or a late analogical creation—of ancient Hebrew (Muraoka
2000: 342). In light of the general picture of DSS morphology, the second
approach seems preferable.
Long forms are also attested for other personal pronouns: independent
forms such as ‫‘ היאה‬she’, ‫‘ אתמה‬you’ (masc. pl.), and ‫‘ המה‬they’ (masc.);
pronominal suffixes such as ‫כמה‬- ‘your’ (masc. pl.) and ‫המה‬- ‘their’
(masc. pl.); and verbal endings, as in ‫‘ אכלתמה‬you may eat’ (4QNumb
18:31 [4Q27 XII 8]). Except for ‫ הואה‬and ‫היאה‬, all other long forms find
analogies in other varieties of ancient Hebrew, notably in Samaritan He-
brew (Ben-Ḥayyim 1958).
Another set of puzzling features pertains to the vocalization of imper-
fect, imperative, and infinitive forms of strong verbs. Imperfect and im-
perative forms with vocalic afformatives are generally written with a waw
between the second and third radicals: e.g., ‫‘ יעבורו‬they will pass’ (1QS II
19); cf. ‫‘ אמורו‬say!’ (1QIsaa 36:4 [XXIX 2]). Such forms conform to pausal
forms in Tiberian Hebrew and may have had comparable pronunciations:
[yaʿabóru] and [amóru], respectively. Pausal forms in Tiberian Hebrew are
known often to preserve early features. These DSS forms, then, fit our
general understanding of Hebrew in comparative-historical perspective.
Likewise, suffixed forms such as ‫‘ ויתפושם‬and he seized them’ (1QIsaa 36:1
[XXVIII 29]) (contrast Tiberian ‫ )‏וַ ּיִ ְת ְּפ ֵׂשם‬simply preserve the characteristic
vowel of the imperfect which, in Tiberian, has dwindled to šəwa. The mat-
ter is different for forms like ‫‘ תשופכנו‬you will pour it out’ (11QTa [11Q19]
LII 12) or ‫‘ אדורשנה‬I will seek her’ (11QPsa [11Q5] XXI 12), where the
mater lectionis figures between the first and second radicals. As far as we
know, there never was a vowel here. Qimron has explained such forms as
analogous extensions under the influence of the infinitive construct (Qim-
ron 1986: 52). This appears to be the best explanation.
Other differences between DSS Hebrew and its cognates do not concern
single words or forms but are systemic. They affect the organization of the
language in its paradigmatic dimension. Systemic changes do not necessar-
ily imply the development of new forms. They may in some cases reflect a
functional realignment of existing forms. Systemic changes happen gradu-

ally and can only be observed over a longer period. Those affecting DSS
Hebrew are mostly already underway in LBH and continue in Tannaitic
Hebrew. They exemplify the development of the language as a whole.
The best illustration of systemic change in DSS Hebrew is the evolution
of the verbal system. Ostensibly, the DSS preserve the system known from
the biblical texts: they use the perfect and the imperfect, their “converted”
variants (Smith 1991), a set of modal forms ( jussive, cohortative), and the
predicative participle. A closer look will show, however, that the functional
load of all these forms is shifting. Although the perfect “consecutive” ex-
pressing future or modal processes is still ubiquitous, it freely alternates
with w plus imperfect: e.g., ‫‘ ונגש הכוהן וידבר אל העם ואמר אליהמה‬the priest
will approach (perfect consecutive) and speak (w plus imperfect) to the
people and say (perfect consecutive) to them’ (11QTa [11Q19] LXI 15).
This means that the perfect “consecutive” no longer occupies a unique slot
in the paradigm, as in classical BH, but functions as mere stylistic vari-
ant of the imperfect. 3 Another development, discovered by Qimron, con-
cerns the distinction between the regular imperfect and the volitive forms
( jussive and cohortative). In SBH, the imperfect and the volitives almost
always have distinct functions. In DSS Hebrew, their semantics overlap.
The only distinction remaining between them is a formal one: the regular
imperfect is used in clause-internal position, whereas the jussive and co-
hortative appear in clause-initial position, notably following the conjunc-
tion w- (Qimron 1986: 45–46). The imperfect and volitives have turned
into positional variants. These characteristics of the verbal system in the
DSS are already present in LBH. In a more global view, it is easy to see that
the “consecutive” as well as volitive forms are slowly becoming obsolete.
In Tannaitic Hebrew, with the possible exception of ‫יהי‬, which might be an
Aramaism, these forms are no longer attested.
Other systemic differences are lurking in the DSS. The system of de-
rived stem forms is slowly changing. The qal is becoming more unified,
with some stative verbs going over to the active (a/o) class: e.g., ‫‘ ישכוב‬he
will lie down’ (1QS VII 10) (contrast Tiberian ‫)יִ ְׁש ַּכב‬. Piel and hiphil are
3. The imperfect “consecutive” may similarly have alternated with w plus perfect
(see, e.g., CD XIX 34, XX 23); however, the scarcity of narrative texts makes this con-
clusion somewhat uncertain.
92 Chapter 7
replacing some earlier qal verbs: e.g., ‫‘ הגלנה‬rejoice!’ (1QM XII 13), from
‫גיל‬. Internal passives—qal passive, pual, and hophal—are giving ground
to the niphal and hithpael. The nominal system, too, gives evidence of a
global long-term evolution. Proto-Hebrew must have had an elaborate sys-
tem of nominal cases, similar to what appears in Ugaritic, Akkadian, and
Arabic. Traces of nominal declension are still found in SBH. Some of these
traces are no more than stylistic embellishments mostly limited to poetry.
But at least two case endings are still somewhat alive: adverbial *-am and
locative *-ā. In LBH, both these endings show signs of obsolescence. In
DSS Hebrew, *-am is attested a few times, but its adverbial force is no lon-
ger understood. For example, the correspondent of MT ‫‘ יֹום‬day’ (Gen 1:5)
is ‫‘ יומם‬daytime’ in 4QGeng 1:5 (4Q7 1 4); elsewhere, it even occurs with
the article. Or, to cite another example, ‫‘ ריקם‬empty-handed’ is reanalyzed
as an adjective. As for “locative” *-ā, its classical function of express-
ing direction is practically extinct. Instead, the ending is used to mark a
number of adverbs, not necessarily adverbs of place. The most widespread
example is ‫‘ מאודה‬very’ (e.g., 1QIsaa 36:2 [XXVIII 30], frequently in dif-
ferent spellings). Direction is expressed by means of prepositions.
Lexicon 4
The “biblicizing” style of many DSS leaves the impression that the lan-
guage of the Scrolls is close to that of the Hebrew Bible. Under the biblical
veneer, however, much of the vocabulary of the DSS reflects post-Biblical
Hebrew. A comparison of the Great Isaiah Scroll (1QIsaa) with the MT is
enlightening. In over 200 cases, the Scroll has a variant reading implying
a different root (Kutscher 1974: 216–314). The Scroll may have preserved
the original reading in a few cases. Many of these variants, however, are
clearly due to a process of linguistic modernization. The scribes who cre-
ated the Qumran text replaced old or rare words in the book of Isaiah with
more recent words that would be more easily understood by contemporary
readers. Thus instead of MT ‫‘ יִ ְׂש ַמח‬He will (not) pardon’ < ‫( ׂשמ״ח‬only
here; perhaps to be repointed as ‫( )ׁשמ״ח‬Isa 9:16), the Isaiah Scroll reads
the better-known ‫יחמול‬. In this instance, the modernization is faithful to the
semantics of the biblical text. But in other passages, it seems the scribe is
4. In the absence of a dictionary of Qumran Hebrew, see provisionally the glosses
in Abegg et al. (2003, 2010, 2016).
simply guessing. For example, the MT hapax legomenon ‫דּורים‬ ִ ‫( ֲה‬Isa 45:2)
is changed to the more common ‫‘ הררים‬mountains’ (1QIsaa XXXVIII 8)
(cf. LXX ὄρη ‘mountains’). Whether they are accurate or not, such substi-
tutions illustrate the difficulty the authors of the DSS experienced in trying
to make sense of biblical texts.
Many words and usages found in the DSS are unattested in biblical
books (Qimron 1986: 98–115). Non-biblical elements in DSS vocabulary
can be divided into genuine Hebrew words and loanwords. The DSS attest
to a number of Hebrew words that may always have been part of the lan-
guage but only by chance do not occur in the biblical corpus. Representa-
tive examples include the nouns ‫‘ בדן‬body’ and ‫‘ תכמים‬innards (?)’. Other
words appear to be of more recent origin: one time, for example, classical
‫‘ עתה‬now’ is replaced by a synonym ‫( עכשו‬4QpJuba [4Q225] 2 II 7), which
becomes common in Tannaitic Hebrew. One also encounters many usages
representing an extension or specialization of an earlier meaning attested in
the biblical books. Particularly interesting are some religious usages such
as ‫‘ ברך‬to say a blessing’, ‫‘ גער‬to exorcize’, and ‫‘ מעשים‬precepts’.
Loanwords from Aramaic are prominent: e.g., ‫‘ כבר‬already’ (4QTobe
10:7 [4Q200 4 3]), ‫‘ מגבל‬formation’ (1QHa XI 24), ‫‘ סומה‬blind’, ‫‘ עלה‬pre-
text’, ‫‘ פשר‬interpretation’, and many others. There are also some examples
of loan translations (calques): in CD V 6, -‫‘ עזב ל‬to leave for’ is used with
the meaning ‘to remit, to forgive’, apparently under the influence of Ara-
maic -‫ ;שבק ל‬in 4QHoroscope (4Q186) 1 III 4, ‫ לאחת‬seems to mean ‘very’,
like ‫ לחדא‬in Western Aramaic. Loanwords from Persian may have entered
DSS Hebrew through Aramaic: e.g., ‫רס‬, a measure of length, in 11QTa
(11Q19) LII 18. There are no Greek loanwords in the DSS, except in the
Copper Scroll, where there are many: e.g., ‫‘ אסטאן‬stoa’ < στοά and ‫אכסדרן‬
‘portico’ < ἐξέδρα (3Q15 XI 2, 3). The disparity between the Copper Scroll
and the other DSS in this regard suggests that the sectarian authors avoided
Greek loanwords for ideological reasons.
A phenomenon that remains to be mentioned is that of the reuse of ar-
chaic expressions (Joosten 1999). Words or phrases attested in the Bible
are used in a way that tends to show the author knew them only from their
occurrence in the earlier texts, not from living usage. A good example is
the use of the noun ‫( מדהבה‬1QHa XI 26). The word almost certainly came
into being as a scribal mistake in Isa 14:4 (Mizrahi 2013). In the Thanks-
giving Hymns, it occurs with a meaning (‘thirst’), based on learned study
94 Chapter 7
of its etymology and its context in Isaiah. The procedure may appear curi-
ous, but it finds many parallels in the history of Hebrew literature, starting
with LBH and ending with Modern Hebrew. In the case of the DSS, this
type of reuse is pervasive: it not only shows that the sectarian authors had
studied the biblical texts intensively; it also shows that they wished to
coordinate and assimilate their own writings to that same biblical corpus.
Syntax
The syntax of DSS Hebrew is still a developing field. Many keen ob-
servations are contained in Qimron’s grammar (1986: 70–86), but much
work remains to be done. This section will be limited to pointing out a few
typical usages occurring in vol. 2.
Some changes in the verbal system have already been signaled in the
section on morphology. The gradual loss of the “consecutive” forms and
marked volitives results in an impoverishment of the system. But the sys-
tem is also enriched with new forms and usages. Two of these can be ob-
served in the fragments of Tobit:
(1) Alongside the finite tenses, the participle takes on an ever more
important role. In narrative, events may be reported with the perfect or
the imperfect “consecutive,” but they may also be described as ongoing
or durative with a combination of the verb ‘to be’ and the participle: e.g.,
‫‘ והיו המה מברכים‬they blessed, were blessing’ (4QTobe 12:22 [4Q200 6 2]);
compare the imperfect καὶ ηὐλόγουν in the Septuagint according to the text
of the Sinai Codex (Codex Sinaiticus). Similarly, a process that is a perpet-
ual command is expressed with the same type of periphrasis: e.g., ‫וכול ימיכה‬
‫‘ בני לאלהים היה זכר‬All your days, my son, remember God!’ (4QTobe 4:5
[4Q200 2 3]). The usage is found already in Biblical Hebrew but increases
notably in the late books. In Tannaitic Hebrew, it develops even further.
(2) The infinitive absolute, too, plays an independent part in the ver-
bal system. The classical construction in which the infinitive absolute co-
occurs with a finite verb of the same root recedes, but its use as a kind of
“consecutive tense” is enhanced. In Tobit, waw followed by the infinitive
absolute is used three times in narrative: ‫‘ בכן דבר טובי וכתוב תהלה‬Then
Tobit spoke and wrote down a hymn’ (4QTobe 13:1 [4Q200 6 4]; see also
4QTobe 4:4 [4Q200 2 2] and, in a broken context, 4QTobe 10:7 [4Q200
4 3]; cf. 4‫‏‬QTNaph [4Q215] 1 III 10] and 4QMMT C 25–26 [4Q399 1
I 10]). Such narrative infinitive absolutes are found sporadically in SBH
(Gen 41:43; Exod 8:11; Jud 7:19; Isa 37:19) and become more numerous
in the LBH corpus (Nehemiah, Chronicles, Esther, Qohelet, Daniel). The
usage finds no continuation in Tannaitic Hebrew. The examples from the
DSS seem to be the last attestations of an experiment that was successful
for a while and then fell from use.
Both these developments illustrate the place of DSS Hebrew in the con-
tinual evolution of the language.
Upon studying the DSS one can only be struck by the complex syntac-
tic structure of many texts. In vol. 2, this characteristic leaps to the eye
particularly in the extract from the Damascus Document. Arguably, the
first five lines of column I make up a single sentence (with indentation
showing levels of subordination):
Listen now, all you who know righteousness, and consider the deeds of God,
for He has a dispute with all flesh,
and passes judgment on those who spurn Him,
for when they abandoned Him
by being faithless,
He turned away, from both Israel and His sanctuary
and gave them up to the sword,
but when He called to mind the covenant
He made with their forefathers,
He left a remnant for Israel
and did not allow them to be exterminated.
Similar complex sentences are met with also in the Rule Scroll. Even in
poetry, there is a tendency toward subordination and complex subordina-
tion, as can be observed, for instance, in the selections from the Hodayoth
in vol. 2. This kind of syntax is rare in the biblical Psalms, but it does find
a forerunner in Proverbs 1–9 (see, e.g., Prov 2:1–22).
Bibliography
Abegg, Martin G., Jr.; Bowley, James E.; and Cook, Edward M.
2003 The Dead Sea Scrolls Concordance, vol. 1: The Non-Biblical Texts from
Qumran. Leiden: Brill.
2010 The Dead Sea Scrolls Concordance, vol. 3: The Biblical Texts from Qumran.
Leiden: Brill.
2016 The Dead Sea Scrolls Concordance, vol. 2: The Non-Qumran Documents and
Texts. Leiden: Brill.
Ben-Ḥayyim, Zeev
1958 Traditions in the Hebrew Language, with Special Reference to the Dead Sea
Scrolls. Pp. 200–14 in Aspects of the Dead Sea Scrolls, ed. Chaim Rabin and
Yigal Yadin. Scripta Hierosolymitana 4. Jerusalem: Magnes.
96 Chapter 7
DJD Discoveries in the Judaean Desert. 40 vols. Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1955–2010.
Fassberg, Steven E.; Bar-Asher, Moshe; and Clements, Ruth A., eds.
2013 Hebrew in the Second Temple Period: The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls
and of Other Contemporary Sources; Proceedings of the Twelfth Interna-
tional Symposium of the Orion Center for the Study of the Dead Sea Scrolls
and Associated Literature and the Fifth International Symposium on the He-
brew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Sira, Jointly Sponsored by the Eliezer
Ben-Yehuda Center for the Study of the History of the Hebrew Language,
29–31 December, 2008. Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 108.
Leiden: Brill.
Goshen-Gottstein, Moshe H.
1958 Linguistic Structure and Tradition in the Qumran Documents. Pp. 101–37 in
Aspects of the Dead Sea Scrolls, ed. Chaim Rabin and Yigal Yadin. Scripta
Hierosolymitana 4. Jerusalem: Magnes.
Joosten, Jan
1999 Pseudo-Classicisms in Late Biblical Hebrew, in Ben Sira, and in Qumran
Hebrew. Pp. 146–59 in Sirach, Scrolls and Sages: Proceedings of a Second
International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, Ben Sira,
and the Mishnah, Held at Leiden University, 15–17 December 1997, ed.
T. Muraoka and J. F. Elwolde. Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 33.
Leiden: Brill.
1974 The Language and Linguistic Background of the Isaiah Scroll (1QIs a).
Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 6. Leiden: Brill. Translation of
‫הלשון והרקע הלשוני של מגילת ישעיהו ממגילות ים המלח‬. Jerusalem: Magnes,
1959.
Meyer, Rudolf
1957 Das Problem der Dialektmischung in den hebräischen Texten von Chirbet
Qumran. Vetus Testamentum 7: 139–48.
Mizrahi, Noam
2013 The Linguistic History of ‫מדהבה‬: From Textual Corruption to Lexical In-
novation. Revue de Qumran 26/101: 93–116.
Morag, Shelomo
1988 Qumran Hebrew: Some Typological Observations. Vetus Testamentum 38:
148–64.
Muraoka, Takamitsu
2000 Hebrew. Pp. 340–45 in vol. 1 of Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, ed.
Lawrence H. Schiffman and James C. VanderKam. Oxford: Oxford Univer-
sity Press.
Muraoka, T., and Elwolde, J. F., eds.
1997 The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Sira: Proceedings of a Sympo-
sium Held at Leiden University, 11–14 December 1995. Studies on the Texts
of the Desert of Judah 26. Leiden: Brill.
Qimron, Elisha
1986 The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Harvard Semitic Studies 29. Atlanta:
Scholars Press.
1994 The Language. Pp. 65–108 in Qumran Cave 4 V: Miqṣat Maʿaśe ha-Torah,
ed. Elisha Qimron and John Strugnell. Discoveries in the Judean Desert 10.
Oxford: Clarendon.
Rabin, Chaim
1958 The Historical Background of Qumran Hebrew. Pp. 144–61 in Aspects of the
Dead Sea Scrolls, ed. Chaim Rabin and Yigal Yadin. Scripta Hierosolymitana
4. Jerusalem: Magnes.
Reymond, Eric
2014 Qumran Hebrew: An Overview of Orthography, Phonology, and Morphology.
Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature.
Schniedewind, William
1999 Qumran Hebrew as an Antilanguage. Journal of Biblical Literature 118:
235–52.
Smith, Mark
1991 The Origins and Development of the Waw-Consecutive: Northwest Semitic
Evidence from Ugarit to Qumran. Harvard Semitic Studies 39. Atlanta:
Scholars Press.
Tov, Emanuel
2004 Scribal Practices and Approaches Reflected in the Texts Found in the Judean
Desert. Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 54. Leiden: Brill.
Wise, Michael O.
2010 The Origins and History of the Teacher’s Movement. Pp. 92–122 in The Ox-
ford Handbook of the Dead Sea Scrolls, ed. Timothy H. Lim and John J.
Collins. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Yardeni, Ada
2000 ‫ עבריות ונבטיות ממדבר יהודה וחומר קרוב‬,‫[ אוסף תעודות ארמיות‬Textbook of
Aramaic, Hebrew and Nabatean Documentary Texts from the Judaean Desert
and Related Material]. 2 vols. Jerusalem: Ben-Zion Dinur Center for Re-
search in Jewish History.
Yeivin, Israel
1985 ‫[ מסורת הלשון העברית המשתקפת בניקוד הבבלי‬The Hebrew Language Tradi-
tion as Reflected in the Babylonian Vocalization]. 2 vols. Academy of the
Hebrew Language Texts and Studies 12. Jerusalem: Academy of the Hebrew
Language.
Chapter 8
Hebrew in Greek and Latin Transcriptions
A lexey E liyahu Y uditsky
Introduction
Origen (184/185–253/254 CE) was one of the most influential Church
Fathers. He was born and lived in Alexandria but spent the last 20 years of
his life in Palestine, where he compiled his opus, the Hexapla. The second
column of the Hexapla contains Greek transcriptions of the Hebrew text of
the Bible. To all appearances, however, his knowledge of Hebrew was only
fair. It is therefore doubtful that he was able to compose the transcriptions
alone (see below).
Another Church Father, Saint Jerome (Eusebius Sophronius Hierony-
mus, 347–420 CE), was born in Dalmatia and studied in Rome and Alex-
andria. He wrote that he spent four years learning Hebrew in the Chalcidian
desert. In 386, he settled in Bethlehem, where he lived until his death. In
his writings, Jerome noted that he studied Hebrew with various Jewish
teachers. His knowledge of Hebrew, however, is debated. Some scholars
have maintained that Jerome did not know Hebrew well. Others, though,
have shown that Jerome’s understanding of the Hebrew text of the Bible
was very good, as may be deduced from the accuracy of his Latin transla-
tion of the Bible, the Vulgate, and from his discerning commentaries on the
Bible (see further Harviainen 1977: 48–51).
Author’s Note: All Greek accents that appear in the second column of Origen’s Hexapla
from the Ambrosiania palimpsest are presented in the sample texts of vol. 2 but have
been omitted from the following grammatical description. This practice follows that of
other researchers of the Secunda (e.g., Janssens 1982: 39–40) and recognizes that the
accents make little, if any, textual or grammatical sense.
99
100 Chapter 8

The source and the purpose of the second column of the Hexapla are
disputed. Some maintain that it was written by Origen himself for the use
of scholars unfamiliar with Hebrew. Others, in contrast, argue that the tran-
scriptions of Hebrew were created by Jews, perhaps, to facilitate the cor-
rect reading of the non-vocalized text of the Bible; in this case, they were
included in the Hexapla “as is” from a Jewish source. Since the second
column of the Hexapla, known as the Secunda, does not express gutturals
explicitly or distinct sibilants, the last suggestion should be preferred (see
further Janssens 1982: 13–23).
The Corpus
Origen’s Hexapla was presumably composed in the first half of the third
century CE. It consists of six columns: the first presents the biblical text
in Hebrew; the Secunda contains a transcription using the Greek alphabet;
and the other four provide Greek translations of the Bible (Aquila, Symma-
chus, Septuagint, and Theodotion). The complete version of the Hexapla
has been lost; most of the surviving citations of the Hexapla were collected
by Field (1875). The citations of the second column are rare, however, and
may have been corrupted in their transmission.
In 1894, Cardinal Giovanni Mercati discovered a palimpsest of the
Hexapla in the Ambrosiana library in Milan, which includes about 1,000
words from 10 chapters of the book of Psalms. The manuscript was cited
by Hatch and Redpath (1906: 199–216) and published by Mercati (1958,
1965). The tradition of the Greek transcriptions represented in the second
column of the palimpsest seems to be authentic and homogenous. The il-
lustrations in this chapter are therefore taken from this palimpsest. Fur-
thermore, since all the Hexaplaric material in the grammatical discussion
belongs to Psalms, the book will not be explicitly indicated in the bibli-
cal references herein: e.g., βδαμι ‫‘ ְּב ָד ִמי‬in my death’ (30:10). Illegible or
missing letters in the palimpsest are each indicated by a dash: —μαγδιλιμ
ַ ‘those who magnify’ (35:26).
‫[ה] ַ ּמגְ ִּד ִילים‬
The studies of the Secunda are mainly based on Mercati’s palimpsest.
Various issues, mainly phonetic, are treated by Margolis (1909), Speiser
(1934–35), and Sperber (1937–38). The most significant and extensive
research of Hexaplaric Hebrew was undertaken by Brønno (1943). He
discussed all the forms of the palimpsest and thoroughly described the
Hebrew in Greek and Latin Transcriptions 101
representation of vowels. Another important study on the Hebrew of the

Hexapla is that of Janssens (1982). Yuditsky, too, has recently reexamined
the evidence (2005, 2007, 2008, 2013).
The Latin transcriptions of Hebrew included in this chapter come from
the works of St. Jerome. Interpreting the text of the Bible, Jerome relied on
a Hebrew text and occasionally created transcriptions of Hebrew words or,
in a rare instance, expressions. In the present discussion, Jerome’s biblical
commentaries are the principal source of his Latin transcriptions. In these
cases, the name of the book is given in the reference. Other citations are
used, too. In the case of references to Gen 14:18–20, they are taken from
Jerome’s Epistle 73 addressed to Evangelus. The reference to Epistle 106
will be cited as “Ep 106.” But Jerome also occasionally discussed Hebrew
words that did not appear in the biblical text. When such a case is cited, an
editorial asterisk is added to the Hebrew parallel, and to the reference the
word “on” is added: e.g., pheri ‫*ּפ ִרי‬
ְ ‘fruit’ (on Hos 14:3).
A comprehensive but outdated study of the Latin transcriptions of He-
brew is that of Siegfried (1884). Various issues regarding this tradition are
treated by Sperber (1937–38), Brønno (1970), Harviainen (1977, 1984–
86), and Penna (1978). Many features of Jerome’s transcriptions are simi-
lar to Hexaplaric Hebrew; yet in some points, these traditions are different,
as will be demonstrated below.
In this chapter, each transcription is accompanied by its Tiberian coun-
terpart. When, however, the Hexapla or Jerome’s version differs signifi-
cantly from the Tiberian, two Hebrew forms are presented: a vocalized
form corresponding to the transcription and the attested Tiberian form: e.g.,
λοομ ‫‘ ְלחֹם‬fight!’ (35:1) (Tiberian ‫)ל ַחם‬.
ְ
Orthography and Phonetics

Consonants. The voiced plosives ‫ב‬, ‫ג‬, ‫[ ד‬b, g, d] are represented by β,
γ, δ and b, g, d: e.g., βδαμι ‫‘ ְּב ָד ִמי‬in my death’ (30:10), γωιμ ‫‘ גֹויִ ם‬nations’
(46:7), bamma 1 ‫‘ ַב ֶּמה‬by what?’ (Isa 2:22), and hedalu ‫‘ ִח ְדלּו‬cease!’ (Isa
2:22). The unvoiced plosives ‫כ‬, ‫פ‬, ‫[ ת‬k, p, t] are transcribed by χ, φ, θ and
ch, ph, th in all positions: e.g., βααφφω ‫‘ ְּב ַאּפֹו‬in His anger’ (30:6), χι ‫ִּכי‬
1. This word appears in Jerome’s transcription of Isa 2:22 as the parallel of He-
brew ‫‘ ַבּמֶה‬by what’ and is cited as such in vol. 2. However, in his commentary on
this verse, Jerome explicitly wrote that bamma means ‘by what’, whereas bama means
‘high place’.
102 Chapter 8
‘because’ (30:2), εσθερθα ‫‘ ִה ְס ַּת ְר ָּת‬You hid’ (30:8), baaphpho ‫‘ ְּב ַאּפֹו‬in his
anger’ (Isa 2:22), and chi ‫‘ ִּכי‬because’ (Isa 2:22). As argued by Kutscher
(1965: 25–35), however, these transcriptions do not imply that the plosives
were articulated as fricatives. Since Greek χ, φ, θ at that time represented
aspirated sounds, it should instead be assumed that the Hebrew unvoiced
plosives were aspirated.
In Greek and Latin transcriptions, ‫ס‬, ‫ׁש‬, ‫[ ׂש‬s, š, ś] are represented by
the only letter available in each alphabet to express an unvoiced sibilant,
σ/s: e.g., σιρ ‫‘ ִׁשיר‬song of’ (30:1), σεμεθ ‫‘ ִׂש ַּמ ְח ָּת‬You did (not) let rejoice’
(30:2), εσθερθα ‫‘ ִה ְס ַּת ְר ָּת‬You hid’ (30:8), nesama ‫‘ נְ ָׁש ָמה‬soul’ (Isa 2:22),
maaser ‫‘ ַמ ֲע ֵׂשר‬tenth’ (Gen 14:20), and sochen ‫[ה]ּס ֵֹכן‬ ַ ‘steward’ (Isa 22:15).
ζ and z are used to indicate the voiced sibilant ‫[ ז‬z]: e.g., ωζηρ ‫‘ עֹזֵ ר‬Help’
(30:11) and zera ‫‘ זֶ ַרע‬seed’ (Isa 14:20).
The Hebrew liquids ‫ל‬, ‫מ‬, ‫נ‬, ‫[ ר‬l, m, n, r] are usually represented by their
Greek and Latin counterparts, λ, μ, ν, ρ and l, m, n, r : e.g., βαρσωναχ ‫ִּב ְרצֹונְ ָך‬
‘by Your will’ (30:8), λαμανασση ‫‘ ַל ְמנַ ֵּצ ַח‬for the leader’ (46:1), nesama
‫‘ נְ ָׁש ָמה‬soul’ (Isa 2:22), and uaiomer ‫אמר‬ ַ ֹ ‫‘ וַ ּי‬he said’ (Gen 14:19).
Transcribing the emphatic consonants ‫ ק‬and ‫[ ט‬q, ṭ] with non-aspirated
κ, τ and c, t testifies that they were realized differently from the plosives:
e.g., σεκκι ‫‘ ַׂש ִּקי‬my sackcloth’ (30:12), ματου ‫‘ ָמטּו‬they fell’ (46:7), cone
‫‘ קֹנֵ ה‬Maker of’ (Gen 14:19), and mesphat ‫]מ ְׁש ָּפט‬ ְ ‘justice’ (Isa 5:7). Oc-
ִ ‫[ל‬
casionally, however, [q, ṭ] are represented in the Latin by ch and th: e.g.,
umelchisedech ‫ּומ ְל ִּכי ֶצ ֶדק‬ ַ ‘and Melchizedek’ (Gen 14:18) and muthoth
‫‘ מֹוטֹת‬bars’ (Jer 28:13). These cases seem to be copyist mistakes. The em-
phatic sibilant ‫[ צ‬ṣ] is represented by σ/s like other sibilants: e.g., βαρσωναχ
‫‘ ִּב ְרצֹונְ ָך‬by Your will’ (30:8) and hosi ‫הֹוציא‬
ִ ‘he brought out’ (Gen 14:18).
Since Greek has no native gutturals, Hebrew ‫א‬, ‫ה‬, ‫ח‬, ‫[ ע‬ʾ, h, ḥ, ʿ] are not
represented in the Hexapla: e.g., λαμανασση ‫‘ ַל ְמנַ ֵּצ ַח‬for the leader’ (46:1)
and ααρς ‫‘ ָה ָא ֶרץ‬the earth’ (46:10). There are, however, many indications
of the gutturals’ existence in the Secunda. For example, εελιθ ‫ית‬ ָ ‫‘ ֶה ֱע ִל‬You
brought up’ (30:4) contains the sequence εε. Had the guttural disappeared,
there would have been no need to resort to an anaptyctic vowel (see also
below); the letter η would have expressed a long ē (see, further, Yuditsky
2013: 805).
In the Latin transcriptions, h usually represents gutturals: e.g., lehel ‫ְל ֵאל‬
‘of God’ (Gen 14:18), hedalu ‫‘ ִח ְדלּו‬cease!’ (Isa 2:22), and helion ‫‘ ֶע ְליֹון‬the
Most High’ (Gen 14:19) (see also Brønno 1970).
‫[ י‬y] is transcribed by ι/i. In most cases, too, it is not distinguished in

transcription from [ī]: e.g., ιαλιν ‫‘ יָ ִלין‬he will lie down’ (30:6) and iezbu-
leni ‫‘ יִ זְ ְּב ֵלנִ י‬he will exalt me’ (Gen 30:20). In the Hexapla, consonantal [y]
is commonly represented by the letter ϊ: e.g., οϊεββαϊ ‫‘ א ַֹיְבי‬my enemies’
(30:2).
‫[ ו‬w] is usually represented by υ/u: e.g., φλαγαυ ‫‘ ְּפ ָלגָ יו‬its streams’ (46:5)
and uhu ‫‘ וְ הּוא‬and he’ (Gen 14:18). To transcribe -‫ ו‬and a few other cases,
the digraph ου is used in the Secunda: e.g., ουανι ‫‘ וַ ֲאנִ י‬and I’ (30:7) and
βσαλουι ‫‘ ְּב ַׁש ְלוִ י‬in my quietude’ (30:7).
Consonantal gemination is generally represented in the transcriptions:
e.g., αββαιθ ‫‘ ַה ַּביִ ת‬the house’ (30:1), εθανναν ‫‘ ֶא ְת ַחּנָ ן‬I will appeal’ (30:9),
σεκκι ‫‘ ַׂש ִּקי‬my sackcloth’ (30:12), baaphpho ‫‘ ְּב ַאּפֹו‬in his anger’ (Isa 2:22),
and mecchol ‫‘ ִמּכֹל‬of all’ (Gen 14:20). ι, υ, ζ are not geminated since these
letters were not doubled in contemporary Greek: e.g., ουεθαζερηνι ‫וַ ְּת ַאּזְ ֵרנִ י‬
‘You girded me’ (30:12) and χαϊαλωθ ‫‘ ָּכ ַאּיָ לֹות‬like deer’ (18:34). In the
Hexapla, the labials appear to be occasionally geminated as well as de-
geminated: e.g., οϊεββαϊ ‫‘ א ַֹיְבי‬my enemies’ (30:2), σαμμαϊμ ‫‘ ָׁש ָמיִ ם‬heavens’
(89:30), σεμεθ ‫‘ ִׂש ַּמ ְח ָּת‬You did (not) let rejoice’’ (30:2), and ιαμιμ ‫יַ ִּמים‬
‘seas’ (46:3) (see Yuditsky 2013: 806). A few other transcriptions also do
not exhibit gemination: e.g., φεθεθα ‫‘ ִּפ ַּת ְח ָּת‬You opened’ (30:12), uaiethen
‫‘ וַ ּיִ ֶּתן‬he gave’ (Gen 14:20), and adagim ‫‘ ַה ָּדגִ ים‬the fishes’ (Zeph 1:11). See
also pp. 107ff.
Vowels. The following table presents an overview of the Tiberian
vowels and their Hexaplaric and Latin correspondents.
Diphthongs Long vowels Short vowels

Proto- (*aw >) (*ay >) ē ū (*ā >) ī u, a i,
Hebrew ō ō, ā (*u >) o (*i >) e
Hexapla, ō ē ū ō, (ā) ī, ē o, ō a e, ē
stressed ω η ου ω, (α) ι, ει, (η) ο, ω α ε, η
Hexapla, ō ē ū, (ō) ō, (ā) ī, (ē) o, ō, (ū) a e, ē, (i)
unstressed ω η ου, (ω) ω, (α) ι, (η) ο, ω, (ου) α ε, η, (ι)
Jerome o e u o (a) i o (u) a e (i)
Tiberian, (‫א )= ֹו‬
ֹ (‫ אּו )= ֻא( ֵא)י‬,(‫)= ֹו‬ ‫א‬
ֹ (‫ִא)י‬, (‫)ֵא‬ ,(‫א )= ֹו‬
ֹ ‫ָא‬, ‫ַא‬, ‫ֶא‬, ‫ֵא‬, ‫ִא‬
stressed ‫ָא‬ ‫)ֻא =( אּו‬ ‫ֶא‬
Tiberian, (‫א )= ֹו‬
ֹ (‫ אּו )= ֻא( ֵא)י‬,(‫)= ֹו‬ ‫א‬
ֹ (‫ִא)י‬, (‫)ֵא‬ ‫ ָא‬,‫ֻא‬ ,‫ ָא‬,‫ַא‬ ,‫ ֵא‬,‫ִא‬
unstressed ‫ָא‬ ‫ ִא‬,‫ֶא‬ ‫ַא‬ ,‫ֶא‬
104 Chapter 8
[ī] is usually expressed by ι/i: e.g., σιρ ‫‘ ִׁשיר‬song of’ (30:1) and chi ‫ִּכי‬
‘because’ (Isa 2:22). In the Hexapla, however, this vowel is occasionally
transcribed by η or ει: e.g., δελλιθανη ‫יתנִ י‬ ָ ‫‘ ִד ִּל‬You lifted me up’ (30:2) and
λδαυειδ ‫‘ ְל ָדוִ ד‬of David’ (30:1). [ē] is represented by η/e: e.g., ωζηρ ‫עֹזֵ ר‬
‘Help’ (30:11) and salem ‫‘ ָׁש ֵלם‬Salem’ (Gen 14:18). [ā] is reflected by α/a:
e.g., νιρα ‫‘ נִ ָירא‬we will fear’ (46:3) and massa ‫‘ ַמ ָּׂשא‬oracle of’ (Isa 19:1).
In the transcriptions, however, there is no means to express explicitly the
length of [ā]. All examples of [ā], therefore, are suggested, based on com-
parison with other vowels and considerations of comparative philology.
[ō] is usually represented by ω/o: e.g., βαρσωνω ‫‘ ִּב ְרצֹונֹו‬by His will’ (30:6)
and helion ‫‘ ֶע ְליֹון‬the Most High’ (Gen 14:19). [ū] is ordinarily indicated in
the Hexapla by ου: e.g., ιεεμου ‫‘ יֶ ֱהמּו‬they will rage’ (46:4). Yet, in some
cases, ω seems to be utilized for this purpose, too (see below). In the Latin
transcriptions, u is used: e.g., hu ‫‘ הּוא‬he’ (Isa 2:22).
Short [i] is usually represented by ε/e: e.g., εσθερθα ‫‘ ִה ְס ַּת ְר ָּת‬You hid’
(30:8) and uaiethen ‫‘ וַ ּיִ ֶּתן‬he gave’ (Gen 14:20). Under particular phonetic
conditions, however, ι/i is also used (see below). Short [a] is expressed by
α/a: e.g., αββαιθ ‫‘ ַה ַּביִ ת‬the house’ (30:1) and aadam ‫‘ ָה ָא ָדם‬the man’ (Isa
2:22). Short [u] is indicated by ο/o: e.g., βοκρ ‫‘ ּב ֶֹקר‬morning’ (46:6) and
hores ‫[ה]ח ֶֹרׁש‬ ַ ‘woods’ (Isa 17:9).
Anaptyctic vowels facilitate the pronunciation of consonant clusters. As
in Tiberian Hebrew, anaptyctic vowels are used in the vicinity of guttur-
als: e.g., εελιθ ‫ית‬ ָ ‫‘ ֶה ֱע ִל‬You brought up’ (30:4), ιεεμου ‫‘ יֶ ֱהמּו‬they will rage’
(46:4), and eebor ‫‘ ֶא ֱעבֹר‬I will pass’ (Amos 5:17). In the Secunda, they
occur within the word only when following [e]. Yet [a] is also employed to
split a final consonant cluster involving a guttural (see below): e.g., σααθ
‫‘ ָׁש ַחת‬pit’ (30:10). The furtive pataḥ, however, does not occur in the Hexa-
pla: e.g., λαμανασση ‫‘ ַל ְמנַ ֵּצ ַח‬for the leader’ (46:1).
In the Hexapla, anaptyctic vowels occasionally appear in non-guttural
environments: e.g., between the two dentals in εεμεδεθ ‫‘ ֶה ֱע ַמ ְד ָּת‬You estab-
lished’ (30:8) and βρεδεθι ‫‘ ְּב ִר ְד ִּתי‬by my descent’ (30:10).
In μσχνη ‫‘ ִמ ְׁש ְּכנֵ י‬dwelling-place of’ (46:5) and λφνωθ ‫‘ ִל ְפנֹות‬at the ap-
proach of’ (46:6), the first vowel is missing even though it occurs in a
closed syllable in Tiberian Hebrew. It is not indicated in transcription since
the vowel, perhaps, was ultra-short and not distinctive.
Second-person masc. sing. suffixes usually lack a final vowel (yet see
below): e.g., αφαχθ ‫‘ ָה ַפ ְכ ָּת‬You turned’ (30:12), εμεθθαχ ‫‘ ֲא ִמ ֶּתָך‬Your truth’
(30:10), ναθαθ ‫‘ נָ ַת ָּתה‬You gave’ (18:41), and carath ‫את‬ ָ ְ‫‘ [ו‬you called’
ָ ‫]ק ָר‬
(Jer 2:2).
Phonology
In the Hexapla the assimilation of *sd > [zd] is apparently reflected in
βεεζδαχ ‫‘ ְּב ַח ְס ֶּדָך‬in Your mercy’ (31:8). The reverse process, *zt > [st],
seems to occur in νεγρεσθι ‫‘ נִ גְ ַרזְ ִּתי‬I am cut off’ (31:23).
The devoicing of final *b > [p] is probably attested in netaph ‫‘ נִ ְת ָעב‬ab-
horred’ (Isa 14:19).
In a few cases, one finds a shift of *m > [n] in final position: e.g., θαμμιν
‫‘ ָּת ִמים‬perfect’ (18:31).
The semivowels [y, w] may be weakened in intervocalic position: e.g.,
ωεβη ‫אֹויְבי‬ ֵ ‘enemies’ (35:19) and αων ‫‘ ֲעֹון‬iniquity of’ (49:6); contrast, e.g.,
οϊεβαϊ ‫אֹויְבי‬ ַ ‘my enemies’ (18:38) and αυωναν ‫‘ ֲעֹונָ ם‬their iniquity’ (89:33).
There is a tendency for [ī] and [ū] to be lowered to [ē] and [ō], respec-
tively, in a final, open, unstressed syllable: e.g., δελλιθανη ‫יתנִ י‬ ָ ‫‘ ִד ִּל‬You lifted
me up’ (30:2) and ιαμουθω ‫‘ יָמּותּו‬they will die’ (49:11).
[e] occasionally shifts to [i] in the vicinity of a sibilant and is reflected
by ι/i: e.g., νισβαθ ‫‘ נִ ְׁש ַּב ְע ָּת‬You swore’ (89:50) and issa ‫‘ ִא ָּׁשה‬woman’
(Gen 2:23); contrast, e.g., εσθερθα ‫‘ ִה ְס ַּת ְר ָּת‬You hid’ (30:8) or mebbeth
‫‘ ִמ ֵּבית‬from Beth(-eden)’ (Amos 1:5). In this environment, [a] also tends to
change to [e] or [i]: e.g., μισβιθ ‫‘ ַמ ְׁש ִּבית‬He puts a stop’ (46:10) and selua
‫‘ ְׁש ֻל ָחה‬loose’ (Gen 49:21). The same shifts frequently occur following [y]:
e.g., βιεδ ‫‘ ְּביַ ד‬into the hand of’ (31:9) and ιγγιου ‫‘ יַ ּגִ יעּו‬they will reach’
(32:6) (see further Yuditsky 2013: 810).
Short vowels are relatively stable in the transcriptions; their loss is less
common than in other Hebrew traditions. Thus one finds pairs like βανη
‫‘ ְּבנֵ י‬sons of’ (18:46) vs. βνη ‫‘ ְּבנֵ י‬sons of’ (29:1), and οιβαυ ‫אֹויְביו‬
ָ ‘his ene-
mies’ (89:43) vs. οϊεβαϊ ‫אֹויְבי‬ ַ ‘my enemies’ (18:38) (see Yuditsky 2005).
In ουεθαζερηνι ‫‘ וַ ְּת ַאּזְ ֵרנִ י‬You girded me’ (30:12), λαμανασση ‫‘ ַל ְמנַ ֵּצ ַח‬for
the leader’ (46:1), and σαβαωθ ‫‘ ְצ ָבאֹות‬hosts’ (46:8), short vowels in open
syllables may, therefore, be interpreted as original. Jerome’s transcriptions
seem to represent a similar situation, usually displaying short vowels in all
positions: e.g., labana ‫‘ ְל ָבנָ ה‬moon’ (Isa 24:23) and hedalu ‫‘ ִח ְדלּו‬cease!’
(Isa 2:22) (see Harviainen 1984–86).
Apparently, the shift of *i/e > [a] in a stressed syllable, known as
“Philippi’s law,” did not take place in either the Secunda or Jerome’s
106 Chapter 8
transcriptions since short e is uniformly transcribed by ε and e: e.g., σεμεθ

‫‘ ִׂש ַּמ ְח ָּת‬You did (not) let rejoice’ (30:2) and geth ‫[ּב]גַ ת‬
ְ ‘wine-vat’ (Isa 63:2)
(see Bronno 1943: 17–18). Nor is the dissimilation of *a-a > [i-a], known
as the “law of attenuation,” attested in the Greek and Latin transcriptions:
e.g., μαφαλωθ ‫‘ ִמ ְפ ֲעלֹות‬deeds of’ (46:9), μαλαμωθ ‫‘ ִמ ְל ָחמֹות‬wars’ (46:10),
and mabsar ‫‘ ִמ ְב ָצר‬fortress’ (Jer 6:27) (see Harviainen 1977: 65, 82–83).
Morphology
Personal Pronouns. In the Greek and Latin transcriptions, one finds
the following personal pronouns: first-person sing. ουανι ‫‘ וַ ֲאנִ י‬and I’ (30:7)
and ανωχι ‫‘ ָאנ ִֹכי‬I’ (46:11); second-person masc. sing. αθθα ‫‘ ַא ָּתה‬You’
(18:28) and attha ‫‘ ַא ָּתה‬You’ (Ep 106, on Ps 63:2), but also ου αθ (sic)
‫‘ וְ ַא ָּתה‬and You’ (89:39) and ath ‫‘ ַא ָּתה‬You’ (Ep 106, on Ps 90:2); and third-
person masc. sing. ου ‫‘ הּוא‬He’ (18:31) and hu ‫‘ הּוא‬he’ (Isa 2:22).
Pronominal suffixes in the transcriptions are generally similar to Ti-
berian: e.g., ουεθαζερηνι ‫‘ וַ ְּת ַאּזְ ֵרנִ י‬You girded me’ (30:12) and νεφσι ‫נַ ְפ ִׁשי‬
‘my soul’ (30:4); gebulaich ‫בּוליִ ְך‬ ָ ְ‫‘ ּג‬your borders’ (Ezek 27:4); uaibarcheu
‫‘ וַ ָיְב ְר ֵכהּו‬and he blessed him’ (Gen 14:19) and βααφφω ‫‘ ְּב ַאּפֹו‬in His anger’
(30:6); βκερβα ‫‘ ְּב ִק ְר ָּבּה‬in its midst’ (46:6); εμμανου ‫‘ ִע ָּמנּו‬with us’ (46:12);
and ουεσιγημ ‫‘ וְ ַא ִּׂשיגֵ ם‬I will overtake them’ (18:38) and abotham ‫בֹותם‬ ָ ‫ֲא‬
‘their fathers’ (Isa 14:21).
The first-person sing. suffix occasionally exhibits -η or -ει as the final
vowel in the Secunda: e.g., δελλιθανη ‫יתנִ י‬ ָ ‫‘ ִד ִּל‬You lifted me up’ (30:2) and
σελει ‫‘ ַס ְל ִעי‬my Rock’ (31:4). See p. 104, above.
In the second-person masc. sing. suffixes, the final vowel is usually ab-
sent: e.g., ερωμεμεχ ‫רֹומ ְמָך‬ ִ ‫‘ ֲא‬I will extol You’ (30:2). The suffix -αχ/-ak
is added to both singular and plural nouns (contrast the object suffix -εχ
added to verbs): e.g., βαρσωναχ ‫‘ ִּב ְרצֹונְ ָך‬by Your will’ (30:8), εμεθθαχ ‫ֲא ִמ ֶּתָך‬
‘Your truth’ (30:10), φαναχ ‫‘ ָּפנֶ יָך‬Your face’ (30:8), and sarach ‫‘ ָצ ֶריָך‬your
enemies’ (Gen 14:20). In αϊωδεχχα ָ‫יֹודּך‬ ֶ ‫‘ ֲה‬can it praise You?’ (30:10) (Ti-
berian ‫יֹודָך‬ ֲ ιεσαχα ‫‘ יִ ְׁש ֶעָך‬Your salvation’ (18:36), and alechcha ‫ֶאל ִח ְּכָך‬
ְ ‫)ה‬,
‘to your mouth’ (Hos 8:1), final [a] is preserved.
The vowel ε/e is added before the second-person masc. pl. suffix -kem:
λεββαβεχεμ ‫‘ ְל ַב ְב ֶכם‬your heart’ (31:25) and melchechem ‫‘ ַמ ְל ְּכ ֶכם‬your king’
(Amos 5:26).
Non-Personal Pronouns. Other pronouns occurring in the transcrip-
tions are ζωθ ‫‘ זֹאת‬this’ (49:2), μα ‫‘ ָמה‬what?’ (89:47), ma ‫‘ ַמה‬what?’
(Amos 4:13), bamma ‫‘ ַב ֶּמה‬by what?’ (Isa 2:22), etc.; contrast μεββεσε
‫ה־ּב ַצע‬ ֶ ‫‘ ַמ‬what profit?’ (30:10).
Nouns. Only salient forms will be noted in this section.
qel/qēl (Tiberian ‫)קל‬: ֵ ηλ ‫‘ ֵאל‬God’ (29:3), lehel ‫‘ ְל ֵאל‬to God’ (Gen
14:18), etc. Suffixed and feminine forms occasionally preserve an initial
long or short vowel, as in νηρι ‫‘ נֵ ִרי‬my candle’ (18:29) or σεμω ‫‘ ְׁשמֹו‬His
name’ (29:2) and εμαθαχ ‫‘ ֲח ָמ ֶתָך‬Your wrath’ (89:47). The noun βγηουαθω
‫‘ ְּבגֵ וָ תֹו‬at its swelling’ (46:4) (Tiberian ‫)ּבגַ ֲאוָ תֹו‬ְ is apparently the feminine
pattern qēlat. Compare Jerome’s forms beth ‫‘ ַּבת‬daughter’ (Isa 10:30) and
geth ‫[ּב]גַ ת‬ ְ ‘wine-vat’ (Isa 63:2).
qall/qal (Tiberian ‫)קל‬: ַ αμ ‫‘ ַעם‬people’ (18:28), βααφφω ‫‘ ְּב ַאּפֹו‬in His an-
ger’ (30:6), etc. Some plural forms lack gemination (see p. 103): e.g., ιαμιμ
‫יַּמים‬ִ ‘seas’ (46:3). αϊιμ ‫‘ ַחּיִ ים‬life’ (30:6) belongs here, too.
qell/qel (Tiberian ‫)קל‬: ֵ βαες ‫‘ ָּב ֵאׁש‬in the fire’ (46:10), βλεβ ‫‘ ְּב ֵלב‬in the
heart of’ (46:3), and perhaps σεκκι ‫‘ ַׂש ִּקי‬my sackcloth’ (30:12). The dual
form (with pronominal suffix) is represented by σεννημω ‫‘ ִׁשּנֵ ימֹו‬their teeth’
(35:16).
qatl (Tiberian ‫)ק ֶטל‬: ֶ κασθ ‫‘ ֶק ֶׁשת‬bow’ (46:10), αβδω ‫‘ ַע ְבּדֹו‬His servant’
(35:27), etc. A feminine form qatla is attested: αρφαθ ‫‘ ֶח ְר ַּפת‬reproach of’
(89:51). In ‫ ע״י‬construct and suffixed forms, the diphthong *ay contracted
to ē: e.g., λβηθ ‫‘ ְל ֵבית‬to the house of’ (31:3), ηνι ‫‘ ֵעינִ י‬my eye’ (31:10),
etc. Independent forms are uncontracted: αββαιθ ‫‘ ַה ַּביִ ת‬the house’ (30:1)
and uaiain ‫‘ וָ יָ יִ ן‬and wine’ (Gen 14:18). The ‫ ע״ו‬pattern exhibits contracted
forms: αϊωμ ‫‘ ַהּיֹום‬the day’ (35:28) and μωθ ‫‘ מֹות‬death’ (49:15) (Tiberian
‫)מוֶ ת‬.ָ
qetl (Tiberian ‫ק ֶטל‬/‫ל‬
ֶ ‫)ק ֶט‬:ֵ εζρ ‫‘ ֵעזֶ ר‬help’ (46:2) (Tiberian ‫)עזְ ָרה‬
ֶ and βκερβα
‫‘ ְּב ִק ְר ָּבּה‬in its midst’ (46:6). Feminine qetla: σεμα ‫‘ ִׂש ְמ ָחה‬joy’ (30:12), etc.
Final weak forms include βεχι ‫‘ ֶּב ִכי‬weeping’ (30:6) and pheri ‫*ּפ ִרי‬ ְ ‘fruit’
(on Hos 14:3).
qotl (Tiberian ‫)ק ֶֹטל‬: βοκρ ‫‘ ּב ֶֹקר‬morning’ (46:6), κοδς ‫‘ ק ֶֹדׁש‬holy’ (46:5)
(Tiberian ‫)קד ֹׁש‬, ְ χοφρω ‫‘ ָּכ ְפרֹו‬his ransom’ (49:8), etc.
Segolates. In the Hexapla, singular segolates usually do not have an
anaptyctic vowel that dissolves the final consonant cluster, except in the
vicinity of gutturals: e.g., σααθ ‫‘ ָׁש ַחת‬pit’ (30:10), ρεγε ‫‘ ֶרגַ ע‬a moment’
(30:6), and μεββεσε ‫ה־ּב ַצע‬ ֶ ‫‘ ַמ‬what profit?’ (30:10). On the other hand, in
the Latin transcriptions, an anaptyctic vowel is usually attested: e.g., me-
lech ‫‘ ֶמ ֶלְך‬king of’ (Gen 14:18) and lehem ‫‘ ֶל ֶחם‬bread’ (Gen 14:18); note,
108 Chapter 8
however, iar ‫‘ יַ ַער‬forest’ (Hos 2:15) (see further Harviainen 1977: 92–94).
Plural forms of the segolates have two patterns: q(V)talīm/q(V)talōt, e.g.,
φλαγαυ ‫‘ ְּפ ָלגָ יו‬its streams’ (46:5) and acchumarim ‫‘ ַה ְּכ ָמ ִרים‬the priests’
(Zeph 1:4); and qVtlīm/qVtlōt, e.g., αλμωθ ‫‘ ַע ְלמֹות‬Alamoth’ (46:1) (Tibe-
rian ‫)ע ָלמֹות‬. ֲ In the transcriptions, qVtlīm/qVtlōt nouns are more common
than in Tiberian Hebrew: see εσδαχ ‫‘ ִח ְס ֶּדיָך‬Your mercies’ (89:50) (Τiberian
ֲ αβδαχ ‫‘ ַע ְב ֶּדיָך‬Your servants’ (89:51) (Tiberian ‫)ע ָב ֶדיָך‬,
‫)ח ָס ֶדיָך‬, ֲ and arsoth
‫]ח ְרצֹות‬ ַ ‘sledges’ (Amos 1:3) (Tiberian ‫]ח ֻרצֹות‬
ַ ‫[ּב‬ ַ (see Yuditsky 2007:
ֲ ‫)[ּב‬
304–7).
qatal (Tiberian ‫)ק ָטל‬: ָ αφαρ ‫‘ ָע ָפר‬dust’ (30:10), νααρ ‫‘ נָ ָהר‬river’ (46:5),
and probably λααραρι ‫‘ ַל ֲה ָר ִרי‬my mountain’ (30:8) (Tiberian ‫)ל ַה ְר ִרי‬. ְ Plurals
are σαβαωθ ‫‘ ְצ ָבאֹות‬hosts’ (46:8), νακαμωθ ‫‘ נְ ָקמֹות‬vengeance’ (18:48), etc.
Jerome has aadam ‫‘ ָה ָא ָדם‬the man’ (Isa 2:22) and feminine nesama ‫נְ ָׁש ָמה‬
‘breath’ (Isa 2:22). Hexaplaric κασε ‫‘ ְק ֵצה‬end of’ (46:10) is a final weak
form; its final short e is puzzling, since a long vowel is expected in the
construct state.
qetet (Tiberian ‫)ק ֶטת‬: ֱ ημεθ ‫‘ ֱא ֶמת‬truth’ (31:6) and εμεθθαχ ‫‘ ֲא ִמ ֶּתָך‬Your
truth’ (30:10). ημεθ presumably developed as follows: *ʾemet > ʾēmet. The
absolute form ημεθ has a long ē, whereas in εμεθθαχ its initial vowel is
short.
qetūl (Tiberian ‫)קטּול‬: ְ γεδουδ ‫‘ ּגְ דּוד‬troop’ (18:30), εμουνιμ ‫‘ ֱאמּונִ ים‬faith-
ful’ (31:24), and gebul ‫‘ *ּגְ בּול‬border’ (on Obad 20). The corresponding
feminine form is qetūla (MT ‫עּולה‬ ְ βαεμουναθι ‫‘ ֶּב ֱאמּונָ ִתי‬in My faith-
ָ ‫(ּפ‬:
fulness’ (89:34) and emuna ‫]אמּונָ ה‬ ֶ ‘faith’ (Jer 5:3). This vowel pattern
ֱ ‫[ל‬
has, perhaps, developed by dissimilation *u-ū > [i-ū] (see Yuditsky 2005:
130–32).
qottela (Tiberian ‫)ק ֻט ָּלה‬: ְ The noun οννεχαθ ‫‘ ָחּנְ ַכת‬dedication of’ (30:1)
(Tiberian ‫)חנֻ ַּכת‬ ֲ presumably illustrates a related dissimilation: *u-u > [u-i]
(> [o-e]).
qolqol (Tiberian ‫ק ְלקֹל‬/‫ל‬ ַ Jerome has the reduplicated nouns bocboc
ַ ‫)ק ְל ֻק‬:
‫‘ ַב ְק ֻּבק‬bottle of’ (Jer 19:1) and chodchod ‫‘ ַּכ ְדכֹד‬ruby’ (Isa 54:12, taken
from Aquila’s χοδχοδ(.
qartol (Tiberian ‫)ק ְר ָטל‬: ִ sarphod ‫‘ ַס ְרּפֹד‬brier’ (Isa 55:13) (Tiberian
‫]ּס ְר ָּפד‬
ִ ‫)[ה‬.
ַ
qittol (with infixed -t-) (Tiberian ‫)ק ְטּתֹל‬: ַ sinthoroth ‫‘ ַצנְ ְּתרֹות‬spouts of’
(Zech 4:12).
maqtal (Tiberian ‫)מ ְק ָטל‬: ִ μαβσαραυ ‫‘ ִמ ְב ָצ ָריו‬his fortresses’ (89:41),

μαφαλωθ ‫‘ ִמ ְפ ֲעלֹות‬deeds of’ (46:9), machthab ‫‘ ִמ ְכ ָּתב‬writing’ (Isa 38:9),
and probably μσχνη ‫‘ ִמ ְׁש ְּכנֵ י‬dwelling-place of’ (46:5). Since attenuation
is not reflected in the transcriptions, the prefix *ma- occurs unchanged. In
μισγαβ ‫‘ ִמ ְׁשּגָ ב‬high tower’ (46:8), the shift of *ma- > mi- occurred because
of the adjacent sibilant (see p. 105). Among final weak roots, note μασε
‫‘ ַמ ֲח ֶסה‬refuge’ (46:2).
meqella (Tiberian ‫)מ ִק ָּלה‬:
ְ In μεεθθα ‫‘ ְמ ִח ָּתה‬ruin’ (89:41) and megella
‫‘ ְמגִ ָּלה‬scroll’ (Zech 5:1), the first short vowel has not been reduced.
qatlān (Tiberian ‫)ק ְט ָלן‬:
ִ anian ‫‘ ִענְ יָ ן‬task’ (Qoh 1:13) exhibits no attenu-
ation.
Personal Names. In addition to the form λδαυειδ ‫‘ ְל ָדוִ ד‬of David’
(30:1) (see above), of interest is ιακωβ ‫‘ יַ ֲעקֹב‬Jacob’ (46:8). The name has
a long ō, since it was perceived as a noun, not as a verb.
Verbs
Strong Roots. Verbal affixes in the transcriptions are similar to the
corresponding affixes of other traditions.
Perfect Singular Plural Imperfect Singular Plural

-θι -νου ε-/α- νε-/ν-
1 1
–thi -nu e-
-θα/-θ θε-/θ- θ- -ου
2 masc. 2 masc.
-th -them tha- -u
2 fem.
-thi
— -ου ιε-/ι- ιε- -ου/ι- -ου
3 masc. 3 masc.
-u ie-/i- ie- -u
-α θε-/θ-
3 fem. 3 fem.
-a the-
In the qal perfect of active verbs, the basic vowel pattern is qatal (Ti-
berian ‫)ק ַטל‬:
ָ e.g., ναθαν ‫‘ נָ ַתן‬He gave’ (46:7), αμαρθι ‫‘ ָא ַמ ְר ִּתי‬I said’ (30:7),
and abarthi ‫‘ ָע ַב ְר ִּתי‬I passed over’ (Hos 10:11). Some stative verbs show
qatel (Tiberian ‫)ק ֵטל‬: ָ e.g., σανηθι ‫אתי‬
ִ ֵ‫‘ ָׂשנ‬I hated’ (31:7) and chaesu ‫*ּכ ֵחׁשּו‬
ָ
‘they deceived’ (on Zech 13:4).
110 Chapter 8
The final vowel in the second-person masc. sing. perfect suffix -t is usu-
ally missing, as in the case of the corresponding pronominal suffix -k: e.g.,
ναθαθ ‫‘ נָ ַת ָּתה‬You gave’ (18:41) and αφαχθ ‫‘ ָה ַפ ְכ ָּת‬You turned’ (30:12). In
a few cases, though, it has been preserved: e.g., σαφανθα ‫‘ ָצ ַפנְ ָּת‬You hid’
(31:20).
In the imperfect, one finds three patterns: yeqtol (Tiberian ‫)יִ ְקטֹל‬, e.g.,
ερδοφ ‫‘ ֶא ְרּדֹוף‬I will pursue’ (18:38) and eebor ‫‘ ֶא ֱעבֹר‬I will pass’ (Amos
5:17); yeqtal (Tiberian ‫( )יִ ְק ַטל‬in stative verbs or verbs containing a gut-
tural), e.g., εφθα ‫‘ ֶא ְפ ַּתח‬I will open’ (49:6) and iethmau ‫‘ יִ ְת ָמהּו‬they will
wonder’ (Jer 4:9); and perhaps yaqtel (Tiberian ‫ )יַ ְק ֵטל‬in ουαϊαλεζ ‫‘ וַ ּיַ ְע ֵלז‬it
was exalted’ (28:7) (Tiberian ‫)וַ ּיַ ֲעֹלז‬.
Frequently, the thematic vowel is not reduced in the transcriptions even
in open unstressed syllables: e.g., ιερασου ‫‘ יִ ְר ֲעׁשּו‬they will shake’ (46:4)
and iezbuleni ‫‘ יִ זְ ְּב ֵלנִ י‬he will exalt me’ (Gen 30:20). Forms with a reduced
thematic vowel are, however, also found: e.g., ιεμρου ‫‘ יֶ ְח ְמרּו‬they will
foam’ (46:4). The anaptyctic vowel e is apparently inserted in ϊκερσου
‫‘ יִ ְק ְרצּו‬they will wink’ (35:19).
Qal imperatives belong to both the qtol (Tiberian ‫)קטֹל‬ ְ and qtal (Tibe-
rian ‫)ק ַטל‬ ְ patterns: e.g., ζχορ ‫‘ זְ ָכר־‬remember!’ (89:48) and σμα ‫‘ ְׁש ַמע‬lis-
ten!’ (30:11). In some forms, the first vowel is not reduced: e.g., λοομ ‫ְלחֹם‬
‘fight!’ (35:1) (Tiberian ‫)ל ַחם‬ ְ and hedalu ‫‘ ִח ְדלּו‬cease!’ (Isa 2:22). These
forms suggest that the underlying imperative had the form *qVtVl.
Qal active participles of both patterns, qōtēl (Tiberian ‫ )ק ֵֹטל‬and qatēl
(Tiberian ‫)ק ֵטל‬, ָ are attested in the Hexapla and Jerome: e.g., ωζηρ ‫עֹזֵ ר‬
‘Help’ (30:11), λσαχηναυ ‫‘ ִל ְׁש ֵכנָ יו‬for his neighbors’ (89:42), and cohen
‫‘ כ ֵֹהן‬priest of’ (Gen 14:18). The noun ‫אויב‬, originally an active participle,
behaves idiosyncratically and retains the second vowel, though it short-
ens the first: e.g., ωιηβ ‫‘ אֹויֵב‬enemy’ (31:8) and οϊεβαϊ ‫אֹויְבי‬ ַ ‘my enemies’
(18:38); compare also οϊεββαϊ ‫‘ א ַֹיְבי‬my enemies’ (30:2) and οιβαυ ‫אֹויְביו‬ ָ
‘his enemies’ (89:43).
Qal passive participles have the pattern qatūl (Tiberian ‫)קטּול‬: ָ e.g.,
βαρουχ ‫‘ ָּברּוְך‬blessed’ (31:22) and baruch ‫‘ ָּברּוְך‬blessed’)Gen 14:19).
The qal infinitive absolute is represented by qatōl (Tiberian ‫)קטֹול‬: ָ e.g.,
αρωκ ‫‘ ָחר ֹק‬gnashing (35:16). The form of the non-suffixed infinitive con-
struct is laqtōl (Tiberian ‫)ל ְקטֹל‬: ִ e.g., λαβλωμ ‫‘ ִל ְבלֹום‬to curb’ (32:9). The
pattern of the suffixed infinitive is apparently identical to that of segolate
nouns: e.g., βααφζι ‫‘ ְב ַח ְפזִ י‬in my haste’ (31:23) (Tiberian ‫)ב ָח ְפזִ י‬ ְ and βρεδεθι
‫‘ ְּב ִר ְד ִּתי‬by my descent’ (30:10).
The regular pattern of the niphal perfect and participle is neqtal (Tibe-
rian perfect ‫ ;נִ ְק ַטל‬participle ‫)נִ ְק ָטל‬: e.g., νεμσαλ ‫‘ נִ ְמ ַׁשל‬likened’ (49:13),
νεβαλ ‫‘ נִ ְב ָהל‬terrified’ (30:8), and nesab ‫‘ נֶ ְח ָׁשב‬accounted’ (Isa 2:22). Je-
rome also has forms like naalma ‫‘ [וְ ]נֶ ֶע ְל ָמה‬it is hid’ (Job 28:21), with a in
the first syllable.
Piel perfects regularly take the form qettel (Tiberian ‫ק ַּטל‬/‫ל‬ ִ e.g.,
ִ ‫)ק ֵּט‬:
ελλελθ ‫‘ ִח ַּל ְל ָּת‬You profaned’ (89:40). The vocalization of maggen ‫‘ ִמּגֵ ן‬He
delivered’ (Gen 14:20) is, therefore, puzzling. In forms with a second gut-
tural, the first vowel is lengthened: e.g., μνηερθ (sic) ‫‘ נֵ ַא ְר ָּתה‬You abhorred’
(89:40). At times, the second consonant is not represented as geminate (see
p. 103, above): e.g., φεθεθα ‫‘ ִּפ ַּת ְח ָּת‬You opened’ (30:12) and σεμεθ ‫ִׂש ַּמ ְח ָּת‬
‘You did (not) let rejoice’ (30:2).
Piel imperfects take the form yeqattel (Tiberian ‫)יְ ַק ֵּטל‬: e.g., εδαλλεγ
‫‘ ֲא ַד ֶּלג‬I can scale’ (18:30). In the third-person masc. sing., the prefix vowel
is [i] in the vicinity of the high prefix consonant (Tiberian - ְ‫ )י‬as in the re-
alization of Tiberian Hebrew (but contrast p. 103, above): e.g., ιζαμμερεχ
‫‘ יְ זַ ֶּמ ְרָך‬it will sing for You’ (30:13) and uaibarcheu ‫‘ וַ ָיְב ְר ֵכהּו‬he blessed him’
(Gen 14:19). Occasionally, e has not been reduced in a pretonic syllable:
e.g., ουεθαζερηνι ‫‘ וַ ְּת ַאּזְ ֵרנִ י‬You girded me’ (30:12).
The piel participle is represented by maqattēl (Tiberian ‫)מ ַק ֵּטל‬: ְ e.g.,
λαμανασση ‫‘ ַל ְמנַ ֵּצ ַח‬for the leader’ (46:1) and maphate ‫(‘ ְמ ַפ ֵּת ַח‬I am about
to) engrave’ (Zech 3:9).
The uninflected piel imperative is qettel (Tiberian ‫)ק ֵּטל‬: ַ e.g., φελλετηνι
‫‘ ַּפ ְּל ֵטנִ י‬rescue me!’ (31:2) and heieu ‫‘ ַחּיֵ יהּו‬revive him!’ (Hab 3:2). The first
vowel, e, seems to have developed on analogy to the piel perfect. That
vowel, however, appears as a preceding a guttural or r: e.g., ουβαρεχ ‫ּוב ֵרְך‬ ָ
‘and bless!’ (28:9); but see also ζαμμερου ‫‘ זַ ְּמרּו‬sing!’ (masc. pl.) (30:5).
Hithpael perfects have the pattern hetqattal (Tiberian ‫ה ְת ַק ֵּטל‬, ִ less fre-
quently ‫)ה ְת ַק ַּטל‬: ִ e.g., εθαλλαχθι ‫‘ ִה ְת ַה ָּל ְכ ִּתי‬I walked’ (35:14). In the imper-
fect, the form is yetqattal: e.g., εθανναν ‫‘ ֶא ְת ַחּנָ ן‬I will appeal’ (30:9).
The basic hiphil perfect form is heqtīl (Tiberian ‫)ה ְק ִטיל‬: ִ e.g., εριμ ‫ִה ְר ִעים‬
‘he thundered’ (29:3). With consonant-initial inflectional suffixes, it is heq-
tel: e.g., εσθερθα ‫‘ ִה ְס ַּת ְר ָּת‬You hid’ (30:8) and εεμεδεθ ‫‘ ֶה ֱע ַמ ְד ָּת‬You estab-
lished’ (30:8).
112 Chapter 8
The hiphil imperfect is yeqtīl (Tiberian ‫)יַ ְק ִטיל‬: e.g., θεριβ ‫‘ ַּת ְר ִחיב‬You
will enlarge’ (18:37) and iesphicu ‫‘ יַ ְׂש ִּפיקּו‬they please’ (Isa 2:6). Like the
piel imperative, the prefix vowel e may be analogical to the perfect. The
vowel a in αρφου ‫‘ ַה ְרּפּו‬desist!’ (masc. pl.) (46:11) seems to have devel-
oped under the influence of r.
The hiphil active participle is maqtīl (Tiberian ‫)מ ְפ ִעיל‬: ַ e.g., –μαγδιλιμ
‫]ּמגְ ִּד ִילים‬
ַ ‫[ה‬ַ ‘those who magnify’ (35:26) and masmim ‫‘ ַמ ְש ִמים‬appalled’
(Ezek 3:15). The first vowel of μισβιθ ‫‘ ַמ ְׁש ִּבית‬He puts a stop’ (46:10)
may have arisen under the influence of the adjacent sibilant. See p. 105,
above.
The form of the hiphil imperative and infinitive absolute is heqtel (Ti-
berian ‫)ה ְפ ֵעל‬: ַ e.g., ουερνινου ‫‘ וְ ַה ְרנִ ינּו‬rejoice!’ (masc. pl.) (32:11) and esne
‫‘ ַה ְצנֵ ַע‬humbly’ (Mic 6:8). Like the imperfect, the prefix vowel may be
analogical to the hiphil perfect.
Contrary to previous analyses, ιοβαδου ‫‘ יָ ְא ָּבדּו‬they will perish’ (49:11)
(Tiberian ‫אבדּו‬ ֵ ֹ ‫ )י‬should not be considered a qal imperfect, but rather a ho-
phal (see Yuditsky 2008: 239).
Defective Patterns. In qal imperfect forms of ‫ פ״נ‬roots, *n assimilated
to the following consonant. The resulting gemination is usually represented
in transcription: e.g., ουθεθθεν ‫‘ וַ ִּת ֶּתן‬You gave’ (18:36) and thephphol
‫]ּתּפֹל‬ ִ ַ‫‘ [ו‬it fell’ (Ezek 8:1); contrast uaiethen ‫‘ וַ ּיִ ֶּתן‬he gave’ (Gen 14:20), etc.
In some ‫ פ״א‬qal verbs, the first consonant *ʾ has virtually disappeared.
By most accounts, the first syllable of underlying *yaʾtul was replaced by
*yā- and later shifted to yō- or yô- (extra-long vowel). In the transcriptions,
this pattern can be seen in examples of the verb ‫אמ״ר‬: e.g., ιωμρου ‫אמרּו‬ ְ ֹ‫י‬
‘they will say’ (35:25) and uaiomer ‫אמר‬ ַ ֹ ‫‘ וַ ּי‬he said’ (Gen 14:19).
In ‫ פ״י‬verbs, the qal imperfect has three forms: yītal, e.g., νιρα ‫‘ נִ ָירא‬we
will fear’ (46:3); yētēl, e.g., iered ‫‘ [וַ ]ּיֵ ֶרד‬he went down’ (Jonah 1:3); and,
for ‫יכ״ל‬, yūtal, e.g., ιουχαλευ ‫‘ יֻ ְכלּו‬they can’ (18:39).
In the qal imperative and infinitive, the first consonant is absent: e.g.,
βρεδεθι ‫‘ ְּב ִר ְד ִּתי‬by my descent’ (30:10), ουαδου ‫‘ ְּודעּו‬know!’ (masc. pl.)
(46:11), and dou ‫*ּדעּו‬ ְ ‘know!’ (masc. pl.) (on Isa 8:9). The imperfect and
imperative forms of ‫ הל״ך‬are θηληχ ‫‘ ֵת ֵלְך‬you go’ (32:8) and λχου ‫‘ ְלכּו‬go!’
(masc. pl.) (46:9).
In the ‫ פ״י‬hiphil, the prefix is ō (or, perhaps, extra-long ô): e.g., αϊωδεχχα
ֶ ‫‘ ֲה‬can it praise You?’ (30:10) (Tiberian ‫יֹודָך‬
ָ‫יֹודּך‬ ֲ ουωδου ‫‘ וְ הֹודּו‬and
ְ ‫)ה‬,
praise!’ (masc. pl.) (30:5), and hosi ‫הֹוציא‬ ִ ‘he brought out’ (Gen 14:18).
The transcription θοωσιηνι ‫יאנִ י‬ ִ ‘You will bring me out’ (31:5) may tes-
ֵ ‫ּתֹוצ‬
tify to the splitting of ô in the prefix into two syllables.
The qal middle weak perfect paradigm is essentially similar to other
Hebrew traditions: e.g., σαμ ‫‘ ָׂשם‬He put’ (46:9) and ματου ‫‘ ָמטּו‬they fell’
(46:7). In the imperfect, there are three patterns: yaqūl, e.g., αρουμ ‫‘ ָארּום‬I
will be exalted’ (46:11); yaqīl, e.g., ιαλιν ‫‘ יָ ִלין‬he will lie down’ (30:6) and
thalinu ‫‘ ָּת ִלינּו‬you will lodge’ (Isa 21:13); and yēqōl, e.g., ηβωσα ‫בֹוׁשה‬ ָ ‫ֵא‬
‘I will be ashamed’ (31:2). The verb θαμωγ ‫‘ ָּתמּוג‬it will dissolve’ (46:7)
seems to be a yaqūl form. Middle weak imperatives have two forms: qūl,
e.g., ουκουμ ‫‘ וְ קּום‬stand up!’ (35:2) (Tiberian ‫קּומה‬ ָ ְ‫ ;)ו‬and qīl, e.g., ουγιλου
‫‘ וְ גִ ילּו‬and rejoice!’ (masc. pl.) (32:11). Infinitives exhibit qūl and qōl pat
terns: e.g., κουμ ‫‘ קּום‬to stand up’ (18:39) and ουβαμωτ ‫ּובמֹוט‬ ְ ‘when (they)
fall’ (46:3). There are no examples of ‫ ע״י‬infinitives in the transcriptions.
‫ ע״ו‬niphal imperfect forms have two patterns: yeqqol, e.g., ιεχχον ‫‘ יִ ּכֹון‬it
will be established’ (89:38); and yeqqal, e.g., εμματ (sic) ‫‘ ֶא ַּמט‬I will fall’
(30:7) (Tiberian ‫)אּמֹוט‬. ֶ Both patterns apparently have short vowels.
The ‫ ע״ו‬piel imperfect is yeqōlel: e.g., ερωμεμεχ ‫רֹומ ְמָך‬ ִ ‫‘ ֲא‬I will extol
You’ (30:2).
Most ‫ ע״ו‬hiphil forms have a paradigm that is predictable based on other
Hebrew traditions: e.g., imperfect θασιβ ‫‘ ָּת ִׁשיב‬You turned back’ (89:44),
imperative ασιβα ‫‘ ָה ִׁש ָיבה‬turn back!’ (35:17), and infinitive construct
βααμιρ ‫‘ ְּב ָה ִמיר‬when (it) reels’ (46:3).
In the suffixed forms of the ‫ ע״ע‬qal perfect, the second consonant is
geminated, as expected: e.g., δαμμου ‫‘ ָדּמּו‬they ceased’ (35:15) and calloth
ָ ‫‘ ַק‬you became worthless’ (Nah 1:14). In the imperfect, non-suffixed
‫ּלֹות‬
verbs have the form yaqol: e.g., ιαδομ ‫‘ יָ ד ֹם‬it will be silent’ (30:13) (Tibe-
rian ‫)יִ ּד ֹם‬. In suffixed forms, it is yaqoll-: e.g., ιαροννου ‫‘ יָ ר ֹּנּו‬they will sing’
(35:27). The same is true of the participle: qal, e.g., αϊ ‫‘ ַחי‬alive’ (18:47);
and qall-, e.g., ραββιμ ‫‘ ַר ִּבים‬many’ (32:10). In βσαρωθ ‫‘ ְב ָצרֹות‬in troubles’
(46:2) and sarach ‫‘ ָצ ֶריָך‬your enemies’ (Gen 14:20), [r] is not geminated.
In ‫ ע״ע‬qal imperatives, two patterns occur when affixed: geminated, e.g.,
ουαννηνι ‫‘ וְ ָחּנֵ נִ י‬have mercy on me!’ (30:11); and non-geminated, e.g.,
ονηνι ‫‘ ָחּנֵ נִ י‬have mercy on me!’ (31:10).
In ‫ ל״א‬forms, syllable-closing *ʾ has quiesced. As a result, the preced-
ing vowel lengthened: e.g., σανηθι ‫אתי‬ ִ ֵ‫‘ ָׂשנ‬I hated’ (31:7). It should be
assumed, therefore, that in εκρα ‫‘ ֶא ְק ָרא‬I will call’ (30:9) and νεμσα ‫נִ ְמ ָצא‬
‘we will find’ (46:2), the final vowel is long.
114 Chapter 8
Examples of the qal perfect of ‫ ל״ה‬include: αμου ‫‘ ָהמּו‬they raged’ (46:7),

anatha ‫‘ ָענְ ָתה‬she responded’ (Hos 2:17), αϊθι ‫יתי‬ ִ ִ‫‘ ָהי‬I was’ (30:8), and
canithi ‫יתי‬ ִ ִ‫‘ ָקנ‬I got’ (Gen 4:1). Imperfect qal forms end in short e: e.g., ιειε
‫‘ יִ ְהיֶ ה‬it will be’ (89:37). The imperative has a final long vowel: e.g., αϊη ‫ֱהיֵ ה‬
‘be!’ (30:11). The first vowel is either a or e: e.g., εζου ‫‘ ֲחזּו‬see!’ (masc. pl.)
(46:9) and rau ‫‘ ְראּו‬see!’ (masc. pl.) (Hab 1:5). The infinitive absolute is
φαδω ‫‘ ָפד ֹה‬redeeming’ (49:8). The infinitive construct is βααλωθαμ ‫לֹותם‬ ָ ‫ַּב ֲח‬
‘when they were sick’ (35:13).
In the piel and hiphil perfect, ī or ē may precede the inflectional suffix:
e.g., εννηθι ‫יתי‬ ִ ֵ‫‘ ִעּנ‬I afflicted’ (35:13), δελλιθανη ‫יתנִ י‬ ָ ‫‘ ִד ִּל‬You lifted me up’
(30:2), εετηθ ‫ית‬ ָ ‫‘ ֶה ֱע ִט‬You covered’ (89:46), and εελιθ ‫ית‬ ָ ‫‘ ֶה ֱע ִל‬You brought
up’ (30:4). In ϊθανι ‫יתנִ י‬ ַ ִ‫‘ ִחּי‬You kept me alive’ (30:4), the entire cluster
[ḥiyyī-] is represented by ϊ.
‫ ל״ה‬hiphil imperfect forms have a final short e: e.g., αττε ‫‘ ַא ֶּטה‬I will
incline’ (49:5); see also αϊωδεχχα ָ‫יֹודּך‬ ֶ ‫‘ ֲה‬can it praise You?’ (30:10) (Ti-
berian ‫יֹודָך‬ ְ ‫)ה‬.
ֲ
The ‫ ל״ה‬hiphil imperative is regular. In the Hexapla, the masc. sing.
form, εττη ‫‘ ַה ֵּטה‬incline!’ (31:3), has a long final ē. An example of the
masc. plural is ουωδου ‫‘ וְ הֹודּו‬and praise!’ (30:5).
Relative, Adverbs, and Particles. Unlike Tiberian Hebrew, the rela-
tive in the transcriptions is εσερ ‫‘ ֲא ֶׁשר‬that’ (46:9) and eser ‫‘ ֲא ֶׁשר‬that’ (Isa
2:22). Both vowels are short.
χεν ‫‘ ֵּכן‬thus’ (46:3) represents a short [e].
The etymologically obscure word ‫‘ ֶס ָלה‬sela’ is represented in two ways:
σελ (46:4, etc.), and σελα (32:7) or sela (Hab 3:3). Like the second-person
masc. sing. perfect suffix, the final vowel is usually not represented.
Prepositions, the Conjunction, and the Article. Monoconsonantal
prepositions commonly carry no vowel: e.g., βσαλουι ‫‘ ְּב ַׁש ְלוִ י‬in my qui-
etude’ (30:7), χφαρδ ‫‘ ְּכ ֶפ ֶרד‬like a mule’ (32:9), and λμαωλ ‫‘ ְל ָמחֹול‬into danc-
ing’ (30:12), etc. Sometimes, however, a vowel occurs (most commonly
a): e.g., βαρσωνω ‫‘ ִּב ְרצֹונֹו‬by His will’ (30:6), λαμαν ‫‘ ְל ַמ ַען‬to’ (30:13), and
baaphpho ‫‘ ְּב ַאּפֹו‬in His anger’ (Isa 2:22). Transcriptions without gemina-
tion, such as βασωμ ‫‘ ְבצֹום‬by fasting’ (35:13) (Tiberian ‫)בּצֹום‬, ַ are best
treated as indefinite, since the gemination of the article -‫ ה‬is regularly ex-
pressed in the Hexapla (see below).
As an independent preposition, ‫ ִמן‬is transcribed as men ‘from’ (Isa
2:22). When cliticized, it is usually transcribed as με- with following gemi-
nation: e.g., μεσσωηεμ ‫יהם‬ ֶ ‫‘ ִמּׁש ֵֹא‬from their attacks’ (35:17) and mecchol
‫‘ ִמּכֹל‬of all’ (Gen 14:20).
The conjunction -‫ ו‬is normally transcribed as ου and u: e.g., ουλω ‫וְ לֹא‬
‘and not’ (30:13), ουνεσσημ ‫‘ וְ נַ ְּׂש ֵאם‬and carry them!’ (28:9), and ulo ‫וְ לֹא‬
‘and not’ (Zech 14:17). In a few cases, however, another vowel follows:
e.g., ουεθαζερηνι ‫‘ וַ ְּת ַאּזְ ֵרנִ י‬You girded me’ (30:12), ουαδου ‫‘ ְּודעּו‬and know!’
(masc. pl.) (46:11), uaiain ‫‘ וָ יָ יִ ן‬and wine’ (Gen 14:18), and uaiomer ‫אמר‬ ַ ֹ ‫וַ ּי‬
‘and he said’ (Gen 14:19). Apparently, as in the oral tradition of Samari-
tan Hebrew, there is no formal distinction between a simple waw and the
“consecutive” waw: see ουϊαρουμ ‫‘ וְ יָ רּום‬He is exalted’ (18:47) and ουϊεθθεν
‫‘ וַ ּיִ ֶּתן‬He gave’ (18:33).
The vowel of the definite article and the immediately following gemi-
nation are represented in the Hexapla: e.g., αββαιθ ‫‘ ַה ַּביִ ת‬the house’ (30:1)
and ασσωμριμ ‫‘ ַהּׁש ְֹמ ִרים‬the guards’ (31:7). In Jerome, this gemination is
occasionally not indicated: e.g., adagim ‫‘ ַה ָּדגִ ים‬the fishes’ (Zeph 1:10). See
p. 103, above.
Bibliography
Brønno, Einar
1943 Studien über hebräische Morphologie und Vokalismus auf Grundlage der
mercatischen Fragmente der zweiten Kolumne der Hexapla des Origines.
Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 28. Leipzig: Brockhaus.
1970 Die Aussprache der hebräischen Laryngale nach Zeugnissen des Hiero-
nymus. Aarhus: Universitetsvorglet.
Emerton, John A.
1971 The Further Consideration of the Purpose of the Second Column of the
Hexapla. Journal of Theological Studies 22: 15–28.
Field, Frederick
1875 Origenis Hexaplorum quae supersunt. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon.
Harviainen, Tapani
1977 On the Vocalism of the Closed Unstressed Syllables in Hebrew. Studia Ori-
entalia 48. Helsinki: Finnish Oriental Society.
1984–86 On Vowel Reduction in Hebrew. Orientalia Suecana 33–35: 167–74.
Hatch, Edwin, and Redpath, Henry A.
1906 A Concordance to the Septuagint and the Other Greek Versions of the Old
Testament, vol. 3: Supplement. Oxford: Clarendon.
Janssens, Gerard
1982 Studies in Hebrew Historical Linguistics Based on Origen’s Secunda. Orien-
talia Gandensia 9. Leuven: Peeters.
1965 Contemporary Studies in North-Western Semitic. Journal of Semitic Studies
10: 21–51.
116 Chapter 8
Margolis, Max L.
1909 The Pronunciation of the Shewa according to New Hexaplaric Material.
American Journal of Semitic Languages 26: 62–70.
Mercati, Giovanni
1958 Psalterii Hexapli Reliquiae. Vatican: Biblioteca Vaticana.
1965 Psalterii Hexapli Reliquiae, Osservazioni: Commento critico al testo dei
frammenti esaplari. Vatican: Biblioteca Vaticana.
Penna, Alessandro
1978 Scrittura e pronunzia dell’ebraico secondo S. Girolamo. Rivista Biblica Ita
liana 26: 275–99.
Siegfried, Carl
1884 Die Aussprache des Hebräischen bei Hieronymus. Zeitschrift für die alttesta-
mentliche Wissenschaft 4: 34–83.
Speiser, Ephraim A.
1934–35 The Pronunciation of Hebrew according to the Transliterations of Hexapla.
Jewish Quarterly Review 24: 9–46.
Sperber, Alexander
1937–38 Hebrew Based upon Greek and Latin Transliterations. Hebrew Union Col-
lege Annual 12–13: 103–274.
Yuditsky, Alexey
2005 ‫[ התנועות החטופות בתעתיקי הטור השני של המשושה‬Reduced Vowels in the
Transcriptions from Hebrew in the Hexapla]. Leshonenu 67: 121–41.
2007 ‫[ דקדוק העברית של תעתיקי אוריגנס‬The Grammar of the Hebrew of Origen’s
Transliterations]. Ph.D. dissertation. Ben-Gurion University of the Negev.
2008 The Weak Consonants in the Language of the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the
Hexapla Transliterations. Pp. 233–39 in Conservatism and Innovation in the
Hebrew Language of the Hellenistic Period: Proceedings of a Fourth Inter-
national Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Sira,
ed. Jan Joosten and Jean-Sébastien Rey. Studies on the Texts of the Desert of
Judah 73. Leiden: Brill.
2013 Transcription of Biblical Hebrew into Greek and Latin Script in Pre-Masoretic
Period. Pp. 803–22 in vol. 3 of Encyclopedia of Hebrew Language and Lin-
guistics, ed. Geoffrey Khan. Leiden: Brill.
Chapter 9
Samaritan Tradition
M oshe F lorentin

The Samaritans are an ancient ethno-religious group closely related to
Judaism. Yet, they do not regard themselves as a Jewish sect, nor does the
Rabbinic establishment regard them as such. Nowadays, the Samaritans
number about 800. They live in Israel and Palestine, some in a separate
neighborhood in Holon, near Tel-Aviv, and others on Mount Gerizim, near
Nablus. Their present-day vernaculars are Hebrew and Arabic, but in their
liturgical service they still maintain their ancient recitation of Hebrew and
Aramaic. This old tradition of reciting their version of the Pentateuch and
their liturgical pieces was never exposed to or influenced by a non-Semitic
language. This oral tradition and their unique literature make them impor-
tant for the research of Hebrew, Aramaic, Bible, Judaism, and the history
of Palestine in ancient times.
The origin of the Samaritans is disputed. They see themselves as de-
scendants of biblical Israel. They do not regard themselves as “Samari-
tans”—that is, inhabitants of Samaria, but Shamerim ‘Guardians’ (of the
Torah) (Tiberian ‫)ׁש ְֹמ ִרים‬. In a different way, their rivals, the Jews, referred
to them as “Cutheans,” a pejorative appellation hinting at their alleged
foreign origin reported in 2 Kgs 17. Most scholars, however, believe that
the Samaritans split off from Judaism sometime during the Second Temple
period (see Crown 1989: 1–18; Crown et al. 1993: 123–28; Kartveit 2009).
The Corpus
The earliest evidence for Samaritan Hebrew dates to the Second Temple
period. The inscriptions, as well as amulets that come from the Roman and
Byzantine periods (Crown 1989: 190–94; Crown et al. 1993: 14, 131–34;
117
118 Chapter 9
Stern and Eshel 2002: 372–81), enrich our knowledge of Samaritan his-
tory and the development of the Samaritan alphabet. But because they are
sparse and mainly contain citations from the Pentateuch, they have limited
linguistic value.
Samaritan Hebrew is based on the Samaritan version of the Pentateuch
(Tal and Florentin 2010). This version differs from the Masoretic Text (MT)
in several respects (see, e.g., Tov 2012: 80–97). The oldest manuscripts of
the Samaritan Pentateuch (SP) date to the eleventh century CE, though
so-called “proto-Samaritan” fragments found in Qumran demonstrate that
the roots of the Samaritan Pentateuch go back at least to the beginning of
the Common Era.
Unlike the Masoretic version, Samaritan manuscripts do not present a
stable, crystallized, and complete system of vowel signs. Few manuscripts
actually contain vowel signs; those which do, however, do not exhibit any
degree of homogeneity. Despite their importance as evidence for the Sa-
maritan pronunciation during the Middle Ages, these vocalized texts can-
not be used for grammatical description.
Another essential difference between Samaritan and Masoretic manu-
scripts is that the Samaritan Pentateuch has no received text. No rigid tra-
dition of spelling exists: the diversity of orthography is reflected in the
apparatus of von Gall’s edition of the Samaritan Pentateuch (1918). As a
result, manuscripts of the Samaritan Pentateuch differ from each other in
the use of matres lectionis. But their orthography frequently reveals the
Samaritan reading tradition. Thus, ‘first’ is generally written ‫( ראישון‬Tibe-
rian ‫;)ראׁשֹון‬ ִ the yod is not just a plene spelling but reflects the Samaritan
reading [rā̊ʾišon]. Similarly, ‫‘ לשחית‬to destroy’ (Gen 6:17) reflects a hiphil
verb [lā̊š ̍ īt] as opposed to the MT piel ‫ל ַׁש ֵחת‬.ְ
In 1977, Z. Ben-Ḥayyim published a transcription of the Samaritan
reading tradition of the Pentateuch, which he himself had recorded years
before. It was accompanied by a comprehensive grammar of Samaritan
Hebrew based on this oral tradition. In his grammar, which is essentially
synchronic, Ben-Ḥayyim also extensively compared Samaritan Hebrew to
Tiberian Hebrew and showed that the Samaritan reading, though contem-
porary, reflects one of the Hebrew dialects that was used during the end
of the Second Temple period. It resembles in several respects Tannaitic
Hebrew and the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls (see, especially, chapter
7), though it is identical to neither.
Samaritan Tradition 119
Samaritan transcriptions from the twelfth century CE and the detailed

descriptions of Samaritan grammatical treatises from that time reveal
several differences between what is heard today and what was probably
recited in Samaritan synagogues during the Middle Ages (see below, on
‫)בג״ד כפ״ת‬. Yet, at the same time, the medieval evidence proves that the
pedantic and meticulous tradition of reciting the Pentateuch, which still
characterizes the Samaritans, prevented substantial changes in the original
recitation.
The grammatical sketch below is based on the phonetic transcription of
the preserved Samaritan reading of the Pentateuch.
Orthography
In the Samaritan text, matres lectionis are more frequent than in the
MT: e.g., ‫[ וישובו‬wyēšūbu] ‘they turn back’ (Exod 14:2) (Tiberian ‫)וַ ּיָ ֻׁשבּו‬,
‫[ ושלישים‬wšēlīšəm] ‘and officers’ (Exod 14:7) (Tiberian ‫)וְ ָׁש ִל ִׁשם‬, ‫יוצאים‬
[yūṣā̊ʾəm] ‘they were going out’ (Exod 14:8) (Tiberian ‫)י ְֹצ ִאים‬, and ‫צפון‬
[ṣā̊fon] ‘Zephon’ (Exod 14:9) (Tiberian ‫)צפֹן‬. ְ This does not mean, however,
that in the Samaritan orthography every vowel is marked with ‫ ו‬or ‫ ;י‬on the
contrary, defective spellings are quite common, not only in cases such as
‫[ הם‬imma] ‘they’ (Exod 14:3), in which the final vowel of the pronoun is
unmarked, but also in the middle of the word, as in ‫[וישגו‬wyaššīgu] ‘and
they overtook’ (Exod 14:9) (Tiberian ‫)וַ ּיַ ִּׂשיגּו‬.
Occasionally, ‫ י‬or ‫ ו‬appears in the Samaritan text where it is absent
from the Masoretic Bible; however, this is not due to a tendency toward
plene spelling but instead reflects the oral reading tradition: e.g., ‫בכבודות‬
[bakkā̊būdot] ‘with glory’ (Exod 14:25) (Tiberian ‫‘ ִּב ְכ ֵב ֻדת‬heavily’) and
‫[ ויושיע‬wyū'šī] ‘he saved’ (Exod 14:30) (Tiberian ‫ּיֹוׁשע‬ ַ ַ‫)ו‬.
Samaritan orthography often lacks ‫ י‬or ‫ ו‬where the Masoretic Text sup-
plies one, especially in words in which the Samaritans do not pronounce a
long high vowel: e.g., ‫[ ויאמנו‬wyā̊mēnu] ‘and they believed’ (Exod 14:31)
(Tiberian ‫ )וַ ּיַ ֲא ִמינּו‬and ‫[ ישר‬yā̊šår] ‘he sang’ (Exod 15:1) (Tiberian ‫)יָ ִׁשיר‬.

Consonants
There are 20 consonants in Samaritan Hebrew as read today. The pho-
nemes /ḥ/, /h/, and /ś/ are lost. Among the series of ‫ בג״ד כפ״ת‬consonants,
only the plosive allophones survive; the sole exception is [f ].
120 Chapter 9
Table of Consonants
consonant
unvoiced
unvoiced
fricative
fricative
plosive
plosive
lateral
voiced
voiced
nasal
semi-
Place of
trill
articulation
labial ‫ ב‬b ‫ מ‬m ‫ ו‬w
labiodental ‫ פ‬f
dental ‫ ד‬d ‫ ת‬t ‫ נ‬n ‫ ל‬l ‫ ר‬r ‫ ז‬z ‫ ס‬s
alveolar ‫ ׁש‬š
alveolar-velar ‫ ט‬ṭ ‫ צ‬ṣ
palatal ‫ י‬y
velar ‫ ג‬g ‫ כ‬k
uvular ‫ ק‬q
laryngeal ‫ ע‬ʿ
glottal ‫ א‬ʾ
Gutturals (pharygeals and laryngeals). [ʿ] is retained only word ini-

tially before the vowels [a] and [å]. It is a reflex of historical ‫ ע‬and at times
also ‫ח‬: e.g., ‫[ על‬ʿal] ‘by’ (Exod 14:2) (Tiberian ‫)על‬, ַ ‫[ עשינו‬ʿaššīnu] ‘we
have done’ (Exod 14:5) (Tiberian ‫)ע ִׂשינּו‬, ָ and ‫[ חללת‬ʿållåltå] ‘you defiled’
(Gen 49:4) (Tiberian ‫)ח ַּל ְל ָּת‬. ִ Both ‫ ע‬and ‫ ח‬are pronounced as [ʾ] before
other vowels: e.g., ‫[ ענבים‬ʾēnā̊bəm] ‘grapes’ (Gen 49:11) (Tiberian ‫)ענָ ִבים‬ ֲ
and ‫[ חילו‬ʾīlu] ‘his host’ (Exod 14:4) (Tiberian ‫)חילֹו‬. ֵ In other environments,
‫ ע‬and ‫ ח‬have shifted to [ʾ]: e.g., ‫[ נכחו‬nēkāʾu] ‘over against it’ (Exod 14:2)
(Tiberian ‫ )נִ ְכחֹו‬and ‫[ וידעו‬wyiddāʾu] ‘and they shall know’ (Exod 14:4)
(Tiberian ‫)וְ יָ ְדעּו‬. ‫ ה‬shifts to [ʾ] at the beginning of a syllable, as in [ʾayyåm]
‘the sea’ (Exod 14:2) (Tiberian ‫;)הּיָ ם‬ ַ otherwise it quiesces entirely.1
Between two identical vowels, ʾ quiesces; the syllable in which it
occurred merges with the next syllable and yields an extra-long vowel
(marked V̄ in closed syllables, but V̄: in open ones): e.g., (*baʿal >) ‫בעל‬
‫[ צפון‬bāl ṣā̊fon] ‘Baal-Zephon’ (Exod 14:2) (Tiberian ‫)ּב ַעל ְצפֹן‬, ַ (‫*ּבחּור‬
ְ >
*bəʾur > *buʾur >) ‫[ בחור‬būr] ‘chosen’ (Exod 14:7) (Tiberian ‫)ּבחּור‬, ָ and
1. Following Ben-Ḥayyim’s system of transcription, the glottal stop [ʾ] will not be
marked when word-initial.
(*maləʾak > *mā̊laʾak >) ‫[ מלאך‬mā̊'lā̊k] ‘angel of’ (Exod 14:19) (Tiberian
‫)מ ְל ַאְך‬.
ַ
*ʾ elides in word-final position: e.g., ‫[ ויקח‬wyiqqa] ‘and he took’ (Exod
14:7) (Tiberian ‫ )וַ ּיִ ַּקח‬and ‫[ תשמע‬tišma] ‘you will listen’ (Exod 15:26) (Ti-
berian ‫)ּת ְׁש ַמע‬. ִ
A medial syllable-closing *ʾ, regardless of origin, assimilates to the fol-
lowing consonant: e.g., ‫[ לא תחמד‬lā̊ tēmmåd] ‘you shall not covet’ (Exod
20:14) (Tiberian ‫)לֹא ַת ְחמֹד‬, (‫*ּת ְעׂשּו‬ ַ >) ‫[ לא תעשו‬lā̊ tēššu] ‘you shall not
make’ (Exod 20:20) (Tiberian ‫)לא ַת ֲעׂשּו‬, ‫[ לקחתיך‬lēqāttək] ‘I took you’
(Num 23:11) (Tiberian ‫)ל ַק ְח ִּתיָך‬, ְ and (‫*מ ְחזֶ ה שדי יֶ ְחזֶ ה‬ >)
ַ ‫מחזה שדי יחזה‬
[mā̊zzi šiddi yā̊zzi] ‘who sees the vision of Shaddai’ (Num 24:4) (Tiberian
‫)מ ֲחזֵ ה ַׁש ַּדי יֶ ֱחזֶ ה‬. ַ
*ʾ develops into a geminated [yy] or [ww] when it follows [i] or [u] but
is preserved before another vowel: e.g., (‫*מ ֲא ָרם‬ ִ >) ‫[ מארם‬miyyā̊råm] ‘from
Aram’ (Num 23:7) (Tiberian ‫)מן ֲא ָרם‬, ִ (‫[ יוציאם )> *יוציאם‬yūṣiyyimma]
‘(who) will bring them out’ (Num 24:23; an addition in SP, which
would correspond to Tiberian ‫יאם‬ ֵ ‫)יֹוצ‬,
ִ ‫ ותרועת‬. . . ‫[ אלהיו‬ēluwwiyyu . . .
wtirruwwåt] ‘his God . . . and the shout of’ (Num 23:21) (Tiberian ‫ֹלהיו‬ ָ ‫ֱא‬
‫רּועת‬
ַ ‫ּות‬ ְ . . .), and ‫[ כתועפת‬kā̊tuwwēfot] ‘like the horns of’ (Num 24:8)
(Tiberian ‫תֹועפֹת‬ ֲ ‫)ּכ‬. ְ Tiberian also shows this development, though on a lim-
ited scale, as in ‫יאל > ָּדנִ ּיֵ אל‬ ָ [dāniyyēl] ‘Daniel’.
ֵ ִ‫*ּדנ‬
‫בג״ד כפ״ת‬. As noted above, with the exception of [f ], only the plosive
allophones of the ‫ בג״ד כפ״ת‬consonants are attested. The following are
representative examples that in Tiberian are realized as fricatives but in Sa-
maritan as plosives: ‫[ וידבר‬wyēdabbər] ‘and he spoke’ (Exod 20:1) (Tibe-
rian ‫)וַ יְ ַד ֵּבר‬, ‫[ וגרך‬wgīråk] ‘and your sojourner’ (Exod 20:10) (Tiberian ‫)וְ גֵ ְרָך‬,
‫[ הדברים‬addēbā̊rəm] ‘(these) words’ (Exod 20:1) (Tiberian ‫)ה ְּד ָב ִרים‬, ַ ‫מלאכה‬
[mā̊lā̊ka] ‘work’ (Exod 20:10) (Tiberian ‫אכה‬ ְ and ‫[ ואמתך‬wā̊mā̊tåk] ‘or
ָ ‫)מ ָל‬,
your female servant’ (Exod 20:10) (Tiberian ‫)וַ ֲא ָמ ְתָך‬.
*p disappeared and was replaced by [f ]. When geminated, original *p
is realized as [bb] as well as [ff]: e.g., ‫[ תפל‬tibbål] ‘it fell’ (Exod 15:16)
(Tiberian ‫)ּתּפֹל‬, ִ ‫[ בתפים‬aftabbəm] ‘with timbrels’ (Exod 15:20) (Tiberian
ְ and ‫[ מפניהם‬miffā̊nīyyimma] ‘from before them’ (Exod 14:19)
‫)ּב ֻת ִּפים‬,
(Tiberian ‫יהם‬ ֶ ֵ‫)מ ְּפנ‬.
ִ
Based on grammatical treatises of medieval Samaritan grammarians as
well as transcriptions into Arabic, it is apparent that Samaritan Hebrew in
the past also had fricative allophones of these consonants. Evidence for the
122 Chapter 9
ancient fricative realization, at least [ḇ], is the pronunciation of words such

as ‫[ ובכל‬wafkal] ‘and over all of’ (Exod 14:4) (Tiberian ‫)ּוב ָכל‬.ְ [f ], which
is a reflex of the original *b, can be explained only if we assume the fol-
lowing process: *bəkul > *abkul (prosthetic vowel) > *abkul (post-vocalic
spirantization) > [afkal].
‫ו‬. The original pronunciation of ‫ ו‬as a semi-vowel is preserved in the
Samaritan pronunciation of the conjunction ‫ ו‬or when geminated. For ex-
amples of geminated ‫ו‬, see p. 121, above. Etymological *ww occurs in
forms such as ‫[ צוארו‬ṣuwwā̊ru] ‘his neck’ (Gen 27:16) (Tiberian ‫)צּוָ ארֹו‬. ַ
Elsewhere it is realized as [b]: e.g., ‫[ נוה‬nā̊be] ‘abode of’ (Exod 15:13)
(Tiberian ‫ )נְ וֵ ה‬and ‫[ עשו‬īšåb] ‘Esau’ (Num 24:18) (Tiberian ‫)ע ָׂשו‬.ֵ Both
articulations of ‫ ו‬are attested in ‫[ ואנוהו‬wēnā̊bēʾu] ‘and I will praise him’
(Exod 15:2) (Tiberian ‫)וְ ַאנְ וֵ הּו‬.
‫ׂש‬. Unlike the other traditions of Hebrew (and Aramaic), ‫ ׂש‬merged
with ‫ ׁש‬in Samaritan Hebrew: e.g., ‫[ שרי‬šā̊ri] ‘the princes of’ (Num 23:6)
(Tiberian ‫)ׂש ֵרי‬.
ָ
Vowels
Qualitative Distinctions. Samaritan Hebrew distinguishes six different
vowels, as does the Babylonian tradition (see chapter 10). The vowels are:
a (similar to Tiberian pataḥ), å (ɔ, like Tiberian qameṣ), i, e, u, and o. Of
these, only the first four are distinct phonemes; u and o are allophones of a
single phoneme (see below); i and e are realized as [ə] in closed post-tonic
syllables, which is not a distinct phoneme. This [ə] is not related to the
Tiberian vocal šəwa. Samaritan has no səgol, which is unique to Tiberian
Hebrew.
The high back vowels u and o are in complementary distribution. [ū]
appears in open syllables, whereas [o] stands in closed syllables: e.g., ‫נורא‬
[nūra] ‘awesome’ (Exod 15:11) (Tiberian ‫)נֹורא‬ ָ vs. ‫[ מדבר שור‬madbår
šor] ‘the wilderness of Shur’ (Exod 15:22) (Tiberian ‫;)מ ְד ַּבר ׁשֹור‬
ִ or ‫תוסיפון‬
[tūsīfon] ‘you shall again’ (Exod 14:13) (Tiberian ‫( )ת ִֹספּו‬but see below, on
the third-person masc. sing. pronoun).
The back vowel å is realized like the Tiberian qameṣ; however, the two
vowels are not historically or synchronically related. Samaritan back å and
front a (IPA æ) appear in open and closed, stressed and unstressed syl-
lables. Accordingly, their distribution differs from that of Tiberian qameṣ
and pataḥ.
Quantitative Differences. Phonetically, there are four different vowel

lengths: (1) short, only in a closed syllable, as in ‫[ מזבחות‬mazbāʾot] ‘al-
tars of’ (Num 23:1) (Tiberian ‫)מזְ ְּבחֹת‬ ִ and ‫[ מואב‬muwwåb] ‘Moab’ (Num
23:6) (Tiberian ‫;)מֹואב‬ָ (2) long, only in open syllables (marked V̄), as
in ‫[ משלו‬mā̊šā̊lu] ‘his parable’ (Num 23:7) (Tiberian ‫)מ ָׁשלֹו‬ ְ and ‫אראנו‬
[ērēʾinnu] ‘I see him’ (Num 23:9) (Tiberian ‫;)א ְר ֶאּנּו‬ ֶ (3) medium, in open
final syllables, as demonstrated above (here transcribed with no special
sign); and (4) extra-long, in open and closed syllables (marked V̄ and V̄:,
respectively). Extra-long vowels arose from the disappearance of a guttural
and the subsequent merger of two syllables (see above). Vowel length is
not phonemic in Samaritan Hebrew as evidenced by the complementary
distribution of vowels of various lengths. Nonetheless, one finds a few
exceptions such as ‫[ רב‬råb] ‘many’ (Exod 1:9) vs. ‫[ רחב‬rā̊b] ‘width’ (Exod
26:16) (Tiberian ‫ ַרב‬and ‫ר ַֹחב‬, respectively).
Šəwa. Where one expects a Tiberian vocal šəwa, Samaritan Hebrew
exhibits two different realizations: (1) a full vowel of any quality, which—
due to the open syllable—is pronounced long, as in ‫[ לקחתיך‬lēqāttək] ‘I
took you’ (Num 23:11) (Tiberian ‫)ל ַק ְח ִּתיָך‬ ְ and ‫[ בפי‬bā̊fiyyi] ‘in my mouth’
(Num 23:12) (Tiberian ‫;)ּב ִפי‬ ְ or (2) a prosthetic vowel before the conso-
nant that originally had a vocal šəwa, as in ‫[ לדבר‬aldabbər] ‘to speak’
(Num 23:12) (Tiberian ‫)ל ַד ֵּבר‬ ְ and ‫[ ביעקב‬abyā̊:qob] ‘in Jacob’ (Num 23:21)
(Tiberian ‫)ּביַ ֲעקֹב‬.
ְ The absence of the vocal šəwa in Samaritan is second-
ary and belongs to a stage of the language that postdates Tiberian Hebrew.
(Proto-) Samaritan Hebrew has a strong tendency to use anaptyctic
vowels in environments where Tiberian has a cluster of consonants. In
the following examples from Num 23:4, Proto-Samaritan originally had a
reduced vowel (vocal šəwa) and not a zero vowel (silent šəwa): (*malʾak >
*mā̊ləʾak > *mā̊laʾak >) ‫[ מלאך‬mā̊ ̍ lā̊:k] ‘angel’ (Tiberian ‫)מ ְל ָאך‬, ַ (*balʿam
̊ ̊
> *bāləʿam > *bā ̍ laʿam >) ‫[ בלעם‬bā̊ ̍ lā:m] ‘Balaam’ (Tiberian ‫)ּב ְל ָעם‬, ִ and
(*šā̊bʿat > *šā̊bəʿat > *šā̊ ̍ baʿat >) ‫[ שבעת‬šā̊ ̍ bā:t] ‘the seven of’ (Tiberian
‫)ׁש ְב ַעת‬.
ִ
Diphthongs. In Samaritan Hebrew, unlike Tiberian, falling diphthongs
have contracted: e.g., *aw > [o] ~ [ū], as in ‫[ עון‬ūn] ‘iniquity’ (Num 23:21)
ָ and ‫[ פניו‬fā̊no] ‘his face’ (Num 24:1) (Tiberian ‫;)ּפנָ יו‬
(Tiberian ‫)אוֶ ן‬ ָ *uy > [o],
as in ‫[ וגלוי עין‬wgā̊lo] ‘with eye uncovered’ (Num 24:4) (Tiberian ‫ ;)ּוגְ לּוי‬and
*ay > [e] ~ [ī], as in ‫[ וגלוי עין‬ʾ īn] ‘with eye uncovered’ (Num 24:4) (Tiberian
ַ and ‫[ מים‬mem] ‘water’ (Num 24:6) (Tiberian ‫)מיִ ם‬.
‫)עיִ ן‬ ַ The orthography of
124 Chapter 9
‫[ ין‬yen] ‘wine’ (Tiberian ‫ )יַ יִ ן‬in the eighth-century Samaria ostraca shows
that monophthongization of diphthongs in northern Israel was more wide-
spread than in the Hebrew of the Tiberian Masoretes. When geminated,
however, either originally or secondarily, the diphthong is retained: e.g.,
‫[ חיה‬ʿayyå] ‘animal’ (Gen 1:24) (Tiberian ‫)חּיָ ה‬ ַ and (*ʾ elohim > *ēluʾəm >
*ēluwəm >) ‫[ אלהים‬ēluwwəm] ‘God’ (Num 23:4) (Tiberian ‫ֹלהים‬ ִ ‫)א‬.
ֱ
Vowel Changes. Several vowel shifts occur in Samaritan that may be
contrasted with Tiberian.
(1) The Canaanite vowel shift (*ā >*ō) occurs in Samaritan Hebrew:
e.g., (*nātin >) ‫[ נתן‬nūtən] ‘He gives’ (Exod 16:29) (an addition in SP,
which would correspond to Tiberian ‫ )נ ֵֹתן‬and (*gabbār >) ‫[ גיבור‬gibbor]
‘mighty’ (Exod 15:3) (an addition in SP, which would correspond to Tibe-
rian ‫)ּגִ ּבֹור‬. There are cases, however, where the shift is attested in Tiberian
but not in Samaritan Hebrew: e.g., (*ʾanā̊ku >) ‫[ אנכי‬ā̊nā̊ki] ‘I’ (Gen 3:10)
(Tiberian ‫)אנ ִֹכי‬, ָ (*kinnār >) ‫[ כנר‬kinnår] ‘lyre’ (Gen 4:21) (Tiberian ‫)ּכּנֹור‬,
ִ
and (*lā >) ‫[ לא‬lā̊] ‘not’ (Gen 2:5) (Tiberian ‫)לֹא‬. Since it is implausible
to assume that Aramaic (in which the Canaanite shift did not operate) in-
fluenced Samaritan Hebrew here, it is likely that Proto-Hebrew was het-
erogeneous in this respect. Sometimes the difference in the two traditions
stems not from the different extent of the Canaanite shift but from different
base forms; for example, ‘embroider’ in Tiberian Hebrew is ‫ <( ר ֵֹקם‬active
participle *rāqim), whereas in Samaritan it is ‫[ רקם‬raqqåm] (< “profes-
sional” nominal *raqqām).
(2) The “law of attenuation” (*a > [i]), which is generally reconstructed
for Tiberian Hebrew, is rare in Samaritan. It occurs in several verbal
forms where one reconstructs Proto-Hebrew *a: e.g., (*namṣaʾ >) ‫נמצא‬
[nimmā̊ṣå] ‘it has been found’ (Gen 44:16) (Tiberian ‫ )נִ ְמ ָצא‬and (*wyak
tub >) ‫[ ויכתב‬wyiktåb] ‘he wrote’ (Exod 24:4 ) (Tiberian ‫)וַ ּיִ ְכּתֹב‬. As in
Tiberian, however, this shift is morphophonogical.
(3) “Philippi’s law,” according to which *i > [a] in a closed accented
syllable (cf. Blau 1986; Qimron 1986), probably operated in Samaritan He-
brew, as shown by pairs such as (* ̍ lib[bu] >) ‫[ לב‬lab] ‘heart of’ (Exod 14:4)
(Tiberian ‫)לב‬ ֵ vs. (*lib ̍ bi >) ‫[ מלבי‬millibbi] ‘from my heart’ (Num 24:13)
(Tiberian ‫)מ ִּל ִּבי‬.
ִ Yet bidirectional analogies blurred the original condition-
ing factors and yielded, for example, forms like ‫[ שם‬šam] ‘name of’ (Exod
20:7) (Tiberian ‫)ׁשם‬ ֵ < *šimu but ‫[ הכבדתי‬akbidti] ‘I have hardened’ (Exod
10:1) (Tiberian ‫)ה ְכ ַּב ְד ִּתי‬.
ִ
(4) Short *u in Samaritan has almost disappeared, whereas in Tiberian

it has been preserved in closed unstressed syllables (alongside [ɔ]) and
lowered to [o] in closed stressed syllables. In Samaritan Hebrew, *u gener-
ally shifted either to [a] (and its variant [å]) or [i]. This shift neutralized the
difference between the patterns yiqtol (< *yiqtul) and yiqtal in the imperfect
of the qal stem (see below): e.g., ‫[ יפקד‬yifqåd] ‘he visits, appoints’ (Exod
13:19) (Tiberian ‫ )יִ ְפקֹד‬vs. ‫[ ישכב‬yiškåb] ‘he will (not) lie down’ (Num
23:24) (Tiberian ‫)יִ ְׁש ַּכב‬. In cases like (*gulgult >) ‫[ לגלגלת‬algilgā̊lət] ‘to a
person’ (lit., ‘a head’) (Exod 38:26) (Tiberian ‫)ּגֻ ְלּג ֶֹלת‬, *u shifted to [i].
Stress. Stress is usually penultimate. Unless marked otherwise, all
words in this chapter are stressed on the penult: e.g., (*wyu ̍ ši a ʿ >) ‫ויושיע‬
[wyū ̍ šī] ‘he saved’ (Exod 14:30) (Tiberian ‫ֹוׁשע‬ ַ ֨‫ )וַ ּי‬and (*gā̊ ̍ b a ʾat >) ‫גבעת‬
[gā̊ ̍ bāt] ‘hill of’ (Gen 49:26) (Tiberian ‫)ּגִ ְב ֣עֹת‬. Ultimate stress results from
the collapse of two syllables following the loss of a guttural. General pen-
ultimate stress is a relatively late development, which goes back to the
Second Temple period; the earlier Samaritan stress generally fell on the
ultima, as in Tiberian Hebrew.
Because stress is nearly always penultimate, there is no distinction in
Samaritan Hebrew between pausal and non-pausal forms. Moreover, every
long vowel in an open syllable is preserved regardless of the position of
the word stress: e.g., ‫[ אשורנו‬ā̊šūrinnu] ‘I praise him’ (Num 23:9) (Tiberian
‫ׁשּורּנּו‬
֑ ֶ ‫)א‬ֲ and ‫[ אחריתי‬ā̊ʾērīti] ‘my end’ (Num 23:10) (Tiberian ‫יתי‬ ֖ ִ ‫)א ֲח ִר‬.
ַ
Morphology
Personal Pronouns. Samaritan Hebrew pronouns have retained their
word-final vowels, sometimes in contrast to Tiberian and Tannaitic He-
brew but similar to the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls (see chapter 7,
p. 90). Examples include: ‫[ אתה‬åttå] ‘you’ (masc. sing.) (cf. Tannaitic ‫ַא ְּת‬
[ʾat(t)]), ‫[ אתי‬åtti] ‘you’ (fem. sing.) (Tiberian and Tannaitic ‫[ ַא ְּת‬ʾat(t)]),
‫[ אתם‬attimma] ‘you’ (masc. pl.) (Tiberian and Tannaitic ‫)א ֶּתם‬,
ַ ‫[ הם‬imma]
‘they’ (masc.), and ‫[ הן‬inna] ‘they’ (fem.).
The second-person masc. sing. possessive suffix lacks a final vowel:
e.g., ‫[ עלתיך‬ʿālūtək] ‘your burnt offerings’ (Num 23:3) (Tiberian ‫)ע ָֹל ֶתָך‬
and ‫[ לך‬låk] ‘to you’ (Num 23:3) (Tiberian ‫)לְ֑ך‬. ָ The third-person masc.
sing. form is [u] when suffixed to a singular noun (e.g., ‫[ משלו‬mā̊šā̊lu] ‘his
parable’ [Num 23:7] [Tiberian ‫)]מ ָׁשלֹו‬ְ but [o] when suffixed to a plural
126 Chapter 9
noun (e.g., ‫[ עלתיו‬ʿālūto] ‘his burnt offerings’ [Num 23:6] [Tiberian ‫)]ע ָֹלתֹו‬.
The second- and third-person masc. pl. suffixes also have final vowels:
e.g., ‫[ לכם‬lā̊kimma] ‘for you’ (Exod 14:13, 14) (Tiberian ‫)ל ֶכם‬ ָ and ‫דבריכם‬
[dēbā̊rīkimma] ‘your words’ (Gen 42:16) (Tiberian ‫יכם‬ ִ and ‫להם‬
ֶ ‫;)ּד ְב ֵר‬
[lēmma] ‘to them’ (Exod 20:5) (Tiberian ‫)ל ֶהם‬ ָ and ‫[ תעבדם‬tā̊bbā̊dimma]
‘you will (not) serve them’ (Exod 20:5) (Tiberian ‫)ת ָע ְב ֵדם‬. ָ
Nominal Patterns. Morphological differences between Samaritan and
Tiberian Hebrew appear in nominal patterns. Two representative examples
will suffice. New noun patterns were created due to the tendency to ho-
mogenize the paradigm: e.g., ‫[ דבר‬dēbår] ‘thing’ (Exod 5:11) (Tiberian
ָ after ‫[ דברים‬dēbā̊rəm] ‘words’ (Exod 4:10) (Tiberian ‫)ּד ָב ִרים‬.
‫)ּד ָבר‬, ְ Many
nouns in Samaritan Hebrew originally belong to a different nominal pat-
tern from that of Tiberian: e.g., ‫[ ימינך‬yammīnåk] ‘Your right hand’ (Exod
15:12) vs. Tiberian ‫;יְמינְ ָך‬ ִ or Samaritan ‫[ אויב‬uyyåb] ‘enemy’ (Exod 15:9)
vs. Tiberian ‫אֹויֵב‬.
The Verb. The finite verbal forms of Tiberian Hebrew also occur in
Samaritan Hebrew, although some more rarely in the latter. The more no-
table verbal forms include the following.
(1) “Imperfect consecutive”: e.g., ‫[ ויעש‬wyāš] ‘he made’ (Num 23:2)
(Tiberian ‫)וַ ּיַ ַעׂש‬, as opposed to the imperfect ‫[ יעשה‬yēšši] ‘He will (not)
do’ (Num 23:19) (Tiberian ‫[ ויען ויאמר ;)יַ ֲע ֶׂשה‬wyān wyā̊ʾūmər] ‘and he
answered and said’ (Num 23:12) (Tiberian ‫)וַ ּיַ ַען‬, as opposed to the imper-
fect ‫[ יענה‬yānna] ‘He will answer’ (Gen 41:16) (Tiberian ‫ ;)יַ ֲענֶ ה‬and ‫וירא‬
[wyēre] ‘and he saw’ (Num 24:1) (Tiberian ‫)וַ ּיַ ְרא‬, as opposed to the imper-
fect ‫[ יראה‬yērēʾi] ‘He will see’ (Gen 22:8) (Tiberian ‫)יִ ְר ֶאה‬. The difference
between the imperfect consecutive and the imperfect has become blurred
in Samaritan. There is no phonetic distinction between the conjunctive -‫ו‬
and the “consecutive” -‫( ו‬both are realized [w-]). The Greek transcriptions
of Hebrew in the Secunda also reflect a single particle -‫( ו‬see chapter 8,
p. 115). Because the distinction between [i] and [e] was lost in Samaritan
Hebrew (both shifted to [ə] in a closed post-tonic syllable; see above),
the formal difference between the imperfect and the imperfect consecu-
tive in the hiphil was lost. For example, Tiberian ‫[ וַ ְּיַב ֵּדל‬wayyaḇdēl] ‘He
separated’ (Gen 1:7) and ‫[ ְיַב ִּדיל‬yaḇdīl] ‘he shall (not) divide’ (Lev 5:8)
are jointly realized in Samaritan as [(w)yabdəl]. The penultimate stress of
Samaritan eliminated any distinction between pairs such as ‫‘ יֵ ֫ ֵלְך‬he will go’
and ‫‘ וַ ֵּ֫י ֶלְך‬and he went’.
In many cases, the consonantal text of the Samaritan Pentateuch shows

a short form while the oral reading tradition has the longer form identical
to the corresponding imperfect: e.g., ‫[ ויעל‬wyālli] ‘he offered’ (Num 23:2)
(Tiberian ‫ )וַ ּיַ ַעל‬and ‫[ ויבן‬wyibni] ‘he built’ (Num 23:14) (Tiberian ‫)וַ ֶּיִבן‬.
Samaritan Hebrew developed a variety of ‫ יקטול‬yiqṭōl patterns preceded
by -‫ ו‬to express the past. These patterns are probably derived from the
perfect pattern (*qaṭal >) qā̊ṭal (Tiberian ‫)ק ַטל‬. ָ For example, one finds
pairs such as ‫[ ילך‬yēlåk] ‘he will go’ (Tiberian ‫ )יֵ ֵלְך‬vs. ‫[ וילך‬wyā̊låk] ‘he
went’ (Tiberian ‫)וַ ּיֵ ֶלְך‬, ‫[ יקום‬yēqom] ‘he will rise’ (Tiberian ‫ )יָ קּום‬vs. ‫ויקם‬
[wyā̊qåm] ‘he rose’ (Tiberian ‫)וַ ּיָ ָקם‬, and ‫[ תלד‬tēlåd] ‘she will give birth’
(Tiberian ‫)ּת ֵלד‬ ֵ vs. ‫[ ותלד‬wtā̊låd] ‘and she gave birth’ (Tiberian ‫)וַ ֵּת ֶלד‬. In ‫פ״י‬
verbs, ‫ יקטול‬formally looks like the perfect form, too, but is not necessarily
the same: e.g., ‫[ ירד‬yēråd] ‘he will descend’ (Tiberian ‫ )יֵ ֵרד‬/ ‫[ וירד‬wyā̊råd]
‘and he descended’ (Tiberian ‫ ;)וַ ּיֵ ֶרד‬compare ‫[ ירד‬yā̊råd] (Tiberian ‫)יָ ַרד‬. In
Samaritan, the perfect vowel pattern can be superimposed on to the imper-
fect consecutive.
(2) Jussive (short imperfect), as in ‫[ ותהי‬wtā̊ʾi] ‘and let it be’ (Num
23:10) (Tiberian ‫)ּות ִהי‬, ְ as opposed to the imperfect ‫[ תהיה‬tēyyi] ‘it may
be’ (Exod 20:16) (Tiberian ‫)ת ְהיֶ ה‬, ִ and ‫[ יחי‬yī] ‘may he live’ (Deut 33:6)
(Tiberian ‫)יְ ִחי‬, as opposed to the imperfect ‫[ יחיה‬yiyya] ‘he shall (not) live’
(Exod 19:13) (Tiberian ‫)יִ ְחיֶ ה‬. The jussive is rare and can be identified only
in verbs ‫ל״ה‬. Because of sound changes, such as the shift of *ū > ]o[ in
closed syllables, other forms have merged; for example, Tiberian ‫יָ מּות‬
‘he will die’ (imperfect) and ‫‘ יָ מֹת‬may he die’ ( jussive) are the selfsame
[yēmot] in Samaritan.
(3) Lengthened imperfect (cohortative), expressing deontic modality,
as in ‫[ ואכבדה‬wikkā̊bēda] ‘and I will get glory’ (Exod 14:17) (Tiberian
‫ )וְ ִא ָּכ ְב ָדה‬and ‫[ אנוסה‬ā̊nūsa] ‘let us flee’ (Exod 14:25) (Tiberian ‫נּוסה‬ ָ ‫)א‬.
ָ
Sometimes it occurs when the MT has an imperfect, as in ‫[ אדברה‬ēdabbēra]
‘I will say’ (Num 24:13) (Tiberian ‫)א ַד ֵּבר‬. ֲ As in Late Biblical Hebrew
(chapter 4, pp. 47–48), it frequently replaces the “imperfect consecutive”
when expressing the past: e.g., ‫[ ואתנפלה‬witnåbbā̊la] ‘I fell prostrate’ (Deut
9:18, 25) (Tiberian ‫ )וָ ֶא ְתנַ ַּפל‬and ‫[ ואדברה‬wēdabbēra] ‘I spoke’ (Deut 1:43)
(Tiberian ‫)וָ ֲא ַד ֵּבר‬.
(4) Perfect “consecutive,” as in ‫[ ויכלת‬wyā̊kåltå] ‘you will be able’
(Exod 18:23) (Tiberian ‫)וְ יָ ָכ ְל ָּת‬. Because of its penultimate stress pattern,
Samaritan erases the difference between ‫‘ ָא ַ֫מ ְר ָּת‬you said’ (perfect) (Gen
128 Chapter 9
12:19) and ‫‘ וְ ָא ַמ ְר ָּ֫ת‬and you shall say’ (perfect consecutive) (Gen 32:19);
in Samaritan, both are [(w)ā̊mårtå]. Occasionally, however, Samaritan
Hebrew creates a secondary perfect for expressing the future (preceded
by -‫)ו‬: e.g., ‫[ שמעו‬šāmāʾu] ‘they heard’ (Num 14:14) expresses the past,
whereas ‫[ ושמעו‬wšēmāʾu] ‘and they will hear’ (Num 14:13) expresses the
future. Note the contrasting stem-initial vowels.
(5) Infinitive absolute, as in ‫[ ברוך אברכך‬birrok ēbarrēkåk] ‘I will surely
bless you’ (Gen 22:17) (Tiberian ‫)ב ֵרְך ֲא ָב ֶר ְכָך‬ ָ and ‫[ שאל שאל‬šā̊ʾål šā̊ʾəl]
‘he questioned carefully’ (Gen 43:7) (Tiberian ‫)ׁשאֹול ָׁש ַאל‬. ָ The form, how-
ever, is rare in Samaritan Hebrew. Usually, it is replaced by a finite verb:
e.g., ‫ והמים היו הלכו וחסרו‬. . . ‫ הלכו ושבו‬. . . ‫ וישבו המים‬appears instead of
Tiberian ‫ וְ ַה ַּ֗מיִ ם ָה ֙יּו ָה ֣לֹוְך וְ ָח ֔סֹור‬. . . ‫‘ וַ ּיָ ֻ ׁ֧שבּו ַה ַ ּ֛מיִ ם ֵמ ַ ֥על ָה ָ ֖א ֶרץ ָה ֣לֹוְך וָ ׁ֑שֹוב‬The
waters receded steadily from the earth . . . The waters continued to recede’
(Gen 8:3, 5). Here, Samaritan resembles Tannaitic Hebrew, where the in-
finitive absolute disappeared.
Stems. The following stems are found in Samaritan Hebrew (some of
which are rare or absent in Tiberian Hebrew).
(1) Qal. The main perfect pattern is qā̊ṭal, as in ‫[ ואמר‬wā̊mår] ‘he said’
(Exod 14:3). There are also innovations in Samaritan that do not exist in
Tiberian, such as qētəl in ‫[ נמגו‬nēmēgu] ‘they have melted away’ (Exod
15:15) (Tiberian ‫( )נָ מֹגּו‬from the secondary root ‫[ נמ״ג‬Ben-Ḥayyim 2000:
§2.5.5]) and qātəl in ‫[ שכב‬šā̊kəb] ‘he has lain’ (Gen 26:10) (Tiberian ‫)ׁש ַכב‬. ָ
Since these perfects have merged with the passive and active participles,
they are difficult to distinguish. Regarding the imperfect, the shift of *u > a
neutralizes the distinction between yiqtol and yiqtal in the imperfect; for
example, MT ‫‘ ִּתּפֹל‬it fell’ (Exod 15:16) and ‫‘ יַ ֲעבֹר‬it passes by’ (Exod
15:16) are realized as [tibbål] and [yā̊bbår], respectively, like ‫[ תרצח‬tirṣå]
‘you shall (not) kill’ (Exod 20:13) (Tiberian ‫)ת ְר ָצח‬. ִ The qal participle has
six patterns, most of which are innovations of Samaritan.
(2) Niphal. This stem follows two patterns. One has a non-geminated
second radical, like Tiberian Hebrew: e.g., ‫[ ואכבדה‬wikkā̊bēda] ‘and I will
get glory’ (Exod 14:4, 17) (Tiberian ‫ )וְ ִא ָּכ ְב ָדה‬and ‫[ נפקד‬niffā̊qåd] ‘(no one)
is missing’ (Num 31:94) (Tiberian ‫)נִ ְפ ַקד‬. The perfect and participle of this
pattern, however, differ from their Tiberian counterparts, for they have a
geminated first radical, niqqā̊tål: e.g., ‫[ הנלחם‬annillāʾəm] ‘the one who
fights’ (Exod 14:25) (Tiberian ‫)נִ ְל ָחם‬. But the first radical is not geminated
in participles that do not serve an active function: e.g., ‫ראש הפעור הנשקף‬
‫‘ על פני הישמון‬the top of Peor, [annišqåf ] which overlooks the desert’ (Num
23:28) (Tiberian ‫)הּנִ ְׁש ָקף‬.ַ The other pattern has a geminated second radi-
cal: e.g., ‫[ הקבצו‬iqqåbbā̊ṣu] ‘assemble!’ (Gen 49:2) (Tiberian ‫)ה ָּק ְבצּו‬. ִ This
latter form is paralleled by rare Tiberian verbs such as ‫‘ וְ נִ ּוַ ְּסרּו‬and they
will take warning’ (Ezek 23:48). In actuality, however, both the Samaritan
and Tiberian forms can be identified as nitpael stems in which the prefix
t assimilated to the first radical, as in Tannaitic Hebrew (see chapter 15,
pp. 209–10).
(3) Piel. There are two types of piel in Samaritan. One has a gemi-
nated second radical, like Tiberian Hebrew: e.g., ‫[ דבר‬dabbər] ‘he said’
(Num 23:2) (Tiberian ‫)ּד ֶּבר‬ ִ and ‫[ נשבת‬naššibtå] ‘You blew’ (Exod 15:10)
(Tiberian ‫)נָ ַׁש ְפ ָּת‬. The other lacks gemination in the second radical: e.g.,
‫[ וכפר‬wkā̊fər] ‘and he will atone’ (Lev 4:20) (Tiberian ‫ )וְ ִכ ֵּפר‬and ‫ויכפר‬
[wyēkā̊fər] ‘and he atoned’ (Num 8:21) (Tiberian ‫)וַ יְ ַכ ֵּפר‬. The latter may
have been derived from the former. The Tiberian text has a few examples
of the second, non-geminated form: e.g., ‫‘ ְמ ָא ְס ָפיו‬those who will harvest it’
(Isa 62:9 [with Leningrad Codex]).
(4) Hiphil. The perfect, aqtəl, preserves the original prefix *a: e.g.,
‫[ והגדתי‬wā̊ggitti] ‘and I will tell’ (Num 23:3) (Tiberian ‫)וְ ִהּגַ ְד ִּתי‬.
(5) Hitpael. This stem, too, has two patterns. It has a geminated form
as in Tiberian: e.g., ‫[ יתחשב‬yētā̊ššåb] ‘it does (not) reckon itself’ (Num
23:9) (Tiberian ‫ )יִ ְת ַח ָּׁשב‬and ‫[ נצטדק‬niṣṭåddåq] ‘we justify ourselves’ (Gen
44:16) (Tiberian ‫)נִ ְצ ַט ָּדק‬. It also has a pattern without gemination: e.g.,
‫[ תתגדדו‬titgā̊dēdu] ‘you cut yourselves’ (Deut 14:1) (Tiberian ‫)ּת ְתּג ְֹדדּו‬. ִ Ti-
berian rarely has verbs of this latter type: e.g., ‫‘ ָה ְת ָּפ ְקדּו‬they were counted’
(Num 1:47) (SP [itfā̊qā̊dū]).
(6) Several t-stem forms belong to hittaphal (attested also in Tanna-
itic Hebrew): e.g., ‫[ התיצבו‬ittīṣā̊bu] ‘stand firm!’ (Exod 14:13) (Tiberian
‫)ה ְתיַ ְצבּו‬.
ִ
Differential Stem Assignments in Samaritan and Tiberian Hebrew. In
Samaritan, the internal passive can be replaced by one of two forms: (1) an
external passive registered in both the consonantal text and reading tradi-
tion, as in ‫[ נגנבתי‬niggā̊nåbti] ‘I was stolen’ (Gen 40:15) (Tiberian ‫)ּגֻ ּנַ ְב ִּתי‬
ִ >) ‫[ הורד‬uwwā̊rəd] ‘he was taken
or, only in the reading tradition, (‫*ה ְתוַ ֵרד‬
down’ (Gen 39:1) (Tiberian ‫;)הּורד‬ ַ or (2) an active stem, as in ‫ולשם ילד‬
‘and as for Shem, [yalləd] he begot’ (Gen 10:21) (Tiberian ‫‘ יֻ ַּלד‬there
was born’). Nonetheless, the internal passive can occasionally be found:
130 Chapter 9
e.g., ‫[ יומת‬yūmåt] ‘he will be put to death’ (Gen 26:11) (Tiberian ‫)יּומת‬ ָ and
‫[ אמר‬ēmər] ‘it was said’ (Exod 24:1) (Tiberian ‫)א ַמר‬. ָ
Like other post-biblical dialects, the stems of some Samaritan verbs
shift away from their Tiberian counterparts. For example, qal transitive
verbs shift to piel, as in ‫[ קרעו‬qarrāʾu] ‘they tore’ (Num 14:6) (Tiberian
ָ and ‫[ וישלח‬wyēšalla] ‘and he extended’ (Gen 8:9) (Tiberian ‫)וַ ּיִ ְׁש ַלח‬.
‫)ק ְרעּו‬
Qal intransitive verbs change to niphal, as in ‫[ יקרא‬yiqqāri] ‘what will
happen’ (Gen 49:1) and ‫[ תכבד‬tikkā̊bəd] ‘it will be heavy’ (Exod 5:9)
(Tiberian ‫ יִ ְק ָרא‬and ‫ּת ְכ ַּבד‬,
ִ respectively). Or, niphal > nitpaal (with gemi-
nated second radical), as in ‫[ יקרע‬yiqqarra] ‘it will (not) be torn’ (Exod
28:32) (Tiberian ‫)יִ ָּק ַרע‬.
Lexicon
The Samaritans occasionally interpret the consonantal text differently
from that of the MT. For example, in ‫‘ כי לא נחש ביעקב ולא קסם בישראל‬For
there is no augury in Jacob, no divination in Israel’ (Num 23:23 [MT]), the
Samaritans read ‫ נחש‬as a participle ([nāʾəš] ‘augur’) instead of the nominal
MT form ‫נַ ַחׁש‬. They also read ‫ קסם‬as the participle-like professional noun
[qåssåm] ‘diviner’ instead, again, of the nominal MT ‫ק ֶסם‬.ֶ
The Typology and Chronology of Samaritan Hebrew

Many phonological and morphological phenomena of Samaritan He-
brew represent a stage of Hebrew that postdates Tiberian. This is evident
from late features such as general penultimate stress, disappearance of the
vocal šəwa, the weakening of the gutturals, the loss of the internal passives,
and the shifts in stems. Therefore, Samaritan Hebrew must be viewed as
post-biblical. Moreover, it shares features with other post-biblical dia-
lects—namely, the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Tannaitic Hebrew.
The difference in extent of certain linguistic processes between the con-
temporary dialects of Samaritan and Tannaitic Hebrew may in part be due
to the length of time the dialects existed: did Samaritans continue to speak
Hebrew after Jews no longer did? There is nothing that rules out this pos-
sibility. To the contrary, it is certain that, after the failure of the Bar-Kokhba
rebellion (132–135 CE), Hebrew-speaking Jews were uprooted from Judea
and Samaritans settled there, remaining for generations.
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International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben
Sira, ed. Jan Joosten and Jean-Sébastien Rey. Studies on the Texts of the
Desert of Judah 73. Leiden: Brill.
Stern, Ephraim, and Eshel, Hanan, eds.
2002 ‫[ ספר השומרונים‬The Samaritans]. Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi / Israel Antiquities
Authority.
Tal, Abraham, and Florentin, Moshe, eds.
2010 ‫ הערות נספחים‬,‫ מבוא‬:‫[ חמישה חומשי תורה נוסח שומרון ונוסח המסורה‬The Pen-
tateuch—the Samaritan Version and the Masoretic Version]. Tel Aviv: Haim
Rubin Tel-Aviv University Press.
Tov, Emanuel
2012 Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible. 3rd ed. Minneapolis: Fortress.
Chapter 10
Babylonian Tradition
S hai H eijmans

It is widely accepted that the vocalization discussed in this chapter was
invented by Babylonian Jews during the Geonic period (the end of the sixth
century through the eleventh century CE). There is no direct evidence,
however, that the vocalization is indeed Babylonian; it is an assumption
based primarily on statements in medieval sources that Babylonian and Pal-
estinian Jews had different pronunciation traditions of the biblical text. The
fact that some Masoretic notes attribute to the “Easterners” (Madneḥaʾe)
a pronunciation conforming to the vocalization discussed here strengthens
this assumption.
The Jewish community in Babylonia has a long history. Jews first came
to the region after the destruction of the First Temple (perhaps some years
earlier). The evidence suggests that they were well integrated in the cul-
tural and economic life around them. During the Parthian and Sassanian
periods, the community established itself as the most influential among
Jewish communities in the Diaspora. Its members saw themselves as the
true keepers of the Jewish tradition.
Jewish settlement in Talmudic Babylonia was concentrated between the
Tigris and the Euphrates, in the region where the main canals connected
the two rivers. In the Babylonian Talmud we find a statement regarding the
area of “pure Jewish lineage” (Qidd. 71b): on the Tigris, this area reached
Moshkani in the north and Apamea in the south (approximately 60 km
north of Baghdad and 160 km to its southeast, respectively).
During Late Antiquity, Babylonian Jewry enjoyed, on the whole, a con-
siderable autonomy in internal matters. At its head stood the Exilarch, the
133
134 Chapter 10
Rosh ha-Golah, who derived his authority both from his lineage as de-
scendant of the house of David and from the status accorded to him by
the government. Spiritual and cultural life was dominated by the Jewish
academies, the yeshivot, which functioned with only minor interruptions
from the third century CE onward. Two leading academies existed: one
in Nehardeʿa, which after the destruction of the city in 259 CE moved to
Pumbedita; and the other in Sura. The teachings of these academies were
compiled and edited by generations of scholars (Amoraʾim) to form the
literary corpus called the Babylonian Talmud.
The beginning of the Geonic period, so designated after the title of the
head of the academy, the Gaon, corresponds roughly to the conquest of
Babylonia by the Arabs. Under Islamic law, Jews had the right to worship
and administer their own religious law. The academies therefore contin-
ued under Islamic rule and achieved international recognition and moral
authority throughout most of the Jewish world. During the Geonic period,
the Babylonian Geonim established themselves as the intellectual leaders
of the entire diaspora, achieving preeminence over the competing center
in Palestine. Apart from legal studies, they also engaged in the fields of
biblical exegesis, linguistics, and poetry. The end of the Geonic era is usu-
ally associated with the death of Rabbi Hayya Gaon in 1038. In reality,
however, the transition from the Geonic period to the Rishonim period,
which followed, was an ongoing process of decentralization, as new Jewish
centers in North Africa and Europe replaced the Babylonian center dur-
ing the tenth and eleventh centuries. For additional information about the
Geonim and the Jewish communities in Babylonia during the Geonic era,
see Oppenheimer (1983), Gafni (2006), and Brody (2013).
The Babylonian pronunciation tradition and its vocalization apparently
had their heyday during the eighth and ninth centuries and spread to the
neighboring Jewish communities in Persia and Yemen. By the end of the
Geonic period, however, the Tiberian tradition replaced the Babylonian,
and the latter continued to be employed only in a few places, mainly in Ye-
men, where it survived until the fifteenth century (and, with heavy Tiberian
influence, continues to be employed among Yemenite Jews to this day).
The Corpus
Our knowledge of the Babylonian vocalization and the pronunciation
tradition it represents is based entirely on medieval manuscripts. Almost all
Babylonian Tradition 135
manuscripts are Genizah fragments, which are scattered in libraries around

the world. They represent approximately 500 original codexes, but often
no more than a dozen pages survive from any single codex. Notable excep-
tions are MS Petersburg Firkovich B3 containing the Latter Prophets (see
below) and MS Vatican 66 of the Siphra (for a facsimile edition, see Fin-
kelstein 1956). The corpus can be divided into three main groups: biblical
texts, rabbinic texts, and ‫ פיוטים‬piyyuṭim (liturgical poems). Of these, the
biblical texts form the largest group, with approximately 350 manuscripts.
Unfortunately, most manuscripts do not contain colophons, so their date
and provenance can only be surmised.
Scholarship on Babylonian vocalization is relatively limited. The first
manuscripts bearing this vocalization came to the attention of western
scholars in 1839 when the Karaite collector Abraham Firkovich brought
three codexes to Odessa from the synagogue of Chufut-Kale in the Crimean
Peninsula. A few years later, a short study by Samuel David Luzzatto was
published concerning one of these manuscripts (1846). In this study, Luz-
zatto was the first scholar to identify the vocalization as Babylonian. A
detailed study of another of these manuscripts, the aforementioned MS
Petersburg Firkovich B3, was published by Pinsker (1863), and a complete
facsimile of this manuscript was later published by Strack (1876).
A major breakthrough in the study of the Babylonian vocalization was
made by Kahle in his thorough study of MS Berlin Or. 4° 680 (1902). The
original Babylonian vocalization of this manuscript was systematically
changed by later scribes where it deviated from the Tiberian pronunciation
tradition; Kahle successfully uncovered the original vocalization and man-
aged to describe it accurately. A decade later, he published another book on
the subject, based on 60 Genizah fragments with Babylonian vocalization
(Kahle 1913). The material in his two books and his conclusions regard-
ing the Babylonian tradition were often cited in the influential grammars
of Bergsträsser (1918–29) and Bauer and Leander (1922). Kahle’s work
was continued in the following decades by several scholars, most notably
Alejandro Díez Macho, who discovered and described many new manu-
scripts and fragments of biblical texts with Babylonian vocalization (see
especially 1971).
Mention should also be made of two more works. Ephraim Porath wrote
an important but largely overlooked book on the Babylonian vocalization
of Rabbinic Hebrew (1938). Israel Yeivin published a large, systematic,
136 Chapter 10
and thorough linguistic description of the Babylonian pronunciation

tradition based on all available manuscripts, with comparisons to other
pronunciation traditions of Hebrew (1985). Accordingly, Yeivin’s work
has become the standard reference tool in this field and will undoubtedly
continue to be so in the foreseeable future. (For an English overview of
the main characteristics of Babylonian Hebrew, largely based on Yeivin’s
book, see Khan 2013.)
Due to the importance of Yeivin’s book, it is appropriate to explain
briefly his system of manuscript classification—a system that is based on
the one used by Kahle (1928). In Yeivin’s corpus, each manuscript is as-
signed a designation consisting of one or two Hebrew letters and a number:
e.g., “13 ‫מב‬.” The first letter (reading from right to left) denotes the type
of vocalization: ʾaleph denotes “simple” vocalization, and mem denotes
“complex” vocalization (on these types of vocalization, see below). The
second letter represents the contents of the manuscript: ʾaleph designates
the Pentateuch; bet, the Prophets; and gimel, the Hagiographa. An ordinal
number terminates each designation and follows an ascending order of
biblical books. Therefore, “13 ‫ ”מב‬designates a codex containing prophetic
section(s) of the Bible (in this case, the Latter Prophets), written in the
complex Babylonian vocalization (this designation applies to MS Peters-
burg Firkovich B3)
The Babylonian pronunciation tradition represented by the vocalization
in the corpus of manuscripts is not uniform, since Tiberian influence has
penetrated the Babylonian pronunciation to various degrees. Yeivin divided
the manuscripts into three main groups according to the pronunciation they
represent: Old Babylonian (designated ‫)]ּב ְב ִלית ַע ִּת ָיקה =[ בע‬,
ָ Middle Baby-
lonian (‫)]ּב ְב ִלית ֵּבינֹונִ ית =[ בב‬,
ָ and Late Babylonian (‫)]ּב ְב ִלית ְצ ִע ָירה =[ בצ‬.
ָ
The first represents the Babylonian tradition with (almost) no Tiberian in-
fluence. The last represents a heavily Tiberianized Babylonian tradition.
For the entire corpus of Babylonian vocalized manuscripts, their classifica-
tion, numbering, and description, see Yeivin (1985: 99–240).
Unfortunately, a comprehensive edition of Babylonian vocalized biblical
texts has not yet been published. Editions of Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, the
Minor Prophets, and Proverbs, as well as selections from Psalms, Job, and
Proverbs according to MS 508 of the Jewish Theological Seminary have
been published in the series Biblia Babilónica by Navarro Peiro (1976),
Navarro Peiro and Pérez Castro (1977), Alba Cecilia (1980a, 1980b, 1987),
and Díez Macho and Navarro Peiro (1987). A facsimile edition of the more
important biblical Genizah fragments has been published in five volumes

by Yeivin (1973).
The following description of the Babylonian reading tradition is based
primarily on the Old Babylonian texts, which reflect the tradition in its
purest form.
Orthography
The Babylonian vocalization system, unlike the Tiberian, never reached
uniformity; practically every important manuscript is vocalized according
to slightly different principles. Nevertheless, three main sub-systems of
Babylonian vocalization can be distinguished: (1) the “simple” system,
(2) the “complex” system, (3) and the system of points.
(1) The simple system consists of the following signs, presented here
with the names of their Tiberian equivalents and their transliteration.
Sign Tiberian equivalent Transliteration

‫סּה‬ ḥireq i
‫ס‬ ‫דּ‬ ṣere e
‫סגּ‬ pataḥ/səgol a
‫ס‬ ‫בּ‬ qameṣ ɔ (å)
‫סוּ‬ ḥolem o
‫סזּ‬ qibbuṣ/šureq u
‫ס‬ ‫טּ‬ šəwa ə
Manuscripts are rarely fully vocalized in this system. Some of the vowel
signs have developed from small letters: the sign for ḥireq has its origin in
the letter yod; the sign for pataḥ, in the letter ʿayin (or also in ʾaleph; see
Dotan 2012); qameṣ, in the letter ʾaleph; and the sign for šureq, in the let-
ter waw. The vowel signs are usually written between consonants: e.g., ‫גדּר‬
‘stranger’ (Tiberian ‫ )ּגֵ ר‬and ‫‘ שבּדגּה‬field’ (Tiberian ‫)ׂש ֶדה‬. ָ When, however,
vowels accompany yod or waw as matres lectionis, they usually come di-
rectly above these letters: e.g., ‫‘ יבּבוֱ א‬he will come’ (Tiberian ‫ )יָבֹוא‬and ‫יבּשיִב‬
‘he will bring back’ (Tiberian ‫)יָ ִׁשיב‬. In Old Babylonian vocalization, the
šəwa sign denotes both the vocal and silent šəwa: e.g., ‫‘ ּטבציון‬in Zion’ (Joel
ְ and ֱ‫‘ להּג ּטכעיִ סו‬to provoke Him’ (Deut 9:18) (Tiberian
4:17) (Tiberian ‫)ּב ִצּיֹון‬
ְ In Middle Babylonian vocalization, however, the šəwa sign de-
‫)ל ַה ְכ ִעיסֹו‬.
notes only the vocal šəwa.
138 Chapter 10
Like Tiberian, there are diacritical signs representing the dageš, raphe,
and mappiq. For these diacritics, Babylonian vocalization employs minia-
ture gimel, qoph, and he, respectively, written above the letter: e.g., ‫מת‬ ֶ ‫נּבעּג‬
‘you were pleasant’ (Song 7:7) (Tiberian ‫)נָ ַע ְמ ְּת‬, ֽ‫בתוֱ ך‬
ֽ ‘inside’ (Ezek 26:5)
(Tiberian ‫)ּבתֹוְך‬, ְ and ‫רכּף‬
ָ ֻ‫‘ או‬its length’ (Zech 2:6) (Tiberian ‫)א ְר ָּכּה‬.
ָ Dageš
and raphe also serve to distinguish different meanings of the same word:
e.g., ‫‘ עמל‬trouble’ (Job 5:6) is spelled ‫עמל‬, ֶ whereas ‘work’ (Job 5:7) is
spelled ‫עמל‬ ֽ (cf. Yeivin 1985: 356).
Two other letters, samekh and šin, are used as diacritical signs above the
letter ‫ ש‬to denote its two different pronunciations, [s] and [š], respectively:
e.g., ִ‫‘ ׂשּבאוֻ ני‬take me up!’ (Jonah 1:12) (Tiberian ‫)ׂשאּונִ י‬ָ and ִ‫‘ ׁשחּותי‬I am
bowed down’ (Ps 38:7) (Tiberian ‫)ׁשח ִֹתי‬. ַ
(2) The complex system uses three sets of signs that are distinguished
by the nature of the syllable: (a) open or stressed syllables, (b) unstressed
syllables closed by a dageš ḥazaq, and (c) unstressed syllables closed by a
silent šewa. For the first category, the signs of the simple system are used.
For the other two categories, the following signs are used.
in unstressed syllables in unstressed syllables Tiberian Trans-

closed by a dageš ḥazaq closed by silent šəwa equivalent literation
‫סּש‬ ‫סּצ‬ ḥireq i
‫סּר‬ ‫סּפ‬ pataḥ/səgol a
‫סּת‬ ‫סּק‬ qibbuṣ u
The signs of the second column ( ‫סּצ‬, ‫סּפ‬, and ‫)סּק‬, together with ‫ סװ‬and ‫סוּ‬, are
also used to designate short vowels, corresponding to the ḥatephim in Ti-
berian: e.g., ִ‫‘ ּבואּצהי‬and I shall be’ (Neh 1:4) (Tiberian ‫)וָ ֱא ִהי‬.
(3) The last Babylonian system of vocalization is composed entirely of
points. The signs for ḥireq, ṣere, and ḥolem are the same as in the simple
system. Yet the sign for pataḥ/səgol is ‫סּפ‬, the sign for qameṣ is ‫ס‬ ‫ ײ‬, and
the sign for šureq is ‫סּק‬. This system is employed consistently only in one
manuscript (a collection of fragments from the Genizah) and may have
originated in a different region or school.
Phonetics
Consonants. Nothing in the Babylonian vocalization informs us about
peculiarities of the pronunciation of the consonants, with one exception.
In some Old Babylonian sources, dageš qal and raphe are placed not only
above ‫ בג״ד כפ״ת‬but also above reš (according to the same principles that
apply to ‫)בג״ד כפ״ת‬: e.g., ‫ּהפרח‬
‫‘ י ֶ ּב‬it will sprout’ (Ps 92:13) (Tiberian ‫)יִ ְפ ָרח‬.
This phenomenon has been interpreted as indicating a double pronun-
ciation of the reš, and this interpretation is supported by an oft-quoted
statement on the “seven double letters ‫ ”בג״ד כפר״ת‬from an early Jewish
philosophical treatise, Sepher Yeṣira (The Book of Creation) and its com-
mentary by Saadia Gaon. Based on this evidence, it has been suggested
that in the Babylonian pronunciation tradition, reš with dageš qal was pro-
nounced with more trill than the reš without dageš qal (Morag 1960: 238).
For practical reasons, we may assume that the rest of the consonants were
pronounced much like their Tiberian counterparts, including the double
pronunciation of the letters ‫ בג״ד כפ״ת‬and the letter ‫( ש‬i.e., šin and śin). It
is worth noting that the phenomenon of a reš receiving a dageš ḥazaq (e.g.,
in Yemenite and other eastern sources) is not an Old Babylonian character-
istic (Yeivin 1985: 284–85).
Vowels. As is the case with the consonants, there is no clear informa-
tion about the pronunciation of the vowels. The vocalization signs indicate
that the Babylonian pronunciation (especially according to Old Babylonian
sources) had six full vowels and another short vowel, the šəwa (Yeivin
1985: 364). The signs for the six full vowels represent qualitative, not
quantitative, differences; it is unknown whether there were any quantitative
differences between vowels at the relevant period. Based on a comparison
with the Tiberian tradition, we can assume that the Babylonian vocaliza-
tion signs represented the following vowels: ḥireq ( ‫[ = )סּה‬i], ṣere ( ‫[ = )סדּ‬e],
ḥolem ( ‫[ = )סוּ‬o], and šureq ( ‫[ = )סזּ‬u]. The Babylonian pataḥ ( ‫)סגּ‬, which
stands for both Tiberian pataḥ and səgol, seems to have had the phonetic
value of the Tiberian pataḥ, that is, [a] (Yeivin 1985: 56, citing Revell
1970: 64 n. 50). As for the Babylonian qameṣ ( ‫)סבּ‬, it is generally accepted
that it was pronounced as a back, half-open, rounded [ɔ]. This opinion is
based mainly on spellings such as ‫‘ בורוך‬blessed’ (= ‫[ בבּרוך‬Tiberian ‫)]ּברּוְך‬ ָ
and ‫‘ הועולם‬the world’ (= ‫[ הבּעולם‬Tiberian ‫עֹולם‬ ָ in Jewish magical texts
ָ ‫)]ה‬
from Late Antiquity (Klar 1954: 43; Mishor 2007: 219–20), as well as
the name of qameṣ in the Babylonian tradition—‫‘ מקפץ פומא‬closing of
the mouth’ (in contrast to the name of pataḥ, ‫‘ מפתח פומא‬opening of the
mouth’). This view has been adopted by, among others, Ben-Ḥayyim and
Morag (see the references in Yeivin 1985: 56). Others have proposed that
140 Chapter 10
the Babylonian qameṣ had the value of a long vowel, [ā] (Kahle apud
Bauer and Leander 1922: §7p; and Kutscher 1966: 224). In certain manu-
scripts, the signs for ṣere and ḥolem interchange: e.g., ‫‘ ּטנמּוריִ ם‬leopards’
(Song 4:8) (Tiberian ‫ )נְ ֵמ ִרים‬and ‫‘ ירּגחּוף‬it will hover’ (Deut 32:11) (Tiberian
‫)יְ ַר ֵחף‬. These interchanges are most likely the result of identical pronuncia-
tion of the two signs (Yeivin 1985: 369–71).
Šəwa. The Babylonian name for šəwa, ‫‘ חיטפא‬snatching’, indicates a
short vowel, but its quality in this pronunciation tradition is unknown. Ac-
cording to Yeivin, interchanges between šəwa and other signs, especially
pataḥ, are not indicative, because they reflect Tiberian influence. Yeivin
suggested that the pronunciation of the vocal šəwa was very close to, or
even identical with, the silent šəwa (Yeivin 1985: 398, 413).
Phonology
The Babylonian tradition, as reflected in the vocalization, presents cer-
tain phonological characteristics that differ from the Tiberian pronunciation
tradition. Most notably, the Babylonian tradition differs in regard to the vo-
calization of gutturals in places where the Tiberian tradition has a ḥaṭeph.
In these cases, the gutturals h and ḥ (IPA ħ) are usually vocalized in the
same manner as non-gutturals: e.g., ‫‘ הּט ּבדד‬Hadad’ (1 Kgs 15:18) (Tiberian
ֲ and ‫‘ חּטמּגת־גבר‬the rage of a man’ (Prov 6:34) (Tiberian ‫)ח ַמת־גבר‬.
‫)ה ָדד‬ ֲ The
gutturals ‫ א‬and ‫ע‬, however, are vocalized differently. (1) In cases where the
guttural was originally followed by a short vowel, which in the Tiberian
tradition was reduced to an ultra-short vowel (e.g., *ʾanī > ‫)אנִ י‬, ֲ the Baby-
lonian vocalization often has a full vowel: ‫‘ עּגשיִ תּגם‬you have made’ (Deut
9:21) (Tiberian ‫יתם‬ ֲ ִ‫אמּורי‬
ֶ ‫)ע ִׂש‬, ‫‘ הּב ּד‬Amorite’ (Gen 15:16) (Tiberian ‫)ה ֱאמ ִֹרי‬,
ָ
and ‫‘ אּונּה ּביה‬ship’ (Jonah 1:3) (Tiberian ‫)אנִ ּיָ ה‬.
ֳ (2) In cases where the guttural
originally closed the syllable, the Babylonian vocalization occasionally
transposed the full vowel and the šəwa: e.g., ‫מאּגכּבל‬ ‫‘ ּט‬food’ (Ezek 47:12)
(Tiberian ‫)מ ֲא ָכל‬ ַ and verbal forms such as ‫תעּגבּוט‬ ‫‘ ּט‬you shall borrow’ (Deut
15:6) (Tiberian ‫)ת ֲעבֹט‬. ַ For additional details, see Yeivin (1985: 287–326),
including some important exceptions.
Another salient phonological characteristic of the Babylonian tradition
is the insertion of an anaptyctic vowel where the Tiberian tradition has two
consecutive šəwaʾim (a silent šəwa followed by a vocal šəwa): e.g., ֻ‫יּהכּהרעו‬
‘they will bow down’ (Ps 22:30) (Tiberian ‫)יִ ְכ ְרעּו‬, ֻ‫‘ נּהכּהלמו‬they were humili-
ated’ (Ezek 43:11) (Tiberian ‫)נִ ְכ ְלמּו‬, ֻ‫‘ וּטהּזשּזלכו‬they were thrown’ (Jer 22:28)
(Tiberian ‫)וְ ֻה ְׁש ְלכּו‬, and ֻ‫‘ יּהרּהמ ּביהו‬Jeremiah’ (Tiberian ‫)יִ ְר ְמיָ הּו‬. This anaptyctic
vowel occurs most often when the second consonant is ‫ל‬, ‫מ‬, ‫נ‬, or especially
‫ר‬, and it has the same quality of the preceding vowel. But before a guttural,
the anaptyctic vowel is usually a: e.g., ‫‘ אּהבּגחרּבה‬I will choose’ (Job 9:14)
(Tiberian ‫)א ְב ֲח ָרה‬. ֶ See Yeivin (1985: 386–97) for further discussion.
Other important phonological characteristics of the Babylonian tradition
include the following.
(1) u appears in closed, unstressed syllables as opposed to qameṣ qaṭan
in the Tiberian vocalization (Yeivin 1985: 375): e.g., ‫‘ קּזרבן‬sacrifice’ (Ti-
berian ‫)ק ְר ָּבן‬, ָ ֱ‫‘ אּזרכו‬its length’ (Ezek 41:2) (Tiberian ‫)א ְרּכֹו‬, ָ and often in
hophal forms (e.g., ‫‘ הּזפקּגד‬it was deposited’ [Lev 5:23] [Tiberian ‫)]ה ְפ ַקד‬. ָ
(2) In closed unstressed syllables with an initial guttural, i is preserved
as opposed to ε in the Tiberian vocalization (Yeivin 1985: 373): e.g., ‫אּהפרים‬
‘Ephraim’ (2 Chr 25:23) (Tiberian ‫)א ְפ ַריִ ם‬, ֶ ‫‘ עּהליון‬Highest’ (Ps 21:8) (Tibe-
ֶ and in forms of the first person qal imperfect (e.g., ‫‘ אּהצ ּבדק‬I shall
rian ‫)ע ְליֹון‬,
be in the right’ [Job 9:20] [Tiberian ‫)]א ְצ ָּדק‬. ֶ
(3) When a word begins with yə in the Tiberian tradition (i.e., yod fol-
lowed by šəwa), the Babylonian tradition often has yi (Yeivin 1985: 269–
79): e.g., ֵ‫‘ יּהמי‬the days of’ (1 Sam 14:52) (Tiberian ‫)יְמי‬ ֵ and ‫‘ יּהסוֱ ד‬foundation
of’ (Lev 4:25) (Tiberian ‫)יְ סֹוד‬.
(4) The phenomenon of attenuation (*a > [i] in closed unstressed syl-
lables) is less widespread in the Babylonian vocalization than in the Tibe-
rian. Consequently, in Babylonian we often find pataḥ in syllables which
contain ḥireq in the Tiberian text (Yeivin 1985: 381–82). This is the case
especially in the nominal prefix ma-: e.g., ‫‘ מּגדבּבר‬desert’ (Ps 102:7) (Ti-
berian ‫)מ ְד ָּבר‬ ִ and ‫‘ מּגשמּגרּגת‬safeguard’ (1 Sam 22:23) (Tiberian ‫)מ ְׁש ֶמ ֶרת‬. ִ
The same observation holds for the inflection of segolate nouns: e.g., ‫בּגגדו‬
‘his garment’ (Jer 43:12) (Tiberian ‫)ּבגְ דֹו‬ ִ and ֱ‫‘ קּגברו‬his grave’ (Gen 23:6)
(Tiberian ‫)ק ְברֹו‬. ִ
(5) A peculiarity of the Babylonian vocalization is the appearance of
ṣere in unstressed closed syllables, where the Tiberian tradition has səgol:
e.g., ‫א ּדפן‬
‫‘ ּבו ּד‬and I turned’ (Deut 9:15) (Tiberian ‫)וָ ֵא ֶפן‬. This “short ṣere” ap-
pears in the complex vocalization as ‫סװ‬.
Morphology
The following are the main morphological differences between the
Babylonian and the Tiberian reading traditions.
142 Chapter 10
(1) The prefix of first-person sing. qal imperfect is -‫( אּה‬as opposed to -‫ֶא‬
in the Tiberian tradition): e.g., ‫‘ אּהשמּגע‬I shall hear’ (2 Sam 19:36) (Tiberian
‫)א ְׁש ַמע‬. ֶ Also characteristic of the qal imperfect is the anaptyctic vowel,
discussed in the previous section, in second- and third-person pl. forms:
e.g., ֻ‫‘ תּהקּהרבו‬you will approach’ (Lev 18:6) (Tiberian ‫)ּת ְק ְרבּו‬ ִ and ֻ‫‘ יּהקּהראו‬they
will call’ (1 Chr 6:50) (Tiberian ‫)יִ ְק ְראּו‬.
(2) Qal cohortative forms of o-imperfect verbs often retain the o-vowel
both in pause and in context, while in the Tiberian tradition the vowel is
preserved only in pause: e.g., ‫‘ אּהזכּו ּברה‬I shall remember’ (Ps 77:4) (Tiberian
ֶ and ‫‘ ונּהדרּושּבה‬we shall seek’ (2 Chr 18:6) (Tiberian ‫)וְ נִ ְד ְר ָ ׁ֖שה‬.
‫)אזְ ְּכ ָ ֣רה‬
(3) There are forms of qal imperative with suffixes that have ḥolem after
the second radical (as opposed to šəwa in the Tiberian vocalization): e.g.,
ִ‫‘ שפּוטּדני‬judge me!’ (Ps 43:1) (Tiberian ‫)ׁש ְפ ֵטנִ י‬ ָ and ‫‘ טמּונּדם‬conceal them!’
(Job 40:13) (Tiberian ‫)ט ְמנֵ ם‬. ָ
(4) A salient characteristic of Babylonian verbal morphology is a pataḥ
after the second radical of third-person masc. sing. forms of the piel per-
fect, niphal imperfect, and hithpael perfect, imperfect, imperative, and in-
finitive: e.g., ‫‘ דּהבּגר‬he spoke’ (1 Chr 17:15) (Tiberian ‫)ּד ֵּבר‬, ִ ‫‘ בּהקּגש‬he sought’
(Isa 1:12) (Tiberian ‫)ב ֵּקׁש‬, ִ ‫‘ ישּבמּגד‬it will be destroyed’ (Isa 48:19) (Tiberian
‫)יִ ָּׁש ֵמד‬, and ‫‘ הּהתאּגבּגל‬he mourned’ (1 Sam 15:35) (Tiberian ‫)ה ְת ַא ֵּבל‬. ִ
(5) The prefix of first-person sing. piel imperfect is -‫( אּד‬as opposed to
-‫ ֲא‬in the Tiberian tradition): e.g., ‫אבּגקּדש‬ ‫‘ ּד‬I shall seek’ (Ezek 34:16) (Tibe-
rian ‫)א ַב ֵּקׁש‬. ֲ In the huphal, the prefix of the stem is almost always vocal-
ized with šureq (‫ )הּזקטּגל‬whereas in Tiberian we find both šureq and qameṣ
(‫ ה ְק ַטל‬/ ‫ל‬ ֻ e.g., ִ‫‘ הּז ּטנחּגלתי‬I am allotted’ (Job 7:3) (Tiberian ‫)הנְ ַח ְל ִּתי‬.
ָ ‫)ה ְק ַט‬: ָ
(6) Nominal morphology is to a large extent identical with the Tiberian
tradition. Most differences are the result of phonological phenomena, some
of which have been discussed in the previous sections: e.g., ֻ‫‘ אּגבּותיֵ נו‬our
ancestors’, with pataḥ instead of a ḥaṭeph vowel (Tiberian ‫)אב ֵֹתינּו‬. ֲ Some
nouns have a slightly different form from their Tiberian counterpart: e.g.,
‫‘ זּדן‬sort’ (Ps 144:13) (Tiberian ‫)זַ ן‬. Occasionally, a noun might exhibit a
morphological peculiarity. For example, the construct form ‫‘ ּדבן־‬son of’ is
vocalized like the absolute form, instead of the expected ‫( *בּגן‬Tiberian ‫)ּבן־‬. ֶ
(7) Of the personal pronouns, the vocalization of ‫‘ הּגם‬they’ (masc.),
‫‘ הּגמּבה‬they’ (masc.), and ‫‘ הּגנּבה‬they’ (fem.) is noteworthy (Tiberian ‫הם‬, ֵ ‫ה ָּמה‬,ֵ
and ‫הּנָ ה‬, ֵ respectively). Likewise, the vocalization of the numerals ‫שּגבעּבה‬
‘seven’ and ‫‘ שּגבעיִ ם‬seventy’ differs from their Tiberian counterpart (‫ׁש ְב ָעה‬, ִ
‫)ׁש ְב ִעים‬.
ִ
(8) The vocalization of the definite article is similar in the Babylonian
and Tiberian traditions: e.g., ‫‘ ַהגֶ ּהבוֱ ריִ ם‬the warriors’ (1 Chr 11:10) (Tiberian
‫ּבֹורים‬
ִ ִ‫)הּג‬ ַ and ‫‘ הּגחּגלּיש‬the weak’ (Joel 4:10) (Tiberian ‫)ה ַח ָּלׁש‬. ַ Occasionally,
however, there are differences: e.g., ‫‘ הּבעוֱ זּגבּגת‬the one who leaves’ (Prov
2:17) (Tiberian ‫)העֹזֶ ֶבת‬ ַ or ‫‘ הּגרּדכּבבים‬the Rechabites’ (Jer 35:18) (Tiberian
‫)ה ֵר ָכ ִבים‬.
ָ
(9) Finally, a characteristic of the Babylonian tradition is the vocaliza-
tion of the copulative waw with ḥireq before a consonant with šəwa: e.g.,
‫‘ וּהביוֱ ם‬and in a day of’ (Isa 49:8) (Tiberian ‫)ּוביֹום‬ ְ and ‫‘ וּהת ּכל ּדבב‬and she will
make cakes’ (2 Sam 13:6) (Tiberian ‫)ּות ַל ֵּבב‬. ְ The regular vocalization of
copulative waw is with šewa (also before the letters ‫בומ״ף‬, except when
vocalized with šewa).
Bibliography
Alba Cecilia, Amparo
1980a Biblia babilónica: Ezequiel. Textos y estudios «Cardenal Cisneros» 27. Ma-
drid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas.
1980b Biblia babilónica: Isaías. Textos y estudios «Cardenal Cisneros» 28. Madrid:
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas.
1987 Biblia babilónica: Jeremías. Textos y estudios «Cardenal Cisneros» 41. Ma-
drid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas.
Bauer, Hans, and Leander, Pontus
1922 Historische Grammatik der hebräischen Sprache des Alten Testamentes.
Halle: Niemeyer.
Bergsträsser, G.
1918–29 Hebräische Grammatik mit Benutzung der von E. Kautzsch bearbeiteten
28. Auflage von Wilhelm Gesenius’ hebräischer Grammatik. 2 vols. Leipzig:
Vogel / Hinrichs.
Brody, Robert
2013 The Geonim of Babylonia and the Shaping of Medieval Jewish Culture. 2nd
ed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Díez Macho, Alejandro
1971 Manuscritos hebreos y arameos de la Biblia: Contribución al estudio de las
diversas tradiciones del texto del Antiguo Testamento. Studia ephemeridis
“Augustinianum” 5. Rome: Institutum patristicum Augustinianum.
Díez Macho, Alejandro, and Navarro Peiro, Ángeles
1987 Biblia babilónica: Fragmentos de Salmos, Job y Proverbios (ms. 508 A del
Seminario Teológico Judío de Nueva York). Textos y estudios «Cardenal Cis-
neros» 42. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas.
144 Chapter 10
Dotan, Aron
2012 ‫[ להתהוות סימני התנועות בניקוד הבבלי‬The Formation of the Babylonian Vowel
Graphemes]. Leshonenu 74: 269–77.
Finkelstein, Louis
1956 Sifra or Torat Kohanim: According to Codex Assemani LXVI. New York:
Jewish Theological Seminary.
Gafni, Isaiah M.
2006 The Political, Social, and Economic History of Babylonian Jewry, 224–638
CE. Pp. 792–820 in The Cambridge History of Judaism, vol. 4: The Late
Roman-Rabbinic Period, ed. Steven T. Katz. Cambridge: Cambridge Univer-
sity Press.
Kahle, Paul
1902 Der masoretische Text des Alten Testaments nach der Überlieferung der
babylonischen Juden. Leipzig: Hinrichs.
1913 Masoreten des Ostens: Die ältesten punktierten Handschriften des Alten Tes-
taments und der Targume. Leipzig: Hinrichs.
1928 Die hebräischen Bibelhandschriften aus Babylonien. Zeitschrift für die alt-
testamentliche Wissenschaft 46: 113–37.
Khan, Geoffrey
2013 Vocalization, Babylonian. Pp. 953–63 in vol. 3 of Encyclopedia of Hebrew
Klar, Benjamin
1954 ‫מחקרים ועיונים בלשון בשירה ובספרות‬. Tel Aviv: Maḥbarot le-Sifrut.
Kutscher, Eduard Y.
1966 Yemenite Hebrew and Ancient Pronunciation. Journal of Semitic Studies 11:
217–25.
Luzzatto, Samuel David
1846 ‫תשובה מאת הרב שד״ל נ״י‬. Pp. 22–31 in pt. 2 of ‫[ ספר הליכות קדם‬Oostersche
Wandelingen], ed. G. I. Polak. Amsterdam: Proops Jacobszoon.
Mishor, Mordechay
2007 ‫[ העברית שבקערות ההשבעה מבבל‬Hebrew in the Babylonian Incantation
Bowls]. Pp. 204–27 in Shaʿarei Lashon: Studies in Hebrew, Aramaic and
Jewish Languages Presented to Moshe Bar-Asher, vol. 2: Rabbinic Hebrew
and Aramaic, ed. A. Maman, S. E. Fassberg, and Y. Breuer. Jerusalem: Bialik.
Morag, Shelomo
1960 ‫שבע כפולות בגד כפרת‬. Pp. 207–42 in ‫ספר טור־סיני‬, ed. Menahem Haran and
B. Z. Luria. 8 ‫פרסומי החברה לחקר המקרא בישראל‬. Jerusalem: Kiryat Sepher.
Navarro Peiro, Ángeles
1976 Biblia babilónica: Proverbios. Textos y estudios «Cardenal Cisneros» 13.
Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas.
Navarro Peiro, Ángeles, and Pérez Castro, Federico
1977 Biblia babilónica: Profetas Menores. Textos y estudios «Cardenal Cisneros»
16. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas.
Oppenheimer, Aharon
1983 Babylonia Judaica in the Talmudic Period. Beihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des
Vorderen Orients B/47. Wiesbaden: Reichert.
Pinsker, S.
1863 ‫[ מבוא אל הנקוד האשורי או הבבלי‬Einleitung in das Babylonisch-Hebräische
Punktationssystem, nach Hss. bearbeitet, nebst einer Grammatik der Hebr.
Zahlwörter (Jesod Mispar) von Abraham ben Esra, aus Hss. herausgeg. und
commentirt]. Vienna: Bendiner.
Porath, Ephraim
1938 ‫[ לשון חכמים לפי מסורות בבליות שבכתב־יד ישנים‬Mishnaic Hebrew as Vocalised
in the Early Manuscripts of the Babylonian Jews]. Jerusalem: Bialik.
Revell, E. J.
1970 Studies in the Palestinian Vocalization of Hebrew. Pp. 51–100 in Essays on
the Ancient Semitic World, ed. J. W. Wevers and D. B. Redford. Toronto
Semitic Texts and Studies 1. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Strack, Hermann, ed.
1876 Prophetarum Posteriorum Codex Babylonicus Petropolitanus. St. Peters-
burg: Ricker / Leipzig: Hinrichs.
Yeivin, Israel
1973 ‫[ אוסף כתבי יד של המקרא בניקוד ובמסורה בבליים‬Geniza Bible Fragments with
Babylonian Massorah and Vocalization]. 5 vols. Jerusalem: Makor.
Language.
Chapter 11
Karaite Transcriptions of Biblical Hebrew
G eoffrey K han

The Karaite movement appears to have emerged from diverse origins. The
earliest elements that can be identified are the teachings of ʿAnan ben David, a
dissident member of the exilarchic family who lived in Babylonia in the eighth
century CE. The various components of the movement became more united by
the tenth century CE (Gil 2003). This chapter is concerned specifically with
the Karaite Arabic transcriptions and the contribution they make to our
knowledge of the Tiberian reading tradition of Biblical Hebrew.
Karaism originated as a movement in medieval Judaism that was distin-
guished doctrinally from the mainstream Rabbinic, also known as “Rab-
banite,” Judaism of the period by a particular emphasis on the study of the
Bible. For the Karaites, the Bible was the main source of authority. This is
reflected by the terms that were used to designate them in the Middle Ages,
such as ‫‘ ָק ָר ִאים‬Readers’ (which is the source of the anglicized ‘Karaites’),
‫‘ ַּב ֲע ֵלי ַה ִּמ ְק ָרא‬Masters of the Bible’, and ‫‘ ְּבנֵ י ַה ִּמ ְק ָרא‬Sons of the Bible’. All
of these are based on the root ‫קר״א‬, in its post-biblical sense of ‘to study the
Bible’. They sought new approaches to biblical research, which were based
upon rational, independent investigation rather than upon the traditional
Author’s Note: Due to typographical difficulties in printing Hebrew vocalization and

accents over Arabic script, examples of transcriptions with vocalization and accents are
presented here giving first the Arabic transcription then a letter-by-letter transliteration
into Hebrew with an indication of the Hebrew vowels and accents that occur in the
manuscript. The transcription is collated with the corresponding form in the Masoretic
Leningrad Codex (L), the base manuscript of most modern editions such as BHS.
147
148 Chapter 11
rabbinic sources of authority. They denied that the Oral Law had been
granted by divine revelation and so did not accept that it had a legal status
equal to that of the Bible.
The Karaites were closely associated with the Tiberian Masoretes. The
tradition of Biblical Hebrew reflected in their texts is not a separate com-
munal tradition comparable, for example, to that of the Samaritans. The
colophons of the early Tiberian Masoretic Bible codexes indicate that
many of them came into the possession of Karaite communities. Some
studies have shown that the Masoretic notes in some Tiberian Bible co-
dexes, including the Aleppo Codex, contain elements that appear to re-
flect Karaite rather than Rabbanite theology (e.g., the gradual revelation
of commandments [‫]מ ְצוֹות‬ִ to generations before Moses; cf. Zer 2003). It
should be noted, moreover, that one of the most important Masoretic trea-
tises on the Tiberian reading tradition, Hidāyat al-Qāri ‘The Guide for the
Reader’, was written by the eleventh-century Karaite grammarian ʾAbū
al-Faraj Hārūn (Eldar 1994; Khan 2003). In the current state of research,
however, it is generally held that the Tiberian Masoretes could not all have
been Karaite. Rather, Karaite scholars joined forces with an existing stream
of tradition of “Bible scholarship” in Rabbanite Judaism, enhancing it and
developing it.
In the tenth and eleventh centuries CE, many Karaite scribes in the
Middle East used Arabic script not only to write Arabic but also Hebrew.
Such Hebrew texts in Arabic transcription were predominantly Hebrew
Bible texts. They were sometimes written as separate manuscripts con-
taining continuous Bible texts. Some manuscripts in Arabic script contain
collections of biblical verses for liturgical purposes. Arabic transcriptions
of verses from the Hebrew Bible or of individual Biblical Hebrew words
were in many cases embedded within Karaite Arabic works, mainly of an
exegetical nature, but also in works of other intellectual genres. Several
Karaite Arabic works also contain Arabic transcriptions of extracts from
Rabbinic Hebrew texts (Tirosh-Becker 2011). Sometimes, Hebrew texts
were written by Karaites without an oral tradition. These texts—e.g., docu-
ments, commentaries, law books—were always written in Hebrew script
(Khan 1992a). Texts with an oral tradition, however, were transcribed into
Arabic script, as was the case with the Hebrew Bible and Rabbinic texts.
The transcriptions reflect, in principle, these oral traditions. For this rea-
Karaite Transcriptions of Biblical Hebrew 149
son, the transcription of the Hebrew Bible represents the orally transmitted
reading tradition of the text rather than the written tradition of the conso-
nantal text.
The Corpus
Most of the known manuscripts containing Karaite transcriptions of Hebrew
into Arabic script are found in the British Library (Khan 1993), the Firkovitch
collections of the National Library of Russia in St. Petersburg (Harviainen
1993a), and the Cairo Genizah collections (Khan 1990). These manuscripts
emanate from Palestinian circles of Karaites or Karaites in Egypt who had mi-
grated to Egypt from Palestine after the capture of Jerusalem by the Crusaders
in 1099. Like Karaite grammatical activity itself, the majority of these texts
were written in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Therein, most of the transcrip-
tions of Biblical Hebrew reflect the Tiberian reading tradition, which is repre-
sented by the Tiberian vocalization signs created by the Tiberian Masoretes.
The transcriptions, therefore, are an important source for the reconstruction
of this reading tradition of Biblical Hebrew (for a description of our current
knowledge of the Tiberian reading tradition based on the Karaite and other
sources, see Khan 2013a, 2013b).
Orthography
Consonants. The Hebrew consonants are transcribed in the Karaite
manuscripts by the following Arabic letters (the raphe sign on ‫בג״ד כפ״ת‬
consonants indicates the fricative allophones):
‫ا—א‬ ‫ح—ח‬ ‫ف — ּפ‬

‫ب — ּב‬ ‫ط—ט‬ ‫ف — ֿפ‬
‫( ب — ֿב‬occasionally ‫)و‬ ‫ى—י‬ ‫ص—צ‬
‫( ج — ּג‬occasionally ‫) ك‬ ‫ك — ּכ‬ ‫ق—ק‬
‫غ — ֿג‬ ‫خ — ֿכ‬ ‫ر—ר‬
‫د — ּד‬ ‫ل—ל‬ ‫س — ׂש‬
‫ذ — ֿד‬ ‫م—מ‬ ‫ش — ׁש‬
‫ه—ה‬ ‫ن—נ‬ ‫ت — ּת‬
‫( و — ו‬occasionally ‫)ب‬ ‫س—ס‬ ‫ث — ֿת‬
‫ز—ז‬ ‫ع—ע‬
150 Chapter 11
This transcription reflects the realization of the consonants in the Tiberian

reading tradition. Since the Arabic script did not have symbols that cor-
responded to all the consonantal sounds of Tiberian Hebrew, in some cases
they were approximations. In the Tiberian reading tradition, for example, ‫ּג‬
was pronounced as a velar plosive [g]. We know from Arabic grammatical
texts that the normative pronunciation of Arabic ‫ ج‬jīm in the tenth and
eleventh centuries was a voiced affricate [ʤ] further forward than a velar
stop (Roman 1983: 101, 243–46). Jīm was used to transcribe [g] on ac-
count of its phonetic similarity but not identity with [g]; both were voiced
and articulated relatively close to each other. Arabic ‫ ب‬bāʾ was used to
transcribe Hebrew fricative bet (‫ )ֿב‬as well as plosive bet (‫)ּב‬, although
Arabic bāʾ was always a plosive [b]. This again shows that the Arabic let-
ter only approximates the Hebrew sound. Another factor may have been
the influence of the Hebrew orthography, in which they are written by the
same letter. Some transcriptions also occasionally employ bāʾ where the
Hebrew Masoretic Text has consonantal waw. We may therefore infer that
in the pronunciation of the scribes consonantal waw was pronounced in the
same way as fricative bet. This is indeed the case in the Tiberian reading
tradition, in which both were pronounced as a labio-velar [v] (Khan 2013a,
2013b). The general employment of Arabic ‫ ف‬fāʾ to represent plosive ‫ ּפ‬as
well as fricative ‫ ֿפ‬is likely due to the influence of Hebrew orthography.
Phonetic Arabic transcriptions of Hebrew independent of the Hebrew writ-
ten text, such as those made by Muslims, often represented Hebrew plosive
‫ ּפ‬by Arabic ‫ ب‬b or ‫ پ‬p (Khan 2013c).
Vowels and Accent. Most of the transcriptions are vocalized with Ti-
berian vowel signs, and some also have Tiberian accents. They can be
divided into two main groups on the basis of their vocalization: (1) those
that have full standard Tiberian vocalization, and (2) those with predomi-
nantly standard Tiberian pointing but also a few non-standard Tiberian
features. Manuscripts of the first group generally have Tiberian accents,
whereas these are sometimes absent in manuscripts of the second group.
The major non-standard Tiberian feature of the second group is the use
of full vowel signs in place of ḥaṭeph signs: e.g., ‫‘ ַא ֶשר اشـر‬which’ (Num
14:22 [T-S Ar.52.242, 1r, 1]) (L ‫)א ֶׁשר־‬.
ֲ In some manuscripts, there is an
interchange of səgol and pataḥ (Khan 1990: 109; Harviainen 1993b): e.g.,
‫‘ ָל ַכם الخام‬for you’ (Lev 25:10 [BL Or. 2581A, 2v, 8]) (L ‫)ל ֶ֔כם‬.
ָ This may
be due to the influence of the Babylonian pronunciation tradition, in which
səgol and pataḥ were not distinguished. Many Karaite scholars and scribes
must have originated in the East (Iraq and Iran), where the Babylonian
pronunciation tradition predominated (Khan 2003). In manuscripts where
this interchange is attested, however, other features demonstrate that the
reading tradition can only be Tiberian: e.g., the characteristically Tiberian
vocalism of šəwa in the environment of the guttural consonants, or the
absence of the characteristically Babylonian interchange of ṣere and ḥolem
(Khan 1990: 8–9). So, the interchange is best interpreted as the result of
occasional interference from the “substrate” Eastern pronunciation of the
scribe. A few manuscripts also use Arabic vocalization signs (Khan 1987:
30–31).
The majority of Karaite manuscripts transcribe the Hebrew vowels using
an orthography based on that of Classical Arabic, in which (1) long vowels
are regularly represented by the Arabic matres lectionis ʾalif, yāʾ, and wāw,
and (2) short vowels are not represented. The mater lectionis ʾalif repre-
sents long qameṣ, pataḥ, or səgol (in some manuscripts also ṣere), yāʾ rep-
resents long ḥireq or ṣere, and wāw renders long šureq or ḥolem. Since only
three matres lectionis, corresponding to the three long vowels of Arabic,
were available to the Karaite scribes to represent the seven Hebrew vowels,
the Arabic spelling does not give a precise indication of vowel quality. It
is possible, moreover, that the choice of matres lectionis was not based
solely on the perceived quality of the vowel. Rather, it was influenced also
by contemporary theories of the Hebrew vowel system, which divided the
vowels into the three groups: (1) qameṣ, pataḥ, səgol; (2) ṣere, ḥireq; and
(3) ḥolem, šureq (Khan 1987: 28–30; 1990: 10–11). This would explain,
for example, why qameṣ is represented by mater lectionis ʾalif, although in
the Tiberian reading tradition it was pronounced as a rounded back vowel
in the region of [ɔ], which could equally well have been represented by
mater lectionis wāw. In fact, in a few isolated Karaite manuscripts, the
Arabic matres lectionis ʾalif and wāw have a different distribution, with ʾalif
sometimes being used to represent ḥolem and wāw sometimes being used
to represent qameṣ (Khan 1990: 9; Harviainen 1994). Since the scribes of
most manuscripts follow the orthographic conventions of Classical Arabic
and regularly represent long vowels by Arabic matres lectionis, the as-
pect of Hebrew pronunciation upon which the transcriptions cast particular
light is the length of vowels. The transcriptions demonstrate that vowel
length was conditioned to a large extent by stress and syllable structure. All
152 Chapter 11
stressed vowels (marked with an accent in the Masoretic Text) were long,
and all unstressed vowels in open syllables were long, with the exception
of vowels represented by a ḥaṭeph or šəwa sign. The vowels ṣere and ḥolem
were long in all contexts.
Phonetics
In the following examples, the phonetic representation of the vowel
length reflected by the transcription is given in square brackets in Roman
script, and the stress is marked by the symbol ̍ before the stressed syllable.
Note that vocal šəwa was pronounced as short [a] in the Tiberian reading
tradition in most contexts. Before gutturals, however, it was pronounced
with the same quality as the vowel following the gutturals. Before yod, it
was pronounced as short [i].
Stressed Vowels
Qameṣ: ‫דבאר وبمذبار‬ ִ [ʾuḇammiḏ ̍ bɔ̄r] ‘and in the wilderness’ (Num
ָ ‫ּובמ‬
14:22 [Genizah MS 1]) (L ‫)ּוב ִּמ ְד ָ ּ֑בר‬ ַ and ‫אמא شاما‬ ָ ‫ ̍ [ ָׁש‬šɔ̄mmɔ̄] ‘to there’
(Num 14:24 [Genizah MS 1]) (L ‫)ׁש ָּמה‬. ָ֔
Pataḥ: ‫צראים بمصرايم‬ ַ ‫במ‬ ִ [bamiṣ ̍
rāyim] ‘in Egypt’ (Num 14:22
[Genizah MS 1]) (L ‫)ב ִמ ְצ ַ ֖ריִ ם‬ ְ and ‫אחת تاحث‬ ַ ‫ ̍ [ ַ ּ֣ת‬tāḥaṯ] ‘instead of’ (Ezek
16:32 [Genizah MS 2]) (L ‫)ּת ַחת‬. ַ֣
Səgol: ‫אשר عاسر‬ ֶ ‫ ̍ [ ֶע‬ʿɛ̄śɛr] ‘ten’ (Num 14:22 [Genizah MS 1]) (L ‫)ע ֶׂ֣שר‬ ֶ
and ‫אתאם وقراثام‬ ְ [ʾuqrɔ̄ ̍ ṯɛ̄m] ‘and you (masc. pl.) shall call’ (Lev 25:10
֥ ֶ ‫ּוק ָר‬
[Genizah MS 5]) (L ‫אתם‬ ֥ ֶ ‫)ּוק ָר‬.
ְ
Ṣere: ‫[ ָכאליב خاليب‬ḵɔ̄ ̍ lēḇ] ‘Caleb’ (Num 14:24 [Genizah MS 1]) (L
ָ and ‫ ̍ [ ֵע ֶיקב عيقب‬ʿēqɛḇ] ‘because’ (Num 14:24 [Genizah MS 1]) (L
‫)כ ֗ ֵלב‬
‫)ע ֶ֣קב‬.
ֵ
Ḥireq: ‫[ ִׁש ְמ ִ ֖עי شمعى‬šim ̍ ʿī] ‘listen!’ (fem. sing.) (Ezek 16:35 [Genizah
MS 2]) (L ‫)ׁש ְמ ִ ֖עי‬ִ and ‫ ̍ [ אים ايم‬ʾīm] ‘if’ (Num 15:24 [Genizah MS 1]) (L ‫)אם‬. ִ֣
Šureq/qibbuṣ: ‫[ וַ ינַ סּו وينسو‬waynas ̍ sū] ‘and they tried’ (Num 14:22
[Genizah MS 1]) (L ‫ )וַ יְ נַ ּ֣סּו‬and ‫[ יָ אמּותּו ياموثو‬yɔ̄ ̍ mūṯū] ‘they (masc.) will
die’ (Num 14:35 [Genizah MS 1]) (L ‫)יָ ֻ ֽמתּו‬.
Unstressed Vowels in Open Syllables

Qameṣ: ‫או عاالو‬ ָ ‫[ ָע‬ʿɔ̄ ̍ lɔ̄v] ‘over him’ (Ezek 17:20 [Genizah MS 2])
֙ ‫אל‬
(L ‫)ע ָל ֙יו‬
ָ and ‫יניכא بعينيخا‬
ָ ‫בע‬ֵ [beʿē ̍ nēḵɔ̄] ‘in your (masc. sing.) eyes’ (Num
32:5 [Genizah MS 1]) (L ‫)ּב ֵע ֶ֔יניָך‬. ְ

Pataḥ: ‫אהּו هاهو‬ ֤ ‫[ ַה‬hā ̍ hū] ‘that’ (1 Sam 1:3 [Genizah MS 3]) (L ‫)ה ֤הּוא‬ ַ
and ‫אח ִ ֥צי كاحصى‬ ֲ ‫[ ַּכ‬kāḥa ̍ ṣī] ‘like half of’ (Ezek 16:51 [Genizah MS 2]) (L
‫)ּכ ֲח ִ ֥צי‬.
ַ
Səgol: ‫ארב باحارب‬ ֶ ‫אח‬ָ ‫[ ֶב‬bɛ̄ ̍ ḥɔ̄rɛḇ] ‘by the sword’ (Num 14:43 [Genizah
MS 1]) (L ‫)ּב ָ ֑ח ֶרב‬ ֶ and ‫ׂשתא ناعسثا‬ ֶ ֶ‫[ נ‬nɛ̄ʿɛś ̍ ṯɔ̄] ‘it (fem.) was done’ (Num
ָ ‫אע‬
15:24 [Genizah MS 1]) (L ‫)נֶ ֶע ְׂש ָ ֣תה‬.
Ṣere: ‫אע ָידא العيذا‬ ֵ ‫[ ָל‬lɔ̄ʿē ̍ ḏɔ̄] ‘for the congregation’ (Num 14:27 [Genizah
MS 1]) (L ‫)ל ֵע ָ ֤דה‬ ָ and ‫יֿפיר هيفير‬ ֑ ִ ‫[ ֵה‬hē ̍ p̄īr] ‘he broke’ (Ezek 17:19 [Genizah
MS 2] (L ‫)ה ִ ֑פיר‬. ֵ
Ḥireq: ‫ילֹו بشيلو‬ ֑ ‫[ ְב ִׁש‬bašī ̍ lō] ‘in Shiloh’ (1 Sam 1:3 [Genizah MS 3]) (L
‫)ּב ִׁש ֹ֑לה‬ ְ and ‫יהא خيها‬ ֖ ָ ‫[ ִכ‬ḵī ̍ hɔ̄] ‘he rebuked’ (1 Sam 3:13 [Genizah MS 3]) (L
‫)כ ָ ֖הה‬.ִ
Ḥolem: ‫[ בקולי بقولى‬baqō ̍ lī] ‘(listened) to My voice’ (Num 14:22 [Geni
zah MS 1]) (L ‫קֹולי‬ ֽ ִ ‫)ּב‬ ְ and ‫אמֹוֿתאיִ ְֿך راموثايخ‬ ַ֔ ‫[ ָר‬rɔ̄mō ̍ ṯāyiḵ] ‘your (fem. sing.)
lofty places’ (Ezek 16:39 [Genizah MS 2]) (L ‫)רמ ַֹ֔תיִ ְך‬. ָ
Šureq/qibbuṣ: ‫תרּומאת كثروماث‬ ַ ‫[ ִּכ‬kiṯrū ̍ māṯ] ‘as an offering of’ (Num
15:20 [Genizah MS 1]) (L ‫רּומת‬ ִ and ‫[ חּוׁשים حوشيم‬ḥū ̍ šīm] ‘hastening’
֣ ַ ‫)ּכ ְת‬
(Num 32:17 [Genizah MS 1]) (L ‫)ח ִׁ֗שים‬. ֻ
In transcriptions used for liturgical purposes, which can be assumed to
represent in principle a faster and often less precise reading, the otherwise
long vowel in an unstressed syllable is sometimes not represented by a ma-
ter lectionis, especially when the word has a conjunctive accent: e.g., ‫عالو‬
‫[ עלאו‬ʿɔlɔ̄v] ‘against him’ (Ps 109:6 [Genizah MS 13]) (L ‫)ע ָל֣יו‬ ָ and ‫شالح‬
‫[ ׁשלאח‬šɔlāḥ] ‘He sent’ (Ps 111:9 [Genizah MS 13]) (L ‫)ׁש ַל֤ח‬. ָ֘
Although the majority of manuscripts represents the Hebrew reading
tradition with an Arabic transcription that follows the conventions of
Classical Arabic orthography with regard to the distribution of the matres
lectionis, some manuscripts exhibit different systems of orthography (see
Khan 1993 for details). At least one extant manuscript (BL Or. 2541) is es-
sentially a transliteration of the Biblical Hebrew orthography rather than a
phonetic transcription, and the distribution of Arabic matres lectionis cor-
responds in principle to that of the Hebrew matres lectionis. Long qameṣ in
this manuscript, for example, is transcribed without a mater lectionis (e.g.,
‫‘ ָה ֔ ָעם هعم‬the people’ [Exod 12:33 (fol. 17r, 9)] [L ‫)]ה ֔ ָעם‬. ָ Final mater lec-
tionis he is transcribed with hāʾ (e.g., ‫‘ ִה ָּכ֣ה هكه‬He smote’ [Exod 12:29 (fol.
16v, 9)] [L ‫)]ה ָּכ֣ה‬. ִ Hebrew silent ʾaleph preceded by ḥolem without Hebrew
154 Chapter 11
mater lectionis waw is transcribed by ʾalif in the middle of a word (e.g., ‫ال‬
‫‘ לֹא‬not’ [passim] [L ‫ ]לֹא‬and ‫‘ וְ ֣צאן وصان‬and sheep’ [Exod 12:38 (fol. 17v,
7)] [L ‫)]וְ ֣צ ֹאן‬. The otiose yod in pronominal suffixes attached to plural nouns
and prepositions is represented by yāʾ (e.g., ‫ּוב ָפ ָר ָ ֽׁשיו وبفرشيو‬ ְ ‘and by his
horsemen’ [Exod 14:17 (fol. 22v, 8)] [L ‫)]ּוב ָפ ָר ָ ֽׁשיו‬. ְ The orthography of the
manuscript, however, goes beyond a strict transliteration of the Masoretic
Text in one important detail. It generally represents a Hebrew ḥolem and
šureq/qibbuṣ with wāw and a long ḥireq with yāʾ even when these vowels
are not represented by matres lectionis in the defective orthography of the
Masoretic Text: e.g., ‫‘ ֽב ֶֹוקר بوقر‬morning’ (Exod 12:22 [fol. 16r, 9]) (L ‫)ּב ֶֹקר‬, ֽ
‫ח�וקֿת حوقث‬ ֣ ַ ‘ordinance of’ (Exod 12:43 [fol. 19v, 6]) (L ‫)ח ַ ּ֣קת‬, ֻ and ‫وشليسيم‬
֖ ִ ‫‘ וְ ָׁש ִל‬and officers’ (Exod 14:7 [fol. 21v, 5]) (L ‫)וְ ָׁש ִל ִ ׁ֖שם‬. In this respect,
‫יׁשים‬
the manuscript rewrites and systematizes the Masoretic orthography. It is
important to note, moreover, that this manuscript still represents the orally
transmitted reading rather than the written tradition when there is a differ-
ence between the two.
A few manuscripts exhibit a mixed system containing features of He-
brew and Classical Arabic orthography. In such manuscripts, for example,
Hebrew silent ʾaleph preceded by ḥolem without Hebrew mater lectionis
waw is transcribed by a combination of Arabic ʾalif and wāw in either order
(e.g., ‫ושמֹואל وسموال‬ ְ ‘and left’ [Deut 17:11 (BL Or. 2551, fol. 31v, 13)] [L
ְ and ‫‘ ֽצאֹון صاون‬sheep’ [Ps 78:70 (BL Or. 2551, fol. 36v, 4)] [L ‫)]צ ֹאן‬,
‫]ּוׂש ֽמ ֹאל‬ ֽ
and the pronominal suffixes with otiose yod are sometimes transcribed with
both yāʾ and ʾalif (e.g., ‫‘ ַר ֲח ָמאיו راحمايو‬His mercy’ [Lam 3:22 (BL Or. 2551,
fol. 45v, 11)] [L ‫)]ר ֲח ָ ֽמיו‬.ַ
Some manuscripts are written with a predominantly Classical Arabic
orthography with an extended use of mater lectionis ʾalif. This is found
in particular in the environment of consonant ʾalif. There, Arabic mater
lectionis ʾalif is combined with Arabic consonantal ʾalif, whose result is
a series of two or even three ʾalifs, against the conventions of Classical
Arabic orthography: e.g., ‫יכא اابيخا‬ ִ֔ ‫‘ ָא‬your father’ (Exod 3:6 [BL Or.
ָ ‫אב‬
2544, fol. 75r, 4]) (L ‫)א ִ֔ביָך‬, ָ ‫אא ֨ ָלא وشااال‬
ַ ‫‘ וְ ָׁש‬and she will ask’ (Exod 3:22
[BL Or. 2544, fol. 79r, 7]) (L ‫)וְ ָׁש ֲא ֨ ָלה‬, and ‫ארץ هااارص‬ ֣ ָ ‫‘ ָה‬the land’ (Exod
ֶ ‫אא‬
3:8 [BL Or. 2544, fol. 75v, 2]) (L ‫)ה ָ ֣א ֶרץ‬. ָ
The manuscripts that exhibit a predominance of Hebrew orthographic
elements appear on paleographical grounds to be among the earliest tran-
scriptions. In general, the Karaite transcriptions exhibit a gradual develop-
ment in orthography toward greater consistency in the marking of vowel

length, based on an increasing sensitivity toward long vowels. A compara-
tive study of the orthography of the manuscripts can, therefore, elucidate
many details of vowel length, especially relative degrees of length, as will
be shown below.
The transcriptions show that vowels were pronounced long in a num-
ber of syllabic contexts in addition to those described above. Most manu-
scripts represent ḥireq in the closed unstressed syllable of prefixes of the
verbs ‫‘ ָהיָ ה‬to be’ and ‫‘ ָחיָ ה‬to live’ with matres lectionis as well as pataḥ in
the prefix of the forms ‫ וַ יְ ִהי‬and ‫וַ יְ ִחי‬, reflecting their lengthening: e.g., ‫تـيـهيا‬
ְ ‫[ ִת‬tīhyɛ̄] ‘it will be’ (Jer 7:34 [BL Or. 2549, fol. 58r, 12]) (L ‫)ּת ְה ֶי֥ה‬,
‫יה ֶי֥א‬ ִ
‫יהי֨ ֹות بيهيوث‬ ְ ‫[ ִב‬bīhyōṯōṯ] ‘when it is’ (Prov 3:27 [BL Or. 2553, fol 6r, 12])
(L ‫)ּב ְהי֨ ֹות‬,
ִ ‫[ ייחיא ييحيا‬yīḥyɛ̄] ‘let him live’ (Neh 2:3 [BL Or. 2556, fol.
44v, 9]) (L ‫)יִ ְח ֶי֑ה‬, ‫יחיָ א ميحيا‬ ְ ‫[ ִמ‬mīḥyå̄] ‘reviving’ (Ezra 9:8 [BL Or. 2556,
fol. 31v, 1]) (L ‫)מ ְח ָי֥ה‬,ֽ ִ ‫[ וַ איְ ִ֗הי وايهى‬wāyhī] ‘and it was’ (Josh 3:14 [BL Or.
2547, fol. 6v, 6]) (L ‫)וַ יְ ִ֗הי‬, and ‫[ ואיחי وايحى‬wāyḥī] ‘and he lived’ (Isa 38:9
[BL Or. 2548, fol. 28r, 9]) (L ‫)וַ יְ ִ ֖חי‬. Some manuscripts, however, represent
only the pataḥ of ‫ וַ יְ ִהי‬and ‫ וַ יְ ִחי‬with matres lectionis but not ḥireq in the
prefixes of these verbs, reflecting the lengthening only of pataḥ, as in BL
Or. 2539 fols. 56–114: ‫[ וַ איְ ִ֗הי وايهى‬wāyhī] ‘and it was’ (Gen 24:22 [fol.
72v, 3]) (L ‫ )וַ יְ ִ֗הי‬but ‫[ ִת ְה ֶי֖א تهيا‬tihyɛ̄] ‘you shall be’ (Deut 7:14 [fol. 91v, 2])
(L ‫)ּת ְה ֶי֖ה‬.
ֽ ִ In Tiberian Masoretic codexes, such as Leningrad, the ḥireq and
pataḥ vowels that are transcribed in Karaite texts with matres lectionis are
sometimes marked with gaʿya, but this is by no means always the case;
sometimes gaʿya is marked in the Leningrad Codex where a transcription
does not have a mater lectionis, as in the last example. The marking of the
gaʿya is not, therefore, directly correlated with the lengthening reflected in
the transcriptions. Although some manuscripts transcribe the ḥireq with a
mater lectionis, others, such as BL Or. 2539 fols. 56–114, do not represent
the ḥireq with a mater lectionis yet mark long ḥireq in other contexts with
a mater lectionis (e.g., ‫יחוט ميحوط‬ ֙ ‫[ ִמ‬mīḥūṭ] ‘of a thread’ [Gen 14:23 (fol.
57r, 8)] [L ‫חּוט‬ ֙ ‫;)]מ‬
ִ this evidence, then, suggests that the ḥireq in the pre-
fixes of these verbs was long. Furthermore, these transcriptions lead one to
perceive the ḥireq as shorter in duration than the pataḥ in prefixes of these
verbs as well as shorter than long ḥireq in other contexts. As mentioned,
the manuscripts exhibit different degrees of sensitivity to vowel length, and
a comparison of the various orthographic systems reveals relative degrees
156 Chapter 11
of vowel duration. The purpose of lengthening the vowel in the prefixes of

these verbs was to decelerate the reading and avoid the possible elision of
weak letters (Khan 1994).
The Karaite transcriptions also cast light on the pronunciation of
syllables marked by the so-called “minor gaʿya.” This is a gaʿya that is
marked on a closed syllable containing what is normally thought to be a
short vowel (Yeivin 1980: 244–48; 2003: 212–14), as in the first syllable
of ‫‘ ִ ֽנ ְת ַח ְּכ ָ ֖מה‬let us deal wisely’ (Exod 1:10). The transcriptions indicate
that the vowels in syllables marked by minor gaʿya were pronounced long,
since many manuscripts represent them with Arabic matres lectionis (the
minor gaʿya is marked by the symbol ˌ in the phonetic transcription): e.g.,
‫هاحمور‬-‫אח ֔מֹור عال‬ ַ ‫אל־ה‬ ַ ‫ˌ[ ַ ֽע‬ʿāl-hāḥa ̍ mōr] ‘on the ass’ (Exod 4:20 [BL Or.
2544–46]) (L ‫מר‬ ֹ ֔ ‫ל־ה ֲח‬
ַ ‫)ע‬, ֽ ַ ‫אחוֽ ו وييشتاحوو‬ ְ ֽ ִ‫[ וַ י‬wayˌyīštāḥa ̍ vū] ‘and they
ַ ‫יׁש ַת‬
prostrated themselves’ (Gen 33:7 [BL Or. 2544–46]) (L ‫)וַ ִ ּֽי ְׁש ַּת ֲחוֽ ּו‬, and
‫אע ֑קֹוב وولياعقوب‬ ְ ֽ‫ˌ[ ּו‬ʾūlyāʿa ̍ qōḇ] ‘and to Jacob’ (Exod 6:8 [BL Or. 2544–
ַ ַ‫ולי‬
46]) (L ‫)ּוֽ ְליַ ֲע ֑קֹב‬. In several manuscripts, however, the mater lectionis is
omitted in the transcription of a vowel marked by minor gaʿya. There is a
greater tendency for this omission when the minor gaʿya is marked on one
of the high vowels ḥireq or šureq than when it is marked on the low vowel
pataḥ. For instance, in the following two examples the mater lectionis is
omitted in BL Or. 2542 fols. 1–249: e.g., ‫ˌ[ ִ ֽנ ְת ַח ְכ ָ ֖מא نثحكما‬niṯḥakka ̍ mɔ̄] ‘let
us deal wisely’ (Exod 1:10 [fol. 43r, 9]) (L ‫)נ ְת ַח ְּכ ָ ֖מה‬ ֘ ‫אע‬
ֽ ִ and ‫לֹותֹו ولهاعلوثو‬ ַ ‫וֽ ְל ַה‬
[ˌʾulhāʿalō ̍ ṯō] ‘and to bring them (= My people) up’ (Exod 3:8 [fol. 45v, 1])
(L ‫ֹלתֹו‬֮ ‫ ;)ּוֽ ְל ַה ֲע‬contrast ‫עּו وايّـفجعو‬ ֙ ְ‫ˌ[ ַ ֽואיִ פג‬wāyyip̄gu ̍ ʿū] ‘and they (masc.) met’
(Exod 5:20 [fol. 48v, 9]) (L ‫עּו‬ ַ in which the mater lectionis is written.
֙ ְ‫)ו�ּֽיִ ְפּג‬,
This distribution of matres lectionis in the manuscripts can likewise be
interpreted as reflecting differences in the relative duration of lengthened
vowels. It shows that high vowels with minor gaʿya were perceived to be
shorter than the low vowel pataḥ with minor gaʿya, as is the case with the
prefixes of the verbs ‫ ָהיָ ה‬and ‫( ָחיָ ה‬see Khan 1992b for further details).
In the Tiberian Masoretic tradition, gaʿya is sometimes placed next to
šəwa or ḥaṭeph signs. This is referred to by the terms gaʿyat šəwa or šəwa
gaʿya (Yeivin 1980: 252–54; 2003: 218–20). The second term will be used
here. The Karaite transcriptions indicate that šəwa gaʿya was pronounced
as a long vowel, since they represent it with a mater lectionis: e.g., ‫باناحال‬
ְ ַ‫ˌ[ ְ ֽבאנ‬bānāḥa ̍ lɔ̄] ‘as an inheritance’ (Josh 13:6 [BL Or. 2547, fol.
‫אח ֔ ָלא‬
15r, 11]) (L ‫)ּבנַ ֲח ֔ ָלה‬, ֽ ְ ‫אמֹוכאם كاموخام‬ ֶ֗ ‫ˌ[ ְ ֽכ‬kāmō ̍ ḵɛ̄m] ‘as you’ (Job 12:3 [BL
Or. 2552, fol. 16v, 13]) (L ‫מֹוכם‬ ֽ ְ and ‫יׁשֹותאו عاطيشوثاو‬

ֶ֗ ‫)ּכ‬, ָ ‫אט‬ ִ ‫ˌ[ ֲ֭ ֽע‬ʿāṭīšō ̍ ṯɔ̄v]
‘his sneezings’ (Job 41:10 [BL Or. 2552, fol. 87v, 14]) (L ‫)ע ִטיׁש ָֹתיו‬. ֭ ֲ‍ֽ As
remarked above, the default pronunciation of vocal šəwa had the quality
of pataḥ [a]. This explains why the šəwa gaʿya in the foregoing examples
is represented by Arabic mater lectionis ʾalif, which represents long [ā]. A
lengthened ḥaṭeph pataḥ is likewise represented by mater lectionis ʾalif. A
mater lectionis is sometimes omitted in the transcriptions of šəwa gaʿya.
This is regularly the case in many manuscripts in contexts where šəwa has
a higher vowel quality than pataḥ. In ‫אד ְע ָתא وياذعتا‬ ַ ָ‫ˌ[ ְֽ ֭וי‬wiyɔ̄ḏaʿ ̍ tɔ̄] ‘and you
shall know’ (Job 5:25 [BL Or. 2552, fol. 7r, 9]) (L ‫)וְ ֽ֭יָ ַד ְע ָּת‬, the šəwa before
yod is pronounced with the quality of ḥireq; in ‫אּולאם واوالم‬ ָ ֗ ‫ˌ[ ְ ֽו‬wuʾū ̍ lɔ̄m]
‘but’ (Job 12:7 [BL Or. 2552, fol. 18v, 7]) (L ‫אּולם‬ ֽ ְ the šəwa has the qual-
ָ ֗ ‫)ו‬,
ity of šureq before a guttural followed by šureq; and in ‫צאי לאך صأى الخ‬
[ˌṣiʾī- ̍ lɔ̄ḵ] ‘go out!’ (fem. sing.) (Song 1:8 [BL Or. 2554, fol. 35r, 1]) (L
‫י־לְך‬ ֽ ְ the šəwa is pronounced with the quality of ḥireq before a guttural
ָ ֞ ‫)צ ִא‬,
followed by ḥireq. The distribution of the matres lectionis in the transcrip-
tion of šəwa gaʿya is similar to that of vowels with minor gaʿya, indicating
differences in degrees of lengthening according to the height of the vowel
(for further details, see Khan 2009).
When the interrogative ‫‘ ָמה‬what?’ is connected to the following word
by maqqeph and the initial consonant of the second word has dageš, the
vowel under the ‫ מה‬is pataḥ rather than qameṣ: e.g., ‫ן־לי‬ ִ ‫‘ ַמ‬what will
ִ ֔ ‫ה־ּת ֶּת‬
You give me?’ (Gen 15:2). This indicates that at some point in the histori-
cal development of the Tiberian pronunciation the vowel before dageš was
short, reflecting the close prosodic bond of the interrogative to the follow-
ing word. The Karaite transcriptions, however, indicate that in the tenth
and eleventh centuries a more careful word division had developed in the
Tiberian reading tradition, and the vowel was pronounced long. In most of
the manuscripts that use an Arabic-based orthography, ‫ ַמה־‬before dageš
is transcribed with a final mater lectionis ʾalif: e.g., ‫ַמא ִת ְצ ַ ֖עאק ما تصعاق‬
[mā‑ttiṣ ̍ ʿāq] ‘why do you cry?’ (Exod 14:15 [BL Or. 2542, 62r, 7]) (L ‫ַמה־‬
ִ In one of the manuscripts that exhibit an Arabic-based orthography
‫)ּת ְצ ַ ֖עק‬.
with extended use of mater lectionis ʾalif, BL Or. 2544, ‫ ַמה־‬is transcribed
regularly by -‫מה־ مه‬: ّ -‫ה־ׁש ֔מֹו مه‬
ַ e.g., ‫شمو‬ ְ ‫[ ַמ‬mah-ššə ̍ mō] ‘what is His name?’
(Exod 3:13 [BL Or. 2544, 76v, 12]) (L ‫ה־ּׁש ֔מֹו‬ ַ (see Khan 1989 for details).
ְ ‫)מ‬
The purpose of the reading of ‫ ַמה־‬with a long vowel or a final [h] was to
bring about a pause and so clearly separate it from the following word.
158 Chapter 11
Although the majority of medieval Karaite transcriptions reflect the

Tiberian reading tradition, a few of the extant manuscripts exhibit some
features of the medieval Palestinian pronunciation, known from the Pal-
estinian vocalization and from the later Sephardic reading traditions. One
of the manuscripts of the British Library corpus (Or. 2555), for example,
exhibits a frequent interchange of səgol and ṣere both in the orthography
of its transcription and in its vocalization (Khan 1990: 17). This suggests
that the two vowels were not distinguished in the pronunciation of the
scribe, which is a feature of the Palestinian and Sephardic traditions. There
is evidence from a few transcriptions that the scribe pronounced taw and
dalet as stops in all contexts, as is the case in Sephardic traditions: e.g., the
transcription ‫‘ קוהאלת قوهالت‬Qohelet’ (Qoh 1:1 [BL Or. 2552, fol. 90v]) (L
‫)ק ֶ ֹ֣ה ֶלת‬, in which the post-vocalic taw is represented by an Arabic tāʾ. The
same manuscript also reflects the occurrence of a secondary stress on the
final anaptyctic vowel of segolate constructions, which also is a feature
of Sephardic reading traditions: e.g., ‫‘ בבוקאר ببوقار‬in the morning’ (Qoh
11:6 [fol. 116v]) (L ‫)ּב ּ֙ב ֹ ֶק ֙ר‬.
ַ The mater lectionis in the final syllable reflects
the lengthening caused by secondary stress [ ̍ bōˌqɛ̄ʀ] (see Khan 1997 for
further details).
Abbreviations
L Leningrad (St. Petersburg) Masoretic Bible Codex, St. Petersburg I
Firkovitch B19a.
T-S Taylor-Schechter Genizah Collection, Cambridge University Library,
Cambridge.
BL Or. British Library Oriental collection (manuscripts), London.
BHS Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia
Genizah MS Manuscripts published in Khan (1990).
Bibliography
Eldar, Ilan
1994 ‫ ספר הוריית הקורא ומשנתו הלשונית‬:‫[ תורת הקריאה במקרא‬The Study of the Art
of Correct Reading as Reflected in the Medieval Treatise Hidāyat al-Qāri].
Jerusalem: Academy of the Hebrew Language.
Gil, Moshe
2003 The Origins of the Karaites. Pp. 73–118 in Karaite Judaism: A Guide to Its
History and Literary Sources, ed. Meira Polliack. Handbuch der Orientalistik
1/73. Leiden: Brill.
Harviainen, Tapani
1993a Karaite Arabic Transcriptions of Hebrew in the Saltykov-Shchedrin Public
Library in St. Petersburg. Pp. 63–72 in Estudios Masoréticos (X Congreso del
IOMS): En memoria de Harry M. Orlinsky, ed. Emilia Fernández Tejero and
María Teresa Ortega Monasterio. Textos y estudios «Cardenal Cisneros» 55.
Madrid: Instituto de Filología del CSIC.
1993b A Karaite Bible Transcription with Indiscriminate Use of Tiberian Pataḥ and
Segol Vowel Signs. Pp. 83–97 in Semitica: Serta Philologica Constantino
Tsereteli Dicata, ed. Riccardo Contini, Fabrizio A. Pennachietti, and Mauro
Tosco. Pubblicazioni del Gruppo di Ricerca «Lessicografia Semitica e Les-
sico Ebraico» Finanziato dal C.N.R. 6. Torino: Zamorani.
1994 A Karaite Bible Transcription with Indiscriminate Counterparts of Tiberian
Qameṣ and Ḥolam (Ms. Firkovitsh II, Arab.-evr. 1). Pp. 33–40 in Proceed-
ings of the Eleventh Congress of the International Organization of Masoretic
Studies (IOMS), Jerusalem, June 21–22, 1993, ed. Aron Dotan. Jerusalem:
World Union of Jewish Studies.
Khan, Geoffrey
1987 Vowel Length and Syllable Structure in the Tiberian Tradition of Biblical
Hebrew. Journal of Semitic Studies 32: 23–82.
1989 The Pronunciation of ‫ ַמה־‬before Dageš in the Medieval Tiberian Hebrew
Reading Tradition. Journal of Semitic Studies 34: 433–41.
1990 Karaite Bible Manuscripts from the Cairo Genizah. Cambridge University
Library Genizah Series 9. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
1992a The Medieval Karaite Transcriptions of Hebrew in Arabic Script. Israel Ori-
ental Studies 12: 157–76.
1992b ‫[ מבטא הגעיה הקטנה המשתקף בכתבי־יד קראיים של המקרא בתעתיק ערבי‬The
Pronunciation of Minor Gaʿya as Reflected by Karaite Bible Manuscripts in
Arabic Transcription]. ‫ מחקרים בלשון‬5–6: 465–79.
1993 The Orthography of Karaite Hebrew Bible Manuscripts in Arabic Transcrip-
tion. Journal of Semitic Studies 38: 49–70.
1994 The Pronunciation of the Verbs ‫ היה‬and ‫ חיה‬in the Tiberian Tradition of Bib-
lical Hebrew. Pp. 133–44 in Semitic and Cushitic Studies, ed. Gideon Gol
denberg and Shlomo Raz. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
1997 ‫[ העומק ההיסטורי של שתי תכונות של מסורות הקריאה הספרדיות‬The Historical
Depth of Two Features of “Sephardi” Reading Traditions]. Massorot 9–11:
91–99.
2003 The Contribution of the Karaites to the Study of the Hebrew Language.
Pp. 291–318 in Karaite Judaism: A Guide to Its History and Literary Sources,
ed. Meira Polliack. Handbuch der Orientalistik 1/73. Leiden: Brill.
2009 The Pronunciation of Gaʿya with Šewa. Pp. 3*–18* in ‫ מחקרים‬:‫משאת אהרן‬
‫[ בלשון מוגשים לאהרן דותן‬Mas’at Aharon: Linguistic Studies Presented to
Aron Dotan], ed. Moshe Bar-Asher and Chaim E. Cohen. Jerusalem: Bialik.
2013a A Short Introduction to the Masoretic Hebrew Bible and Its Reading Tradi-
tion. 2nd ed. Gorgias Handbooks 25. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias.
2013b Tiberian Reading Tradition. Pp. 769–78 in vol. 3 of Encyclopedia of Hebrew
160 Chapter 11
2013c Transcriptions into Arabic Script: Medieval Muslim Sources. Pp. 799–801

in vol. 3 of Encyclopedia of Hebrew Language and Linguistics, ed. Geoffrey
Khan. Leiden: Brill.
Roman, André
1983 Étude de la phonologie et de la morphologie de la koinè arabe. 2 vols. Aix-
en-Provence: Université de Provence / Marseille: Laffitte.
Tirosh-Becker, Ofra
2011 ‫[ גנזי חז״ל בספרות הקראית בימי הביניים‬Rabbinic Excerpts in Medieval Karaite
Literature]. 2 vols. Jerusalem: Bialik / Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
Yeivin, Israel
1980 Introduction to the Tiberian Masorah, trans. and ed. E. J. Revell. Society of
Biblical Literature Masoretic Studies 5. Missoula, MT: Scholars Press.
2003 ‫[ המסורה למקרא‬The Biblical Masorah]. Studies in Language 3. Jerusalem:
Academy of the Hebrew Language.
Zer, Rafael
2003 ?‫ההיה מסרן הכתר רבני או קראי‬. Sefunot 8: 573–87.
Chapter 12
Palestinian Tradition
J oseph Yahalom

It is assumed that the “Palestinian” vocalization system was used by
Jews somewhere in medieval Palestine other than Tiberias. The evidence
rests solely on the earliest extant report about a “Palestinian vocalization,”
which is contained in a commentary on tractate ʾAbot of the Mishnah in the
Vitry Maḥzor, a medieval collection of Jewish law. In his commentary, the
twelfth-century scholar Jacob ben Samson discusses the statement “Moses
received the Torah from Sinai” (m. ʾAbot 1:1). As part of this discussion,
he quotes the opinion that the cantillation of the text (‫ טעמי המקרא‬ṭaʿame
ha-miqra) was also received by Moses at Sinai, “but the signs of chant-
ing were established by the scribes. Therefore the Tiberian pointing (‫ניקוד‬
niqqud) is unlike our pointing; nor is it like the Palestinian pointing. They
established them because accents and chants tend to be forgotten” (Hurwitz
1923: 462). The exegete clearly refers here to the system of cantillation ac-
cents, of which there are indeed three known versions: the Tiberian system,
the Palestinian system (Revell 1977), and the Babylonian system (Yeivin
1985: 39, 60). The conclusion follows that Moses could not have received
the accents from Sinai, although he did receive the detailed syntactic divi-
sion of the Torah text, which would subsequently be marked by means of
accents created expressly for this purpose.
It is somewhat surprising that Jacob ben Samson calls one of the sys-
tems “Tiberian” and another “Palestinian,” since Tiberias is in Palestine.
Scholars have also wondered about the use of the phrase “our pointing”
by a twelfth-century Ashkenazic (European) Jew (Eldar 1978: 174–75).
161
162 Chapter 12
Elsewhere in the Vitry Maḥzor, however, it is stated that “he [who asks
about the reading of the shemaʿ prayer] made the Palestinian Talmud the
main one, and our Talmud secondary”; that is, he followed what was writ-
ten in the Palestinian and not the Babylonian Talmud) (Hurwitz 1923: 77).
It would thus appear that “our pointing” (i.e., Babylonian pointing), came
to Ashkenaz (Europe) from Babylonia together with “our Talmud” (for a
discussion, see Soloveitchik 2008: 321–27).
Additional indirect evidence for the Palestinian origin of this vocal-
ization system is provided by early Palestinian liturgical poetry (‫פיוטים‬
piyyûṭîm) (Yahalom 1997) as well as by a vocalized parchment of the Pal-
estinian targum (Klein 1986: 173, 283–97). Some Rabbinic palimpsests—
pieces of parchment that had been used but were washed and cleaned in
order to make room for a new text—reveal an original text in Palestinian
Syriac or Greek, over which a Rabbinic Hebrew text with superlinear Pal-
estinian vocalization has been written. These palimpsests also constitute
indirect evidence for a Palestinian origin.
The Corpus
Palestinian pointed manuscripts are known only from the Cairo Genizah.
Most of the manuscripts contain Palestinian piyyûṭîm, but one also finds
biblical manuscripts and one scroll of the Palestinian targum. Chiesa
(1978: 70–124) provides a complete list of biblical passages and relevant
references; his numbering system—e.g., P300—is also adopted here. There
are some isolated Palestinian vocalizations in fragments of the Mishnah,
the Talmud, and midrashim (Allony 1973: 2), of which more than half are
palimpsests. Vocalization signs are used only sparingly in these fragments
in order to prevent mistakes in reading, especially in places that are prone
to error.
The early biblical manuscript fragments were written as scrolls on one
side of the parchment. The best-preserved early copies are of Ezekiel
(P190) and Psalms (P300). Later copies of Psalms were preserved on frag-
ments of codexes (P310), and similar codex fragments also exist mainly
for Jeremiah (P180) and Daniel (P360). Isolated vocalization signs can be
found in a fragment of Masorah to Kings (P160) as well as in a manuscript
of Joshua in which Palestinian signs were added by two different hands
(P100). The most developed system of Palestinian vocalization is attested
in fragments written in shorthand script (‫ סירוגין‬serugin) (P40).
Palestinian Tradition 163
Orthography
All Palestinian pointed manuscripts utilize supralinear signs—that is,
the vowel is placed above the letter (see also the Babylonian vocaliza-
tion system). Palestinian vocalized biblical texts follow the consonantal
orthography of the Tiberian system. The non-biblical texts tend toward
a more plene spelling as is customary in the Dead Sea Scrolls and post-
biblical texts. The serugin system serves as a mnemonic device that helps
the reader recite the consonantal text of a parchment scroll correctly in
liturgical use. In this script, each word in a verse is usually represented
by only one syllable—the one considered most problematic. Rashi even
comments on the use of serugin in b. Gittin 60a: “The beginning of the
passage was written as a full word and later (only) the beginnings of the
words.” Thus, the first word in every verse is written out in full and fully
vocalized, while the other words are represented by single letters that stand
for syllables that are in some way atypical in vocalization and/or accent.

Palestinian sign systems are notably sparse (for a partial discussion, see
Dotan 2007). Usually there are no more than six signs: a vertical and a hori-
zontal line for qameṣ and pataḥ, a pair of vertical and a pair of horizontal
dots for ḥireq and qibbuṣ/šureq, three dots for ḥolem, and two diagonal
dots slanting up to the right for ṣerê.
Tiberian symbol IPA

qameṣ ‫ָס‬ [a]
pataḥ ‫ַס‬ [a]
ḥireq ‫ִס‬ [i]
qibbuṣ/šureq ‫ֻס‬ [u]
(in Psalms Codex, 3 dots—
an inverted ḥolem)
ḥolem ‫ֱס‬ [o]
ṣere ‫ֶס‬ [e]
Another pair of signs used in Palestinian manuscripts is a small samekh

‫ס‬ ‫ש‬
over the letter ‫ ש‬when it is to be pronounced [s], and a small šin ‫ ש‬when it
is to be pronounced [š]. In our transcription, the dageš sign represents [s].
164 Chapter 12
This is the basic situation in the early Palestinian vocalization used in

Eleazar Kalir’s liturgical poetry (seventh century CE). This poetry contains
numerous neologisms of uncertain pronunciation; this uncertainty may, in
fact, have provided the initial impetus to marking the vowels. The need to
vocalize Yannay’s (sixth-century CE) liturgical poetry arose later. By that
time, an additional sign had come into use: two dots in a diagonal slanting
down to the right, marking the Tiberian vocal šəwa ‫[ ֵס‬ə]. In the six-sign
system, there was, so it seems, no need for a special sign to mark this šəwa
because it was adequately represented by the sign for pataḥ/qameṣ. When
the realization of šəwa, however, shifted from a low short vowel [a] to a
short central lowered medial vowel [ə], a new, seventh, sign appears to
have become necessary (cf. Morag 1963: 174).
Initially, the Palestinian vocalization represented a pronunciation similar
to that reflected in the Babylonian vocalization; it has no sign correspond-
ing to the Tiberian səgol and it preserves a high back vowel in a closed
unstressed syllable where the Tiberian system has qameṣ. The Palestinian
pronunciation of qameṣ as ḥolem in closed unstressed syllables survived
in the pre-Ashkenazic pronunciation reflected in the vocalization called
Tiberian-Palestinian (see chapter 13). This pronunciation of ḥolem and the
lack of distinction between pataḥ/qameṣ and ṣere/səgol distinctions are
among the salient features not only of this pronunciation but also of the
Sephardic pronunciation in the Middle Ages (Eldar 1978: 42).
To judge from its similarity to the standard Tiberian vocalization in
marking vocalic distinctions, the vocalization used in the shorthand script
is the latest and most advanced of the Palestinian systems. For example, it
consistently makes a distinction between the signs that correspond to Ti-
berian ṣere and səgol, as well as those that correspond to pataḥ and qameṣ,
including qameṣ in closed unstressed syllables.
Palestinian vocalizations of passages from Psalms make no distinction
at all between pataḥ and qameṣ. Also, they regularly mark qameṣ in an un-
stressed closed syllable with ḥolem: e.g., ‫‘ ֱחכמה‬wisdom’ (Ps 37:30) (Tibe-
rian ‫)ח ְכ ָמה‬,
ָ ‫‘ ֱאזנַים‬ears’ (Ps 40:7) (Tiberian ‫)אזְ נַ יִ ם‬,
ָ and ‫באמרם‬ֱ ‘while they
say’ (Ps 42:11) (Tiberian ‫)ּב ָא ְמ ָרם‬.
ְ Further, ḥolem in these manuscripts ap-
pears where the Tiberian vocalization has qibbuṣ: ‫‘ ֱכלו‬everyone’ (Ps 29:9)
(Tiberian ‫)ּכּלֹו‬, ֱ ‘in a shelter’ (Ps 31:21) (Tiberian ‫)ּב ֻס ָּכה‬,
ֻ ‫בס ָכה‬ ֶ ‘and
ְ ‫ומ ֱקלליו‬
those cursed by Him’ (Ps 37:22) (Tiberian ‫)ּומ ֻק ָּל ָליו‬, ְ and ‫‘ ֶב ֱתמי‬in my integ-
rity’ (Ps 41:13) (Tiberian ‫)ּב ֻת ִּמי‬.
ְ Compare the Ezekiel manuscript, where
all the forms appear in a single verse: ‫‘ ֱכ ָרת ֱשררך‬your navel cord was (not)
cut’, ‫‘ ֱר ָחצת‬you were (not) bathed’, and ‫חתל לא ֱח ָתלת‬ ֱ ‫‘ ֱהמלחת‬you were
ֵ ‫וה‬
(not) rubbed with salt, and you were not swaddled’ (Ezek 16:4) (Tiberian
‫ ֻה ְמ ַל ַח ְּת וְ ָה ְח ֵּתל לֹא ֻח ָּת ְל ְּת‬. . . ‫ ֻר ַח ְצ ְּת‬. . . ‫)כ ַּרת ָׁש ֵּרְך‬
ָ (Harviainen 1977: 171–72).
The Psalms Codex still uses ḥolem where the Tiberian text has qameṣ in an
unstressed syllable, as in ‫‘ ֱעשרו‬his wealth’ (Ps 52:9) and ‫שפך‬ ֱ ‘pour out!’
(Ps 69:25) (Tiberian ‫;)ׁש ָפְך־‬ ְ but qameṣ also occurs, as in ‫תניהם‬ ֵ ‫ומ‬ ָ ‘and their
loins’ (Ps 69:24) (Tiberian ‫יהם‬ ָ and ‫יהם‬
ֶ ֵ‫)ּומ ְתנ‬ ֵ ‫בָאהל‬
ֶ ‘in their tents’ (Ps 69:26)
(Tiberian ‫יהם‬ ְ Moreover, pataḥ alternates with qameṣ: ‫הריִ ם‬
ֶ ‫)ּב ָא ֳה ֵל‬. ַ ‫‘ ו‬and
ָ ‫ַצ‬
noon’ (Ps 55:18) (Tiberian ‫ ;)וְ ָצ ֳה ַריִ ם‬pataḥ can also correspond to Tiberian
vocal šəwa, as in the first letter ‫הריִ ם‬ ַ ‫ו‬. Nowhere in the codex fragments
ָ ‫ַצ‬
do we find ḥolem in place of qibbuṣ in a closed unstressed syllable. In
the shorthand script, Palestinian qameṣ regularly corresponds to Tiberian
qameṣ even in closed unstressed syllables.
Regarding the seventh vowel sign, Palestinian vocalizations of biblical
and targumic texts use a very different method from the one used in liturgi-
cal poetry. Those who vocalized the texts were aware of the shift toward
an increasingly centralized realization of the vowel marked by ṣere (cf. the
səgol in closed stressed syllables in ‫ד ֶּבר‬,ִ ‫ּגַ ְרזֶ ן‬, etc.), and so thought that the
sign for ṣere could be used to mark the centralized realization of the vocal
šəwa. They thus began to use two diagonal dots slanting down to the left
‫ ֶס‬for Tiberian vocal šəwa as well as Tiberian səgol. It was still necessary,
however, to mark the higher front realization. This system, too, needed
another sign: the new sign, consisting of two diagonal dots to the right
ֵ now came to mark the counterpart of Tiberian ṣere. In this way səgol,
‫ס‬,
despite its low phonemic contrastive value, entered the vowel system. (In
the Old Babylonian vocalization, a separate sign for səgol also did not ex-
ist, and the vowel it represents lay within the phonetic parameter marked
by pataḥ.) The new seven-sign system is shown in the table on the top of
p. 166.
In the Psalms manuscripts, where pataḥ and qameṣ are used inter-
changeably, the distribution of the səgol and ṣere signs is regular in a way.
The Palestinian səgol corresponds not only to Tiberian səgol and vocal
šəwa; it also appears in place of Tiberian ṣere. This was the case in earlier
times, when the two diagonal dots slanting down to the left ‫ ֶס‬were part of
1. The initial vowel is uncertain, but it is not ḥireq (cf. Kahle 1930: 70).
166 Chapter 12
Tiberian biblical symbol liturgical symbol IPA

qameṣ ‫ָס‬ ‫ָס‬ [a]
pataḥ ‫ַס‬ ‫ַס‬ [a]
ḥireq ‫ִס‬ ‫ִס‬ [i]
qibbuṣ/šureq ‫ֻס‬ ‫ֻס‬ [u]
(in Psalms Codex, 3 dots—
an inverted ḥolem)
ḥolem ‫ֱס‬ ‫ֱס‬ [o]
ṣere ‫ֶס‬ ‫ֵס‬ [e]
šəwa/səgol ‫ֵס‬ ‫ֶס‬ [ɛ]
a six-sign system; therefore, it is not surprising that they continued to fulfill

the same function in the seven-sign system. Yet, the new ṣere sign does
not correspond to Tiberian səgol, except in a number of well-defined gram-
matical categories which, in its recent past, had not yet made the transition
to a səgol-like realization. This is the case, for example, in closed stressed
syllables. In the Ezekiel Scroll we find the verbal form ‫וד ֵבר‬ ִ ‘and he speaks’
(Ezek 14:9) (Tiberian ‫)וְ ִד ֶּבר‬. The same is true of the second-person fem.
pl., third-person masc. pl., and third-person fem. pl. possessive pronoun,
with ṣere as in Aramaic: ‫לכנה‬ ֵ ‘of yours’ (Ezek 13:18) (Tiberian ‫)ל ֶכנָ ה‬, ָ
‫(‘ ָל ֵהם‬belonged) to them’ (Ezek 1:6) (Tiberian ‫)ל ֶהם‬, ָ and ‫לבהן‬
ֵ ‫‘ ִמ‬from their
mind’ (Ezek 13:17) (Tiberian ‫)מ ִּל ְּב ֶהן‬, ִ respectively. Ṣere in this context also
appears in the Psalms Codex: ‫ֶיהם‬ ֵ ‫‘ ִלפנ‬before them’, ‫תניהם‬
ֵ ‫ומ‬ ָ ‘and their
loins’, and ‫יהם‬ ֵ ‫בָאהל‬
ֶ ‘in their tents’ (Ps 69:23, 24, 26) (Tiberian ‫יהם‬ ֶ ֵ‫ל ְפנ‬,ִ
‫יהם‬ ֶ ֵ‫ּומ ְתנ‬,
ָ ‫יהם‬ ֶ ‫)ּב ָא ֳה ֵל‬.ְ There are even cases in the shorthand script, which
usually distinguishes consistently between səgol and ṣere: ‫( ֵה ֵה‬Isa 56:7)
(Tiberian ‫יהם‬ ֶ ‫יהם וְ זִ ְב ֵח‬ ֵ ‫‘ ע‬their burnt offerings and their sacrifices’). The
ֶ ‫ֹֹלת‬
same phenomenon appears in the vocalization of a Palestinian midrash:
‫בתיהן‬
ֵ ‘their houses’ (Tiberian ‫יהן‬ ָ and ‫עליהן‬
ֶ ‫)ּב ֵּת‬ ֵ ‘on them’ (Tiberian ‫יהן‬ֵֶ ‫)ע ֵל‬ֲ
(Allony 1973: 195, 197).
Ṣere appears to have been retained also in closed syllables before gut-
tural consonants, as in the following niphal form in the Psalms Codex: ‫נֵעזַב‬
‘abandoned’ (Ps 37:25) (Tiberian ‫)נֶ ֱעזָ ב‬. Traces can also be found in the
shorthand script: ‫( ֵנ‬Isa 45:24) (Tiberian ‫‘ ַהּנֶ ֱח ִרים‬the ones angry’; cf. ‫בני אמי‬
‫‘ נִ ֲחרּו בי‬my mother’s sons were angry at me’ [Song 1:5]) (cf. also Yeivin
1985: 718), ‫ֵא ָס‬ ֶ ‫( נ‬Isa 57:1) (Tiberian ‫‘ נֶ ֱא ָס ִפים‬removed’) (cf. ‫נִ ְע ָל ִמים‬in Baby-
lonian liturgical poetry [Yeivin 1985: 502]), and also in a fragment of the
Jerusalem Talmud: ‫ֵעשה‬ ָ ‫‘ נ‬it was done’ (y. Sanh. 27c) (Allony 1973: 70) (cf.
ֻ‫‘ נִ עשׂו‬they became’ in Siphra [Finkelstein 1956: ‫[ ]קפא‬Yeivin 1985: 719]).
In liturgical poems lacking the sign for səgol, ṣere too can be found in this
position: e.g., ‫ֶעשה‬ ָ ‫‘ נ‬he became’, ‫ֶעשיתה‬ ֶ ‫‘ נ‬you became’, ‫רצתה‬ ָ ‫‘ נ‬you were
ָ ‫ֶיע‬
revered’, and ‫‘ נֶענ ֻו‬they were answered’ (Yahalom 1997: 25, 45, 68). The
same phenomenon even appears in the hiphil: ‫( ֵהד‬1 Chr 6:16) (Tiberian
‫‘ ֶה ֱע ִמיד‬he appointed’). In the Ezekiel Scroll, too, there are the following
qal imperfect forms: ‫עדך‬ ֵ ‘I adorned you’ (Ezek 16:11) (Tiberian ‫)וָ ֶא ְע ֵּדְך‬
ֵ ‫וא‬
and ‫עדי‬ ֶ ‘you got adorned’ (Ezek 16:13) (Tiberian ‫ ;)וַ ַּת ְע ִּדי‬the shorthand
ִ ‫ות‬
script has ‫( ַת ְֶד‬Isa 61:10) (Tiberian ‫‘ ַּת ְע ֶּדה‬she gets adorned’). Similarly, an
e-vowel is found in the second column of Origen’s Hexapla—ϊεζεβου ‘they
abandon’ (Ps 89:31) (Tiberian ‫—)יַ ַעזְ בּו‬and in Samaritan Hebrew yēšši, tēšši
(Tiberian ‫יַ ֲע ֶׂשה‬, ‫)ּת ֲע ֶׂשה‬
ַ (cf. ‫‘ וַ ֵּת ֲעלּו‬you were hoisted’ [Ezek 36:3]) (Ben-
Ḥayyim 2000: 168). Also note the vocalization ‫‘ ֶתחנֶה‬you will encamp’ in
liturgical poetry (Yahalom 1978: 177) (Tiberian ‫)ת ֲחנֶ ה‬ ַ and the Hexaplaric
transcription ουϊερογου ‘they quake’ (Ps 18:46) (Tiberian ‫)וְ יַ ְח ְרגּו‬.
As for the marking of ḥaṭeph, the system does not appear to have settled
into any kind of regularity. In the Daniel Scroll, where there is no distinc-
tion between pataḥ and qameṣ, we find ‫‘ ָהמוֱן ֶחיָ ִלים‬a multitude of armies’
(Dan 11:10) (Tiberian ‫)המֹון ֲחיָ ִלים‬, ֲ in which the šəwa/səgol of the second
word is ostensibly a general pointing that does not indicate its special ar-
ticulation. In the Psalms Codex, we find ‫ידיך‬ ֵ ‫‘ ַח ִס‬Your faithful ones’ (Ps
52:11) (Tiberian ‫)ח ִס ֶידיָך‬ ֲ alongside ‫‘ ֶח ָל ֵליך‬those slain by You’ (Ps 69:27)
(Tiberian ‫;)ח ָל ֶליָך‬
ֲ even in the shorthand script there is ‫ַאפ ֵא‬ ָ (Isa 60:7) (Tibe-
rian ‫‘ ֲא ָפ ֵאר‬I will glorify’) alongside ‫( ֶא ְנ‬Isa 60:22) (Tiberian ‫יׁשּנָ ה‬ ֶ ‫‘ ֲא ִח‬I will
do it quickly’). Compare also ‫ללה‬ ַ ‫‘ ֶא ָה‬I will praise’ in the Psalms Codex (Ps
69:31) (Tiberian ‫ ) ֲא ַה ְל ָלה‬and ‫קשהו‬ ֶ ‫וא ַב‬ ֶ ‘I sought him’ in the Psalms Scroll
(Ps 37:36) (Tiberian ‫ ;)וָ ֲא ַב ְק ֵׁשהּו‬cf. Origen’s εελλελεχ ‘I will praise You’
(Ps 35:18) (Tiberian ָ‫)א ַה ְל ֶלּך‬ ֲ (Yeivin 1985: 522). See, similarly, the follow-
ing forms in the Codex: ]‫‘ ֶא[חימלך‬Ahimelech’ (Ps 52:2) (Tiberian ‫ימ ֶלְך‬ ֶ ‫)א ִח‬
ֲ
and even ‫‘ ֶהיֵש‬is there?’ (Ps 53:3) (Tiberian ‫)היֵ ׁש‬. ֲ
A unique sign ֲ (raphe) is used to mark guttural consonants that begin
a syllable with a ḥaṭeph. When the guttural closes a syllable (silent šəwa),
the following letter carries a dageš, even if it is not a ‫ בג״ד כפ״ת‬consonant.
In all cases, the articulation of the guttural is consistent with what is known
168 Chapter 12
of the traditional Tiberian vocalization. Compare ‫( ֶא ֲש‬Isa 62:1) (Tiberian

‫‘ ֶא ֱח ֶׁשה‬I will [not] be silent’) with ‫( ַמ ְֶש‬Isa 57:11) (Tiberian ‫[‘ ַמ ְח ֶׁשה‬I] kept
silent’); also ‫( ַת ְֱש‬Isa 58:1) (Tiberian ‫[‘ ַּת ְחׂש ְֹך‬don’t] hold back!’) and ‫( ְֱס‬Isa
54:2) (Tiberian ‫[‘ ַּת ְחׂש ִֹכי‬don’t] hold back!’). This device became wide-
spread in the Palestinian-Tiberian vocalization (cf. Eldar 1978: 125–43).
The system, which lacked a specific sign for Tiberian vocal šəwa and
which used the Palestinian səgol instead, had to cope with a number of
problems due to the inability of səgol to carry out all the tasks demanded
of it. For example, it was inappropriate for marking vocal šəwa before
high front consonantal yod. In this position, šəwa was marked by Pales-
tinian ḥireq. In the Psalms Scroll we find, alongside ‫‘ ֶת ִהלת‬Your praise’
(Ps 71:14) (Tiberian ‫)ּת ִה ָּל ֶתָך‬ ְ with šəwa and ḥireq, the vocalizations ‫הל ִתי‬ ָ ‫ִת‬
‘my praise’ (Ps 71:6) (Tiberian ‫)ת ִה ָּל ִתי‬ ְ and ‫הל ֶת‬ ָ ‫‘ ִת‬Your praise’ (Ps 71:
8) (Tiberian ‫)ּת ִה ָּל ֶתָך‬,
ְ with a single ḥireq placed over the taw. Such partial
vocalizations, however, are not very informative; fortunately, the short-
hand script provides some help, for it uses two ḥireqs in ‫נהם‬ ֱ ִ‫‘ וִ י‬it will roar’
(Isa 5:30) (Tiberian ‫)וְ יִ נְ הֹם‬. The author of the shorthand document was so
concerned about the correct pronunciation of the conjunction waw that,
in some cases, he copied only the conjunction and its vocalization: e.g., ִ‫ו‬
(Isa 9:8 :: Tiberian ‫יֹוׁשב‬ ֵ ְ‫‘ ו‬and residents’, 45:24 :: Tiberian ‫‘ וְ יֵ בֹׁשּו‬and they
will be ashamed’, 46:6 :: Tiberian ‫‘ וְ יַ ֲע ֵׂשהּו‬and he makes it’, and 46:7 ::
Tiberian ‫‘ וְ יַ ֲעמֹד‬and it stands’); compare also ‫( ִל‬Isa 8:14( (Tiberian ‫יֹוׁשב‬ ֵ ‫ְל‬
‘for residents’) and ‫( ִמ‬Isa 46:5) (Tiberian ‫‘ ְת ַד ְּמיּונִ י‬you can compare Me’).
This vocalization also appears frequently in the Joshua manuscript in the
context of the tribes’ boundaries: ‫‘ וִ יצא‬it extends’ (Josh 15:11; 16:6, 7; and
in the second scribal hand, 18:15, 17; 19:12, 13, 34) (Tiberian ‫( )וְ יָ ָצא‬for the
pre-Ashkenazic reading tradition, cf. Eldar 1978: 78–80). In the shorthand
script it happens, although infrequently, that the articulation of the šəwa
preceding a guttural is marked by the vowel of the guttural letter itself: e.g.,
‫( ָל ָח‬Jer 25:11) (Tiberian ‫‘ ְל ָח ְר ָּבה‬as a ruin’), ‫ֱר‬
ִ ‫( ו‬Isa 10:13) (Tiberian ‫אֹוריד‬ ִ ְ‫ו‬
‘and I bring down’), and ‫( ַמַא‬Isa 5:11) (Tiberian ‫‘ ְמ ַא ֲח ֵרי‬lingering’). (On
the traditional pronunciation of šəwa, see Morag 1963: 160–66.)
The Palestinian vocalization system makes a special effort to mark oc-
currences of the letter waw as a consonant. In the Psalms Scroll, the con-
sonantal nature of waw is marked by a preceding ḥolem. When waw is also
followed by ḥolem, the sign appears twice—once before waw, and once af-
ter. The first registers the letter’s consonantal nature, and the second marks
its attendant vowel, as in ‫‘ ֱקוֱה‬hoping’ (Ps 40:2) (Tiberian ‫)קּוֺה‬ ַ and ‫ֱנותי‬
ַ ‫ֱעו‬
‘my iniquities’ (Ps 40:13) (Tiberian ‫ֹונֹותי‬ ַ ‫;)ע‬ ֲ see also ‫(‘ פיֱו אוֱן‬words of) his
mouth are evil’ (Ps 36:4) (Tiberian ‫)ּפיו ָאוֶ ן‬, ִ ‫‘ ִאוֱלתי‬my folly’ (Ps 38:6) (Ti-
berian ‫)אּוַ ְל ִּתי‬,
ִ and ‫‘ ִשוֱעתי‬I cried’ (Ps 30:3) (Tiberian ‫(ׁשּוַ ְע ִּתי‬.ִ In the Psalms
Codex, the raphe sign is used to mark a consonantal waw: e.g., ‫‘ ַמ ֲו ֶת‬death’
(Ps 55:5) (Tiberian ‫)מוֶ ת‬ ָ and ‫‘ ָעוֲן על ֶע ֱונַם‬guilt on their guilt’ (Ps 69:28)
(Tiberian ‫)עֹון על ֲעֹונָ ם‬. ָ In the shorthand script, consonantal yod is marked
similarly; at times, the letter ‫ י‬itself with the raphe sign is the only part of
the word that is represented: ‫( ֲי‬Isa 44:8 :: Tiberian ‫‘ ֲהיֵ ׁש‬is there?’, 45:9 ::
Tiberian ‫אמר‬ ַ ֹ ‫‘ ֲהי‬will it say?’) as well as ‫( ִמיֲנ ַה ֲי‬Isa 12:3) (Tiberian ‫ִמ ַּמ ַעיְ נֵ י‬
ָ ְ‫‘ ַהי‬from the foundations of salvation’). Consonantal ‫א‬, especially in
‫ׁשּועה‬
intervocalic position, is marked by ְ (dageš) (on the restricted use of the
dageš for the same purpose in Tiberian Hebrew, see Bauer and Leander
1922: §8z; and for the expanded use in the Tiberian-Palestinian system, see
chapter 13). This is the case, for example, in verbs from the root ‫בו"א‬: ‫ֱב ְא‬
(Jer 27:18) (Tiberian ‫‘ בֹאּו‬they [do not] go’), ‫( ְא‬Isa 43:6) (Tiberian ‫יאי‬ ִ ‫ָה ִב‬
‘bring!’ [fem. sing.]), and probably ‫ֻב ֲא‬ ָ ‫( י‬Jer 27:22) (the raphe sign is used
here by mistake) (Tiberian ‫יּובאּו‬ ָ ‘they will be brought’).
The combination of the two seven-sign Palestinian vocalization systems,
the one in which the seventh sign marks vocal šəwa and is used mainly in
liturgical poetry, and the one in which the additional sign denotes a new
vocalic səgol-like quality and is used mainly in biblical texts, can be con-
sidered to have ultimately given rise to the familiar Tiberian vocalization.
Morphology
The independent pronoun ‫‘ ֵהם‬they’ (masc.) is vocalized with ṣere in the
Tiberian tradition, but in all suffixed forms of the third-person masc. pl. the
vowel is səgol. In the Babylonian vocalization, however, pataḥ appears not
only in these suffixed forms but also in the corresponding independent pro-
noun. In the Palestinian system, though, ṣere seems to have been preserved
in the suffixed forms as well.
The second-person masc. pl. subject suffix of the perfect is another
case in which remnants of pronunciation with ṣere have survived: ‫חתם‬ ֵ ‫ָט‬
‫ליתם‬
ֵ ‫וכ‬ ֶ . . . ‘you coated . . . and you will perish?’ (Ezek 13:14) (Tiberian
‫יתם‬ ְ . . . ‫;)ט ְח ֶּתם‬
ֶ ‫ּוכ ִל‬ ַ see also ‫שבעתם‬
ֵ ‘you are satiated’ in a midrash fragment
170 Chapter 12
(Allony 1973: 198) (Tiberian ‫;)ׂש ַב ְע ֶּתם‬ ְ cf., in the shorthand script, ‫( ֵת‬Ezek
36:11) (Tiberian ‫‘ וִ ַיד ְע ֶּתם‬you will know’).
In the Psalms Codex, ṣere appears in suffixed second-person masc.
sing. and third-person fem. sg. possessive pronouns attached to pl. nouns:
e.g., ‫‘ ִח ֵציך‬Your arrows’ (Ps 38:3) (Tiberian ‫)ח ֶּציָך‬, ִ ‫חשבותיך‬
ֵ ‫ומ‬ַ ‘and Your
designs’ (Ps 40:6) (Tiberian ‫)ּומ ְח ְׁשב ֶֹתיָך‬, ַ ‫ידיך‬ ִ ‘Your faithful ones’ (Ps
ֵ ‫חס‬
52:11) (Tiberian ‫)ח ִס ֶידיָך‬, ֲ and ‫‘ ֶח ָל ֵליך‬those slain by You’ (Ps 69:27) (Ti-
berian ‫;)ח ָל ֶליָך‬ ֲ and ‫שמ ֵריה‬
ַ ‘its dregs’ (Ps 75:9) (Tiberian ‫יה‬ ְ Compare
ָ ‫)ׁש ָמ ֶר‬.
also forms in a liturgical poem in which ṣere is marked by the additional
special sign, as in ‫יביה‬ ֵ ‫‘ ִא‬her flowerings’, ‫וריה‬ ֱ ‘her first fruits’, ‫ֱותיה‬
ֵ ‫ביכ‬ ֵ ‫גרנ‬ ָ
‘her threshing floors’, and ‫‘ ָד ֵריה‬her inhabitants’ (Yahalom 1997: 64); see
also another liturgical poem in a manuscript with no special sign for ṣere,
as in ‫וחריך‬ ֶ ‫‘ ֱש‬your seekers’ and ‫וח ֶליך‬ ַ ‫‘ ֱת‬those who hope in you’ (Murtonen
1958: xiii). In all these cases, the vowel following the final consonant is not
marked, perhaps indicating that the words were pronounced as in Aramaic
(Ben-Ḥayyim 1954: 57–58). (Cf. the use of ṣere in this syllable in the
Tiberian-Palestinian vocalization in Eldar 1978: 25. There, however, word-
final ‫ ך‬and ‫ ה‬are regularly vocalized with qameṣ.) The use of vowel signs
in the Tiberian-Palestinian system, however, is usually incomplete, so it
is difficult to conclude anything certain from a missing sign. Furthermore,
one would have expected in Tiberian Hebrew a ṣere in this position; how-
ever, one finds səgol, which may have arisen because of the qameṣ in the
last syllable. Another group that probably belongs here consists of pausal
forms of second-person masc. sing. possessive pronouns in the Psalms
scroll, although in this case the final vowel is marked: e.g., ‫ַד‬ ֵ ‫‘ י‬Your hand’
(Pss 32:4; 38:3) (Tiberian ‫י ֶ ֥דָך‬,ָ֫ ‫)יָ ֶ ֽדָך‬, ‫ַ]עמ‬
ֵ ‫‘ [ז‬Your rage’ (Ps 38:4) (Tiberian
ֵ ִ‫‘ נ‬before You’ (Ps 39:6) (Tiberian ‫)נֶ גְ ֶ ּ֑דָך‬, and ‫גע‬
‫)זַ ְע ֶ ֑מָך‬, ‫גד‬ ֵ ִ‫‘ נ‬Your plague’
(Ps 39:11) (Tiberian ‫)נִ גְ ֶעָ֑ך‬. See also in non-pausal position: ‫ואור‬ ֵ ‘and I
will teach you’ (Ps 32:8) (Tiberian ‫אֹור ָ֗ך‬ ְ ‫ ְ ֽ)ו‬and ‫סד‬ֵ ‫‘ ַח‬Your goodness’ (Ps
40:11) (Tiberian ֥‫)ח ְס ְּדָך‬. ַ
Another position in which Palestinian ṣere corresponds to Tiberian
səgol is the final syllable of final weak verbs. Many such forms appear in
the Psalms Scroll, the Psalms Codex, as well as in the vocalization of litur-
gical poems: e.g., ‫אודה‬ ֵ ‘I will confess’ (Ps 32:5) (Tiberian ‫)אֹודה‬ ֶ and ‫ֶתהגֵה‬
‘it will recite’ (Ps 71:24) (Tiberian ‫;)ּת ְהּגֶ ה‬ ֶ and ‫‘ יִ שוֵוה‬He will be like’, ‫גאה‬ ֵ ִ‫י‬
‘He will be exalted’, ‫ותשגֵה‬ ֵ ‫‘ ַת‬You make numerous and increase’, and
ַ ‫רבה‬
‫‘ תלווֵה‬You accompany’, respectively (for the latter, see Yahalom 1997: 64,
46). The same is true of participial forms: ‫צופה‬ ֵ ‘(he) watches’ (Ps 37:32)
(Tiberian ‫)צֹופה‬,ֶ ַ ‘(he) lends’ (Ps 37:26) (Tiberian ‫)ּומ ְלוֶ ה‬,
‫ומלוֵה‬ ַ and ‫תע ֵרה‬ַ ‫ומ‬ִ
‘and spreading himself out’ (Ps 37:35) (Tiberian ‫)ּומ ְת ָע ֶרה‬, ִ in the Psalms
Scroll; and ‫ֱלה‬ ֵ ‫(‘ עו‬it) ascends’ (Ps 74:23) (Tiberian ‫)ע ֶֹלה‬, in the Psalms
Codex. In a Masoretic fragment of Kings that uses vocalization signs only
sparingly, forms such as the following are regularly vocalized: ‫‘ ֱש ֵתה‬drink-
ing’ (1 Kgs 20:12) (Tiberian ‫)ׁש ֶֹתה‬, ‫ֱשה‬ ֵ ‫‘ והנ‬and the lender’ (2 Kgs 4:1)
(Tiberian ‫)וְ ַהּנ ֶֹׁשה‬, and ‫עשה‬ ֵ ‘(He is about to) make’ (2 Kgs 7:2) (Tiberian
‫)ע ֶֹׂשה‬. These words were vocalized because of their defective spelling, and
were all marked with ṣere. This use of Palestinian ṣere commonly occurs in
midrash fragments, too: ‫רועה‬ ֵ ‘shepherds’ and ‫מורה‬ ֵ ‘teacher’ (Allony 1973:
134, 205); ‫מבזה‬ ֵ ‘he despises’ and ‫מכבה‬ ֵ ‘he extinguishes’ (Allony 1973:
203, 206), in the piel; and ‫ממרא‬ ֵ ‫‘ זקן‬the disobeying elder’ and ‫תעשה‬ ֵ ‘you
will do’ (Allony 1973: 74, 205, 148). Note in this connection the Tiberian
vocalization of ‫‘ ַא ְריֵ ה‬lion’ and ‫‘ ֶע ְׂש ֵרה‬ten’, which some have explained
as due to Aramaic influence (e.g., Bauer and Leander 1922:§§62g′, 79n).
Segolates are of special interest. It appears that the original front vowel
was transferred to the second consonant, giving rise to the form ‫ק ֵטל‬, ֶ simi-
lar to the Aramaic pattern ‫ק ֵטל‬. ְ (Ben-Ḥayyim [2000: 251] admits the pos-
sibility that in Samaritan Hebrew, too, there exist segolate forms derived
from something like ‫;*ׁש ֵמׁש‬ ְ cf. also Yeivin [1985: 834] for the Babylonian
vocalization.) Such vocalizations are occasionally found in Psalms, both
in the Scroll and in the Codex: e.g., ‫‘ ֶצ ֵדק‬righteousness’ (Pss 40:10; 51:21;
52:5) (Tiberian ‫)צ ֶדק‬, ֶ ‘for a flood’ (Ps 32:6) (Tiberian ‫)ל ֵׁש ֶטף‬,
ֶ ‫לש ֵטף‬ ְ ‫ֶכ ֶפ ֵרד‬
‘like a mule’ (Ps 32:9) (Tiberian ‫)ּכ ֶפ ֶרד‬, ְ and ‫‘ ֶה ֵבל‬breath’ (Ps 39:6, 12) (Ti-
berian ‫)ה ֶבל‬. ֶ The following forms appear only in the Codex: ‫מס ֵפר‬ ֶ ‘from
(the) book’ (Ps 69:29) (Tiberian ‫)מ ֵּס ֶפר‬, ִ ‫מב ֵטן‬ֶ ‘from the womb’ (Ps 71:6)
(Tiberian ‫)מ ֶּב ֶטן‬,
ִ ‫‘ ֶפ ֵלא‬wonder’ (Ps 77:15) (Tiberian ‫)פ ֶלא‬, ֶ ‘from old’
ֶ ‫מק ֵדם‬
(Ps 74:12) (Tiberian ‫)מ ֶ ּ֣ק ֶדם‬, ִ and ‫קדם‬ ֵ ‫‘ ִמ‬from old’ (Ps 77:12) (Tiberian
ִ see also the fem. sing. participle ‫מתבוססת‬
‫;)מ ֶ ּ֣ק ֶדם‬ ֵ ‘wallowing’ (Ezek 16:6,
22) (Tiberian ‫ּבֹוס ֶסת‬ ִ Compare, too, the following infinitives in vocal-
ֶ ‫)מ ְת‬.
ized liturgical poems: ‫‘ ֶר ֵדת‬descending’ and ‫‘ ֶצ ֵקת‬pouring out’ (Yahalom
1997: 64).
Syntax
Palestinian-pointed texts exhibit no difference in syntax from their
Tiberian counterparts.
172 Chapter 12
Bibliography
Allony, Nehemiah, ed.
1973 ‫ תלמוד ומדרש מנוקדים בניקוד ארץ־ישאלי‬,‫[ קטעי גניזה של משנה‬Geniza Frag-
ments of Rabbinic Literature: Mishna, Talmud, and Midrash with Palestinian
Vocalization]. Jerusalem: Makor.
Halle: Niemeyer.
1954 Studies in the Traditions of the Hebrew Language. Madrid / Barcelona: Insti-
tuto «Arias Montano».
Magnes / Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
Chiesa, Bruno
1978 L’Antico Testamento ebraico secondo la tradizione palestinese. Turin: Bot-
tega d’Erasmo.
Dietrich Manfried
1968 Neue palästinisch punktierte Bibelfragmente: Veröffentlicht und auf Text und
Punktation hin untersucht. Leiden: Brill.
Dotan, Aron
2007 ‫[ להתהוות מערכת הסימון בשיטה הארץ־ישראלית‬The Emergence of the Pales-
tinian Graphemic System]. Pp. 128–39 in Shaʿarei Lashon: Studies in He-
brew, Aramaic and Jewish Languages Presented to Moshe Bar-Asher, vol. 2:
Biblical Hebrew, Masorah, and Medieval Hebrew, ed. A. Maman, S. E. Fass-
berg, and Y. Breuer. Jerusalem: Bialik.
Eldar, Ilan
1978 ,‫ מהותה והיסודות המשותפים לה ולמסורת ספרד‬:‫אשכנזית‬-‫מסורת הקריאה הקדם‬
‫ ענייני הגייה וניקוד‬:‫[ כרך א‬The Hebrew Language Tradition in Medieval Ash-
kenaz (ca. 950–1350 CE), vol. 1: Phonology and Vocalization]. 4 ‫עדה ולשון‬.
Jerusalem: Hebrew University of Jerusalem Language Traditions Project.
Finkelstein, Louis
1956 Sifra or Torat Kohanim: According to Codex Assemani LXVI. New York:
Jewish Theological Seminary.
Grossman, Avraham
1995 ‫ יצירתם הרוחנית‬,‫ דרכם בהנהגת הציבור‬,‫[ חכמי צרפת הראשונים׃ קורותיהם‬The
Early Sages of France: Their Lives, Leadership and Works]. Jerusalem:
Magnes.
Harviainen, Tapani
1977 On the Vocalism of the Closed Unstressed Syllables: A Study Based on the
Evidence Provided by the Transcriptions of St. Jerome and Palestinian Punc-
tuations. Studia Orientalia 48. Helsinki: Finnish Oriental Society.
Hurwitz, S., ed.
1923 ‫[ מחזור ויטרי לרבינו שמחה אחד מתלמידי רש״י‬Machsor Vitry nach der Oxforder
Handschrift (Cod. No. 1100)]. Nuremberg: Bulka.
Kahle, Paul
1927–30 Masoreten des Westens. 2 vols. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer.
Klein, Michael L., ed.
1986 Genizah Manuscripts of Palestinian Targum to the Pentateuch. Vol. 1. Cin-
cinnati: Hebrew Union College Press.
Morag, Shelomo
1963 ‫[ העברית שבפי יהודי תימן‬The Hebrew Language Tradition of the Yemenite
Jews]. Academy of the Hebrew Language Studies 4. Jerusalem: Academy of
the Hebrew Language.
Murtonen A., ed. and transl.
1958 Materials for a Non-Masoretic Hebrew Grammar, vol. 1: Liturgical Texts
and Psalm Fragments Provided with the So-Called Palestinian Punctuation.
Ph.D. dissertation. University of Helsinki.
Revell, E. J.
1970 Hebrew Texts with Palestinian Vocalization. Near and Middle East Series 7.
Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
1977 Biblical Texts with Palestinian Pointing and Their Accents. Masoretic Studies
4. Missoula, MT: Scholars Press.
Sáenz-Badillos, Ángel
2007 Storia della lingua ebraica, trans. Piero Capelli. Introduzione allo studio
della Bibbia Supplementi 34. Brescia: Paideia.
Soloveitchik, Haym
2008 ‫ פרק בתולדות ההלכה באשכנז‬:‫[ היין בימי הביניים–יין נסך‬Wine in Ashkenaz in the
Middle Ages: Yeyn Nesekh—A Study in the History of Halakhah]. Jerusalem:
Zalman Shazar Center for Jewish History.
Yahalom, Joseph
1969–70 ‫ישראלי בקדושתות הדותה למשמרות ותופעות הלשון העולות ממנו‬-‫הניקוד הארץ‬
[The Palestinian Vocalization in Hedwata’s Qĕduštot, and the Language Tra-
dition It Reflects]. Leshonenu 34: 25–60.
1987 ‫[ הניקוד הארצישראלי ― המחקר והישגיו‬The Palestinian Vocalization—Its In-
vestigation and Achievements]. Leshonenu 52: 112–43.
1997 Palestinian Vocalised Piyyuṭ Manuscripts in the Cambridge Genizah Col-
lections. Cambridge University Library Genizah Series 7. Cambridge: Cam-
2013 ‫ישראלי כמשקף מסורת בין מסורות הלשון העברית‬-‫[ הניקוד הארץ‬The Palestinian
Vocalization in Hebrew Language Traditions]. Leshonenu 75: 425–33.
Yahalom, Joseph, ed.
1978 ‫[ קטעי הגניזה של פיוטי יניי‬A Collection of Geniza Fragments of Piyyuṭei
Yannai]. Jerusalem: Makor.
Yeivin, Israel
Language.
Chapter 13
Tiberian-Palestinian Tradition
H olger G zella
Introduction
The “Tiberian-Palestinian” (or “Palestino-Tiberian”) pointing is a non-
standard Tiberian system of vocalization attested in a few manuscripts,
of which the twelfth-century Reuchlin Codex (Codex Reuchlinianus) oc-
cupies the most prominent place. As the name suggests, this system com-
bines seven vowel signs of the Tiberian tradition with five vowel qualities
underlying Palestinian manuscripts. It thus results in an indiscriminate use
of qameṣ and pataḥ, as well as of ṣere and səgol. A second characteristic
trait features a more extensive use of dageš and raphe especially for distin-
guishing the consonantal values of certain graphemes from their function
as vowel letters and for highlighting syllable boundaries. Both generally
reflect orthographic practices diverging from Tiberian conventions rather
than a different pronunciation tradition.
Alternative designations such as “Fuller Palestinian” (Morag 1959,
1962) or “Extended Tiberian” (Yeivin 1983), by contrast, emphasize the
differences vis-à-vis standard Tiberian or Palestinian pointing. These labels
are based on the hypothesis that this system provided a more comprehen-
sive or more strictly disambiguating phonetic notation than either the Tibe-
rian or other Palestinian (i.e., Morag’s “Simple Palestinian”) schools. As a
consequence, it is now often considered a later development (Morag 1959:
237; 1962: 39; in principle, similarly Goshen-Gottstein 1963: 112, who un-
derstands it as a chronologically later subsystem of a typologically parallel
non-received tradition; cf. Meyer 1963: 61). Alexander Sperber, however,
considered it, together with a few other codexes, to be an important source
175
176 Chapter 13
for pre-Masoretic Hebrew (e.g., Sperber 1959; see also Meyer 1961: 482–
86, with a summary of Sperber’s main conclusions; Díez-Macho 1963).
Before this, Paul Kahle held views along similar lines, and these underlie
his remarks on the Reuchlin Codex in the section on pointing systems in
Bauer and Leander 1922: §7.

While some distinctive parallels with indisputably Palestinian witnesses
and the absence of exclusively Babylonian core features point to a Palestin-
ian origin of the tradition in question, it is difficult to relate it specifically in
time or place to other schools of vocalization and thus to outline its exact
historical or social context. Interference between different traditions did
occur. For example, Palestinian manuscripts show Tiberian graphic influ-
ence by employing marks for more than five vowels (Dietrich 1968: 13–14,
114–15, 118–21), and many medieval manuscripts combine different prac-
tices in their application of vowel signs and diacritic marks. The alleged
affiliation between the Reuchlin Codex and the biblical text according to
the Ben Naftali tradition (Kahle 1930: 55*) rests on a slender foundation
and has generally been abandoned (Morag 1959: 234–37; cf. also Goshen-
Gottstein 1963: 108–14). One may thus consider the “Tiberian-Palestin-
ian” vocalization a graphically different and not fully-standardized variant
rendering of the Tiberian reading tradition with a tendency toward disam-
biguation. It is unclear why this system surfaces particularly in a number
of Western European manuscripts, including various important ones from
Italy, between the eleventh and the fourteenth centuries CE. Likewise, the
precise historical origins and extent of its combination of Palestinian and
Tiberian practices alongside the presence of some representatives of Pal-
estinian schools among Italian Jews during this period (Milano 1963: 62)
and the Palestinian origin of the Hebrew pronunciation traditions in Italy
remain unclear (Ryzhik 2013: 362).
The Corpus
The Tiberian-Palestinian system occurs in various biblical, Mishnaic,
and liturgical manuscripts; as mentioned, several of them clearly come
from Western Europe, and a European provenance is at least likely for
others. However, they exhibit certain differences in their use of vowel signs
and other diacritic marks that point to a general lack of standardization.
Tiberian-Palestinian Tradition 177
The Reuchlin Codex, named after its most famous proprietor, Johannes
Reuchlin (1455–1522; one of the founding fathers of Christian Hebra-
ism), and now in the Badische Landesbibliothek in Karlsruhe, acts as the
chief witness in the discussion. (The official shelf-mark is actually Codex
Reuchlinianus no. 3, but since this is the only Tiberian-Palestinian manu-
script among the various surviving codexes of Reuchlin’s library, most
scholars refer to it simply as Codex Reuchlinianus in discussions about
pointing systems.) Beautifully written on 382 folio sheets in double col-
umns having 30–32 lines each, it contains the text of the “Eight Prophets”
(Joshua, Judges, 1–2 Samuel, 1–2 Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the
Minor Prophets) together with the Aramaic targum after every verse. The
latter has been published separately, though without pointing (de Lagarde
1872; cf. Bacher 1874: 35–38). According to the colophon, the Codex can
be dated to 1105–1106 CE. Earlier grammatical works contain occasional
references to the Hebrew text (for a summary, see Kahle 1930: 55*); the
complete manuscript has been published in a photostatic edition by Sper-
ber (1956). The same scholar also provided a transcription of the Hebrew
parts (1969), though without the dageš and raphe signs, and placed its
linguistic peculiarities in a wider context of Hebrew pronunciation tradi-
tions (1959). Their supposed affiliation with a “pre-Masoretic” stage of
Hebrew (see above) has given way to a more fluid framework of several
parallel traditions whose exact chronological relation often cannot be de-
termined. Various other manuscripts and fragments have been thought to
betray a varying degree of influence from the Reuchlin Codex, or the text
reflected in it, but appear to converge toward the received text (Kahle 1930:
52*–57*, with two additional manuscripts mentioned by Meyer 1963: 53;
compare the more nuanced discussion in Goshen-Gottstein 1963: 108–14).
Among the most important Rabbinic codexes with Tiberian-Palestin-
ian vocalization is MS Parma A, which contains the entire text of the six
Mishnaic orders on 195 sheets, mostly written in double columns. It is
usually dated to the late eleventh century CE and agreed to be of Italian
provenance. The vocalization covers almost half of the text and has been
applied by different hands. A detailed analysis can be found in Haneman
(1980).
Finally, Tiberian-Palestinian vocalization also appears in several Ashke-
nazic manuscripts with liturgical texts, such as the former part of the Worms
Maḥzor and the Vitry Maḥzor (Eldar 1978). Other poetic manuscripts may
178 Chapter 13
have been influenced by this tradition in individual respects, such as, for
instance, the more extensive use of dageš, but without systematically con-
forming to Tiberian-Palestinian practice as such. Non-canonical texts in
particular occasionally seem to combine features eclectically from differ-
ent orthographic standards.
Orthography, Phonetics, and Phonology

Since the peculiarities of the Tiberian-Palestinian tradition do not obvi-
ously render an independent pronunciation of Hebrew, let alone a distinct
linguistic variety, they basically affect only the graphic representation of
certain phonetic features. Some may also reflect phonetic differences (e.g.,
as has been suggested for dageš after the end of a closed syllable), but this
is hard to prove; hence orthography, phonetics, and phonology are treated
together here. The Tiberian-Palestinian vocalization employs the same
vowel signs and diacritical marks as Tiberian Hebrew, but their function
and, in specific cases, their position in relation to the letter to which a sign
refers, differ: dageš can occasionally appear underneath a letter; the two
dots of the ḥaṭeph sign and final šəwa inside; and the mark distinguishing
šin (‫ )ּש‬from śin (‫)שּׁ‬, which may be historically related to what later be-
came the dageš, also inside, on the right and the left side, respectively. If a
dageš is added to šin or śin, it appears on the upper right or left side: e.g.,
‫ם‬ ‘there’ (1 Sam 1:22; 1 Kgs 17:4, 9) and ‫ריֿד‬ ִ ‘remnant’ (Judg 5:13).
Since traces of ink are not always clear, dageš signs on the upper left or
right stroke of ‫ ש‬are sometimes difficult to spot.
Less precise than the Tiberian vocalization, Tiberian-Palestinian marks
five rather than seven vowel qualities; a and ɔ are merged, as are e and ε,
in accordance with Palestinian conventions. But it exhibits greater consis-
tency in marking the consonantal character of letters otherwise also used
as matres lectionis. Both features have been conveniently summarized
by Morag (1962: 38–41) and now also by Heijmans (2013). Many more
examples from the Reuchlin Codex can be found in Morag’s earlier study
(1959); those cited here come from vol. 2 according to the same manuscript
and have been gleaned from a study of the photograph itself.
As a result of the underlying Palestinian vowel marking, qameṣ and
pataḥ on the one hand and ṣere and səgol on the other occur in apparently
free variation even in the same context. (Sperber 1969 therefore always
prints both respective signs on top of each other in his transcription, with
the upper one reflecting the reading in the Reuchlin manuscript.) One finds,
for instance, ‫‘ ַע ַֿמ ְד ִּתי‬I stand’ (1 Kgs 17:1) (Tiberian ‫)ע ַמ ְד ִּתי‬ ָ and ‫‘ ְב ֿ ָנ ָח ֿל‬by
the river (Cherith)’ (1 Kgs 17:3) (Tiberian ‫)ּבנַ ַחל‬, ְ or ‫‘ ֶּל ֿא ֿמ ֺר‬saying’ (e.g.,
Judg 5:1; 1 Kgs 17:2, 8; Ezek 14:2) (Tiberian ‫)לאמֺר‬ ֵ and ‫יה‬ ָ ‫‘ ָּב ֿ ֵנ‬her sons’
(1 Sam 1:4) (Tiberian ‫יה‬ ָ One gets the impression that some particularly
ָ ֶ‫)בנ‬.
frequent words tend to occur with a fixed vowel sign such as səgol instead
of ṣere: after the preformative in “imperfect consecutive” forms of ‫הל״ך‬
‘to go’ (cf. Judg 5:6; 1 Sam 1:18; 1 Kgs 10:8; 17:5, 11, 15) as well as ‫פ״י‬
roots (e.g., 1 Sam 1:19, 20), in the first syllable of the masc. pl. deictic ‫ֶאּ ֶלֿה‬
‘these’ (1 Kgs 10:8; 17:1, 17; Ezek 14:3, 14, 16, 18), or in the quotative
marker ‫( ֶּל ֿא ֿמ ֺר‬see above). Imitation of a choice made immediately before
in a similar pattern may also play a role in some cases (cf. the vocalization
of the various perfect verbs in Judg 5:27); both observations, however,
would have to be verified on the basis of extensive statistics.
Since it is likely that the respective Tiberian signs refer to vowel quality
alone—that is, ɔ vs. a and e vs. ε—their indiscriminate use in Tiberian-
Palestinian manuscripts cannot be adduced as evidence for the collapse of
phonemic vowel length. In individual cases, the ambiguity of the qameṣ
sign is resolved by replacing Tiberian qameṣ qaṭan (i.e., qameṣ for short
/o /) either with ḥolem, as in ‫‘ ָּת ֿשּֿׂב‬let it return’ (1 Kgs 17:21) (Tiberian
ָ or with ḥaṭeph qameṣ, as in ‫‘ ֳא ְכ ָלֿה‬her eating’ (1 Sam 1:9, infinitive
‫)ת ָשׁב‬,
construct with third-person fem. sing. suffix) (Tiberian ‫;)א ְכ ָלה‬ ָ see, simi-
larly, ‫‘ גֳ ְֿמ ֵּל ֿך‬your weaning’ (1 Sam 1: 23) and, later, ‫‘ גֳ ְֿמ ָּל ִה‬her weaning’
(1 Sam 1:23). However, such instances oscillate with the use of qameṣ
even in nearly identical forms in the same passage—for example, ‫‘וַ ָת ָּֿשֿב‬and
it returned’ (1 Kgs 17:22) (Tiberian ‫)וַ ָּת ָׁשב‬.
The corresponding ḥaṭeph signs of pataḥ and səgol, too, can appear as
qameṣ or pataḥ and ṣere or səgol, respectively: for example, ‫‘ ָה ָח ָֿי ֿ ִילים‬the
troops’ (Jer 43:4, 5, with dittography of yod in order to indicate its conso-
nantal nature) (Tiberian ‫)ה ֲחיָ ִלים‬. ַ This could be related to the Palestinian
custom of indicating a non-systemic auxiliary vowel rendered by šəwa or
a ḥaṭeph sign in the Tiberian tradition with the symbol for a full vowel
(see chapter 12). With ḥet, the two dots of the ḥaṭeph sign are sometimes
written inside the letter: for example, ‫ר ֹנָ ֿה‬‫‘ ָּב ָּא‬afterward’ (1 Kgs 17:13)
(Tiberian ‫)ּב ַא ֲחר ֹנָ ה‬ ָ (less frequently with he and only very occasionally with
ʾaleph) or ‫ט ֿא‬ ָֿ ‫‘ ֶת‬you sin’ (Ezek 14:13) (Tiberian ‫;)ת ֱח ָטא‬
ֶ contrast ‫ֿת‬‫ְל ִה ְּֿש ָּת ֲח‬
180 Chapter 13
‘to worship’ (1 Sam 1:3) (Tiberian ‫)ל ִה ְׁש ַּת ֲחֹות‬. ְ No particular distributional
pattern emerges. Šəwa and the ḥaṭeph signs were phonotactically equiv-
alent as rendering the non-systemic allophones of a zero vowel in some
environments and had no influence on the syllable structure (see Bauer
and Leander 1922: §§18p–w for many examples). It is perhaps for this
reason that ḥaṭeph pataḥ with laryngeals, especially ḥet, and ʿayin, can
also occur at the boundary of a closed syllable and thus replace silent šəwa:
for example, ‫‘ ַֿי ָד ֲע ִּתי‬I know’ (1 Kgs 17:24) (Tiberian ‫ )יָ ַד ְע ִּתי‬or, vice versa,
‫‘ ִת ְֿמר ֹֿת‬columns of’ (Joel 3:3) (Tiberian ‫ימרֹות‬ ֲ ‫)ת‬.
ִ
As in the Palestinian pointing tradition, the furtive pataḥ, by contrast, is
only partially noted. It appears especially before ḥet and ʿayin after plene
spelling of ī (Bauer and Leander 1922: §7q′), thus presumably conform-
ing to the Tiberian-Palestinian tendency of avoiding letters in any posi-
tion without a proper vowel sign. (See Heijmans 2013: 969 for a similar
example after /ē/ from MS Parma A.) Contrary to most Tiberian manu-
scripts, the furtive pataḥ is written beneath the yod in such cases and not
beneath the following laryngeal: for example, ‫‘ ִהנִ ַֿי ְח‬he left behind’ (Jer
43:6). However, it is not written after ū even in plene spelling: for example,
ְ ‫‘ ַּמ‬why?’ (Isa 50:2). The widespread absence of furtive pataḥ in other
‫ּדּוע‬
cases (but see ‫‘ ִל ְֿשּמ ַֹע‬to listen’ in Judg 5:16 for one of the rare exceptions)
does not necessarily indicate a difference in pronunciation as opposed to
the regular Tiberian notation: several features of the Tiberian-Palestinian
vocalization seem to react to a pronunciation of the laryngeals that was no
longer fully consonantal and so they are specifically highlighted by dageš
and šəwa (see below). Their “correct” pronunciation may have rendered the
use of a proper sign for a fleeting vowel like the furtive pataḥ superfluous.
Forms with šəwa in the vicinity of yod are vocalized somewhat differ-
ently than in Tiberian Hebrew. Šəwa with yod is preserved after the proclitic
prepositions ‫ב‬, ְ ‫כ‬, ִ as well as ְ‫‘ ו‬and’: for example, ‫‘ ַליְ הוָ ה‬to Yhwh’
ְ ‫ל‬,ְ ‫מ‬,
(1 Sam 1:3, 11) (Tiberian ‫)ליהוָ ה‬ ַ and ‫‘ וַ יְ הוָ ה‬and Yhwh’ (1 Sam 1:5) (Tibe-
rian ‫)וַ יהוָ ה‬. As in Tiberian, however, a preceding šəwa shifts to ḥireq: for
example, ‫ימי‬ ֵֿ ‫‘ ִב‬in the days of’ (Jdg 5:6). By contrast, word-initial ‫ * ְי‬is re-
placed by ‫ִי‬, and šəwa before yod with a full vowel is replaced by ḥireq (for
examples that do not occur in the accompanying texts, cf. Heijmans 2013:
969). Finally, yod between a vocal šəwa and an i-vowel undergoes monoph-
thongization (i.e., *əyi becomes ī): for example, ‫יש ֶען‬ ָ ִ‫‘ו‬and he trusts’ (Isa
50:10) (Tiberian ‫)וְ יִ ָּׁש ֵען‬.
The extensive use of dageš and raphe in Tiberian-Palestinian vocaliza-

tion by and large has disambiguating purposes in that it is employed for
a more consistent distinction between the consonantal value(s) of certain
ambiguous letters or their use as matres lectionis, on the one hand, and for
marking syllable boundaries (see below) on the other. A basic division into
a differentiating function and one related to syllabification also underlies
other, more complicated functional descriptions (cf. Meyer 1963: 54–60).
Sperber excluded both diacritic signs from his transcription of the Reuchlin
Codex (Sperber 1969; cf. Sperber 1959: 67–68 for his reasons); it is some-
times difficult to establish the presence or absence of a dageš on the basis
of the photograph when the ink is faint.
Consonantal ʾaleph and he are normally highlighted by a dageš placed
inside the former and below or inside the latter, whereas they receive a ra-
phe when they act as vowel letters. For example, in ‫‘ וַ ּיָ ֿב ֹאּּו‬and they came’
(Jer 43:7) (Tiberian ‫)וַ ּיָ בֹאּו‬, the ʾaleph with dageš indicates a glottal stop
that was meant to be pronounced at the onset of a syllable; likewise, in
‫‘ ַר ֲח ָּמ ִה‬her womb’ (1 Sam 1:5), it marks a final consonant /-h/. Conse-
quently, both receive a dageš. In ‫‘ ֶה ֶב ֿא ִתי‬I have brought about’ (Ezek 14:22)
(Tiberian ‫אתי‬ ֵ by contrast, the ʾaleph is merely a historical spelling for
ִ ‫)ה ֵב‬,
an erstwhile glottal stop in syllable-final position that has already become
quiescent a long time ago; it is not supposed to be pronounced and thus
does not have a dageš but is marked with a raphe instead. This practice
does not seem entirely consistent in the manuscripts, however, especially
when the vowel signs were added by several hands. The reading selec-
tion in vol. 2 from the Reuchlin Codex illustrates the amount of varia-
tion: word-initial ʾaleph is not marked by a dageš in, for example, 1 Kgs
10:1–7 (compare, for instance, the relative particle ‫ ֲא ֶּשר‬there with ‫ֲּא ֶּֿשר‬
elsewhere, although the former does not have a raphe, either) but is used
somewhat more frequently from v. 8 onward. Similarly, word-initial conso-
nantal ʾaleph has a dageš in some words in 1 Kings 17 or 1 Samuel 1, but
not in others and not always in the same words (e.g., it does appear in ‫ֲּא ֶּֿשר‬
in 1 Kgs 17:17, yet not in many other instances of the relative particle in
this passage). Non-geminated consonantal word-medial waw and yod and
word-initial yod often occur with a raphe as well, as in ‫‘ ָה ָח ָֿי ֿ ִילים‬the troops’
(Jer 43:4, 5; here also with dittography of the yod; see above); word-final
consonantal waw and yod have a dageš; and word-final yod may also have
a raphe in addition to the dageš (e.g., ‫‘ ַח ִֿי‬alive’ in 1 Kgs 17:1 in contrast
182 Chapter 13
to ְ‫‘ ֶא ָליו‬to him’ in vv. 2, 8). A number of occurrences of dageš and raphe
still defy explanation, however, and vary considerably between individual
manuscripts, such as the tendency of the Reuchlin Codex to apply raphe to
initial vowelless /š-/ and /l-/ (e.g., ‫‘ ְּֿש ָבא‬Sheba’ in 1 Kgs 10:4, 10, 13) (cf.
Morag 1962: 38; Heijmans 2013: 968).
The frequent occurrence of dageš for highlighting consonantal ʾaleph
and he can be related to the regular use of a dot (termed mappiq but for-
mally identical to dageš) inside (in some manuscripts, beneath) consonan-
tal word-final he in Tiberian Hebrew and the four instances of consonantal
ʾaleph marked with a dageš: ‫‘ וַ ִּיָביאּּו‬and they brought’ (Gen 43:26; Ezra
8:18), ‫‘ ָּת ִביאּּו‬you shall bring’ (Lev 23:17), and ‫‘ ֻראּּו‬they were (not) seen’
(Job 33:21) (presumably a third-person masc. pl. perfect of the qal pas-
sive [cf. Bauer and Leander 1922: §8z]). This Tiberian convention thus
seems a dim reflex of a tendency that was far more widespread in Tiberian-
Palestinian, either because it remained experimental in the tradition of the
received text and was but later expanded or because it represents vestiges
of a formerly more common use that later became obsolete; the choice
depends on one’s stance on the chronological relation between the main-
stream Tiberian and the Tiberian-Palestinian vocalizations.
A similar disambiguating principle appears to underlie the tendency
to mark not only consonantal waw (see above) but also ḥet, ʿayin, and,
rarely, he, in word-final position with šəwa: for example, ְ‫‘ ֶא ֿ ָליו‬to him’
(e.g., 1 Kgs 10:2; 17:2, 8) (Tiberian ‫)א ָליו‬, ֵ ‫‘ ֶּק ָֿמ ְח‬flour’ (1 Kgs 17:12, 14, 16)
(Tiberian ‫)ק ָמח‬, ֶ or ‫‘ וַ יִ ְֿש ָמ ְע‬and He heard’ (1 Kgs 17:22) (Tiberian ‫)וַ ּיִ ְׁש ַמע‬.
Occasionally, the same phenomenon occurs with initial or even medial ḥet:
for example, ‫ליֿ וֹ‬ ְ ֿ ‘his sickness’ (1 Kgs 17:17) (Tiberian ‫)ח ְליֹו‬. ָ The šəwa in
these cases reinforces the consonantal value of letters otherwise also used
as matres lectionis, such as waw and he, or highlights sounds with other-
wise weak pronunciation such as ḥet and ʿayin. According to Kahle (1930:
40*), the gutturals were widely used as mere vowel letters in the Palestin-
ian tradition. Even if this statement may go too far, the influence of gut-
turals on neighboring vowels appears to differ in Tiberian and Palestinian
pronunciation (cf. Dietrich 1968: 126–29). Morag (1962: 39) notes that the
šəwa with word-final ḥet and ʿayin was meant to insure that they “should
be pronounced ‘correctly.’” It can thus be seen as a more rigorous applica-
tion of the Tiberian Hebrew convention of adding šəwa to word-final kaph
and in other stops that directly follow consonants without an intervening
vowel. The latter happens regularly in the second-person fem. sing. perfect
ending ‫ּת‬- ְ (see Bauer and Leander 1922: §7i′). Neither, however, resolves
any real ambiguity, at least not in fully vocalized texts (although the use of
šəwa with final kaph graphically reinforces the difference with final nun,
which looks similar in some hands). Like the dageš, Tiberian-Palestinian
vocalization can thus insure the consonantal realization of weak or am-
biguous letters. Such a gradual extension of certain orthographic devices
beyond their mainstream functions is fairly common in spelling practice.
Finally, dageš and raphe are widely used for what is generally thought
to be highlighting syllable boundaries in Tiberian-Palestinian. The indi-
vidual manuscripts exhibit a good deal of variation, but the basic principle
seems to be that dageš appears with ‫ז‬, ‫ט‬, ‫ל‬, ‫מ‬, ‫נ‬, ‫ס‬, ‫צ‬, ‫ק‬, ‫ש‬, though not to
the same extent as with the ‫ בג״ד כפ״ת‬consonants but rarely with laryn-
geals and reš, at the beginning of a new syllable after a closed syllable or a
disjunctive accent; otherwise, raphe is placed on that letter (yet it is often
omitted in final position, especially with mem and nun), as in ‫‘ ֶח ְֿפ ָצ ִה‬her
desire’ (1 Kgs 10:13) (Tiberian ‫)ח ְפ ָצּה‬. ֶ Sperber (1959: 67–68) claims that
this dageš indicates a short vowel in the preceding syllable; but such a view
presupposes an overt and systematic distinction between long and short
vowels that seems alien to all Hebrew pointing traditions. Nonetheless,
inconsistencies occur even in the same passage and in identical or near-
identical expressions: for example, ‫‘ ְּק ִחי נַ א‬please take!’ (1 Kgs 17:10) ~
ָ ֿ ‫( ִל ְֿק ִח‬17:11) or ‫‘ ַליְ הוָ ה‬to Yhwh’ (1 Sam 1:3) ~ ‫( ַליְ הוָ ה‬1 Sam 1:21; a
‫י־נ ֿא‬
similar variation occurs in v. 28). They can be multiplied by a study of the
various texts included in vol. 2. Some manuscripts employ dageš in this
function only with some of the letters mentioned above or in more specific
circumstances (cf. Eldar 1978: 131).
The use of dageš at syllable boundaries has been assumed to reflect a
stronger pronunciation of consonants at the onset of a syllable comparable
to the more restricted occurrence of dageš with the plosive allophones of
the ‫ בג״ד כפ״ת‬sounds in the Tiberian tradition (Bauer and Leander 1922:
§8b′, referring to such a pronunciation in Yemenite liturgical recitation
described by Grimme 1915: 129–30, 135–37; Meyer 1963: 60; similarly,
Yeivin 1983, who suggests that dageš here indicates gemination—that is,
consonantal length). However, the dageš in such cases could simply distin-
guish a silent šəwa in syllable-final position, where no auxiliary vowel is
pronounced, from a vocal šəwa (Morag 1959: 226; Heijmans 2013: 968);
184 Chapter 13
contrast lamed with dageš after silent šəwa in ‫‘ וְ ִה ְֿש ָּל ְח ִתי‬and I will send’
(Ezek 14:13) and lamed without dageš after vocal šəwa in ‫‘ וְ ִּֿש ְּכ ָל ָתֿה‬and she
will leave it childless’ (Ezek 14:15). In that case, the dageš would serve a
purely orthographic function without marking a different pronunciation of
syllable-initial consonants, much in line with the general disambiguating
tendency of Tiberian-Palestinian. The problem and its implications for the
history of the dageš sign and its evolution out of a simple differentiating
dot, as in Syriac vocalization traditions, merit further investigation.
Bibliography
Bacher, Wilhelm
1874 Kritische Untersuchungen zum Prophetentargum. Nebst einem Anhange über
das gegenseitige Verhältniss der pentateuchischen Targumim. Zeitschrift der
Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 28: 1–72.
Halle: Niemeyer.
Dietrich, Manfried
1968 Neue palästinisch punktierte Bibelfragmente: Veröffentlicht und auf Text und
Punktation hin untersucht. Leiden: Brill.
Díez-Macho, A.
1963 A New List of So-Called ‘Ben-Naftali’ Manuscripts, Preceded by an Inquiry
into the True Character of These Manuscripts. Pp. 16–52 in Hebrew and
Semitic Studies Presented to Godfrey Rolles Driver, ed. D. Winton Thomas
and W. D. McHardy. Oxford: Clarendon.
Eldar, Ilan
1978 ,‫ מהותה והיסודות המשותפים לה ולמסורת ספרד‬:‫מסורת הקריאה הקדם־אשכנזית‬
kenaz (ca. 950–1350 C.E.), vol. 1: Phonology and Vocalization]. ‫עדה ולשון‬
4. Jerusalem: Hebrew University of Jerusalem Language Traditions Project.
1979 ,‫ מהותה והיסודות המשותפים לה ולמסורת ספרד‬:‫מסורת הקריאה הקדם־אשכנזית‬
‫ ענייני תצורה‬:‫[ כרך ב‬The Hebrew Language Tradition in Medieval Ashkenaz
(ca. 950–1350 C.E.), vol. 2: Morphology]. 5 ‫עדה ולשון‬. Jerusalem: Hebrew
University of Jerusalem Language Traditions Project.
Goshen-Gottstein, Moshe
1963 The Rise of the Tiberian Bible Text. Pp. 79–122 in Biblical and Other Studies,
ed. Alexander Altmann. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Grimme, Hubert
1915 Die jemenische Aussprache des Hebräischen und Folgerungen daraus für die
ältere Sprache. Pp. 125–42 in Festschrift Eduard Sachau zum siebzigsten Ge-
burtstage, ed. Gotthold Weil. Berlin: Reimer.
Haneman, Gideon
1980 )138 ‫[ תורת הצורות של לשון המשנה על פי מסורת כתב־היד פרמה (דה־רוסי‬The
Morphology of Mishnaic Hebrew according to the Tradition of the Parma
Manuscript (De-Rossi 138)]. Texts and Studies in the Hebrew Language and
Related Subjects 3. Tel-Aviv: Tel-Aviv University Press.
Heijmans, Shai
2013 Vocalization, Palestino-Tiberian. Pp. 967–71 in vol. 3 of Encyclopedia of He-
brew Language and Linguistics, ed. Geoffrey Khan. Leiden: Brill.
Kahle, Paul
1930 Masoreten des Westens, vol. 2: Das Palästinische Pentateuchtargum:
Die Palästinische Punktation; Der Bibeltext des Ben Naftali. Stuttgart:
Kohlhammer.
Lagarde, Paul de, ed.
1872 Prophetae Chaldaice e fide Codicis Reuchliniani editi. Leipzig: Teubner.
Meyer, Rudolf
1961 A. Sperbers neue Studien über das masoretische Hebräisch. Vetus Testa-
mentum 11: 475–86.
1963 Die Bedeutung des Codex Reuchlinianus für die hebräische Sprachgeschichte.
Dargestellt am Dageš-Gebrauch. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlän
dischen Gesellschaft 113: 51–61.
Milano, Attilio
1963 Storia degli ebrei in Italia. Torino: Einaudi.
Morag, Shelomo
1959 The Vocalization of Codex Reuchlinianus: Is the “Pre-Masoretic” Bible Pre-
Masoretic? Journal of Semitic Studies 4: 216–37.
1962 The Vocalization Systems of Arabic, Hebrew, and Aramaic. Janua Linguarum
13. The Hague: Mouton.
Ryzhik, Michael
2013 Italy, Pronunciation Traditions. Pp. 362–66 in vol. 2 of Encyclopedia of He-
brew Language and Linguistics, ed. Geoffrey Khan. Leiden: Brill.
Sperber, Alexander
1956 The Pre-Masoretic Bible: Codex Reuchlinianus, No. 3 of the Badische Lan
desbibliothek in Karlsruhe (formerly Durlach No. 55), with a General Intro-
duction; Masoretic Hebrew. Corpus Codicum Hebraicorum Medii Aevi 2/1.
Copenhagen: Munksgaard.
1959 A Grammar of Masoretic Hebrew: A General Introduction to the Pre-
Masoretic Bible. Copenhagen: Munksgaard.
1969 The Hebrew Bible with Pre-Masoretic Vocalization: The Prophets according
to the Codex Reuchlinianus. Leiden: Brill.
Yeivin, Israel
1983 "‫[ משמעות סימן הדגש בניקוד הטברני ה"מורחב‬The Meaning of the Dageš in the
“Extended” Tiberian Vocalization]. Pp. 293–307 in ‫מחקרי לשון מוגשים לזאב‬
‫[ בן־חיים בהגיעו לשיבה‬Hebrew Language Studies Presented to Professor Zeev
Ben-Ḥayyim], ed. Moshe Bar-Asher et al. Jerusalem: Magnes.
Chapter 14
The Tiberian Tradition of Reading the Bible

and the Masoretic System
Y osef O fer
The Prestige of the Tiberian Tradition

Various traditions of reading the Bible evolved over time, correspond-
ing to different dialects of Hebrew. These traditions are reflected in manu
scripts and Genizah fragments from the ninth and tenth centuries CE,
whose texts are vocalized according to different systems: Tiberian, Pales-
tinian (see chapter 12), Tiberian-Palestinian (chapter 13), and Babylonian
(chapter 10). Eventually, the Tiberian linguistic tradition became the most
prestigious of the systems, displaced all the others, and its vocalization
came to be accepted by all Jewish communities.
As early as the tenth century, there is evidence that the Tiberian sys-
tem was recognized as superior. The Karaite sage Abū Yūsuf Yaʿqūb al-
Qirqisāni wrote in his Kitāb al-Anwār (937 CE):
In this generation there is no one any more among those who occupy them-
selves with the science of language and grammar, among the people of Isfa-
han (Persia), Basra (Iraq), Tastur (Tunisia) and elsewhere, who do not admit
to the superiority of the reading of the Land of Israel, who do not recognize
it as the true one, and who do not see that the truth of the grammar is only
explained by it. Furthermore, a group of their elders, who do not by nature
read the reading of the Land of Israel, but read only the Babylonian, and
know the reading of the Land of Israel only by hearsay, when they want to
speak about matters of language and grammar speak only about the language
of the Land of Israel and none other (Nemoy 1939: 140 [autograph]; Klar
1914: 327–28 [translation]).
187
188 Chapter 14
When Qirqisāni wrote this passage, the Babylonian vocalization of the

Bible was in common use throughout western Asia, Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan,
Arabia, and Yemen. At the time, it was probably the most widely used,
geographically and quantitatively, of all Hebrew vocalization systems. Yet,
Qirqisāni maintained that grammarians recognized the superiority of the
Palestinian reading (i.e., the Tiberian), on which they based Hebrew gram-
mar. Saadia Gaon (882–942), a pioneer of Hebrew grammar, is a case in
point. He was born in Egypt, lived for a while in Tiberias, and then settled
in Babylonia. Although he was familiar with the Babylonian vocalization
and the Babylonian reading tradition, he based his grammar on the Tiberian
vocalization (Dotan 1977: 33–40).
An examination of manuscripts with Babylonian vocalization reveals a
clear evolutionary process: the older manuscripts preserve a unique tradi-
tion of Hebrew that differs in many details from that of the Tiberian. In the
course of time, however, the differences tended to disappear: Babylonian
manuscripts still used the supralinear vocalization signs of the Babylonian
system, but the linguistic tradition that was reflected in them gradually lost
the features that distinguished it from the Tiberian tradition.
As noted above, the Tiberian vocalization tradition eventually tri-
umphed over all the others, and all Jewish communities adopted the use of
the Tiberian signs. The system did not remain limited to the Bible but was
extended also to the Mishnah, liturgical and other poetry, and occasionally
prose writings as well. The reading traditions, on the other hand, did not
merge, and to this day the Bible is read differently among Yemenite, Ash-
kenazic, and Sephardic Jews (as well as some other Jewish communities)
(see chapter 16). The traditions of these various groups have preserved an-
cient linguistic traits. For example, the Yemenite tradition has six vowels,
in which the pronunciation of səgol is identical to that of pataḥ; the Ye-
menite reading tradition is clearly connected to the Babylonian tradition.
Although embraced by all Jewish communities, the Tiberian vocal-
ization system did not accurately reflect their pronunciation. As a result,
grammatical theories developed which made it possible to retain the origi-
nal pronunciation as well as the Tiberian vocalization. Thus, for example,
Joseph Qimḥi (Provence, 1105–1170) created the theory of five long and
five short vowels in Hebrew, which bridged the gap between the Tiberian
vocalization and the Sephardic pronunciation (see chapter 1, pp. 4ff.).
Jews who used this pronunciation when reciting the Bible had to cope with
The Tiberian Tradition of Reading the Bible 189
the need to distinguish between qameṣ gadol ([a]) and qameṣ qaṭan ([o]).
The non-Tiberian vocalization systems were completely forgotten.
Unification of the Tiberian Version of the Bible

The Masoretes were determined to produce a biblical text that was
unified and uniform in every detail: the letters, the vowel signs, and the
cantillation (trope) signs. While disagreements and differences existed in
all three domains—due to the influence of distinct ancient traditions and
because of errors introduced in the course of copying and transmission—
where such disagreements arose, the Masoretes were careful to agree on a
single solution, which was then fixed and preserved by means of a Maso-
retic comment.
It should be stressed that by uniformity we mean the way in which one
should read and write a particular word in a particular verse. We do not
mean a general uniformity in orthography or in vocalization among differ-
ent occurrences in one text. Nor do we mean the standardization of paral-
lels texts that appear in several places in the Bible. On the contrary, the
Masoretes strove to preserve the internal differences in the text. They trans-
mitted, for example, how many times a certain word appeared plene and
how many times defective, and they prepared lists of differences between
parallel texts in the Bible.
A comparison of the best manuscripts of the Bible shows a remark-
able uniformity, which is also maintained in the currently available printed
editions. It is not absolute, however, since some differences exist among
the various manuscripts, as well as between the manuscripts and the more
common printed editions. Almost all the differences are minor and do not
affect the interpretation of the text.
We shall demonstrate this through a comparison of two codexes, the
Aleppo Codex (A) and the Leningrad Codex (L), the two best-known
manuscripts of the Bible. The text of the Aleppo Codex was written in Ti-
berias at the beginning of the tenth century by Shlomo ben Boyaʿa, and the
vocalization and Masoretic comments were added by the famous Masorete
Aharon ben Moshe of the Ben Asher family. Today the manuscript is no
longer complete, after about a third of its pages were lost during the Da-
mascus pogrom of 1947. The Leningrad Codex was written in Egypt in the
year 1009 by Shmuel ben Yaʿaqov, who wrote the text and also added the
vowels and Masoretic comments. The copyist noted that he based his work
190 Chapter 14
on “the edited and illuminated books made by the sage Aharon ben Moshe
ben Asher.” Many modern editions of the Bible base their version of the
text on one or both of these codexes.
We shall examine a photograph of one page from each of these two
codexes and compare one common text: Isa 46:10–48:1 (reproduced in
vol. 2). In the Aleppo Codex, the passage runs from the first words in the
right column of the photograph (beginning with ‫‘ וכל חפצי‬all My desire’) to
line 12 of the left column (ending with ‫‘ בשם יהוה‬in the name of Yhwh’).
In the Leningrad Codex, the passage begins at line 15 of the right col-
umn and ends at the last line of the left column. The passage contains 239
words and more than 2,200 characters: letters, vocalization signs, cantilla-
tion signs, and metegs.
A comparison of the two codexes reveals only five differences. Two
are differences in spelling, plene vs. defective: in Isa 47:11, there is ‫ש ָֹא ֭ה‬
‘ruin’ (A) vs. ‫ׁשֹואה‬ ֖ ָ (L); and in Isa 47:13, ‫(‘ ֽמ ִֹוד ִע ֙ם‬who) make known’ (A)
vs. ‫יע ֙ם‬
ִ ‫( ֽמ ִֹוד‬L). There is one difference in vocalization, involving a ḥaṭeph
vowel with a non-guttural consonant, in Isa 47:10: ‫שׁוֹב ָ ֑ב ֶתְך‬ ֲ ‘your turning
back’ (A) vs. ‫שׁוֹב ָ ֑ב ֶתְך‬
ְ (L). Another difference is in the location of a cantilla-
tion sign, in Isa 47:8: ‫‘ ִבּ ְל ָב ָ֔בהּ‬in her heart’ (A) vs. ‫( ִבּ ְל ָ֔ב ָבהּ‬L); the zaqeph in
the Leningrad Codex is mistakenly placed on the first instead of the second
‫ב‬. Yet another difference is the location of a meteg: in Isa 47:11, ‫עי‬ ֙ ִ ‫‘ ֵ ֽת ְד‬you
will (not) know’ appears in the Aleppo Codex with a meteg under the letter
‫ ;ת‬it is absent in the Leningrad Codex.
Except for these few minor differences, the Aleppo and Leningrad
codexes are identical in all respects: text, vocalization, cantillation, and
meteg. Note that the differences in spelling concern only plene vs. defec-
tive—that is, they do not affect the way the words are read or interpreted;
the difference in cantillation does not reflect a difference of opinion be-
tween the vocalizers but is the result of a scribal error by one of them. The
difference in vocalization, too, is marginal: it concerns the way a vocal
šəwa with a non-guttural consonant is to be marked, which is more a mat-
ter of notational stylistics than of linguistic substance. Clearly, the two
codexes do not represent different dialects: both reflect one version of the
Bible, that of the Tiberian Masoretes.
Two additional differences between the codexes concern the spaces be-
tween paragraphs. In the Bible, a new ‫ פרשה‬parašah (similar to a para-
graph in a modern text) is marked by a preceding space. There are two
types of parašot: open and closed. An open parašah is one that begins on
a new line, with a preceding space that reaches to the end of the previous
line, which may, in fact, take up a whole line. A closed parašah marks
a smaller separation and begins in the middle of the line, usually on the
same line as the ending of the previous paragraph but sometimes on the
following line.
In the passage under consideration, each codex has five parašah spaces,
which are located at identical junctures: in Isa 46:12, at ‫‘ ִׁש ְמ ֥עּו‬hear!’; 47:1,
at ‫‘ ְר ִ ֣די‬descend!’; 47:4, at ‫‘ ּג ֲֹא ֕ ֵלנּו‬our redeemer’; 47:8, at ‫‘ וְ ַע ָּ֞תה‬and now’;
and 48:1, at ‫‘ ִׁש ְמעּו־‬hear!’. In two of these locations (47:4, 8), the codexes
have different types of spaces—open in the Aleppo Codex and closed in
the Leningrad Codex—while in the other three both codexes have the
closed type.
Manuscripts differ considerably in the way paragraphs are indicated:
the Tiberian Masoretes made no effort to impose the kind of uniformity
that they achieved in plene and defective spelling. A uniform division into
paragraphs of the Pentateuch was achieved only beginning in the twelfth
century CE under the influence of Maimonides, who made a list of para-
graphs according to the Aleppo Codex and included it in his book of hala
khah. No such uniformity was ever achieved in the books of the Prophets
and the Hagiographa.
In conclusion, although in some respects a certain latitude remained and
a number of signs remained at the discretion of the vocalizers, no substan-
tive differences remained, which could affect the interpretation or language
of the text. Another noteworthy feature of Tiberian manuscripts is their full
vocalization. In most Babylonian vocalized manuscripts, only words that
were at risk of being read erroneously were provided with vowel signs,
whereas common and unmistakable works were left without vocalization;
the Tiberian copyists, on the other hand, provided a full vocalization of
each and every word.
Advances in the Tiberian System:

Conjunctive Cantillation Signs and Meteg
Two types of signs that were extensively developed in the Tiberian sys-
tem do not exist in the Babylonian tradition: the conjunctive cantillation
signs and the ‫ מתג‬meteg sign. The Tiberian cantillation signs, which de-
termine the way in which the text is chanted in ritual contexts, are divided
192 Chapter 14
into two types: disjunctive (‫ מפסיקים‬maphsiqim) and conjunctive (‫משרתים‬

məšarətim). The disjunctive signs have a double function of punctuation
and melody. Together they constitute a system that makes it possible to
achieve a sophisticated and accurate syntactic division of the text. In this
sense, the disjunctive signs may be compared to modern punctuation signs
but are capable of expressing more delicate internal divisions than the lat-
ter. Their other function is musical. The musical function combines with
punctuation to give a division of the verse into syntactic units. Disjunctive
signs exist in both the Babylonian and the Tiberian systems.
The Tiberian system also has conjunctive signs, which have only a mu-
sical function, without any significance for syntax or punctuation. Their
melody fits in with the melody of the following disjunctive sign. The rules
involving the conjunctive signs are complex: often a sequence of two or
three conjunctive signs precedes a disjunctive sign. Nearly every word in
a verse has a conjunctive sign. There are many different such signs, which
make for considerable musical variety. Occasionally short words do not
possess a sign of their own but form a single musical unit with the follow-
ing word. Such a musical union is marked by a hyphen (‫ מקף‬maqqeph).
The Babylonian tradition does not have conjunctive signs, and therefore
has no need for the hyphen. Disjunctive and conjunctive signs also have a
third function: they mark, on the whole, stressed syllables.
Another convenient comparison appears in Isa 48:2.
In the Aleppo Codex, there are two hyphens, ‫י־מ ִ ֤עיר‬ ֵ ‫‘ ִ ֽכּ‬for from the city’ in
the first line and ‫ֹלהי‬ ֱ ‫‘ וְ ַע‬and upon the God of’ in the second, where the
֥ ֵ ‫ל־א‬
particles ‫ כי‬and ‫ ועל‬are cliticized. Three words in this verse are marked with
conjunctive cantillation signs: ‫מ ִ ֤עיר‬,ֵ ‫ֹלהי‬ ֱ and ‫הו֥ה‬
֥ ֵ ‫א‬, ָ ְ‫י‬. The other words are
marked with disjunctive signs, creating the following syntactic division:
‫ ְשׁ ֽמוֹ׃‬/ ‫הו֥ה ְצ ָב ֖אוֹת‬

ָ ְ‫ י‬/// ‫ נִ ְס ָ ֑מכוּ‬/ ‫ֹלהי יִ ְשׂ ָר ֵ ֖אל‬
֥ ֵ ‫ל־א‬
ֱ ‫ וְ ַע‬// ‫ נִ ְק ָ ֔ראוּ‬/ ‫י־מ ִ ֤עיר ַה ֙קּ ֹ ֶד ֙שׁ‬
ֵ ‫ִ ֽכּ‬
In the Old Babylonian vocalization (Oxford d.64,1), the reading is some-

what different (see illustration above). Here, the disjunctive signs are the
following:
‫ יהוה‬//// ‫ נסמכו‬/ ]V[
‫ ועל אלהי ישראל‬/// ]‫[ז‬
‫ נקראו‬/ ]‫[נ‬
‫ מעיר הקדש‬// ]‫כי [ת‬
]o[ ‫ שמו‬/ ]~[ ‫צבאות‬
The signs in gray and with lines are disjunctive cantillation signs (those
with lines are not marked in the manuscript but can be concluded from
those that precede them). The unmarked words possess no cantillation
signs, while in the Tiberian text they have conjunctive signs. In the Tibe-
rian passage, ‫ ועל‬is connected to the following word with a hyphen, while
in the Babylonian version it has neither a hyphen nor a cantillation sign.
The word ‫ כי‬in the Babylonian text has a disjunctive sign while in the Tibe-
rian passage it is connected with a hyphen to the following word.
The other sign that became highly developed in the Tiberian system
is the meteg, also known as ‫ געיה‬gaʿya, which marks a secondary stress
inside a word (see also chapter 11, pp. 155–56). There are various types
of meteg, some quite complex. For example, in the word ‫‘ ַ ֽהנִּ ְשׁ ָבּ ִ ֣עים׀‬who
swear’ (Isa 48:1) it is located on the initial letter ‫ ה‬in a closed syllable and
indicates that this syllable has secondary stress (the main stress in this word
is on the last syllable, marked with the cantillation sign ‫ מונח לגרמיה‬munaḥ
ləgarmeh under ‫)ע‬. An examination of the Aleppo and Leningrad codexes
shows that the meteg appears in both. Indeed, this type of meteg may be
considered an “obligatory meteg,” whose appearance is quite uniform
194 Chapter 14
across different manuscripts. In the word ‫עי‬ ֙ ִ ‫‘ ֵ ֽת ְד‬you will (not) know’ (Isa
47:11) the meteg appears under the initial letter ‫ת‬, in an open syllable; it,
too, indicates secondary stress (the main stress is on the last syllable, on the
letter ‫)ע‬. The two codexes do not agree in this case: in the Aleppo Codex,
the word has a meteg, while in the Leningrad Codex it does not (see also
above). The manuscripts do not treat meteg in open syllables uniformly;
their presence is optional, and every vocalizer, in the absence of a binding
tradition, decided each case according to his own intuition.
Both codexes agree in three other occurrences of meteg in the passage.
Two appear in an open syllable (‫א ְמ ָר ֙ה‬
ֹ ֽ ‫‘ ָה‬who says’ [Isa 47:8] and ‫ֽמ ִוֹד ִע ֙ים‬
‘[who] make known’ [47:13]), and one in a closed syllable (‫ֵ ֽבּית־יַ ֲע ֗קֹב‬
‘house of Jacob’ [48:1]).
Ben Asher and Ben Naftali

The Tiberian Masoretes attached great importance to the slightest de-
tails of recitation and attempted to agree on a uniform version of the text
with respect to the meteg and all cantillation signs. Among the Tiberian
Masoretes of the tenth century, two names in particular stand out, Aharon
ben Moshe of the Ben Asher family and David ben Moshe of the Ben
Naftali family. These two sages disagreed on many details of the Bibli-
cal text. Their points of disagreement were documented in a work by the
eleventh-century scholar Mishael ben Uzziel, who listed 867 such words in
the Bible and another 406 cases in which they agreed but other Masoretes
disputed their view.
Most of the disputes between Ben Asher and Ben Naftali concern the oc-
currence of metegs, hyphens, and conjunctive cantillation signs. Below are
five examples of disputed signs in the book of Isaiah (Lipschütz 1965: 32):
1. Isa 44:20. Ben Asher: ‫ימ ִ ֽיני׃‬ ִ ‫‘ ֲה ֥לוֹא ֶ ֖שׁ ֶקר ִבּ‬Is not a lie in my right
hand?’; Ben Naftali: ‫ימ ִינֽי׃‬ ִ ‫לוֹא־שׁ ֶקר ִבּ‬
ֶ֖ ֲ According to Ben Asher, the first
‫ה‬.
word has the conjunctive sign ‫ מירכא‬merəkha, while Ben Naftali puts a
hyphen between the first two words.
2. Isa 45:3. Ben Asher: ‫הו֛ה‬ ֲ ‫‘ ִ ּֽכ‬for I am Yhwh’ (Isa 45:3); Ben
ָ ְ‫י־א ִנ֧י י‬
Naftali: ‫הו֛ה‬ ֣ ִ Here one finds the opposite: Ben Asher puts a hyphen
ָ ְ‫כּי ֲא ִנ֧י י‬.
between the first two words, while Ben Naftali is of the opinion that the
first word should be marked with a conjunctive sign (munaḥ).
3. Isa 45:20. Ben Asher: ‫וּמ ְת ַפּ ֲל ֔ ִלים‬ ֽ ִ ‘and (who) pray’; Ben Naftali
ִ The dispute concerns the meteg in the closed syllable beginning
‫וּמ ְת ַפּ ֲל ֔ ִלים‬.
with the letter ‫מ‬. Ben Asher believes there should be a meteg under this
letter, whereas Ben Naftali does not.
4. Isa 50:5. Ben Asher: ‫אזֶ ן‬ ֣ ִ ‫‘ ָפּ ַ ֽת‬He opened my ear’; Ben Naftali:
ֹ ֔ ‫ח־לי‬
‫אזֶ ן‬
ֹ ֔ ‫ח־לי‬ ָ Here, too, the two Masoretes disagree on whether a meteg
֣ ִ ‫פּ ַת‬.
should be placed in the closed syllable under the letter ‫ת‬. This case differs
from the preceding: the meteg occurs in a syllable that adjoins a stressed
syllable because of the guttural ‫ ח‬that closes it.
5. The last disagreement (Isa 54:9) differs fundamentally from the
previous:
‫ל־ה ָ ֑א ֶרץ ֵ ֥כּן נִ ְשׁ ַ ֛בּ ְע ִתּי ִמ ְקּ ֥צֹף ָע ַ ֖ליִ ְך‬
ָ ‫שׁר נִ ְשׁ ַ֗בּ ְע ִתּי ֵמ ֲע ֥בֹר ֵמי־ ֹ֛נ ַח ֖עוֹד ַע‬
֣ ֶ ‫י־מי נ ַ ֹ֙ח ֣ז ֹאת ֔ ִלי ֲא‬
֥ ֵ ‫ִ ֽכּ‬
‫ר־בְּך׃‬
ֽ ָ ‫וּמגְּ ָע‬ ִ
For (like) the waters of Noah is this to me, as I swore that the waters of Noah
would never again pass over the earth, so I swear that I will not be angry with
you or rebuke you.
Ben Asher reads ‫ימי נ ַ ֹ֙ח‬ ִ Ben Naftali has ‫י־מי נ ַ ֹ֙ח‬
֥ ֵ ‫;כּ‬ ֽ ִ The difference in pro-
֥ ֵ ‫כּ‬.
nunciation between the two versions is minuscule, yet the difference in
meaning is significant. According to Ben Naftali, the verse speaks about
‫‘ ֵמי נ ַֹח‬the waters of Noah’—that is, the waters of the flood which are men-
tioned again later in the same verse. Ben Asher is of the opinion that the
phrase refers to ‘the days of Noah’, a reading reflected also in the Aramaic
translation (Tg. Neb. ): ‫יֹומי נ ַֹח‬
ֵ ‫‘ ְּכ‬as in the days of Noah’. This dispute is also
reflected in ancient Masoretic manuscripts: both the Aleppo and Leningrad
codexes read ‫ּכי ֵמי‬, ִ as two separate words, while the Cairo Codex has ‫ימי‬ ֵ ‫ּכ‬.
ִ
The vocalization of these words in the Aleppo Codex as two separate
words contradicts the opinion that Mishael Ben Uzziel attributed to Ben
Asher. This is surprising, because Aharon ben Asher himself vocalized the
Aleppo Codex.
Paradoxically, the disputes between Ben Asher and Ben Naftali dem-
onstrate the uniformity of the Tiberian version of the Bible. Most of the
differences between the two concern issues that are ignored in the Baby-
lonian vocalization system: to wit, metegs, hyphens, and conjunctive can-
tillation signs. In a small number of cases, the dispute concerns the addition
or deletion of the conjunction -‫ו‬. Other disagreements concern the division
of one word into two, exchanging a silent šəwa with a ḥaṭeph, the presence
or absence of dageš, and the like. In all matters of greater import, such as
the disjunctive signs and alterations of words, there were no disputes.
196 Chapter 14
Masoretic Comments
Both codexes contain comments whose purpose was to protect the text
from error. Masoretic comments are written in tiny script and may be di-
vided into two types according to style and their place on the sheet. The
comments of the Masorah Magna (‘Great Masorah’) are long, detailed, and
written in two or three lines at the top and the bottom of the page. The com-
ments of the Masorah Parva (‘Little Masorah’) are short and written to the
right and left of the narrow columns of the biblical text. Each comment of
the Masorah Parva is connected to a word in the text through a small circle
above the word. The biblical text itself is written in three narrow columns
on every page, making it possible to add many comments. In vol. 2, about
30 Masorah Parva comments appear on the page from the Leningrad Co-
dex, and about 60 on the page from the Aleppo Codex.
Masoretic comments were the mechanism that led to the uniformity
of the Tiberian manuscripts. This mechanism was developed over many
generations by scribes, most of whom have remained anonymous. Every
Masorete who wrote a copy of the Bible used the Masoretic materials in his
possession, which he shaped into newly formulated Masorah Magna and
Masorah Parva comments and which he wrote down on the margins of his
manuscript. It is difficult to determine which comments are early and which
are late; nor is it possible to know who first formulated any given Masorah.
The internal consistency of the various Masoretic materials is impressive,
despite the fact that different individuals over generations shaped the ma-
terials into a collective work.
Below we examine a number of comments and explain their mechanism
and meaning.
The two first comments of the Masorah Parva on the page reproduced
from the Leningrad Codex are ‫ל׳‬, accompanying the words ‫‘ ִ֠י ָּׂש ֻאהּו‬they
will carry him’ (Isa 46:7 [line 3]) and ‫‘ יִ ְס ְּב ֜ ֻלהּו‬they will bear him’ (line 4);
they are indicated by means of the small superlinear circles to the right
of the right-hand column of text. These comments tell us that the marked
words do not occur elsewhere in the Bible (the sign ‫ ל׳‬is short for the
Aramaic expression ‫ותיּה‬ ָ ‫‘ ֵל‬there is none like it [elsewhere]’). To
ֵ ָ‫יתא ִד ְכו‬
the right of the middle column, there are two consecutive comments, ‫ל׳ל׳‬,
which, to judge by the small circles, are connected to the words ‫‘ ַצ ָּמ ֵ ֧תְך‬your
veil’ and ‫‘ ֶח ְׂש ִּפי־‬scoop!’ on the same line; both, too, are unique forms in
the Bible. Uniqueness in the Masorah does not refer to the root, or even to
the lexical form, since the word ‫ ְל ַצ ָמּ ֵ ֽתְך‬occurs three times in the Song of
Songs (4:1, 3; 6:7). But the form ‫צ ָּמ ֵתְך‬, ַ without a prefixed ‫ל‬, occurs only in
the verse here, and this is the fact that is noted in the comment.
The purpose of the comment ‫ ב׳‬to the right of line 5 in the right-hand
column of the Leningrad Codex, which is connected to the word ‫מד‬ ֹ ֔ ‫וְ ַי ֲֽע‬
‘and it will stand’ (Isa 46:7), is clear: it indicates to the reader that only
in this and in one other verse (Dan 11:16) is ‫‘ ו‬and’ vocalized with šəwa;
the verb can therefore be translated as a future. In contrast, the form ‫וַ ּיַ ֲעמֹד‬,
with ‫ ו‬vocalized with pataḥ, is much more common, appearing 55 times in
the Bible; here ‫ ו‬is the “waw consecutive,” and the verb can be translated
as a past or perfect. The distinction between the two forms is significant,
which explains why a Masoretic comment was deemed appropriate. Note
the brevity and economy in the formulation of the comment: the two words
inform us of the vocalization of all 57 occurrences of ‫ ויעמד‬in the Bible.
Another Masoretic comment mentions a relatively large number, ‫—ה׳י׳‬
that is, 15. This number is mentioned in the Masorah Parva of both codexes
for the word ‫‘ ַּב ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר‬in which’ (Isa 47:12). Its intention is to distinguish this
form from a similar word with which it might be confused, ‫‘ ַּכ ֲא ֶׁשר‬when’,
which occurs much more frequently in the Bible (495 times). As is usually
the case, here the Masorah mentions the frequency of the rarer form and
so prevents confusion between the two. The numerical value of the letters
is spelled ‫ ה׳י׳‬instead of the expected ‫י׳ה׳‬, because the latter is the spelling
of one of God’s names.
Some of the Masoretic comments concern plene and defective spelling.
For example, the comment in line 9 of the right-hand column of the Len-
ingrad Codex (Isa 46:8), ‫ב׳ מל׳‬, appears in reference to the word ‫פֹוׁש ִ ֖עים‬ ְ
‘transgressors’; in the Bible, this word is twice spelled plene (with ‫ )ו‬and
eight times defectively (i.e., ‫ ַהּפ ְֹׁש ִעים‬,‫ּפ ְֹׁש ִעים‬, etc.). The Masorah takes care
to preserve the original spelling of the word in each of its occurrences,
according to the tradition passed on from one generation to the next, even
though different spellings have no effect on the reading or the meaning.
Masoretic comments may concern phrases, in particular whenever an
error is likely. Thus, for example, the Masoretes of both the Aleppo and
Leningrad codexes make the comment ‫ ג׳‬in the Masorah Parva in reference
to the phrase ‫‘ וְ ֥ל ֹא ֵא ַ ֖דע‬and I shall not know’ (Isa 47:8), indicating that it
occurs three times in the Bible. Both codexes also give the references of
198 Chapter 14
all three occurrences in the Masorah Magna (Isa 47:8; Ps 73:22; Job 42:3).
The comment is important because the phrase ‫לֹא ֵא ַדע‬, without ‫ו‬, occurs
four times in the Bible (1 Kgs 3:7; 18:12; Ps 101:4; Job 9:21), and the two
can easily be confused.
To conclude, we compare two comments in the Masorah Magna that
can teach us something about the way the Masoretes worked. The Len-
ingrad Codex in a comment notes that the phrase ‫‘ ישיבה ָל ָא ֶרץ‬sitting on
the ground’ (i.e., a verbal form derived from the root ‫ יש״ב‬followed by the
word ‫)ל ָא ֶרץ‬
ָ occurs three times in the Bible. The commentary is as follows
(see the bottom of the page, from the left, in vol. 2):
‫ישיבה לארץ ג' שבי לארץ אין כסא וישבו אתו לארץ שבעת ימים ישבו לארץ‬
‫ידמו זקני‬
Sitting on the ground [occurs] 3 times: “Sit on the ground without a throne!”
(Isa 47:1); “And they sat on the ground with him seven days” (Job 2:13);
[and] “The elders (of the Daughter of Zion) sit on the ground silently” (Lam
2:10)
The comment is designed to distinguish this phrase from the similar and
more common ‫ישיבה ָּב ָא ֶרץ‬. The comment does not refer to a simple juxta-
position of two words, since the two words in Job 2:13 are not consecutive;
yet they are included because of the identical syntactic connection between
the verb and ‫ל ָא ֶרץ‬.ָ The Masorete of the Aleppo Codex makes a similar
comment, but mentions four, not three, verses. The two Masoretes do not
disagree over the biblical text, but the Masorete of the Aleppo Codex also
includes the verse ‫‘ ונקתה לארץ תשב‬she shall be cleansed, on the ground
she shall sit’ (Isa 3:26), in which the word ‫ ָל ָא ֶרץ‬precedes the verb from the
root ‫ ;יש״ב‬because the two words here stand in the same syntactic relation-
ship as in the other verses, the Masorete decided to include the verse in his
comment, despite the difference in word order. Note, however, that in the
Aleppo Codex there are erasure marks and corrections (see the top of
p. 199): The letter ‫‘( ד‬4’) is written over the erasure on the top line, as are
two words on the following line. Thus, it appears that at first Aharon ben
Asher wrote the comment in a form that was identical to that in the Lenin-
grad Codex, enumerating three verses, and later changed his mind and
decided to add the verse in which the word order is reversed, forcing him
to change the number at the beginning of the comment from ‘3’ to ‘4’.
This example reveals how the Masoretes worked: although they trans-
mitted materials that they received from their predecessors, they did not
copy the comments blindly but examined them and reformulated them as
they saw fit. Among all extant ancient Tiberian manuscripts, no two have
exactly the same comments, and in no two are all the comments themselves
formulated identically. Every time a new copy of the Bible was created,
the Masoretic comments were also reformulated. The constant reworking
of the Masoretic comments eventually created a high degree of uniformity
in the biblical text.
The Masoretic comments seem quite abstruse to the average contempo-
rary reader. In fact, already in antiquity most of those who studied the Bible
were not familiar with the intricacies of the Masorah. The same was even
true of some of the Masoretes who passed on the comments. However,
since copies of the Bible written in the Masoretic period were valued only
when provided with a Masorah Magna and a Masorah Parva, of necessity,
copying manuscripts had to be solely in the hands of experts in the formu-
lation and reading of Masoretic comments. This certainly contributed to
the preservation of the biblical text in accordance with the Masoretic rules.
A comment is in order about the relationship between the Masoretes
and the grammarians. The primary aim of the Masoretes was to fix and
preserve the biblical text. It is for this purpose that they composed thou-
sands of Masoretic comments on the words of the Bible. The result of their
work was a precise, vocalized uniform text that served as the basis for the
work of the grammarians; it enabled grammarians to formulate clear gram-
matical rules that reflect the internal regularities of the Bible’s language.
The beginnings of grammatical awareness and use of rules of grammar
200 Chapter 14
can already be seen occasionally in the Masoretic comments (e.g., in the

change made by Ben Asher in the comment on the phrase ‫ ישיבה לארץ‬in
the Aleppo Codex).
Qəre and Kətiv

In the page chosen for analysis in vol. 2, there are two Masoretic com-
ments of the type known as qəre and kətiv. Such comments appear as in-
conspicuous components of the Masorah Parva; but they are important,
since without them the Bible cannot be read properly. Therefore, even edi-
tions of the Bible that do not contain the Masoretic comments must include
the information concerning qəre and kətiv.
In ‫‘ ק ֵ ֹ֤רא ִמ ִּמזְ ָר ֙ח ֔ ַעיִ ט ֵמ ֶ ֥א ֶרץ ֶמ ְר ָ ֖חק ִ ֣איׁש עצתו‬I summoned from the East the
bird of prey, from afar the man of (His?) counsel’ (Isa 46:11), a Maso-
retic comment on the last word states in both codexes: ‫‘ עצתי קרי‬it should
be read ‫ עצתי‬my counsel’. Likewise, in ‫יעְך הברו ָׁש ַ֗מיִ ם ַ ֽהחֹזִ ֙ים‬ ֻ ֜ ‫יֹוׁש‬
ִ ְ‫דּו־נא ו‬
ָ֨ ‫יַ ַע ְמ‬
ָ ‫‘ ַּב ּ֣כ‬So let them stand up and save you, they scanned the heavens, the
‫ֹוכ ִ֔בים‬
star-gazers’ (Isa 47:13), there is the remark on ‫הברו‬: ‫‘ הברי קרי‬it should
be read ‫ הברי‬the scanners of’. What is the reason for the double versions?
Why are both readings presented by the Masorah, and why does the Maso-
rah choose between different versions? The answer lies in the transmission
of the Bible. The entire text was passed on from one generation to the next
in what is basically a double transmission: (1) the letters of the text and
(2) the oral recitation. Early scrolls were copied from each other and con-
tained only letters and spaces, while at the same time students learned the
oral tradition of recitation, which included the pronunciation with vowels
as well as the cantillation signs. Over time, differences and inconsistencies
between the written and the oral traditions emerged, although the care in
transmitting the Bible ensured that each of these traditions was passed on
accurately. When the Masoretes began to add the vocalization signs to
the written text, they wrote down both traditions, written and oral, on the
same page. This was done by leaving the text itself unchanged and adding
vocalization (and cantillation) signs above, below, and between the let-
ters. However, whenever the differences between the two traditions were
considerable, it was impossible to write down the reading tradition on the
letters without stressing the inconsistency. The result was that the Maso-
retes vocalized ‫ איש ֲע ָצ ִתו‬and ‫ ה ְֹב ֵרו שמים‬in accordance with the reading
tradition, but added a comment in the margins that the vocalization fits a
different spelling.
This is the technical explanation for the way in which the Masoretes
operated. As a result, scholars are faced with two versions that they must
try to interpret. Furthermore, each of the some 1,500 qəre-kətiv pairs in
the Bible must be considered by itself. Usually it is easier and simpler to
explain the qəre version, both because it is given in its entirety and also
because it is usually more easily understood. The kətiv, on the other hand,
is often a riddle, since only the consonants are given and no tradition is pre-
served as to its original pronunciation. Occasionally, the kətiv represents an
earlier form of the language (such as the spelling ‫ אתי‬of the second-person
fem. sing. independent personal pronoun, instead of the usual form ‫א ְּת‬, ַ
which fits the qəre as well [as in 1 Kgs 14:2 and elsewhere]). Occasionally,
the kətiv constitutes a reasonable alternative version, and only rarely is it
more understandable than the qəre (such as ‫הֹוצא =[ הוצא‬ ֵ ‘bring out!’] vs.
the qere ‫[ ַהיְ ֵצא‬Gen 8:17]).
See, for example, Isa 46:9, 11. The context of the first verse is God
speaking in the first person: ‫ֹלהים וְ ֶ ֥א ֶפס ָּכ ֽמֹונִ י‬
֖ ִ ‫‘ ִ ּ֣כי ָאנ ִ ֹ֥כי ֵאל֙ וְ ֵ ֣אין ֔עֹוד ֱא‬For I am
God and there is no other God and none like Me’ (Isa 46:9). The qəre ver-
sion is thus more comprehensible: ‫( ק ֵ ֹ֤רא ִמ ִּמזְ ָר ֙ח ֔ ַעיִ ט ֵמ ֶ ֥א ֶרץ ֶמ ְר ָ ֖חק ִ ֣איׁש ֲע ָצ ִתי‬a
reference to King Cyrus). However, the version in which the last word ends
with the third-person pronoun is also possible: ‘I am He who calls on the
man of His counsel (‫ )עצתו‬from a far land’ (see, e.g., Hacham 1984: ‫)תקו‬.
The second case is not as easy to explain. The root ‫( הב״ר‬Isa 47:13) does
not occur elsewhere in the Bible. The context suggests ‘astrologists’, who
search the heavens for signs to predict the future. Some scholars base their
interpretation on a comparison with Ugaritic and explain the phrase ‫הברי‬
‫ שמים‬as ‘those who worship the heavens’, while others prefer a comparison
with Arabic and explain the phrase as ‘those who cut and divide the heav-
ens’ in order to predict the future. Regardless of the explanation, the qəre
form ‫ ה ְֹב ֵרי‬is the masc. pl. construct form of the qal active participle. The
kətiv has been explained as a third-person masc. pl. perfect form ‫( ָה ְברּו‬the
medieval exegete David Qimḥi). Perhaps it can be understood as the masc.
pl. imperative form ‫ החוזים בכוכבים‬,‫;ה ְברּו שמים‬ ִ in this case, the parallelism
that exists in this verse according to the qəre is lost in the kətiv form.
202 Chapter 14
Bibliography
Dotan, Aron
1977 ‫[ ניצנים ראשונים בחכמת המילים‬The Dawn of Hebrew Linguistics: The Book
of Elegance of the Language of the Hebrews by Saadia Gaon]. Jerusalem:
Hacham, Amos
1984 ‫ספר ישעיהו‬. 2 vols. ‫דעת מקרא‬. Jerusalem: Mossad Harav Kook.
Khan, Geoffrey
2013 A Short Introduction to the Tiberian Masoretic Bible and Its Reading Tradi-
tion. 2d ed. Gorgias Handbooks 25. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias.
Klar, Benjamin
1954 ‫מחקרים ועיונים בלשון בשירה ובספרות‬. Tel Aviv: Maḥbarot le-Sifrut.
Lipschütz, Lazar, ed.
1965 ‫ כתאב אל ̇כלף אל ̇די בין אלמעלמין בן אשר ובן נפתלי‬:‫[ ספר החילופים‬Kitāb Al-
Khilaf: Mishael Ben Uzziel’s Treatise on the Differences between Ben Asher
and Ben Naphtali]. Publications of the Hebrew University Bible Project
Monograph Series 2. Jerusalem: Magnes.
Nemoy, Leon, ed.
1939 Kitāb al-Anwār wal-Marāqib:‎Code of Karaite Law by Yaʿqūb al-Qirqisānī,
vol. 1: First Discourse: Historical Introduction; Second Discourse: Philo-
sophical and Theological Principles of Jurisprudence. New York: Kohut
Memorial Foundation.
Yeivin, Israel
1980 Introduction to the Tiberian Masorah, trans. and ed. E. J. Revell. Society of
Biblical Literature Masoretic Studies 5. Missoula, MT: Scholars Press.
2003 ‫[ המסורה למקרא‬The Biblical Masorah]. Studies in Language 3. Jerusalem:
Chapter 15
The Contribution of Tannaitic Hebrew to

Understanding Biblical Hebrew
M oshe B ar -A sher
Introduction
In addition to the strata of Biblical Hebrew known from the consonantal
text—Archaic, Standard, Transitional, and Late—another stratum is re-
flected in the vocalization. This vocalization, represented by vowel signs,
was first added to the consonantal text sometime in the seventh century CE.
The vocalization traditions known to us, such as the Tiberian, Palestinian,
and Babylonian, sometimes reveal post-biblical features that have their
origin in Tannaitic Hebrew.
Rabbinic Hebrew reflects a linguistic stratum that postdates Biblical
Hebrew. Texts composed in Rabbinic Hebrew (often loosely called “Mish-
naic” Hebrew) range over a period of 450 years, from the second half of the
first century CE until approximately 500 CE. Compositions written in Rab-
binic Hebrew reflect two different periods: Tannaitic Hebrew and Amoraic
Hebrew. For the present purpose, only Tannaitic Hebrew will be discussed;
Amoraic Hebrew, written during the Amoraic period from 250/300 to 500
CE, was no longer a living spoken language.
Tannaitic Hebrew originates in the Mishnaic period, when Hebrew was
still spoken. Its sources include not only the Mishnah and early halakhic
midrashim (Mekhilta, Siphra, Siphre, Seder ʿOlam Rabba), but also epi-
graphic material from this period. Especially noteworthy are the Hebrew
documents of Simon Bar Kosiba (Kokhba).
Tannaitic Hebrew itself is divided into three strata: (1) the early mish-
nayot, written close to the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE, such
203
204 Chapter 15
as the tractates of Tamid and Middot, chapter 3 of Bikkurim, and chapter

1 of Qiddušin (Epstein 1957: 15–58); (2) the Mishnah and other texts that
were edited near 200 CE; and (3) compositions that were edited around 250
CE and a bit later, such as the Tosephta and probably a part of the halakhic
midrashim. The epigraphic material reveals a dialect that differs slightly
from the language of most Tannaitic literature, which itself reflects the
existence of dialects.
Research into Tannaitic Hebrew demonstrates two opposing trends:
(1) Some phenomena of Tannaitic Hebrew represent a stage of language
that is later than that of Biblical Hebrew. For example, BH uses hitpael and
hitpaal stems: e.g., ‫‘ ִה ְת ַאּנַ ף‬He grew angry’ (Deut 1:37) and ‫ּוכ ִה ְת ַּפ ֵּלל‬
ְ ‘and
when (he) prayed’ (Ezra 10:1). In contrast, Tannaitic Hebrew uses nitpaal,
in which the nun of niphal has analogically replaced the initial he of hit-
pael/hitpaal (Segal 1936: 118): for example, ‫‘ נִ ְת ַע ַּסק‬he occupied himself’
(m. Soṭ. 1:9). There are, however, a few verbs in Tannaitic Hebrew that
continue to appear with a he prefix, primarily in ritual descriptions that rely
on biblical formulas (Haneman 1980: 208–11): for example, ‫‘ ִה ְׁש ַּת ַחּוָ ה‬he
bowed down’ (m. Bik. 3:6). It has also been suggested that the forms with
he in Tannaitic Hebrew express the reflexive voice whereas the nitpaal
expresses the passive (Breuer 2002: 175–78).
Another example showing that Tannaitic Hebrew reflects a stage of He-
brew later than that of the Bible involves the adverbial case ending ‫ה‬,
which marks direction in Standard Biblical Hebrew: for example, ‫ַא ְר ָצה‬
‘to the land’ (Gen 11:31) and ‫‘ ַהּנֶ גְ ָּבה‬to the Negev’ (Gen 12:9). Only in a
few passages does the adverbial case ending no longer express direction:
for example, ‫‘ ַּבּנֶ גְ ָּבה‬in the Negev’ (Josh 15:21). In books from the end of
the First Temple period, the function of the case ending weakens, as in
ַ ‫‘ ֶא‬to the north’ (Ezek 8:14), where the allative preposition ‫ ֶאל‬is
‫ל־ה ָּצפֹונָ ה‬
otherwise superfluous. The loss of directional function increases during
the Second Temple period: for example, ‫‘ ַל ָּצפֹונָ ה‬to the north’ and ‫‘ ַלּנֶ גְ ָּבה‬to
the south’ (1 Chr 26:17). In Tannaitic Hebrew, this morpheme has almost
disappeared and, when attested, is merely a linguistic fossil that no longer
marks direction: for example, in reliable manuscripts, ‫חּוצה ָל ָא ֶרץ‬ ָ ‘abroad’
(m. Ter. 1:5) or, in printed editions, ‫חּוצה ָל ָא ֶרץ‬
ָ ‫‘ ְּב‬abroad’ (m. Ḥul. 5:1) and
ָ ‫‘ ְל‬outside the land’ (m. Giṭ. 4:6); on the latter forms, though,
‫חּוצה ָל ָא ֶרץ‬
reliable manuscripts have ‫ ְּבחּוץ‬and ‫לחּוץ‬,ְ respectively.
The Contribution of Tannaitic Hebrew 205
(2) Tannaitic Hebrew also has linguistic traits that are typologically ear-
lier than that of Biblical Hebrew, such as the construct form ‫‘ ֵל ֵילי‬night’: for
example, ‫‘ ְּכ ֵל ֵילי ַׁש ָּבת וְ יֹומֹו‬like the night of the Sabbath and its day’ (m. Nid.
4:4), in which a reflex of the original quadriliteral *laylay is attested (cf.
Biblical Aramaic ‫)ל ְיליָ א‬. ֵ Both diphthongs in ‫ ֵל ֵילי‬have contracted: *ay > ê.
The difference between Tannaitic ‫ ֵל ֵילי‬and Biblical ‫ליִ ל( ַליְ ָלה‬,ַ ‫)ליל‬, ֵ as well as
other forms, may be significant, for some scholars conclude that Tannaitic
Hebrew is not descended directly from Biblical Hebrew but from another
dialect that was related to Biblical Hebrew (see Kutscher 1972: 30 n. 5, on
‫ ל״ה‬verbs; 1977: ‫תמו‬, on ‫;חיִ ל‬ ַ and Bar-Asher 2009: 1.120–22).
Because Tannaitic texts are more numerous than biblical texts, one may
occasionally find that Tannaitic Hebrew preserves the ancient meaning of
a word whereas Biblical Hebrew attests a later meaning. For example, the
primary meaning of ‫‘ חת״ך‬cut off’ is concrete and is attested in Tannaitic
Hebrew: ‫ ָח ַתְך ֶאת ַהּיָ ַדיִ ם‬. . . ‫‘ ָח ַתְך ֶאת ָהרֹאׁש‬he cut off the head . . . he cut off
the hands’ (m. Tam. 4:2). The derived non-concrete meaning, ‘to make a
decision’, occurs in the Bible: ‫‘ ָׁש ֻב ִעים ִׁש ְב ִעים נֶ ְח ַּתְך ַעל ַע ְּמָך‬Seventy weeks
are decreed upon your people’ (Dan 9:24).
Tannaitic Hebrew illuminates and often confirms linguistic phenomena
found in Biblical Hebrew—phenomena relative to both the consonantal as
well as the vocalized text. Tannaitic Hebrew contributes to a better under-
standing of the orthography, phonology, syntax, lexicon, and semantics of
Biblical Hebrew. The Tannaitic data authenticate Biblical Hebrew linguis-
tic phenomena, testify to the existence of different Hebrew dialects dur-
ing the biblical period, and sometimes reveal colloquial speech that only
rarely found its way into the Bible. As the following will show, sometimes
features of Tannaitic Hebrew have been superimposed (unintentionally?)
onto the text of the Bible by later generations. Following are a few notable
examples of how Tannaitic Hebrew elucidates Biblical Hebrew.
The Book of Jeremiah

The book of Jeremiah (see chapter 3) exhibits several features that dem-
onstrate a link to Tannaitic Hebrew.
(1) The first-person pl. independent subject pronoun ‫ ֲאנַ ְחנּו‬is attested
more than 100 times in the Hebrew Bible: for example, Gen 19:3 and 1 Chr
29:13. There are also six examples of ‫נַ ְחנּו‬: Gen 42:11; Exod 16:7, 8; Num
206 Chapter 15
32:32; 2 Sam 17:12; and Lam 3:42, where this form fulfilled the need of
the larger acrostic. Moreover, one other form appears in the consonantal
text: ‫( אנו‬Jer 42:6); its qəre is ‫אנַ ְחנּו‬. ֲ Though it would be easy to assume an
error in the Tiberian text, the kətiv is supported by the Babylonian tradition
in both the orthography and vocalization: ‫אנּו‬. ָ There is also a Masoretic
note to this passage: ‫ אנו‘ למדנחאי אנו כתיב וקרי‬is the kətiv and qəre of the
Easterners’ (Yeivin 1985: 1103).
In Tannaitic Hebrew, the only form of the first-person pl. indepen-
dent pronoun is ‫אנּו‬. ָ It is attested in scores of passages, both in reliable
manuscripts as well as in printed editions: for example, m. Demai 3:5 and
m. ʿErub. 4:2. The Biblical Hebrew form, ‫אנַ ְחנּו‬, ֲ has been inserted into the
Mishnah twice in printed editions (m. Pesaḥ. 10:5; m. Ketub. 10:2).
(2) In Biblical Hebrew, ‫‘ ָּכ ֵרׂש‬belly’ occurs only in Jer 51:34. The noun,
though, is typical of Tannaitic Hebrew where it is spelled with a samekh:
for example, ‫‘ ַה ָּכ ֵרס‬the belly’ (m. Ḥul. 3:1) and ‫‘ ְּכ ֵרסֹו‬his belly’ (m. Bek.
7:5). In Biblical Hebrew, ‘belly’ is otherwise ‫ ֶּב ֶטן‬and is attested more than
70 times (e.g., Judg 13:7). The single biblical occurrence of ‫ ָּכ ֵרׂש‬antedates
Tannaitic Hebrew by several centuries.
(3) ‫ ל״א‬verbs are treated as ‫ל״ה‬: for example, ‫‘ נִ ְר ָּפ ָתה‬she was (not)
healed’ (Jer 51:9) and ‫‘ וַ יְ ַרּפּו‬and they healed’ (Jer 8:11), instead of ‫נִ ְר ָּפ ָאה‬
and ‫( וַ יְ ַר ְפאּו‬e.g., Jer 6:14), respectively. This morphological pattern is a sa-
lient feature of Tannaitic Hebrew: for example, ‫יתי‬ ִ ‫‘ ָק ִר‬I read’ (m. Yoma 1:6)
and ‫‘ יִ ְקרּו‬they will read’ (m. Ber. 1:3) < ‫אתי‬ ָ (see ‫אתי‬
ִ ‫*ק ָר‬ ִ ‫[ ָק ָר‬Exod 31:2])
and ‫( *יִ ְק ְראּו‬see ‫[ יִ ְק ְראּו‬Deut 2:22]), respectively.
(4) The ‫ ָּפעֹול‬noun class, with an unchangeable qameṣ, functions as an
agentive noun: for example, ‫‘ ָּבחֹון‬assayer’ (Jer 6:27), ‫‘ ָעׁשֹוק‬oppressor’ (Jer
22:3), ‫‘ ָצרֹוף‬refiner’ (Jer 6:29), and ‫גֹודה‬ ָ ‫‘ ָּב‬traitor’ (Jer 3:7, 10). Though
these nouns are not attested in the Mishnah, quite a few nouns have the
same vowel pattern and agentive meaning: for example, ‫‘ ָלעֹוז‬speaker of a
foreign language’ (m. Meg. 2:1) and ‫‘ ָסרֹוק‬hatcheller, wool dealer’ (m. Kel.
26:5) (Bar-Asher 2009: 2.137–39; 2014: 70–73).
These four phenomena demonstrate that the grammar of Tannaitic He-
brew and its vocabulary illuminate the language of the book of Jeremiah.
Accordingly, the book of Jeremiah has linguistic features that must have
existed in a spoken dialect at the end of the First Temple period. Eventu-
ally this spoken dialect, or one similar to it, crystallized into the written
language of the Tannaim.
The Orthography -‫ =( שה‬-‫ )ש‬of the Relative Pronoun

In the book of Qohelet, two words have kətiv/qəre variations: ‫כשהסכל‬
(kətiv) / ‫( ְּכ ֶׁש ָּס ָכל‬qəre) (Qoh 10:3) in both the Aleppo (Breuer 1999) and
Leningrad codexes (Dotan 2001), and ‫( שהתקיף‬kətiv) / ‫( ֶׁש ַּת ִּקיף‬qəre) (Qoh
6:10 [Leningrad]; cf. ‫[ ֶׁש ַּת ִּקיף‬Aleppo]). The kətiv in the first example
might reflect a noun with the definite article (‫‘ ְּכ ֶׁש ַה ָּס ָכל‬when the fool’)
like nouns in some following verses: for example, ‫ּמֹוׁשל‬ ֵ ‫‘ ַה‬the ruler’ (Qoh
10:4) and ‫‘ ַה ַּׁש ִליט‬the master’ (Qoh 10: 5). The qəre, however, omits the
definite article. According to the context, in fact, this latter form is indefi-
nite: ‘a fool’. Perhaps the spelling of these two words in Qohelet contains
scribal mistakes; editions of the Rabbinic Bible view the he as extraneous
(‫)ה׳ יתרה‬. There are also Masoretic notes that suggest yet another inter-
pretation. In the case of ‫כשהסכל‬, one finds the annotation: ‫בס״א [= בסברא‬
‫ ְּכ ֶׁש ַה ָּס ָכל כת׳ וק׳‬:]‫‘ אחריתא‬in another view: the kətiv and the qəre reflect
ְ Another note reads: ‫ ְּכ ֶׁש ָּס ָכל כת׳ וק׳‬:‫‘ וס״א‬and another view: the
‫’ּכ ֶׁש ַה ָּס ָכל‬.
kətiv and the qəre reflect ‫’ּכ ֶׁש ָּס ָכל‬
ְ (Kahana 1930: ‫)רה‬. As for ‫כשהתקיף‬, the
Leningrad Codex has the Masoretic note: ]‫למע[רבאי] שהתקיף כת׳ למד[ינחאי‬
‫‘ שתקיף כת׳‬for the Westerners [i.e., Jews in Palestine] one finds ‫שהתקיף‬
(sic) as the kətiv, and for the Easterners [i.e., Jews in Babylonia] ‫שתקיף‬
as the kətiv’.
Research into Tannaitic Hebrew provides a different explanation. The
kətiv forms reflect an orthographic plene practice by which he represents
the ε-vowel of the šin: that is, -‫ = שה‬-‫ׁש‬. ֶ Epigraphic material as well as
reliable manuscripts of Tannaitic Hebrew testify to this practice. For in-
stance, the basalt lintel inscription from Dabbura on the Golan Heights
reads: ‫‘ זה בית מדרשו שהלרבי אלעזר הקפר‬This is the house of study of
Rabbi Elazar ha-Qappar’ (Orman 1972: 21). Here the particle ‫( ֶׁשל‬-‫)שהל‬
is prefixed to a noun with a first-person sing. pronominal suffix (‫‘ רבי‬my
lord’); no other interpretation of the he is possible. There are a few ex-
amples in MS Kaufmann, the best of the Tannaitic manuscripts, mostly in
the order Neziqin: for example, ‫(ה)ּד ְר ָּכן‬ַ ‫‘ ֶׁש‬that their way’ (m. B. Qam. 1:1;
where he was erased by the scribe) and ‫סּוריָ יה‬ ְ ‫(ה)ּב‬
ְ ‫‘ ֶׁש‬that in Syria’ (m. ʿEd.
7:7; where, again, he was erased by the scribe). There is also the form
‫‘ שהערה‬that which he poured’ (m. ʿAbod. Zar. 5:7); it belongs to the piel
stem, not the hiphil (Bar-Asher 2009: 1.230–31). The scribe who wrote the
consonantal text intended a piel verb (‫)ׁש ֵע ָרה‬, ֶ but the vocalizer was misled
208 Chapter 15
by the he and pointed the verb as hiphil: ‫( ֶׁש ֶה ֱע ָרה‬Bar-Asher 2009: 1.245).
See, similarly, MS Vatican 32 of Siphre Numbers: ‫‘ שהרשות נדרים‬permis-
sion of vows’ (Bar-Asher 2009: 1.245).
Clearly, epigraphic material and Tannaitic manuscripts corroborate an
orthographic practice first attested in the book of Qohelet. The spelling -‫שה‬
was a genuine orthographic feature of ancient Hebrew (cf. Fassberg 1996).
The examples from Qohelet also show that this scribal practice, admittedly
peripheral, developed already at the end of the Second Temple period.
The Relative Pronoun )‫ ְׁש‬,‫(ׁש‬

ַ ‫ ֶׁש‬/ ‫ֲא ֶׁשר‬
Another feature distinguishing Biblical from Tannaitic Hebrew is the
relative pronoun. ‫ אשר‬occurs in all periods of Biblical Hebrew, beginning
in archaic poetry: ‫אכלּו‬ ֵ ֹ ‫‘ ֲא ֶׁשר ֵח ֶלב זְ ָב ֵחימֹו י‬who ate the fat of their sacrifices’
(Deut 32:38). But in Tannaitic Hebrew, ‫ ֲא ֶׁשר‬is attested only in benedic-
tions. It is otherwise replaced by -‫ ֶש‬plus geminated contiguous consonant,
[šεCC]: for example, ‫יהרּו ֲח ָכ ִמים‬ ֲ ‫‘ ְס ֵפקֹות ֶׁש ִּט‬conditions of doubt that the
Sages have declared clean’ (m. Ṭeh. 4:7). There are also the variants -‫ַׁש‬
[šaCC] and -‫[ ְׁש‬šə]. Both forms find other support, too. The vowel of -‫ ַׁש‬is
preserved in the adverb ‫‘ ַע ְכ ָשׁיו‬now’, which is a contraction of the phrase
‫‘ ַעד ַשׁהּוא‬until he’ (which, in turn, is a calque on the Palestinian Aramaic
idiom ‫‘ ַעד ַּכּדּו‬now’ [Ben-Ḥayyim 1954: 81–82]). -‫ ַש‬may also be preserved
in a document from Beit ʿAmar (Eshel et al. 2011), written shortly after
the Second Jewish Revolt against the Romans, where ʾaleph serves as a
mater lectionis: -‫‘ מאשא = ַמה ַּׁש‬that which’. The pronunciation, though, is
at odds with other Tannaitic evidence and may therefore reflect a different
dialect of Tannaitic Hebrew (Bar-Asher 2014: 399–400). The other reali
zation, -‫[ ְׁש‬šə-], is known in Tannaitic Hebrew, especially in its eastern
variety—for example, in the Babylonian tradition (Yeivin 1985: 1160),
MS Parma B of the Mishnah )Bar-Asher 2009: 1.154), and in the Mishnaic
reading tradition of Yemenite Jews (Morag 1963: 184–86; 1974: 308–9).
In MS Parma B, it is found before third-person independent pronouns and
negative and conditional particles: for example, ‫שהּוא‬, ְ ‫( ְש ִהיא‬m. ʾAhel. 8:5),
and ‫( ְׁש ֵהן‬m. Kel. 29:3); ‫( ְׁש ֵאין‬m. Kel. 1:20); and ‫( ְׁש ִאם‬m. ʾAhel. 2:6) and
‫( ְׁש ִאיּלּו‬m. ʾOhel. 16:3).
-‫ ש‬is also attested in Biblical Hebrew, primarily and frequently in books
from the Second Temple period: for example, ‫‘ ֶׁש ְּׁשזָ ַפ ְתנִ י‬that it has looked
at me’ (Song 1:6) and ‫אכל‬ ַ ֹ ‫‘ ֶׁשּי‬who eats’ (Qoh 3:13). In all biblical periods,
though, the realization [šaCC] ([šāC] with compensatory lengthening be-

fore an ʾaleph) is limited. It appears in archaic poetry (‫[‘ ַׁש ַּק ְמ ִּתי‬until] you
arose’ [Judg 5:7 (bis)]), in First Temple prose (e.g., ‫‘ ָׁש ַא ָּתה‬that you’ [Judg
6:17]), and in Late Biblical Hebrew (e.g., ‫‘ ַׁש ָּל ָמה‬lest’ [< ‫ ָל ָּמה‬+ ‫]ׁש‬
ַ [Song
1:7]). There are only two attestations of [šə-] in a late Biblical Hebrew
book: ‫‘ ְׁשהּוא‬that he’ (Qoh 2:22) and ‫‘ ְׁש ֶהם‬that they’ (Qoh 3:18).
The relative pronoun -‫ ש‬in Biblical Hebrew is an attested variant of ‫אשר‬
in all biblical periods. Thus, there is no need to argue that -‫ ֶׁש‬and -‫ ַׁש‬reflect
a late stage in the history of Hebrew, having penetrated the biblical text
from Tannaitic Hebrew. In fact, one may deduce that -‫ ֶׁש‬and -‫ ַׁש‬are dialec-
tal variants and that both are part of Biblical Hebrew grammar. In contrast,
the two isolated vocalizations of the relative with šəwa—‫ׁשהּוא‬, ְ ‫—ׁש ֶהם‬may
ְ
have been grafted onto the consonantal text from a late tradition.
The Nominal Forms ‫ זָ כּור‬/ ‫זְ כּור‬

In several Biblical Hebrew nouns, the absolute sing. form is unattested.
It is therefore impossible to know with certainty to what noun pattern such
forms belong. BH ‫‘ זכור‬male’ is a case in point; its attested forms are ‫כּורָך‬ ְ ְ‫ז‬
‘your males’ (Exod 23:17; 34:23; Deut 16:16) and ‫כּורּה‬ ָ ְ‫‘ ז‬her males’ (Deut
20:13). Its absolute sing. form, then, may have been ‫ זְ כּור‬or ‫זָ כּור‬. The best
manuscripts of Tannaitic Hebrew indicate that both forms, ‫ זְ כּור‬and ‫זָ כּור‬,
were current in Tannaitic Hebrew. For example, MS Kaufmann shows both
‫( ַהזְ כּור‬m. San. 7:4 [bis]) and ‫( ַהּזָ כּור‬m. San. 8:7) (Bar-Asher 2015: 384).
The Babylonian tradition in MS Vatican 66 of the Siphra (Yeivin 1985:
916) also knows both forms: ‫ זְ כּור‬/ ‫ ַהזְ כּור‬/ ‫( ַהזְ כּור‬quater) and ‫( ַהזָ כּור‬unis).
The data from Tannaitic Hebrew raises the distinct possibility that there
were by-forms of this singular noun in Biblical Hebrew.
The ‫ )נִ ַּפ ַעל( נִ ְת ַּפ ַעל‬Stem

As mentioned above, Tannaitic Hebrew largely replaced BH hitpael/
hitpaal with the nitpaal stem. In several cases, it is also likely that Tiberian
vocalizers superimposed the nitpaal onto a consonantal text that originally
had niphal forms. The most obvious example is ‫יס״ר‬, which is attested in
Biblical Hebrew as a verb in the qal, niphal, and hiphil: for example, ‫י ֵֹסר‬
‘he (who) admonishes’ (Prov 9:7), ‫‘ ִתּוָ ְסרּו‬you will be admonished’ (Lev
26:23), and ‫‘ ַאיְ ִס ֵרם‬I will admonish them’ (Hos 7:22). The verb is espe-
cially common in the piel, where over three-quarters of its occurrences
210 Chapter 15
are found: for example, ‫‘ יַ ּסֹר יִ ְס ַרּנִ י‬He surely admonished me’ (Ps 118:18).
In addition, there is the unique form ‫‘ וְ נִ ּוַ ְסרּו‬and they will be admonished’
(Ezek 23:48); its consonantal skeleton reflects a niphal stem (‫נֹוסרּו‬ ְ ְ‫)*ו‬,
whereas its vocalization reflects the nitpaal whose prefixed taw assimi-
lated to the contiguous waw (see below). In Rabbinic Hebrew (Tannaitic
and Amoraic), the verb occurs only in the piel and, when passive, in the
nitpaal: e.g., ‫‘ מייסר‬he admonishes’ (b. San. 39a) and ‫‘ נתייסר‬he was ad-
monished’ (y. San. 27:4), respectively. Thus, it is reasonable to assume that
the vocalization tradition ‫( וְ נִ ּוַ ְסרּו‬nitpaal) was grafted onto the consonantal
text ‫( ונוסרו‬niphal) in the Bible.
‫ וְ נִ ּוַ ְסרּו‬is not the only biblical example where the consonantal text in-
tended a niphal but the Masoretes vocalized a nitpaal: ‫‘ וְ ִתּנַ ֵּׂשא‬and she
shall be raised up’ (Num 24:7), ‫‘ וְ יִ ּנַ ֵּׂשא‬and he shall be raised up’ (2 Chr
32:23), and ‫‘ יִ ּנַ ְּׂשאּו‬they shall raise themselves up’ (Dan 11:14). First, the
vocalization of these forms almost certainly reflects the well-known shift
characteristic of later Hebrew, especially Tannaitic Hebrew, from the ba-
sic stem (qal and its related stem niphal) to the heavy stems ( piel and its
related stem nitpaal) (Ben-Ḥayyim 1958: 236–41). Second, in Tannaitic
Hebrew, taw of the prefix *nit- can assimilate to the following consonant:
for example, ‫יּמ ָּלְך‬ ָ ִ‫‘ נ‬he considered’ (m. Yad. 2:3 [MS Parma B]), ‫ְל ִהיּגַ ַּלע‬
‘to break forth’ (m. Nid. 8:2, 3 [MS Parma B]), ‫וצה‬ ָ ָ‫‘ ֶׁשּנִ ָיּקּו‬which has been
cleared of thorns’ (m. Šeb. 4:2 [MS Parma A]) (see Haneman 1980: 207),
and ‫‘ תיגלגל‬she will roll back’ (m. Ṭ. Yom 4:7 [MS Parma A]) (Bar-Asher
2009: 1.158–59, 247–49). The assimilation of taw to the first consonant of
the root is characteristic of the corresponding Jewish Palestinian and Baby-
lonian Aramaic ethpeel and ethpaal stems (‫יּכ ֵתב > ִא ְת ְּכ ֵתב‬ ְ ‫‘ ִא‬it was written’
and ‫‘ ִא ַיּק ַּדׁש > ִא ְת ַּק ַּדׁש‬it was sanctified’).
The ‫ נֻ ְפ ַעל‬Verb Form

‫ יל״ד‬usually takes one of two passive forms in Biblical Hebrew. One is
the internal qal passive, as in ‫‘ יֻ ַּלד‬he was born’ (e.g., Gen 4:26) and ‫יֻ ַּל ְד ִּתי‬
‘I was born’ (Jer 30:14). The other is the niphal, as in ‫נֹולד‬ ָ ‘he was born’
(1 Kgs 13:2), ‫‘ יִ ּוָ ֵלד‬he will be born’ (Gen 17:17), and 24 other occurrences.
In addition to these two standard forms, there are two exceptional cases
reflecting a nuphal stem: ‫נּוּלדּו‬ ְ ‘they were born’ (1 Chr 3:5; 20:8). Nuphal
is a variant of niphal, whose u-vowel clearly marks its passive function
(Bar-Asher 2009: 2.8–11). It is attested in Tannaitic Hebrew, especially in
‫ פ״נ‬and ‫ פ״י‬verbs: for example, ‫נּוּטל‬ַ / ‫‘ נֻ ַּטל‬it was removed’ (m. Šabb. 17:3
[MS Kaufmann according to the consonantal text]; cf. the vocalization
‫יּטל‬ַ ִ‫ נ‬and ‫‘ נוצל‬he was saved’ (t. Ber. 1:11 [according to one manuscript];
cf. ‫ ניצל‬in other manuscripts). Similar forms appear in the Yemenite read-
ing tradition of the Mishnah: e.g., ‫נּוּל ָדה‬
ְ ‘she was born’ (m. Neg. 4:11) and
ַ ‘you were created’ (m. ʾAbot 4:10). Nuphal forms are also found
‫נּוצ ְר ָּת‬
occasionally in ‫ ע״ו‬verbs (e.g., ‫‘ הנוער בלילה‬who is awakened at night’
[m. ʾAbot 3:4 (Genizah fragment)]) and in strong verbs (e.g., ‫שנוגאלו בלילה‬
‘that were defiled at night’ [Siphra Deut §128 (MS Rome 32)]). Still, the
chronological implications of ‫נּוּלדּו‬
ְ in Chronicles cannot be firmly resolved
at present. Either the nuphal was created at the end of the Second Temple
period in one of the dialects of Biblical Hebrew or, alternatively, it arose
significantly later and, in two lone cases in the LBH corpus, was superim-
posed onto the niphal from Tannaitic Hebrew. The evidence suggests that
the latter possibility is more likely.
The Passive Participle ‫ָראּוי‬

The active participle of ‫ רא״ה‬occurs frequently in the Hebrew Bible: for
example, ‫(‘ ר ֶֹאה‬you) see’ (Gen 13:15). The passive participle, by contrast,
is attested only once in a late book from the Second Temple period: ‫ֶׁש ַבע‬
ָ ‫( ַהּנְ ָערֹות ָה ְר ֻאיֹות ָל ֶת‬Esth 2:9). Here, the passive participle does not have
‫ת־לּה‬
a concrete meaning of ‘seeing with the eye’. As in the Mishnah, it has an
abstract sense of ‘understanding, thinking’. For example, in m. Roš Haš.
2:8, ‫ רואה אני את דבריך‬literally means ‘I see your words’; idiomatically, it
means ‘I understand and accept your words’. Thus the Tannaitic passive
participle ‫ ָראּוי‬can be translated as ‘viewed as accepted’, ‘found suitable’,
or ‘be capable’: for example, ‫‘ כל שראוי להיות קדש‬whatsoever is fit to be
holy’ (m. Ter. 6:6) or ‫‘ אם לא היו ראויות לראות‬if they were not capable of
seeing’ (m. Nid. 9:4). This discussion naturally applies to the passage in
Esther; ‫ ַהּנְ ָערֹות ָה ְר ֻאיֹות‬means ‘the young girls who are suitable’ for Esther.
Medieval commentators already made this connection. For example, Abra-
ham ibn Ezra comments: ‫הראיות—הלשון הזה ידוע בדברי רז״ל [= רבנינו זכרונם‬
]‫‘ לברכה‬this linguistic usage is known from our Rabbis of blessed memory’
(on Esth 2:9 [first commentary]). Anticipating Rabbinic usage by several
hundred years, the author of the book of Esther, who mostly succeeded in
imitating the grammar of First Temple Hebrew, used the language current
in his time.
212 Chapter 15
The Adjectives ‫ ָק ָטן‬and ‫ָקטֹן‬

In the Tiberian tradition of Biblical Hebrew, ‫‘ ָק ָטן‬small’ has the vari-
ant ‫קטֹן‬,ָ which is attested only in the masc. sing. The former belongs to
the noun pattern qātāl, but its inflected forms are ‫( ְק ַטּנָ ה‬fem. sing.), ‫ְק ַטּנִ ים‬
(masc. pl.), and ‫( ְק ַטּנֹות‬fem. pl.). The two masc. sing. variants, however,
form a suppletive paradigm. ‫ ָק ָטן‬appears in pause, whereas ‫ ָקטֹן‬occurs in
context: for example, ‫‘ ָק ָ ֑טן‬young’ (Gen 44:20) and ‫‘ ַה ָּק ָ ֽטן‬the young(er)’
(Gen 27:15) vs. ‫ם־ק ֤טֹן ַא ָּת ֙ה‬
ָ ‫‘ ִא‬if you seem small’ (1 Sam 15:17) and ‫טֹן‬
֙ ‫ִמ ָּק‬
‫‘ וְ ַעד־ּגָ ֔דֹול‬from small to great’ (Jer 44:12) (Ben-David 1995: 313, 316–17).
In Old and Middle Babylonian pointed texts, only ‫ ָק ָטן‬is attested (Yeivin
1985: 948). Thus, the Tiberian and Babylonian traditions reflect different
dialects of Biblical Hebrew. But this feature also points to a dialectal dis-
tribution within Tannaitic Hebrew. There, both ‫ ָק ָטן‬and ‫ ָקטֹן‬appear in the
variety of Tannaitic Hebrew represented by MS Kaufmann, whereas only
‫ ָק ָטן‬occurs in the Babylonian vocalization, in MS Parma B, in MS Antonin,
and in most oral traditions of Oriental Jewry (Bar-Asher 2011).
Summary
Tannaitic Hebrew can contribute greatly to elucidating features of Bib-
lical Hebrew. Some phenomena that are frequent in Biblical Hebrew are
infrequent in Tannaitic Hebrew, while some infrequently attested Bibli-
cal Hebrew features are frequent in Tannaitic Hebrew. These relationships
hold true for both the consonantal and vocalized traditions. It should also
be noted that Tannaitic literature deals intensively with the Hebrew Bible.
It is not surprising, then, that there are clear ties to the Biblical Hebrew
language, such as citations or semi-citations of biblical words and texts.
The Tannaitic lexicon contains a not insignificant portion of elements bor-
rowed from Biblical Hebrew, which are not, however, a component of liv-
ing Tannaitic Hebrew (Epstein 1958: 21–58; Bar-Asher 2009: 1.301–11,
326–29, 2.160–61, 195–205; 2015: 25–26).
Bibliography
Bar-Asher, Moshe
2009 ‫ פרקי דקדוק‬.‫ ב‬,‫ מבואות ועיוני לשון‬.‫ א‬:‫[ מחקרים בלשון חכמים‬Studies in Mish-
naic Hebrew. 2 vols. Volume 1: Introductions and Linguistic Investigations.
Volume 2: Grammatical Topics]. Asuppot 4–5. Jerusalem: Bialik.
2011 ‫[ ָק ָטן ָוקטֹן במקרא ובמשנה ובחיבורים שביניהם בזמן‬Qatan and Qaton in Biblical,
Qumran, and Mishnaic Hebrew]. Pp. 279–96 in Israel: Linguistic Studies in
the Memory of Israel Yeivin, ed. Rafael I. Zer and Yosef Ofer. Publications of
the Hebrew University Bible Project 6. Jerusalem: Hebrew University Bible
Project.
2014 Studies in Classical Hebrew. Studia Judaica 71. Berlin: De Gruyter.
2015 ‫ תצורת שם העצם‬:‫[ דקדוק לשון חז״ל‬A Grammar of Mishnaic Hebrew: The
Morphology of the Noun]. Jerusalem: Bialik.
Ben-David, Israel
1995 ‫ תחביר וטעמי המקרא‬:‫[ צורות הקשר וצורות הפסק בעברית שבמקרא‬Contextual
and Pausal Forms in Biblical Hebrew]. Jerusalem: Magnes.
1954 Studies in the Traditions of the Hebrew Language. Madrid / Barcelona: Insti-
tuto «Arias Montano».
1958 ‫מסורת השומרונים וזיקתה למסורת הלשון של מגילות ים המלח וללשון חז״ל‬. Lesho-
nenu 22: 223–45.
Breuer, Mordechai
1999 ‫תורה נביאים כתובים מוגהים על פי הנוסח והמסורה של כתר ארם צובה וכתבי היד‬
‫ מהדורה חדשה בתופסת הסבר עקרונות הנוסח‬:‫הקרובים לו‬. Jerusalem: Ḥorev.
Breuer, Yochanan
2002 ‫[ העברית בתלמוד הבבלי לפי כתבי היד של מסכת פסחים‬The Hebrew in the Baby-
lonian Talmud according to the Manuscripts of Tractate Pesaḥim]. Jeru-
salem: Magnes.
Dotan, Aron, ed.
2001 ‫תורה נביאים וכתובים‬. Biblia Hebraica Leningradensia Prepared according to
the Vocalization, Accents, and Masora of Aaron ben Moses ben Asher in the
Leningrad Codex. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson.
Epstein, J. N.
1957 ‫הלכה‬-‫ תוספתא ומדרשי‬,‫ משנה‬:‫[ מבואות לספרות התנאים‬Introduction to Tanna-
itic Literature: Mishna, Tosephta and Halakhic Midrashim], ed. Ezra Zion
Melamed. Jerusalem: Magnes / Tel-Aviv: Dvir.
Eshel, Esther; Eshel, Hanan; and Yardeni, Ada
2011 A Document from “Year 4 of the Destruction of the House of Israel.” Dead
Sea Discoveries 18: 1–28.
Fassberg, Steven E.
1996 The Orthography of the Relative Pronoun -‫ שה‬in the Second Temple and
Mishnaic Periods. Scripta Classica Israelica 150: 240–50.
Haneman, Gideon
1980 )138 ‫רוסי‬-‫יד פרמה (דה‬-‫[ תורת הצורות של לשון המשנה על פי מסורת כתב‬A
Morphology of Mishnaic Hebrew according to the Tradition of the Parma
Manuscript (De-Rossi 138)]. Texts and Studies in the Hebrew Language and
Related Subjects 3. Tel-Aviv: Tel-Aviv University.
Kahana, Abraham, ed.
1930 ‫תורה נביאים וכתובים עם פירוש מדעי‬, vol. 18: The Five Scrolls–Qohelet. Zhi
tomir: n.p.
214 Chapter 15

1972 ‫[ מצב המחקר של לשון חז״ל (בעיקר במילונות) ותפקידיו‬The Present State of
Research into Mishnaic Hebrew (Especially Lexicography) and Its Tasks].
Pp. 3–28 in ‫[ ערכי המילון החדש לספרות חז״ל‬Archive of the New Dictionary
of Rabbinical Literature], ed. Eduard Yechezkel Kutscher. Ramat-Gan: New
Dictionary of Rabbinical Literature Project, Bar-Ilan University.
1977 ‫[ מחקרים בעברית ובארמית‬Studies in Hebrew and Aramaic], ed. Zeev Ben-
Ḥayyim, Aharon Dotan, and Gad Sarfatti. Jerusalem: Magnes.
Morag, Shelomo
1974 On the Historical Validity of the Vocalization of the Hebrew Bible. Journal
of the American Oriental Society 94: 307–15.
Orman, Dan
1972 Jewish Inscriptions from Dabbura in the Golan. Israel Exploration Journal
22: 16–23.
Segal, M. H.
1936 ‫דקדוק לשון המשנה‬. Tel Aviv: Dvir. A revised and expanded translation of A
Grammar of Mishnaic Hebrew. Oxford: Clarendon, 1927.
Yeivin, Israel
Language.
Chapter 16
Modern Reading Traditions

of Biblical Hebrew
A haron M aman
Introduction
Since the custom was fixed by Ezra the Scribe in the sixth century BCE,
Jews read set portions from the Torah in synagogues on Mondays, Thurs-
days, and the Sabbath (b. B. Qam. 82a). The cycle of readings is com-
pleted on the Festival of Simḥat Torah (“Rejoicing in the Law”), which
is celebrated at the end of the Festival of Sukkot (“Tabernacles”). In the
Land of Israel, the custom was to complete the reading of the Torah over a
three-and-a-half year period, so that the entire Torah was read twice during
a seven-year period ending with the sabbatical (‫)ׁש ִמ ָּטה‬
ְ year (Naeh 1998,
2005). This custom, however, was eventually replaced by the Babylonian,
in which the entire Torah was read in one year. The latter custom continues
in all Jewish communities. All have the same text, but its pronunciation dif-
fers among Sephardim, Ashkenazim, Yemenites and Indians, Easterners,
and Maghrebis (those from North Africa). Differences in melody are im-
mediately noticeable, and with some attention, one also hears differences
in the phonetic realization of the consonants and vowels.
The Speech Communities

Jewish communities were and still are dispersed all over the globe. Their
dispersal is accompanied by a division of the formal liturgical reading of
the Hebrew Bible into several main traditions: Ashkenazic, Sephardic, Ye-
menite, and Italian (which in some respects is Ashkenazic and in others
Sephardic). The Ashkenazic tradition is at home in most of Eastern and
Western Europe, the Italian reading tradition in Italy, and the Yemenite
tradition in Yemen. The Sephardic tradition existed in Ashkenaz until the
215
216 Chapter 16
thirteenth century (Eldar 1978, 1979), in Spain until the expulsion of Jews
in 1492, in the Balkans until the destruction of the Jewish communities in
the Holocaust, and, until the mass emigration to the new State of Israel,
in Arabic-speaking countries (except Yemen), Persia, Pakistan, and India,
as well as in Karaite communities (the Crimea and Lithuania). Outside of
Israel, one finds the Ashkenazic tradition in most North American commu-
nities today, though in the beginning of Jewish settlement in the Americas
the Sephardic-Portuguese tradition was dominant; the latter is still heard
in some communities such as in the Shearith Israel synagogue in Manhat-
tan, the Mikveh Israel synagogue in Philadelphia, and some synagogues
in London (England). One can also hear the Sephardic tradition among
emigrants from Aleppo who have resettled in Brooklyn, New York and in
Deal, New Jersey. Fittingly, the Sephardic tradition is used in revived Jew-
ish communities in Spain today, particularly in Madrid and Barcelona. The
Italian tradition can be found among descendants of the original Jewish
communities in and outside of Italy.
The terms “Ashkenazic tradition” and “Sephardic tradition” are sim-
plifications for clusters of traditions. For example, the Ashkenazic read-
ing traditions in Eastern Europe, especially in Lithuania, differ from those
in Western Europe, and that of Frankfurt (as still practiced in the Kehal
Adath Jeshurun synagogue in Manhattan) from other parts of Central Eu-
rope. Remnants of the Sephardic-Portuguese tradition exist in various com-
munities in the world, and this tradition has several features in common
with Italian traditions. The Sephardic traditions in North Africa are distin-
guished from their related traditions further to the East.
A single word may highlight some of the differences among communi-
ties. For example, ‫‘ עולם‬eternity’ is pronounced in Ashkenaz as [óylåm],
in Central Yemen as [ˁölǻm], in Southern Yemen as [ˁelǻm] (Morag 1963),
in Georgia (i.e., the Georgian Republic) as [ġolám] or [qġolám], in Iran
as [ulám], in Cochin (and in India in general) as [olám], in Italy, Holland
and the Spanish-Portuguese tradition as [ŋolám, ñolám], and in the other
Sephardic traditions as [ˁolám] or [ˁʊlám]. Of the five phonemes that make
up the word, only ‫ ל‬and ‫ מ‬are stable in all of the traditions,1 whereas among
the other phonemes the consonant ‫ ע‬and the vowels ḥolem and qameṣ are
pronounced differently. Most of the Sephardic communities realize ‫ ע‬as
1. In Russia and the United States, however, ‫ ל‬is realized as an emphatic-velar [ɫ, ḷ].
Modern Reading Traditions of Biblical Hebrew 217
a voiced pharyngeal fricative [ˁ], but in Georgia it is realized as a velar

affricate [qġ] or a velar fricative [ġ], in the Sephardic-Portuguese com-
munity (Amsterdam and elsewhere) and in Italy as a nasal-velar [ŋ], and
in Ashkenazic communities (as well as in India) as zero. Another word
exemplifies the differences: the proper noun ‫‘ עובדיה‬Obadiah’ is realized as
[ˁobadya] in most of the Sephardic traditions, [ŋovadya] in the Italian and
Sephardic-Portuguese traditions, and [qḡobadiya] in the Georgian tradition;
in the Ashkenazic tradition, one hears [ovadya].
Examples of Reading Traditions by Community

We present below examples of one verse from the Hebrew Bible ac-
cording to different reading traditions, followed by comments on salient
features. The reading of the entire chapter can be found in the materials
associated with the website for this book, which comes from The Hebrew
University Jewish Oral Traditions Research Center (see http://www.eisen-
brauns.com/item/GARHANDBO/).
‫ת־מ ְצ ַ ֔ריִם ֵ ֖מת ַעל־‬
ִ ‫הוה ַּבּי֥ ֹום ַה ֛הּוא ֶאת־יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֖אל ִמ ַּי֣ד ִמ ְצ ָ ֑ריִם וַ ַּי ְ�֤רא יִ ְׂש ָר ֵאל֙ ֶא‬
֜ ָ ְ‫ֹוׁשע י‬
ַ ֨‫וַ ּי‬
‫ְׂש ַ ֥פת ַה ָּיֽם‬
‘Yhwh saved Israel on that day from Egypt. Israel saw Egypt dead on
the seacoast’ (Exod 14:30).
Ashkenazic Tradition
Lithuania: [vayoyša: ašé:m bayóym ahú: es isråél miyád mitsrǻyim

vayár israél es mitsrǻyim mé:s al sfát ayǻ:m]
A salient feature of the pronunciation of the consonants in Lithuania, and

in Ashkenaz in general, is the weakening of the pharyngeals and the la-
ryngeals. ‫ ע‬and ‫ א‬quiesce; sometimes in their place an adjacent vowel is
lengthened: for example, [vayoyša:]. ‫ ה‬is usually reduced to zero but is
retained under certain conditions (e.g., [ahú:]). ‫ח‬, which is not attested in
this verse, is realized as an unvoiced velar fricative ([χ, x]) as if it were
derived from *ḫ (IPA [χ]). A name such as ‫‘ ָר ֵחל‬Rachel’ (e.g., Gen 29:6) is
realized as [råxel] or [ġåxel]. ‫ ח‬merged with the spirantized ‫[( ֿכ‬x]) in pro-
nunciation. The dageš ḥazaq is not geminated: e.g., [ayǻ:m, vayár]. Of the
‫ בג״ד כפ״ת‬consonants, only ‫ בכפ״ת‬are spirantized, and ‫ ֿת‬is realized as an
unvoiced interdental fricative [s]. ‫ ו‬is realized as [v] (e.g., [vayár] just like
218 Chapter 16
spirantized ‫)ֿב‬. Because of the loss of emphasis (pharyngealization), ‫ ט‬and

‫ת‬, and ‫ ק‬and ‫ כ‬have merged in pronunciation. ‫ צ‬is pronounced as an affri-
cate [ts] (e.g., [mitsrǻyim]), as in Italy, apparently under the influence of the
German (and Italian) realization of z. In Lithuania, the distinction between
ֹ ‫ ש‬and ‫ ׁש‬is also lost. None of the reading traditions preserves a distinction
between ‫ ס‬and ‫ׂש‬, which was lost early in the history of Hebrew, already
2,000 years ago, as attested in the orthography of Tannaitic Hebrew. ‫ ר‬is
realized two different ways based on region: in Slavonic-speaking areas it
is pronounced as a lingual trill [r], whereas in German-speaking areas it is
realized as a voiced velar fricative [ġ]. For example, ‫ ִמ ְצ ַריִ ם‬is realized as
[mitsrǻyim] or [mitsġǻyim].
Among the vowels, qameṣ is pronounced as a raised low, back vowel
(e.g., [isråél]) and the ḥolem and ṣere are diphthongized: ḥolem as [oy]
(e.g., [vayoyša:, bayóym]) and ṣere (sometimes also səgol) in an open syl-
lable as [ay] (like the Yiddish pronunciation of Hebrew ‫ חדר‬as [xáyder]).
Generally, however, there is a distinction between ṣere pronounced as a
diphthong [ey] and səgol pronounced as [e]. In Frankfurt, ḥolem is pro-
nounced as [aw]. For example, ‫‘ אֹו ד ֹדֹו אֹו ֶבן־ד ֹדֹו‬or his uncle or his uncle’s
son’ (Lev 25:49) is realized as [áw dawdáw áw ben dawdáw] whereas
elsewhere in Ashkenaz it is pronounced [oy doydoy oy ben doydoy]. Vo-
cal šəwa is realized as a səgol or as a zero-vowel ([sfát]) depending on
the phonological environment. The lengthening of vowels in this verse is
compensation for the loss of a guttural or is the result of the stress accom-
panying pausal Biblical accent signs (‫ טעמים‬ṭəʿamim).
Yemenite Tradition
Sanʿa, Yemen: [wayyóšaˁ aḏənǻ:y bayyöm hahú: ˀaθ isråˀél miyyáḏ

miṣṛǻyi:m wayyár isråˀél ˀaθ miṣṛáyim méθ ˁal safáθ hayyǻ:m]
The Yemenite tradition is a continuation of the ancient Babylonian reading
tradition from the Geonic period. Of all the traditions, only it and part of
Iraqi Kurdistan (the cities of Zakho, Mosul) retain a full system of spiran-
tized ‫בג״ד כפ״ת‬: [b/v, ğ/ḡ, d/ḏ, k/x, p/f, t/θ], respectively, as in [aḏənǻ:y,
ˀaθ, méθ, safáθ]. Spirantized ‫ ֿת‬is realized as a unvoiced labial-dental [θ]
(Morag 1977: §17; Yaʿakov 2015: §2.3). Spirantized ‫ ֿג‬is realized as a velar
[ġ]; however, ‫ ּג‬with a dageš qal is pronounced as an affricate [ğ]; contrast
‫ק‬, which is pronounced as a voiced velar stop [g], probably under the influ-
ence of the local Arabic. The guttural consonants are maintained in Yemen
(as they are in the surrounding dialects of Arabic). ‫ א‬is realized as a glottal
stop ([ˀaθ isråˀél]), though when adjacent to ‫ע‬, it is liable to quiesce (e.g.,
[wayyóšaˁ aḏonǻ:y]). ‫ ה‬is realized as a glottal fricative: e.g., [hayyǻ:m]. ‫ע‬
is realized as a voiced pharyngeal fricative ([ˁal]), while ‫ ח‬is realized as an
unvoiced pharyngeal fricative [ḥ] (e.g., ‫[ ָר ֵחל‬raḥel]), as in most Sephardic
traditions. The existence of [ḥ] and [x] is not related to the same two pro-
nunciations of ‫ ח‬in ancient Hebrew and other Semitic languages. ‫ ו‬is pro-
nounced as a bilabial semi-vowel [w]: e.g., [wayyóšaˁ]. ‫ צ‬is pronounced
as an emphatic fricative [ṣ]; the emphasis sometimes spreads to adjacent
consonants, as is the case with ‫( ר‬e.g., [miṣṛáyim]). ‫ ט‬is pronounced em-
phatically as [ṭ]. Dageš ḥazaq is realized by gemination, as in [wayyóšaˁ]
and [miyyáḏ].
As for the vowels, qameṣ (both the qameṣ gadol and the qameṣ qaṭan)
is pronounced as a lower mid-back vowel [å] ([isrǻˀél, yǻ:m]). The səgol is
realized as a pataḥ: a low vowel [α] and sometimes even as [a] (e.g., [ˀaθ]).
One of the most salient features of the Yemenite tradition, and before it the
Babylonian pronunciation, is the absence of səgol (apparently, the Baby-
lonian and Palestinian traditions separated before the development of the
səgol); where one expects Tiberian səgol one finds pataḥ in Babylonian
and Yemenite. Ḥolem is centralized (e.g., [yǿm]) like German ö or French
e. In southern Yemen (Sharˤab, the ancient Jewish quarter of Taˤizz, and in
Aden), ḥolem is realized as a lowered high front vowel [e] like ṣere. In this
detail and others, there are significant differences between southern Yemen
and the northern and central (Sanˤa and its environs) regions of the country
(Yaʿakov 2015). The vocal šəwa is realized as a reduced [a]; before guttural
consonants, however, its realization varies according to the vowel of the
guttural. Before ‫י‬, šəwa is realized as [i].
Sephardic Traditions
Unlike Ashkenazic and Yemenite traditions, Sephardic traditions dis-
tinctively have only five vowel qualities: [a, e, i, o, u]. They neither dis-
tinguish between the pronunciation of qameṣ and pataḥ (both are realized
as [a] and so too the ḥaṭeph pataḥ) nor between ṣere and səgol; the latter
are both pronounced [e], as is ḥaṭeph səgol. In this regard, it continues
the ancient Palestinian pronunciation system. Only qameṣ qaṭan and the
ḥaṭeph qameṣ are realized as [o]. The vocal šəwa is realized as ṣere/səgol,
220 Chapter 16
but following a long vowel it may reduce to zero, as in ‫[ ָׁש ְמרּו‬šamrú] ‘they
kept’ and ‫[ ׁש ְֹמ ִרים‬šomrím] ‘guarding, keeping’; and in some communi-
ties, this realization occurs even when the accent is on the penultimate
syllable ([šámru, šómrim]). It seems that the realization of the vocal šəwa
as [e, e] in this environment ([šamerú, šomerím], respectively) is a learned
pronunciation under the influence of grammar books. Some communi-
ties distinguish ḥireq from ṣere, but others, due to interference from lo-
cal foreign speech, blur the difference between these two cardinal vowels.
Similarly, individuals and communities that lost the ability to distinguish
between ֹ ‫ ש‬and ‫ ׁש‬pronounce them both as an advanced postalveolar [ ʃ̟ ] or
simple [s].
In another general trait of the Sephardic reading traditions, the spiran-
tized pronunciation of the consonants ‫ בג״ד כפ״ת‬survived only in the con-
sonants ‫גכ״פ‬: [g/ġ, k/x, p/f ]. In some communities, however, there are
differences. The spirantized realizations of ‫ֿב‬, ‫ֿד‬, and ‫[( ֿת‬v, ḏ, θ]) are lost in
most of the Sephardic traditions where one finds only their plosive counter-
parts ‫ּב‬, ‫ּד‬, and ‫[ ּת‬b, d, t]. In Iraq, one hears the spirantized realization of ‫ֿת‬
[θ], in general, and of ‫[ ֿד‬ḏ], in a single word: the Tetragrammaton [aḏonáy];
some are also careful to pronounce a spirantized ‫ ֿד‬also before ‫ּת‬, possibly
as a learned tradition, as in ‫[ וְ ִל ַּמ ְֿד ֶּתם‬welimmaḏtém] ‘you will teach’ (Deut
11:19). In the traditional reading of Georgian Jews, the bilabials ‫ פ‬and ‫ב‬
are realized regularly in all environments as aspirated stops [ph, bh]. ‫ ו‬is pro-
nounced in Eastern communities and by some Sepharadim as a bilabial [β]
or a bilabial semi-vowel [w]; in other communities, it is a labial-dental [v].
Some communities in Iraq, Syria, Egypt, and certain parts of North Af-
rica have preserved the emphatic realization of ‫ט‬, ‫צ‬, and ‫ק‬. Other com-
munities, such as those in Georgia, have merged the emphatics with ‫ּת‬,
‫ס‬, and ‫ּכ‬, as in the Ashkenazic traditions. The dageš ḥazaq is pronounced
geminated in most communities.
Georgia: [βayyóšaġ adonayí: bayyom aú et israé:l miyyád misrayím
βayyár israé:l et misrayím mét ġal sefát ayyá:m]
The defining characteristic of the Georgian Jewish reading tradition is
the pronunciation of ‫ ע‬as a voiced uvular fricative [ġ] (e.g., [βayyóšaġ ġal
sefát]) or an unvoiced/voiced uvular affricate [qġ]. Emphasis was lost in
Georgia leading to the pronunciation of ‫ צ‬as ‫( ס‬e.g., [misrayim]). ‫ א‬and ‫ה‬
are reduced to zero (e.g., [aú et israé:l, ayyá:m]).
Spanish-Portuguese: [vayyóšaŋ adoná:y bayyóm hahú: ét isġaˀél miy

yád misġáyim vayyáġ yísġaél ét misġáyim mé(t) ŋal sefát hayyá:m]
The most prominent feature of the Spanish-Portuguese reading tradi-

tion is the realization of ‫ ע‬as velar-nasal [ŋ]: e.g., [vayyóšaŋ] ‘He saved’,
[ŋal sefát] ‘on the (sea)coast’, ‫[ ָע ָש ֹה‬ŋasa] ‘He did’ (Exod 14:31), ‫יׁשּועה‬ ָ ‫ִל‬
[lišuŋa] ‘(my) deliverance’ (Exod 15:2), and ‫[ ֻט ְּבעּו‬tubbeŋu] ‘they were
sunk’ (Exod 15:4). The reading tradition also consistently distinguishes
the qualities of the vowels. Vocal šəwa is realized as [e], except where
it is marked by a ḥaṭeph pataḥ on a non-guttural: e.g., ‫[ ָצ ֲללּו‬salalu] ‘they
sank’ (Exod 15:10). ‫ ח‬in many cases is velarized, as in ‫[ ַּבּכ ַֹח‬bakkoax] ‘in
power’ (Exod 15:6) and ‫[ ֲחרֹונְ ָך‬xaronexa] ‘Your fury’ (Exod 15:7). But
‫רּוח‬ ְ ‘and at the blast of’ (Exod 15:8) is realized as [ubrua], not [ubruax];
ַ ‫ּוב‬
this realization, then, is a remnant of a weakened pharyngeal ‫ח‬. There is no
distinction between ‫ ּת‬and ‫ ֿת‬or between ‫ ּב‬and ‫( ֿב‬see ‫[ אבן‬aben] ‘stone’). ‫ט‬,
‫צ‬, and ‫ ק‬lose their emphasis and are realized as their non-emphatic coun-
terparts ‫ת‬, ‫ס‬, and ‫כ‬: e.g., ‫[ ֻט ְּבעּו‬tubbeŋu], ‫[ ָק ֶמיָך‬kamexa] ‘Your enemies’
(Exod 15:7), ‫[ ַּבּק ֶֹדׁש‬bakkodeš] ‘in holiness’, and ‫[ ָצ ֲללּו‬salalu]. Spirantized
‫ ֿג‬is devoiced and realized as spirantized ‫[( ֿכ‬x]): ‫[ ִכי גָ אֹה ֿגָ ָאה‬ki gao xaa]
‘He has triumphed gloriously’ (Exod 15:1). ‫ ר‬is realized in two different
ways based on the language of background: in Holland and Provence, it is
pronounced as a lingual trill [r], whereas in Northern France it is realized
as a voiced velar fricative [ġ].
Cochin, India: [wayyošá: adoná:y bayyóm aú: ét israél miyyád

misṛáyim wiyyáṛ israél et misṛáyim mét al sefǻd ayyá:m]
In the reading tradition of Cochin, the glottal consonants ‫ א‬and ‫ ה‬and

the pharyngeal ‫ ע‬are lost, as well as the emphatic pronunciation of ‫צ‬: see
[aú: ét israél], [wayyošá], and [misṛáyim], respectively. The realization of
‫ שפת‬as [sefǻd] reflects an ad hoc voicing of ‫ת‬. In general, the vowels are
realized as in the Sephardic traditions. There is a unique feature in the Co-
chin tradition in which qameṣ is realized as a raised mid-back vowel [ǻ] in
certain biblical verses and in liturgical selections expressing redemption,
festive occasions, or praise for God (a “festive qameṣ”); the same is true for
an initial festive šəwa realized in the same circumstances as [a] (Forsström
1997: 125–27; 2007: §§4.6, 4.9, 5.1.1.1(.
222 Chapter 16
Yazd, Iran: [wayyúšá adonǻy bayyom hahú ít israél miyyád misráyím

βayyár isrál éd misráyím mét ˁal safátə hayyǻ:m]
The unique traits of the Jewish Iranian reading tradition are the real-
ization of ‫ ח‬as a glottal fricative [h] and ‫ ק‬as a voiced uvular [ġ] (‫ִמ ְּק ָדׁש‬
[miġġedaš] ‘sanctuary’ [Exod 15:17], ‫[ ֲא ַח ֵּלק‬ahalleġ] ‘I will divide’ [Exod
15:9]), which seems to be the remnant of an emphatic realization. None-
theless, the emphasis in ‫ ט‬and ‫ צ‬was lost: ‫[ ֻט ְּבעּו‬tubbaˀu] (Exod 15:4) and
[misráyím], respectively. An additional feature is the loss of the pharyngeal
realization of ‫[( ע‬wayyúšá](, which sometimes has a weak pronunciation
(e.g., [ˁal] ‘on’ and [ˁabdʊ] ‘his servant’) and at other times is heard as a
glottal stop (e.g., ‫[ לישועה‬lišuˀa] ‘[my] deliverance’ [Exod 15:2]). Yet an-
other feature is the realization of the qameṣ as a low back vowel, apparently
in an environment similar to the realization of the parallel vowel in Persian.
Sometimes the vocal šəwa is realized as [a]: e.g., [safátə], ‫[ ְשמֹו‬šamʊ] ‘His
name’ (Exod 15:3), and ‫[ ֻט ְּבעּו‬tubbaˀu].
Baghdad, Iraq: [wayyóšaˁ aḏúná:y bayyúm hahú: éθ israəl miyyád
məṣṛáyəm wayyár israˀél éθ məṣṛáyəm méθ ˁal sefáθ ayyá:m]
In their reading tradition, the Jews of Baghdad preserve the emphatic
pronunciation of ‫[( צ‬məṣṛáyəm]), ‫( ק‬e.g., ‫[ וַ ּיִ ְק ָרא‬wayyiqrá] ‘he called’ [e.g.,
Exod 12:31]), and ‫( ט‬e.g., ‫[ טוב‬ṭób] ‘good’); they also distinguish between
‫( ּת‬following a closed syllable) realized as [t] and that of ‫( ֿת‬after an open
syllable) realized as [θ] ([éθ, méθ]). They are careful to pronounce ‫ ד‬in the
Tetragrammaton ([aḏúná:y] and sometimes also before ‫ּת‬. It is interesting
that speakers clearly distinguish between their Hebrew and Arabic pro-
nunciations of ‫ר‬: when reading Hebrew they realize it as a trilled [r] (‫ַא ְש ֵרי‬
[ašré] ‘fortunate’), but when speaking Arabic they realize it as a uvular [ġ]
(‫[ رحت‬ġəḥtu] 'I went’). This difference is especially noticeable in cognate
forms such as ‫[ ָיְב ֵרְך‬yəbárex] ‘he will bless’ as opposed to ‫[ يبارك‬yəbéġək]
‘he will bless’. A vowel in a closed unstressed syllable sometimes becomes
centralized ([məṣṛáyəm]).
Aleppo, Syria: [wayyóšaˁ adoná:y beyom hahú: ˀét israyél miyyád
məṣṛáyim wayyár israyél ˀéθ məṣṛáyim mét ˁal sifát hayyá:m]
Sephardic pronunciation traits are also preserved in Aleppo, including
the emphatic realization of ‫ צ‬,‫ט‬, and ‫ק‬. In most cases, there is no difference
between ‫ ּת‬and ‫ ;ֿת‬infrequently, however, spirantized ‫ ֿת‬is maintained (e.g.,
[ˀéθ] as opposed to [mét, sifát]). There is no distinction between ‫ ּד‬and ‫ֿד‬. A

vowel in a closed unaccented syllable becomes centralized ([məṣṛáyim]),
and gemination is sporadically lost ([beyom]).
Constantine, Algeria: [wayyóšaˁ aḏoná:y bayyóm hahú: ˀíts israyəl
miyyád miṣṛáyim βayyár israyəl ˀits miṣṛáyim míts ˁal sifáts hayyá:m]
Jews usually preserve a Sephardic reading tradition in Constantine
(and in Algeria in general) but with a local variation. As in other Arabic-
speaking countries, Jews do not distinguish clearly between ḥireq, ṣere,
səgol, and ḥaṭeph səgol: all are realized between a high front [i] and a low
high front [i]. Generally, they also do not distinguish between the vowels
ḥolem and šureq/qibbuṣ and realize them between a back high [u] and a
high lowered [ʊ]. As in Morocco, the Jews of Constantine do not distin-
guish between the plosive and spirantized realizations of ‫ ת‬and pronounce
them both as an unvoiced affricate [ts] (e.g., [ˀits, míts]). Nor do they dis-
tinguish between the plosive and spirantized realization of ‫ד‬, except when
pronouncing the Tetragrammaton ([aḏoná:y]), a feature that is reminiscent
of the Jewish Iraqi reading tradition.
Tafilalt, Morocco: [wayyošáˁ adoná:y bayyúm hahú: ˀíts israyəl miy

yád miṣṛáyim wayyár israyəl ˀits miṣṛáyim mí:ts ˁal sifáts hayyá:m]
The vowels in Tafilalt are realized as in Algeria, and so too the plosive
and spirantized pronunciations of ‫ ת‬are realized as an unvoiced affricate
[ts] (e.g., [míts, ˀits]). Similarly, there is no distinction between ‫ ּד‬and ‫ֿד‬. The
glottal stop is realized as zero, and intervocalically it is sometimes heard
as a palatal semi-vowel [y] ([israyəl]). In Tafilalt, ‫ ק‬merged with ‫ ּכ‬and is
realized as [k], unlike in Marrakesh or in Casablanca where the emphatic
‫ ק‬is preserved.
Djerba, Tunisia: [wiyyóšaˁ adoná:y biyyúm aú: hét israél miyyád

moṣṛáyim wiyyár israél ét moṣṛáyəm mít ˁal sifát iyyá:m]
The Jewish reading tradition of Djerba has been described in detail

by Katz (1977). The realization of pataḥ as [i] in the “consecutive” pre-
fix *wa- (e.g., [wiyyóšaˁ, wiyyár]) and in the definite article *ha- (e.g.,
[iyyá:m]) is not a direct shift of *a > [i] but represents the centralization
of [a] > [ə], which eventually moved to a high front vowel in proximity
to the semi-vowel [y]. The vowel ḥireq is likely to be realized either as
224 Chapter 16
its regular phone (e.g., [israél, miyyád]) or as a centralized vowel in a

closed unstressed syllable (e.g., [moṣṛáyəm]). ‫ א‬and ‫ ה‬lose their conso-
nantal status. But ‫ א‬is often realized as ‫ה‬, as in [hét-israél]; the opposite
phenomenon is attested, too, where ‫ ה‬is realized as ‫א‬: e.g., ‫[ ֵמ ַהר‬meˀár]
‘from Mount (Paran)’ (Deut 33:2) and ‫[ וַ יְ ִהי‬wayˀí:] ‘he was’ (Exod 24:18)
(Katz 1977: 2).
Concluding Remarks on the Reading Traditions

Not all the differences among reading traditions can be exhibited in the
single verse discussed. For example, in Tetouan (northern Morocco), the
reading tradition regularly preserves a difference in the pronunciation of
a šəwa following a long vowel, which is dependent on the stress. When
the šəwa follows a meteg, it is realized as [e], and when it follows a dif-
ferent accent sign, it is reduced to zero. This can be illustrated by the two
occurrences of ‫‘ ָהר ְֹפ ִאים‬the physicians’ in Gen 50:2: ‫ת־ע ָב ָד ֙יו ֶאת־‬ ֲ ‫יֹוסף ֶא‬
֤ ֵ ‫וַ יְ ַ֨צו‬
‫ת־אָביו וַ יַּ ַחנְ ֥טוּ ָהר ְֹפ ִ ֖אים ֶאת־יִ ְשׂ ָר ֵ ֽאל‬
ִ֑ ‫‘ ָה ֣ר ֹ ְפ ִ֔אים ַל ֲח ֹ֖נט ֶא‬Joseph ordered the physi-
cians in his service to embalm his father, and the physicians embalmed his
father.’ The first, ‫ה ֣ר ֹ ְפ ִ֔אים‬, ָ has two accent signs, and the šəwa is realized
as a zero-vowel following the first sign (‫ מונח‬munaḥ): [haróf ˀim]. But the
second occurrence, ‫הר ֽ ְֹפ ִ ֖אים‬, ָ has a šəwa following a meteg; its realization is
[e]: [harófeˀim] (Maman 1984: §5.3.5.1).
In conclusion, the dispersion of Jews over a large geographical area
and over time has led to the creation of different reading traditions. Some
features of the traditions go back to the Middle Ages and ancient Hebrew
pronunciations. Other features are newer and influenced by the surround-
ing superstrata.
Formal Modern Israeli Reading Tradition

We conclude with a reading of Exod 14:30 by a modern professional
broadcaster, Mr. Shlomo Bertonov, recorded in 1959; for many years, this
was a standard for the reading of biblical chapters on Israeli radio broad-
casts and in public ceremonies.2 We then compare it with a reading (Exo-
dus 15) recorded in 2013 for the purposes of this chapter by Mr. Amikam
Gurevitz, who also was a broadcaster, an emcee of public ceremonies, and
2. The entire Hebrew Bible was recorded by Bertonov in 1959 and was digitized in
2003 by the Central Library for the Blind in Netanya. The transcription of the verse is
based on the 1959 recording.
an instructor of public diction and speaking. Both are well-known figures

in contemporary Israeli society.
Bertonov: [vayyóšaˁ adonáy bayyóm hahú ˀet yisraˀél miyyád
mitsráyim, vayyár yisraˀél ˀet mitsráyim mét ˁal sefát hayyám]
Gurevitz: ‫מר‬
ֹ ֑ ‫אמ ֖רּו ֵלא‬
ְ ֹ ‫יהוה וַ ּי‬
֔ ָ ‫את ַ ֽל‬
֙ ֹ ‫ירה ַהּז‬ ֤ ָ ‫ת־ה ִּׁש‬
ַ ‫ּוב ֵ֨ני יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֜אל ֶא‬
ְ ‫ָ ֣אז יָ ִ ֽׁשיר־מ ֶֹׁש ֩ה‬
‫אה ּגָ ָ֔אה ֥סּוס ַב ָּיֽם וְ ר ְֹכ ֖בֹו ָר ָ ֥מה‬ֹ ֣ ָ‫ָא ִ ׁ֤ש ָירה ֽ ַליהוָ ֙ה ִ ּֽכי־ג‬
[ˀázz yašír mošé uvné yisraél et haširá hazzót ladonáy vayyómerú

lemór ašíra ladonáy ki gaˀó gaˀá sús veróxevó rammá βayyám]
Then Moses and the Israelites sang this song to Yhwh. They said, “I
will sing to Yhwh, for He has triumphed gloriously; Horse and driver
He has hurled into the sea” (Exod 15:1).
These readings are based on the standard of pronunciation that was cho-
sen at the beginning of the revival of Hebrew speech in Palestine at the
end of the nineteenth century. It has a combination of Sephardic vowels
and Ashkenazic consonants. There are only five vocalic qualities as in Se-
phardic traditions, which, as noted above, are derived from the ancient Pal-
estinian pronunciation. There is no distinction between qameṣ and pataḥ
nor between ṣere and səgol, as against the medieval Tiberian pronuncia-
tion. ‫ צ‬is pronounced as in Ashkenaz and in Italy, yet there are consonantal
features that continue the Sephardic pronunciation, such as the merger of
plosive and spirantized pronunciations of ‫ ּג‬and ‫ֿג‬, ‫ ּד‬and ‫ֿד‬, and ‫ ּת‬and ‫ֿת‬.
Although the pronunciations of Bertonov and Gurevitz faithfully reflect,
on the whole, Israeli Hebrew, one can nevertheless hear that the pronun-
ciation of both broadcasters is learned and not colloquial. For example,
both preserve the pronunciation of the vocal šəwa as either [e] ([sefát])
(Bertonov) or, sometimes, a short [e] (e.g., [vayyómerú, veróxevó] [Exod
15:1]) (Gurevitz) even where the Sephardic reading traditions do not, such
as in the middle of the word after a long vowel or after a meteg (see ‫וַ ִ ּֽי ְיר ֥אּו‬
[vayyireˀú] ‘they feared’ [Exod 14:31]). The broadcast pronunciation is
an idealized reading; it seeks to distinguish, as much as possible, between
consonants that merged in Israeli Hebrew and to revive consonants that
have largely disappeared, through a careful pronunciation of the glottal
consonants ‫ א‬and ‫( ה‬see [hahú ˀet yisraˀél]), the laryngeals ‫ ח‬and ‫( ע‬see
[vayyóšaˁ, ˁal]), or gemination (see [vayyóšaˁ, bayyóm]).
226 Chapter 16
There is proof that this is a learned reading tradition and not a contin-
uation of something older: the broadcasters sometimes fail to pronounce
glottals, pharyngeals, gemination, and other phenomena. There are also
differences between the two broadcasters. While Bertonov pronounces ‫ק‬
as [k], following standardized Israeli pronunciation (e.g., ‫[ ָק ֶמיָך‬kaméxa],
‫[ ַּכ ַּקׁש‬kakkáš] ‘like straw’ [Exod 15:7], and ‫[ ָק ְפאּו‬kafeˀú ] ‘they congealed’
[Exod 15:8]), Gurevitz occasionally pronounces ‫ ק‬as the emphatic [q] as in
Arabic (e.g., [kaqqáš] and [qaníta] ‘You acquired’ [Exod 15:16]). He also
unexpectedly geminates ‫ ז‬in [ˀazz] (‫)אז‬ ָ and ‫ מ‬in [ramma] ‫ ָר ָמה‬in an ad hoc
exaggeration of festive reading.
Another important difference between the older reading traditions and
those of Bertonov and Gurevitz is that the former were chanted in liturgical
contexts whereas the latter are read in public forums. In 2011, Dan Kaner,
a veteran broadcaster on Israeli government radio and television, produced
a 72-hour recording, Kol HaTanakh: The Voice of the Bible, in which he
read the entire Hebrew Bible. His reading is much like contemporary He-
brew speech. It is less dramatic than that of Bertonov, Gurevitz, and their
peers, but it is similar in its essential phonetic features to that of Bertonov.
Kaner’s reading is consistent in pronouncing ‫א‬, ‫ח‬, and ‫ ע‬with their classical
Sephardic values, the vocal šəwa as [e], and here and there even geminat-
ing a consonant when there is a dageš ḥazaq. A sample of his reading of
Genesis 1 may be found online (https://www.the-vob.com/).
The recordings accompanying this book contain the traditional recita-
tions of Exod 14:30 described above, as well as Exod 14:31 and Exodus 15
(see http://www.eisenbrauns.com/item/GARHANDBO).
Bibliography
Eldar, Ilan
1978 ,‫מהותה והיסודות המשותפים לה ולמסורת ספרד‬ :‫אשכנזית‬-‫מסורת הקריאה הקדם‬
kenaz (ca. 950–1350 C.E.), vol. 1: Phonology and Vocalization]. ‫עדה ולשון‬
4. Jerusalem: Hebrew University of Jerusalem Language Traditions Project.
1979 ,‫מהותה והיסודות המשותפים לה ולמסורת ספרד‬ :‫אשכנזית‬-‫מסורת הקריאה הקדם‬
‫ ענייני תצורה‬:‫[ כרך ב‬The Hebrew Language Tradition in Medieval Ashkenaz
(ca. 950–1350 C.E.), vol. 2: Morphology]. 5 ‫עדה ולשון‬. Jerusalem: Hebrew
University of Jerusalem Language Traditions Project.
Forsström, Jarmo
1997 The Pronunciation Tradition of Biblical Hebrew among the Jews of Cochin:
A Preliminary Survey. Studia Orientalia 82: 111–28.
2007 ‫ תורת ההגה‬:‫מסורת הקריאה של יהודי קוצ'ין במשנה‬. M.A. thesis. Hebrew Uni-
versity of Jerusalem.
Katz, Ktzia
1977 ‫ תורת ההגה והפועל‬:‫[ מסורת הקריאה של קהילת ג'רבה במקרא ובמשנה‬The Hebrew
Language Tradition of the Community of Djerba (Tunisia): The Phonology
and the Morphology of the Verb]. 2 ‫עדה ולשון‬. Jerusalem: Hebrew University
of Jerusalem Language Traditions Project.
Maman, Aharon
1984 ‫ פרקים בתורת ההגה‬:‫[ מסורת הקריאה של יהודי תיטואן במקרא ובמשנה‬The
Reading Tradition of the Jews of Tetouan: Phonology of Biblical and Mish-
naic Hebrew]. Massorot 1: 51–120.
Morag, Shelomo
1977 ‫ תורת ההגה‬:‫[ מסורת הלשון העברית של יהודי בגדאד‬The Hebrew Language Tra-
dition of the Baghdadi Community: The Phonology]. 1 ‫עדה ולשון‬. Jerusalem:
Hebrew University of Jerusalem Language Traditions Project.
Naeh, Shlomo
1998 ‫ עיון מחודש‬:‫ישראל‬-‫[ סדרי קריאת התורה בארץ‬The Torah Reading Cycle in Early
Palestine: A Re-Examination]. Tarbiz 67: 167–87.
2005 ‫שנתי של הקריאה בתורה בארץ ישראל‬-‫[ על המחזור השבע‬On the Septennial Cycle
of the Torah Reading in Early Palestine]. Tarbiz 74: 43–75.
Yaʿakov, Doron
2015 ‫[ מסורת העברית שבפי יהודי דרום תימן׃ מערכת ההגה ולשון המשנה‬The Hebrew
Language Tradition of the Jews of Southern Yemen: Phonetics and Mishnaic
Hebrew]. 34 ‫עדה ולשון‬. Jerusalem: Hebrew University Jewish Oral Traditions
Research Center.
Volume 2
Volume 2: Selected Texts
edited by
W. Randall Garr and Steven E. Fassberg
Winona Lake, Indiana

E isenbrauns
2016
© 2016 by Eisenbrauns Inc.
All rights reserved.
Printed in the United States of America.
www.eisenbrauns.com
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Garr, W. Randall, editor. | Fassberg, Steven Ellis, editor.
Title: A handbook of biblical Hebrew / edited by W. Randall Garr and Steven E.
Fassberg.
Description: Winona Lake, Indiana : Eisenbrauns, [2016] | This title consists of 2
physical volumes sold only as a set. | Includes bibliographical references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016011709 (print) | LCCN 2016012454 (ebook) | ISBN
9781575064697 (vol. 1, hardback : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781575064703 (vol.
2, hardback : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781575063713 (set, hardback : alk. paper) |
ISBN 9781575063720 (pdf)
Subjects: LCSH: Hebrew language—Grammar, Comparative. | Bible Old
Testament—Language, style.
Classification: LCC PJ4567.3 .H36 2016 (print) | LCC PJ4567.3 (ebook) | DDC
492.4/82421—dc23
LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016011709
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American Na-
tional Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Mate-
rials, ANSI Z39.48–1984. ♾™
Contents
Part I
Phases of Biblical Hebrew
1. Standard/Classical Biblical Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Joseph Lam and Dennis Pardee
2. Archaic Biblical Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Agustinus Gianto
3. Transitional Biblical Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Aaron D. Hornkohl
4. Late Biblical Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Matthew Morgenstern
Part II
Contemporary Hebrew Attestations
5. Epigraphic Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Shmuel Aḥituv, W. Randall Garr,
and Steven E. Fassberg
6. Ben Sira . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43

Wido van Peursen
7. The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
Jean-Sébastien Rey and Jan Joosten
Part III
Ancient and Medieval Reading Traditions
8. Hebrew in Greek and Latin Transcriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
Alexey Eliyahu Yuditsky
9. Samaritan Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
Moshe Florentin
v
vi Contents
10. Babylonian Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90

Shai Heijmans
11. Karaite Transcriptions of Biblical Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . . . 100
Geoffrey Khan
12. Palestinian Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
Joseph Yahalom
13. Tiberian-Palestinian Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Holger Gzella
Part IV
Essays
14. The Tiberian Tradition of Reading the Bible and the
Masoretic System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
Yosef Ofer
15. Modern Reading Traditions of Biblical Hebrew . . . . . . . . . 136
Aharon Maman
‫‪Chapter 1‬‬
‫‪Standard Biblical Hebrew‬‬
‫)‪Numbers 19 (Ritual of the Red Cow‬‬
‫ּתֹורה ֲא ֶׁשר־‬ ‫מר׃ ‪ 2‬ז ֹ֚את ֻח ַ ּ֣קת ַה ָ ֔‬ ‫ל־א ֲה ֖ר ֹן ֵלא ֽ ֹ‬ ‫הוה ֶאל־מ ֶ ֹׁ֥שה וְ ֶ ֽא ַ‬ ‫‪ 1‬וַ יְ ַד ֵּב֣ר יְ ָ ֔‬
‫ימה‬ ‫ל־ּב ֵנ֣י יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֗אל וְ יִ ְק ֣חּו ֵא ֶליָך֩ ָפ ָ ֨רה ֲא ֻד ָּ֜מה ְּת ִמ ָ֗‬ ‫מר ַּד ֵּב֣ר ׀ ֶא ְ‬ ‫הו֖ה ֵלא ֑ ֹ‬ ‫ִצָּו֥ה יְ ָ‬
‫֖יה ֽעֹל׃ ‪ּ 3‬ונְ ַת ֶ ּ֣תם א ָֹ֔תּה ֶא ֶ‬
‫ל־א ְל ָע ָז֖ר‬ ‫א־ע ָ ֥לה ָע ֶל ָ‬ ‫ין־ּב ּ֙ה ֔מּום ֲא ֶ ׁ֛שר ל ֹ ָ‬ ‫ֲא ֶ ׁ֤שר ֵ ֽא ָ‬
‫ל־מ ֣חּוץ ַ ֽל ַּמ ֲח ֶ֔נה וְ ָׁש ַ ֥חט א ָ ֹ֖תּה ְל ָפ ָנֽיו׃ ‪ 4‬וְ ָל ַ ֞קח‬ ‫הֹוציא א ָֹת ּ֙ה ֶא ִ‬ ‫ַהּכ ֵ ֹ֑הן וְ ִ ֤‬
‫ל־מֹוע֛ד ִמ ָּד ָ ֖מּה‬ ‫ֵ‬ ‫א ֶה‬ ‫ֶא ְל ָע ָז֧ר ַהּכ ֵ ֹ֛הן ִמ ָּד ָ ֖מּה ְּב ֶא ְצ ָּב ֑עֹו וְ ִה ָּ֞זה ֶאל־ ֨נ ֹ ַכח ְּפ ֵנ֧י ֽ ֹ‬
‫ת־ּב ָׂש ָר ּ֙ה וְ ֶאת־‬ ‫ת־ה ָּפ ָ ֖רה ְל ֵע ָינ֑יו ֶאת־ ע ָ ֹ֤רּה וְ ֶא ְ‬ ‫ֶ ׁ֥ש ַבע ְּפ ָע ִ ֽמים׃ ‪ 5‬וְ ָׂש ַ ֥רף ֶא ַ‬
‫תֹול ַ֑עת‬ ‫ּוׁש ִנ֣י ָ‬ ‫ל־ּפ ְר ָ ׁ֖שּה יִ ְׂש ֽר ֹף׃ ‪ 6‬וְ �ל ַ ָ֣קח ַהּכ ֵֹ֗הן ֵ ֥עץ ֶ ֛א ֶרז וְ ֵאז֖ ֹוב ְ‬ ‫ָּד ָ֔מּה ַע ִ‬
‫רֹו‬
‫ל־ּתֹוְך ְׂש ֵר ַ ֥פת ַה ָּפ ָ ֽרה׃ ‪ 7‬וְ ִכ ֶּ֨בס ְּבגָ ָ ֜דיו ַהּכ ֵֹ֗הן וְ ָר ַ ֤חץ ְּב ָׂש ֙‬ ‫וְ ִה ְׁש ֕ ִליְך ֶא ֖‬
‫ד־ה ָ ֽע ֶרב׃ ‪ 8‬וְ ַהּׂש ֵ ֹ֣רף א ָֹ֔תּה‬ ‫ל־ה ַּמ ֲח ֶנ֑ה וְ ָט ֵ ֥מא ַהּכ ֵ ֹ֖הן ַע ָ‬ ‫ַּב ַּ֔מיִ ם וְ ַא ַ ֖חר ֣יָבֹוא ֶא ַ ֽ‬
‫ד־ה ָ ֽע ֶרב׃ ‪ 9‬וְ ָא ַ ֣סף ׀ ִ ֣איׁש‬ ‫יְ ַכ ֵּב֤ס ְּבגָ ָד ֙יו ַּב ַּ֔מיִ ם וְ ָר ַ ֥חץ ְּב ָׂש ֖רֹו ַּב ָ ּ֑מיִ ם וְ ָט ֵ ֖מא ַע ָ‬
‫ָט ֗הֹור ֵ ֚את ֵ ֣א ֶפר ַה ָּפ ָ ֔רה וְ ִה ִּנ ַ֛יח ִמ ֥חּוץ ַ ֽל ַּמ ֲח ֶנ֖ה ְּב ָמ ֣קֹום ָט ֑הֹור ְו ָ֠היְ ָתה ַל ֲע ַ ֨דת‬
‫ְּב ֵנֽי־יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֧אל ְל ִמ ְׁש ֶ ֛מ ֶרת ְל ֵ ֥מי נִ ָ ּ֖דה ַח ָ ּ֥טאת ִ ֽהוא׃ ‪ְ 10‬ו ִ֠כ ֶּבס ָהא ֵֹ֨סף ֶאת־‬
‫ד־ה ָ ֑ע ֶרב ְ ֽו ָהיְ ָ֞תה ִל ְב ֵנ֣י יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֗אל וְ ַל ֵּג֛ר ַה ָּג֥ר‬ ‫ת־ּבגָ ָ ֔דיו וְ ָט ֵ ֖מא ַע ָ‬‫ֵ ֤א ֶפר ַה ָּפ ָר ֙ה ֶא ְ‬
‫ל־נ ֶ֣פׁש ָא ָ ֑דם וְ ָט ֵ ֖מא ִׁש ְב ַ ֥עת‬ ‫עֹולם׃ ‪ַ 11‬הּנ ֵֹג ַ֥ע ְּב ֵ ֖מת ְל ָכ ֶ‬ ‫תֹוכם ְל ֻח ַ ּ֥קת ָ ֽ‬ ‫ְּב ָ ֖‬
‫ם־ל ֹא‬ ‫יעי יִ ְט ָ ֑הר וְ ִא ֨‬ ‫ּובּי֥ ֹום ַה ְּׁש ִב ִ ֖‬
‫יׁשי ַ‬ ‫א־בֹו ַּבּי֧ ֹום ַה ְּׁש ִל ִ ֛‬
‫יָ ִ ֽמים׃ ‪֣ 12‬הּוא יִ ְת ַח ָּט ֞‬
‫ל־הּנ ֡ ֵֹג ַע ְּב ֵ ֣מת‬ ‫יעי ֥ל ֹא יִ ְט ָ ֽהר׃ ‪ּֽ ָ 13‬כ ַ‬ ‫ּובּי֥ ֹום ַה ְּׁש ִב ִ ֖‬
‫יׁשי ַ‬ ‫יִ ְת ַח ָּ֜טא ַּבּי֧ ֹום ַה ְּׁש ִל ִ ֛‬
‫ת־מ ְׁש ַ ּ֤כן יְ הוָ ֙ה ִט ֵּ֔מא וְ נִ ְכ ְר ָ ֛תה‬ ‫ְּבנֶ ֶפׁש֩ ָה ָא ָ ֨דם ֲא ֶׁשר־יָ ֜מּות וְ ֣ל ֹא יִ ְת ַח ָּ֗טא ֶא ִ‬
‫ַה ֶּנ ֶ֥פׁש ַה ִ ֖הוא ִמּיִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֑אל ִּכי֩ ֵ֨מי נִ ָ ּ֜דה לֹא־ז ַ ֹ֤רק ָע ָל ֙יו ָט ֵ ֣מא יִ ְה ֶ֔יה ֖עֹוד ֻט ְמ ָא ֥תֹו‬
‫ׁשר‬ ‫ל־א ֶ ֣‬‫ל־ה ֙א ֹ ֶהל֙ וְ ָכ ֲ‬ ‫ל־ה ָ ּ֤בא ֶא ָ‬ ‫א ֶהל ָּכ ַ‬ ‫י־יָמּות ְּב ֑ ֹ‬
‫ּתֹורה ָא ָ ֖דם ִ ּֽכ ֣‬ ‫ֽבֹו׃ ‪ 14‬ז ֹ֚את ַה ָ ֔‬
‫ין־צ ִ ֥מיד ָּפ ִ ֖תיל‬ ‫א ֶהל יִ ְט ָ ֖מא ִׁש ְב ַ ֥עת יָ ִ ֽמים׃ ‪ 15‬וְ כֹל֙ ְּכ ִ ֣לי ָפ ֔ת ַּוח ֲא ֶ ׁ֛שר ֵא ָ‬ ‫ָּב ֔ ֹ‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 1‬‬
‫ל־ח ֶר ֙ב ֣אֹו ְב ֵ֔מת‬ ‫ל־ּפ ֵנ֣י ַה ָּׂש ֶ ֗דה ֽ ַּב ֲח ַל ֶ֙‬

‫ָע ָל֑יו ָט ֵ ֖מא ֽהּוא׃ ‪ 16‬וְ ֨כֹל ֲא ֶׁשר־יִ ֜ ַּגע ַע ְ‬
‫חּו ַל ָּט ֵ֔מא ֵמ ֲע ַ ֖פר‬ ‫�ְק ֶבר יִ ְט ָ ֖מא ִׁש ְב ַ ֥עת יָ ִ ֽמים׃ ‪ 17‬וְ ָ ֽל ְק ֙‬ ‫ֹו־ב ֶ ֥ע ֶצם ָא ָ ֖דם ֣אֹו ב ָ ֑‬ ‫ֽא ְ‬
‫ל־ּכ ִלי׃ ‪ 18‬וְ ָל ַ ֨קח ֵאז֜ ֹוב וְ ָט ַב֣ל‬ ‫ְׂש ֵר ַ ֣פת ַ ֽה ַח ָ ּ֑טאת וְ נָ ַ ֥תן ָע ָל֛יו ַ ֥מיִ ם ַח ִּי֖ים ֶא ֶ ֽ‬
‫ׁשר‬ ‫ל־הּנְ ָפ ׁ֖שֹות ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ל־ה ֵּכ ֔ ִלים וְ ַע ַ‬ ‫ל־ּכ ַ‬‫ל־ה ֙א ֹ ֶהל֙ וְ ַע ָ‬ ‫ַּב ַּמיִ ֮ם ִ ֣איׁש ָטהֹור֒ וְ ִה ָּז֤ה ַע ָ‬
‫ל־הּנ ֗ ֵֹג ַע ַּב ֙ ֶע ֶצ ֙ם ֣אֹו ֶ ֽב ָח ֔ ָלל ֥אֹו ַב ֵ ּ֖מת ֥אֹו ַב ָ ּֽק ֶבר׃ ‪ 19‬וְ ִה ָּז֤ה ַה ָּטה ֹ֙ר‬ ‫יּו־ׁשם וְ ַע ַ‬ ‫ָ ֽה ָ ֑‬
‫יעי וְ ִכ ֶ ּ֧בס‬‫אֹו ַּבּי֣ ֹום ַה ְּׁש ִב ֔ ִ‬ ‫יעי וְ ִח ְּט ֙‬ ‫ּובּי֣ ֹום ַה ְּׁש ִב ִ ֑‬
‫יׁשי ַ‬
‫ל־ה ָּט ֵ֔מא ַּבּי֥ ֹום ַה ְּׁש ִל ִ ֖‬ ‫ַע ַ‬
‫ְּבגָ ָ ֛דיו וְ ָר ַ ֥חץ ַּב ַ ּ֖מיִ ם וְ ָט ֵ ֥הר ָּב ָ ֽע ֶרב׃ ‪ 20‬וְ ִ ֤איׁש ֲא ֶׁשר־יִ ְט ָמ ֙א וְ ֣ל ֹא יִ ְת ַח ָּ֔טא‬
‫הוה ִט ֵּ֗מא ֵ ֥מי נִ ָ ּ֛דה‬ ‫ת־מ ְק ַ ּ֨דׁש יְ ָ ֜‬
‫וְ נִ ְכ ְר ָ ֛תה ַה ֶּנ ֶ֥פׁש ַה ִ ֖הוא ִמ ּ֣תֹוְך ַה ָּק ָ ֑הל ִּכי֩ ֶא ִ‬
‫י־הּנִ ָּד ֙ה‬
‫ּומ ֵּז֤ה ֵ ֽמ ַ‬ ‫עֹול֑ם ַ‬‫לֹא־ז ַ ֹ֥רק ָע ָ ֖ליו ָט ֵ ֥מא ֽהּוא׃ ‪ 21‬וְ ָהיְ ָ ֥תה ָּל ֶ ֖הם ְל ֻח ַ ּ֣קת ָ‬
‫ע־ּבֹו‬
‫ד־ה ָ ֽע ֶרב׃ ‪ 22‬וְ ֛כֹל ֲא ֶׁשר־יִ ּגַ ֥‬ ‫יְ ַכ ֵּב֣ס ְּבגָ ָ ֔דיו וְ ַהּנֹגֵ֙ ַ ֙ע ְּב ֵ ֣מי ַהּנִ ָ ּ֔דה יִ ְט ָ ֖מא ַע ָ‬
‫ד־ה ָ ֽע ֶרב׃ פ‬ ‫ַה ָּט ֵ ֖מא יִ ְט ָ ֑מא וְ ַה ֶּנ ֶ֥פׁש ַהּנ ַֹג ַ֖עת ִּת ְט ָ ֥מא ַע ָ‬
‫)‪1 Samuel 1 (The Birth and Nazirite Dedication of Samuel‬‬
‫ּוׁש ֡מֹו ֠ ֶא ְל ָקנָ ה ֶּבן־‬ ‫צֹופים ֵמ ַ ֣הר ֶא ְפ ָ ֑ריִ ם ְ‬ ‫ן־ה ָר ָמ ַ ֛תיִ ם ִ ֖‬ ‫‪ 1‬וַ יְ ִהי֩ ִ֨איׁש ֶא ָ֜חד ִמ ָ‬
‫ן־צּוף ֶא ְפ ָר ִ ֽתי׃ ‪ 2‬וְ ֙לֹו ְׁש ֵ ּ֣תי נָ ִׁ֔שים ֵ ׁ֤שם ַא ַח ֙ת‬ ‫ּתחּו ֶב ֖‬ ‫יהּוא ֶּבן־ ֥ ֹ‬ ‫ן־א ִל ֛‬
‫יְ ר ָ ֹ֧חם ֶּב ֱ‬
‫ּול ַח ָּנ֖ה ֵ ֥אין יְ ָל ִ ֽדים׃ ‪ 3‬וְ ָע ָל ֩ה‬ ‫ַח ָּ֔נה וְ ֵ ׁ֥שם ַה ֵּׁש ִנ֖ית ְּפנִ ָּנ֑ה וַ יְ ִ ֤הי ִל ְפנִ ּנָ ֙ה יְ ָל ִ ֔דים ְ‬
‫יהו֥ה ְצ ָב ֖אֹות‬ ‫ימה ְל ִ ֽה ְׁש ַּת ֲח ֺ֧ות וְ ִלזְ ּ֛בֹ ַח ַל ָ‬ ‫יָמ ָ‬ ‫ירֹו ִמּיָ ִ ֣מים ׀ ִ֔‬ ‫ָה ִ֨איׁש ַה ֤הּוא ֵ ֽמ ִע ֙‬
‫יהוה׃ ‪ 4‬וַ יְ ִ ֣הי ַהּי֔ ֹום וַ ּיִ זְ ַ ּ֖בח‬‫ּופנְ ָ֔חס ּכ ֲֹה ִנ֖ים ַל ָ ֽ‬ ‫ֽי־ע ֗ ִלי ָח ְפנִ ֙י ִ ֣‬‫ְּב ִׁש ֹ֑לה וְ ָׁ֞שם ְׁש ֵנ֣י ְב ֵנ ֵ‬
‫ּול ַח ָּ֕נה יִ ֵ ּ֛תן‬ ‫יה ָמנֽ ֹות׃ ‪ְ 5‬‬ ‫נֹות ָ‬
‫ּוב ֶ ֖‬‫ל־ּב ֶנ ָ֛יה ְ‬
‫ֶא ְל ָק ָנ֑ה וְ נָ ַ֞תן ִל ְפנִ ָּנ֣ה ִא ְׁש ּ֗תֹו ּוֽ ְל ָכ ָ‬
‫יהו֖ה ָס ַג֥ר ַר ְח ָ ֽמּה׃ ‪ 6‬וְ ִ ֽכ ֲע ַ ֤ס ָּתה‬ ‫ת־חּנָ ֙ה ָא ֵ֔הב ַ ֽו ָ‬ ‫ָמ ָנ֥ה ַא ַ ֖חת ַא ָ ּ֑פיִ ם ִ ּ֤כי ֶא ַ‬
‫הו֖ה ְּב ַ ֥עד ַר ְח ָ ֽמּה׃ ‪ 7‬וְ ֵ֨כן יַ ֲע ֶׂ֜שה‬ ‫י־ס ַג֥ר יְ ָ‬
‫ם־ּכ ַעס ַּב ֲע ֖בּור ַה ְּר ִע ָ ֑מּה ִ ּֽכ ָ‬ ‫ָ ֽצ ָר ָת ּ֙ה ּגַ ַ֔‬
‫אכל׃‬ ‫הוה ֵ ּ֖כן ַּת ְכ ִע ֶ ֑סּנָ ה וַ ִּת ְב ֶ ּ֖כה וְ ֥ל ֹא ת ֹ ַ ֽ‬ ‫ֹלת ּ֙ה ְּב ֵב֣ית יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ָׁש ָנ֣ה ְב ָׁש ָ֗נה ִמ ֵ ּ֤די ֲע ָ‬
‫אכ ֔ ִלי וְ ָל ֶ֖מה‬ ‫יׁשּה ַחּנָ ֙ה ָל ֶ֣מה ִת ְב ִּ֗כי וְ ָל ֶ֙מ ֙ה ֣ל ֹא ֽת ֹ ְ‬ ‫אמר ֜ ָלּה ֶא ְל ָק ָנ֣ה ִא ָ֗‬ ‫‪ 8‬וַ ּ֨י ֹ ֶ‬
‫ֹכי ֣טֹוב ֔ ָלְך ֵמ ֲע ָׂש ָ ֖רה ָּב ִ ֽנים׃ ‪ 9‬וַ ָ ּ֣ת ָקם ַח ָּ֔נה ַא ֲח ֵ ֛רי‬ ‫יֵ ַ ֣רע ְל ָב ֵבְ֑ך ֲה ֤לֹוא ָ ֽאנ ִ ֙‬
‫יכל‬ ‫זּוז֖ת ֵה ַ ֥‬ ‫ל־מ ַ‬ ‫ל־ה ִּכ ֵּ֔סא ַע ְ‬ ‫תה וְ ֵע ִ ֣לי ַהּכ ֵֹ֗הן י ֵֹׁש ֙ב ַע ַ‬ ‫ָא ְכ ָ ֥לה ְב ִׁש ֹ֖לה וְ ַא ֲח ֵ ֣רי ָׁש ֑ ֹ‬
‫ּוב ֥כֹה ִת ְב ֶ ּֽכה׃ ‪ 11‬וַ ִּת ּ֨ד ֹר‬ ‫הו֖ה ָ‬ ‫הוה׃ ‪ 10‬וְ ִ ֖היא ָ ֣מ ַרת ָנ ֶ֑פׁש וַ ִּת ְת ַּפ ֵ ּ֥לל ַעל־יְ ָ‬ ‫יְ ָ ֽ‬
‫אה ִת ְר ֶ ֣אה ׀ ָּב ֳע ִנ֣י ֲא ָמ ֶ֗תָך ּוזְ ַכ ְר ַּ֙תנִ ֙י וְ ֽל ֹא־‬ ‫ם־ר ֥ ֹ‬ ‫הוה ְצ ָב ֜אֹות ִא ָ‬ ‫אמר יְ ָ ֨‬ ‫ֶ֜נ ֶדר וַ ּת ֹ ַ֗‬
‫ל־יְמי‬
‫ת־א ָמ ֶ֔תָך וְ נָ ַת ָ ּ֥תה ַל ֲא ָמ ְתָך֖ ֶז ַ֣ר ע ֲאנָ ִ ׁ֑שים ּונְ ַת ִ ּ֤תיו ַ ֽליהוָ ֙ה ָּכ ֵ ֣‬ ‫ִת ְׁש ַּכ֣ח ֶא ֲ‬
‫אׁשֹו׃ ‪ 12‬וְ ָהיָ ֙ה ִ ּ֣כי ִה ְר ְּב ָ֔תה ְל ִה ְת ַּפ ֵּל֖ל ִל ְפ ֵנ֣י‬ ‫ּומֹורה לֹא־יַ ֲע ֶ ֥לה ַעל־ר ֹ ֽ‬ ‫ָ֖‬ ‫ַח ָּ֔ייו‬
‫‪Standard Biblical Hebrew‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬
‫יה‬ ‫ל־ל ָּ֔בּה ַ ֚רק ְׂש ָפ ֶ ֣ת ָ‬ ‫יה׃ ‪ 13‬וְ ַח ָּ֗נה ִ ֚היא ְמ ַד ֶּב ֶ֣רת ַע ִ‬ ‫ת־ּפ ָ‬ ‫הו֑ה וְ ֵע ִ ֖לי ׁש ֵ ֹ֥מר ֶא ִ ֽ‬ ‫יְ ָ‬
‫יה ֵע ֔ ִלי‬ ‫אמר ֵא ֶ ֙ל ָ֙‬ ‫קֹולּ֖ה ֣ל ֹא יִ ָּׁש ֵ ֑מ ַע וַ ּיַ ְח ְׁש ֶ ֥ב ָה ֵע ִ ֖לי ְל ִׁשּכ ָ ֹֽרה׃ ‪ 14‬וַ ּ֤י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ּנָ ֔עֹות וְ ָ‬
‫אמ ֙ר ֣ל ֹא‬ ‫ד־מ ַ ֖תי ִּת ְׁש ַּת ָּכ ִ ֑רין ָה ִ ֥ס ִירי ֶאת־יֵ ֵינְ֖ך ֵמ ָע ָ ֽליִ ְך׃ ‪ 15‬וַ ַּ֨ת ַען ַח ָּנ֤ה וַ ּ֙ת ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ַע ָ‬
‫יתי וָ ֶא ְׁש ֥ ֹּפְך ֶאת־נַ ְפ ִ ׁ֖שי ִל ְפ ֵנ֥י‬ ‫ּוח ָא ֔נ ֹ ִכי וְ ַי֥יִ ן וְ ֵׁש ָ ֖כר ֣ל ֹא ָׁש ִ ֑ת ִ‬ ‫ת־ר ַ ֙‬
‫ֲאד ִֹ֔ני ִא ָ ּׁ֤שה ְק ַׁש ֙‬
‫יחי וְ ַכ ְע ִ ֖סי‬ ‫י־מ ֥ר ֹב ִׂש ִ ֛‬ ‫ת־ּב ִל ָּי ַ֑על ִ ּֽכ ֵ‬
‫ת־א ָ ֣מ ְת ָ֔ך ִל ְפ ֵנ֖י ַּב ְ‬ ‫ּתן ֶא ֲ‬ ‫ל־ּת ֵ ֙‬‫הוה׃ ‪ַ 16‬א ִ‬ ‫יְ ָ ֽ‬
‫ּתן‬‫אֹלהי יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֗אל יִ ֵ ֙‬ ‫אמר ְל ִ ֣כי ְל ָׁש ֑לֹום וֵ ֵ ֣‬ ‫ד־הּנָ ה׃ ‪ 17‬וַ ַּי ַ֧ען ֵע ִ ֛לי וַ ּ֖י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ִּד ַ ּ֥ב ְר ִּתי ַע ֵ ֽ‬
‫אמר ִּת ְמ ָ ֧צא ִׁש ְפ ָח ְתָך֛ ֵ ֖חן ְּב ֵע ֶינ֑יָך‬ ‫ת־ׁש ָל ֵ֔תְך ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ָׁש ַ ֖א ְל ְּת ֵמ ִע ּֽמֹו׃ ‪ 18‬וַ ּ֕ת ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ֶא ֵ ֣‬
‫יּו־לּ֖ה ֽעֹוד׃ ‪ 19‬וַ ּיַ ְׁש ִ ּ֣כמּו ַב ּ֗בֹ ֶקר‬ ‫א־ה ָ‬ ‫֥יה ל ֹ ָ‬ ‫ּופ ֶנ ָ‬‫אכל ָ‬ ‫וַ ֵּ֨ת ֶלְך ָה ִא ָ ּׁ֤שה ְל ַד ְר ָּכ ּ֙ה וַ ּת ֹ ַ֔‬
‫יתם ָה ָר ָ ֑מ ָתה וַ ֵּי ַ֤ד ע ֶא ְל ָקנָ ֙ה ֶאת־‬ ‫ל־ּב ָ ֖‬
‫ׁשבּו וַ ּיָ ֥בֹאּו ֶא ֵ‬ ‫הוה וַ ּיָ ֻ ֛‬ ‫וַ ִ ּֽי ְׁש ַּת ֲח ֙וּו ִל ְפ ֵנ֣י יְ ָ ֔‬
‫הי ִל ְת ֻק ֣פֹות ַהּיָ ִ֔מים וַ ַ ּ֥ת ַהר ַח ָּנ֖ה וַ ֵ ּ֣ת ֶלד ֵ ּ֑בן‬ ‫הוה׃ ‪ 20‬וַ יְ ִ ֙‬ ‫ַח ָּנ֣ה ִא ְׁש ּ֔תֹו וַ ּיֽ ִזְ ְּכ ֶ ֖ר ָה יְ ָ ֽ‬
‫הו֖ה ְׁש ִא ְל ִ ּֽתיו׃ ‪ 21‬וַ ַּי ַ֛על ָה ִ ֥איׁש ֶא ְל ָק ָנ֖ה‬ ‫מּואל ִ ּ֥כי ֵמיְ ָ‬ ‫מֹו ְׁש ֵ֔‬ ‫ת־ׁש ֙‬ ‫וַ ִּת ְק ָ ֤רא ֶא ְ‬
‫ת־ז ַ֥בח ַהּיָ ִ ֖מים וְ ֶאת־נִ ְד ֽרֹו׃ ‪ 22‬וְ ַח ָּנ֖ה ֣ל ֹא ָע ָל ָ֑תה‬ ‫יהו֛ה ֶא ֶ‬ ‫יתֹו ִלזְ ּ֧בֹ ַח ַ ֽל ָ‬ ‫ל־ּב ֑‬ ‫וְ ָכ ֵ‬
‫הוה וְ ָי ַׁ֥שב‬ ‫ת־ּפ ֵנ֣י יְ ָ ֔‬
‫יׁשּה ַע֣ד יִ ּגָ ֵ ֤מל ַהּנַ֙ ַע ֙ר וַ ֲה ִבא ִֹ֗תיו וְ נִ ְר ָא ֙ה ֶא ְ‬ ‫י־א ְמ ָ ֣רה ְל ִא ָ֗‬ ‫ִ ּֽכ ָ‬
‫בי‬‫יׁשּה ֲע ִ ׂ֧שי ַה ּ֣טֹוב ְּב ֵע ַ֗יניִ ְך ְׁש ִ ֙‬ ‫אמר ָל ּ֩ה ֶא ְל ָק ָ֨נה ִא ָ֜‬ ‫ד־עֹולם׃ ‪ 23‬וַ ּ֣י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ָֽ‬ ‫ָ ׁ֖שם ַע‬
‫ת־ּב ָ֔נּה‬ ‫ת־ּד ָב ֑רֹו וַ ֵ ּ֤ת ֶׁשב ָ ֽה ִא ָּׁש ֙ה וַ ֵ ּ֣תינֶ ק ֶא ְ‬ ‫הו֖ה ֶא ְ‬ ‫ַעד־ּגָ ְמ ֵלְ֣ך א ֹ֔תֹו ַ ֛אְך י� ֵ ָ֥קם יְ ָ‬
‫יפה‬ ‫ֹלׁש ֙ה וְ ֵא ֨ ָ‬ ‫ׁשר ּגְ ָמ ֗ ַלּתּו ְּב ָפ ִ ֤רים ְׁש ָ‬ ‫ַעד־ּגָ ְמ ָלּ֖ה א ֹֽתֹו׃ ‪ 24‬וַ ַּת ֲע ֨ ֵלהּו ִע ָּ֜מּה ַּכ ֲא ֶ ֣‬
‫הו֖ה ִׁש ֑לֹו וְ ַה ַּנ ַ֖ער ָנ ַֽער׃ ‪� ַ 25‬וּֽיִ ְׁש ֲח ֖טּו‬ ‫ַא ַ ֥חת ֶ ֙ק ַמ ֙ח וְ ֵנ ֶ֣בל ַ֔ייִ ן וַ ְּת ִב ֵ ֥אהּו ֵבית־יְ ָ‬
‫אמ ֙ר ִ ּ֣בי ֲאד ִֹ֔ני ֵ ֥חי נַ ְפ ְׁשָך֖ ֲאד ִֹנ֑י‬ ‫ל־ע ִ ֽלי׃ ‪ 26‬וַ ּ֙ת ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ת־ה ַּנ ַ֖ער ֶא ֵ‬ ‫ּיָביאּו ֶא ַ‬ ‫ת־ה ָ ּ֑פר וַ ִ ֥‬‫ֶא ַ‬
‫ל־ה ַּנ ַ֥ער ַה ֶּז֖ה‬ ‫הוה׃ ‪ֶ 27‬א ַ‬ ‫ֲא ִנ֣י ָה ִא ָּׁ֗שה ַהּנִ ֶּצ ֶ֤בת ִע ְּמ ָכ ֙ה ָּב ֶ֔זה ְל ִה ְת ַּפ ֵּל֖ל ֶאל־יְ ָ ֽ‬
‫ת־ׁש ֵ ֣א ָל ִ֔תי ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ָׁש ַ ֖א ְל ִּתי ֵמ ִע ּֽמֹו׃ ‪ 28‬וְ ַג֣ם ָאנ ִֹ֗כי‬ ‫הו֥ה ִ ֙לי ֶא ְ‬ ‫ִה ְת ַּפ ָּל ְ֑ל ִּתי וַ ּיִ ֵּ֨תן יְ ָ‬
‫יהו֑ה וַ ּיִ ְׁש ַ ּ֥תחּו ָ ׁ֖שם‬ ‫ׁשר ָה ָ֔יה ֥הּוא ָׁש ֖אּול ַ ֽל ָ‬ ‫ל־הּיָ ִמ ֙ים ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫יהוה ָּכ ַ‬ ‫הּו ַ ֽל ָ ֔‬ ‫ִה ְׁש ִא ְל ִּ֙ת ֙‬
‫יהוה׃ פ‬ ‫ַל ָ ֽ‬
‫)‪Psalm 29 (In Praise of Yhwh’s Power and Kingship‬‬
‫יהוה ָּכ ֥בֹוד וָ ֽעֹז׃ ‪ָ 2‬ה ֣בּו ַ ֭ ֽליהוָ ה‬ ‫‪ִ 1‬מזְ ֗מֹור ְל ָ ֫דִ ֥וד ָה ֣בּו ֽ ֭ ַליהוָ ה ְּב ֵנ֣י ֵא ִ ֑לים ָה ֥בּו ַ֝ל ָ ֗‬
‫ל־ה ָ ּ֥מיִ ם ֵ ֽאל־‬ ‫הוה ַע ַ֫‬ ‫יהוה ְּב ַה ְד ַרת־ ֽקֹ ֶדׁש׃ ‪֥ 3‬קֹול יְ ָ ֗‬ ‫ְּכ ֣בֹוד ְׁש ֑מֹו ִה ְׁש ַּת ֲחו֥ ּו ַ֝ל ָ ֗‬
‫֝הוה ֶּב ָה ָ ֽדר׃‬ ‫הו֥ה ַּב ּ֑כֹ ַח ֥קֹול ְי ָ ֗‬‫ל־מיִ ם ַר ִ ּֽבים׃ ‪ 4‬קֹול־יְ ָ‬ ‫֝הוה ַע ַ ֥‬ ‫ַה ָּכ ֥בֹוד ִה ְר ִ ֑עים ְי ָ ֗‬
‫ידם‬ ‫ת־א ְר ֵז֥י ַה ְּל ָבנֽ ֹון׃ ‪ 6‬וַ ּיַ ְר ִק ֵ ֥‬
‫֝הוה ֶא ַ‬ ‫‪ 5‬קֹול ְי֭הוָ ה ׁש ֵ ֹ֣בר ֲא ָר ִז֑ים וַ יְ ַׁש ֵ ּ֥בר ְי ָ ֗‬ ‫֣‬
‫הו֥ה ח ֵֹ֗צב ַל ֲה ֥בֹות ֵ ֽאׁש׃‬ ‫ן־ר ֵא ִ ֽמים׃ ‪ 7‬קֹול־יְ ָ‬ ‫מֹו־עגֶ ל ְל ָבנ֥ ֹון וְ ִׂ֝ש ְר ֗י ֹן ְּכ ֣מֹו ֶב ְ‬
‫ְּכ ֵ ֑‬
‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 1‬‬
‫חֹול֣ל‬‫הוה ׀ יְ ֵ‬ ‫֝הוה ִמ ְד ַ ּ֥בר ָק ֵ ֽדׁש׃ ‪֤ 9‬קֹול יְ ָ ֨‬ ‫‪ 8‬קֹול ְי֭הוָ ה יָ ִ ֣חיל ִמ ְד ָ ּ֑בר יָ ִ ֥חיל ְי ָ ֗‬ ‫֣‬
‫יכ ֑לֹו ֻּ֝כ ּ֗לֹו א ֵ ֹ֥מר ָּכ ֽבֹוד׃ ‪ְ 10‬י֭הוָ ה ַל ַּמ ּ֣בּול יָ ָ ׁ֑שב‬ ‫ּוב ֵה ָ‬
‫לֹות ַ �וּֽיֶ ֱח ׂ֪ש ֹף יְ ֫ ָע ֥רֹות ְ‬
‫ַאּיָ ֮‬
‫ת־ע ּ֣מֹו‬
‫הוה ׀ ָיְב ֵ ֖רְך ֶא ַ‬ ‫ֽהוה ֹ֭עז‬ ְל ַע ּ֣מֹו יִ ֵ ּ֑תן יְ ָ ֓‬‫עֹולם׃ ‪ 11‬יְ ָ ֗‬ ‫֝הוה ֶ ֣מ ֶלְך ְל ָ ֽ‬‫וַ ֵּי ֶׁ֥שב ְי ָ ֗‬
‫ַב ָּׁש ֽלֹום׃‬
‫)‪Psalm 93 (An Enthronement Psalm‬‬
‫ל־ּת ּֽמֹוט׃‬
‫ף־ּת ּ֥כֹון ֵּ֝ת ֵ֗בל ַּב ִ‬
‫הו֣ה ָמ ָל ְ֮ך ּגֵ ֪אּות ֫ ָל ֵ ֥בׁש ָל ֵבׁ֣ש ְי֭הוָ ה ֣עֹז ִה ְת ַא ָּז֑ר ַא ִ‬
‫‪ 1‬יְ ָ‬
‫ֽהוה נָ ְׂש ֣אּו נְ ָה ֣רֹות‬ ‫עֹול֣ם ָ ֽא ָּתה׃ ‪ 3‬נָ ְׂש ֤אּו נְ ָה ֨רֹות ׀ יְ ָ ֗‬ ‫‪ 2‬נָ ֣כֹון ִּכ ְס ֲאָך֣ ֵמ ָ ֑אז ֵ ֽמ ָ‬
‫י־י֑ם‬ ‫ירים ִמ ְׁש ְּב ֵר ָ‬
‫קֹול֑ם יִ ְׂש ֖אּו נְ ָה ֣רֹות ָּד ְכ ָיֽם׃ ‪ִ 4‬מּק ֹ֨לֹות ׀ ַ ֤מיִ ם ַר ִּ֗בים ַא ִּד ִ ֣‬ ‫ָ‬
‫֝הוה‬
‫יתָך֥ נַ ֲאוָ ה־ ֑קֹ ֶדׁש ְי ָ ֗‬ ‫אד ְל ֵב ְ‬
‫הוה׃ ‪ֽ ֵ 5‬עד ֶֹ֨תיָך ׀ נֶ ֶא ְמנ֬ ּו ְמ ֗ ֹ‬ ‫ַא ִ ּ֖דיר ַּב ָּמ ֣רֹום יְ ָ ֽ‬
‫א ֶרְך יָ ִ ֽמים׃‬‫ְל ֣ ֹ‬
‫)‪Proverbs 2 (Exhortation to Seek Wisdom‬‬
‫ם־ּת ַ ּ֣קח ֲא ָמ ָ ֑רי ּו ִ֝מ ְצו ַֺ֗תי ִּת ְצ ֥ ֹּפן ִא ָ ּֽתְך׃ ‪ְ 2‬ל ַה ְק ִ ׁ֣שיב ַ ֽל ָח ְכ ָ ֣מה ָאזְ ֶנ�ָ֑ך‬ ‫‪ּ 1‬בנִ י ִא ִ‬ ‫ְ֭‬
‫קֹולָך׃ ‪ִ 4‬אם־‬ ‫בּונה ִּת ֵ ּ֥תן ֶ ֽ‬ ‫בּונֽה׃ ‪ּ֤ ִ 3‬כי ִ ֣אם ַל ִּב ָינ֣ה ִת ְק ָ ֑רא ַ֝ל ְּת ָ֗‬ ‫ַּת ֶ ּ֥טה ִ֝ל ְּב ָ֗ך ַל ְּת ָ‬
‫הו֑ה וְ ַ ֖ד ַעת‬ ‫מֹונ֥ים ַּת ְח ְּפ ֶ ֽׂשּנָ ה׃ ‪ָ֗ 5‬אז ָ ּ֭ת ִבין יִ ְר ַ ֣את יְ ָ‬ ‫ְּת ַב ְק ֶ ׁ֥שּנָ ה ַכ ָּכ ֶ֑סף ְ ֽו ַכ ַּמ ְט ִ‬
‫בּונֽה׃ ‪ 7‬וצפן (ק׳‬ ‫ּות ָ‬ ‫י־י֭הוָ ה יִ ֵ ּ֣תן ָח ְכ ָ ֑מה ִ֝מ ֗ ִּפיו ַ ּ֣ד ַעת ְ‬ ‫ֹלהים ִּת ְמ ָ ֽצא׃ ‪ּֽ ִ 6‬כ ְ‬ ‫ֱא ִ ֣‬
‫תם׃ ‪֭ ִ 8‬לנְ צֹר ָא ְר ֣חֹות ִמ ְׁש ָ ּ֑פט וְ ֶ ֖ד ֶרְך‬ ‫ּתּוׁש ָּי֑ה ָ֝מ ֗ ֵגן ְל ֣הֹ ְל ֵכי ֽ ֹ‬
‫ִ‬ ‫יִ ְצ ֣ ֹּפן) ַ ֭ליְ ָׁש ִרים‬
‫ל־מ ְעּגַ ל־‬ ‫יׁש ִ ֗רים ָּכ ַ‬ ‫ּומ ְׁש ָ ּ֑פט ּו ֵ֝מ ָ‬
‫מר׃ ‪ָ֗ 9‬אז ָ ּ֭ת ִבין ֶצ ֶ֣דק ִ‬ ‫ידיו) יִ ְׁש ֽ ֹ‬ ‫חסידו (ק׳ ֲח ִס ָ ֣‬
‫מר‬‫י־ת ֣בֹוא ָח ְכ ָ ֣מה ְב ִל ֶּבָ֑ך וְ ַ ֗֝ד ַעת ְ ֽלנַ ְפ ְׁשָך֥ יִ נְ ָ ֽעם׃ ‪֭ ְ 11‬מזִ ָּמה ִּת ְׁש ֥ ֹ‬ ‫ֽטֹוב׃ ‪ּֽ ִ 10‬כ ָ‬
‫בּונ֥ה ִתנְ ְצ ֶ ֽר ָּכה׃ ‪֭ ְ 12‬ל ַה ִ ּ֣צ ְילָך ִמ ֶ ּ֣ד ֶרְך ָ ֑רע ֵ֝מ ִ֗איׁש ְמ ַד ֵ ּ֥בר ַּת ְה ֻּפ ֽכֹות׃‬ ‫ָע ֗ ֶליָך ְּת ָ‬
‫‪ 13‬ה ֣עֹזְ ִבים ָא ְר ֣חֹות ֹ֑י ֶׁשר ָ֝ל ֗ ֶל ֶכת ְּב ַד ְר ֵכי־ ֽחֹ ֶׁשְך׃ ‪֭ ַ 14‬ה ְּׂש ֵמ ִחים ַל ֲע ׂ֥שֹות ָ ֑רע‬ ‫ַ֭‬
‫לֹותם׃‬ ‫לֹוזים ְּב ַמ ְעּגְ ָ ֽ‬ ‫יהם ִע ְּק ִ ׁ֑שים ּו֝נְ ִ֗‬ ‫ׁשר ָא ְרח ֵֹת ֶ ֣‬ ‫ָי ֗ ִ֝גילּו ְ ּֽב ַת ְה ֻּפ ֥כֹות ָ ֽרע׃ ‪ֲ 15‬א ֶ ֣‬
‫יה ֶה ֱח ִ ֽל ָיקה׃ ‪֭ ַ 17‬העֹזֶ ֶבת ַא ּ֣לּוף‬ ‫‪ 16‬ל ַה ִ ּ֣צ ְילָך ֵמ ִא ָ ּׁ֣שה זָ ָ ֑רה ִ֝מּנָ ְכ ִר ָּ֗יה ֲא ָמ ֶ ֥ר ָ‬ ‫ְ֭‬
‫יתּה וְ ֶאל־‬ ‫ל־מוֶ ת ֵּב ָ ֑‬
‫יה ָׁש ֵ ֽכ ָחה׃ ‪ּ֤ ִ 18‬כי ָ ׁ֣ש ָחה ֶא ָ ֣‬ ‫ֹלה ָ‬
‫ת־ּב ִ ֖רית ֱא ֶ ֣‬ ‫יה וְ ֶא ְ‬ ‫עּור ָ‬ ‫נְ ֶ ֑‬
‫א־י ִּׂ֗֝שיגּו ָא ְר ֥חֹות ַח ִ ּֽיים׃‬ ‫ׁשּובּון וְ ֽל ֹ ַ‬
‫יה ֣ל ֹא יְ ֑‬ ‫ל־ּב ֶא ָ‬ ‫יה׃ ‪ָּ 19‬כ ָ ֭‬ ‫ֹלת ָ‬ ‫ְ ֝ר ָפ ִ֗אים ַמ ְעּגְ ֶ ֽ‬
‫מר׃ ‪ּֽ ִ 21‬כי־יְ ָׁש ִ ֥רים‬ ‫�יקים ִּת ְׁש ֽ ֹ‬ ‫טֹובים וְ ָא ְר ֖חֹות ַצ ִּד ִ ֣‬ ‫‪ 20‬ל ַ֗מ ַען ֵ ּ֭ת ֵלְך ְּב ֶ ֣ד ֶרְך ִ ֑‬ ‫ְ‬
‫ימים יִ ָּו ְ֥תרּו ָ ֽבּה׃ ‬‪ּ‬ 22‬ו ְ֭ר ָׁש ִעים ֵמ ֶ ֣א ֶרץ יִ ָּכ ֵ ֑רתּו ּו֝בֹוגְ ִ ֗דים‬ ‫יִ ְׁש ְּכנּו ָ ֑א ֶרץ ּו ְ֝ת ִמ ִ֗‬
‫‪ ‬יִ ְּס ֥חּו ִמ ֶ ּֽמּנָ ה׃ פ‬
‫‪Archaic Biblical Hebrew‬‬
‫)‪Gen 4 9:2–27 (The Blessing of Jacob‬‬
‫יכם׃ ‪ְ 3‬ר ֵ ֙‬
‫אּובן‬ ‫‪ִ 2‬ה ָּק ְב ֥צּו וְ ִׁש ְמ ֖עּו ְּב ֵנ֣י יַ ֲע ֑קֹב וְ ִׁש ְמ ֖עּו ֶאל־יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֥אל ֲא ִב ֶ ֽ‬
‫אֹונ֑י ֶי ֶ֥תר ְׂש ֵ ֖את וְ ֶי ֶ֥תר ָ ֽעז׃ ‪ּ֤ ַ 4‬פ ַחז ַּכ ַּ֙מיִ ֙ם ַאל־‬ ‫אׁשית ִ‬ ‫ְּב ֣כֹ ִרי ַ֔א ָּתה ּכ ִ ֹ֖חי וְ ֵר ִ ֣‬
‫צּועי ָע ָ ֽלה׃ פ‬ ‫ית ִמ ְׁש ְּכ ֵב֣י ָא ִ ֑ביָך ָ ֥אז ִח ַ ּ֖ל ְל ָּת יְ ִ ֥‬ ‫ּתֹותר ִ ּ֥כי ָע ִ ֖ל ָ‬ ‫ַ֔‬
‫ל־ּת ֣ב ֹא נַ ְפ ִׁ֔שי‬ ‫יהם׃ ‪ְּ 6‬בס ָֹד ֙ם ַא ָ‬ ‫‪ִׁ 5‬ש ְמ ֥עֹון וְ ֵלִ ֖וי ַא ִ ֑חים ְּכ ֵ ֥לי ָח ָ ֖מס ְמ ֵכר ֵֹת ֶ ֽ‬
‫רּו־ׁשֹור׃‬ ‫ּוב ְרצ ָֹנ֖ם ִע ְּק ֽ‬‫ל־ּת ַ ֣חד ְּכב ִ ֹ֑די ִ ּ֤כי ְב ַא ָּפ ֙ם ָ ֣ה ְרגּו ִ֔איׁש ִ‬ ‫ִּב ְק ָה ָל֖ם ַא ֵ‬
‫יצם‬ ‫�ְקם ְּביַ ֲע ֔קֹב וַ ֲא ִפ ֵ ֖‬ ‫‪ 7‬א ֤רּור ַא ָּפ ֙ם ִ ּ֣כי ֔ ָעז וְ ֶע ְב ָר ָ ֖תם ִ ּ֣כי ָק ָ ׁ֑ש ָתה ֲא ַחּל ֵ ֣‬ ‫ָ‬
‫ְּביִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃ ס‬
‫ֹיְביָך יִ ְׁש ַּת ֲחּו֥ ו ְלָך֖ ְּב ֵנ֥י ָא ִ ֽביָך׃‬ ‫יֹודּוָך ַא ֶ֔חיָך יָ ְדָך֖ ְּב ֣עֹ ֶרף א ֶ ֑‬ ‫הּודה ַא ָּת ֙ה ֣‬ ‫‪ 8‬יְ ָ ֗‬
‫ּוכ ָל ִ ֖ביא ִ ֥מי‬ ‫ית ָּכ ַ ֨רע ָר ַ ֧בץ ְּכ ַא ְר ֵי֛ה ְ‬ ‫הּודה ִמ ֶ ּ֖ט ֶרף ְּב ִנ֣י ָע ִ ֑ל ָ‬ ‫‪ּ 9‬ג֤ ּור ַא ְריֵ ֙ה יְ ָ ֔‬
‫י־יָב ֹא‬‫ּומח ֵ ֹ֖קק ִמ ֵּב֣ין ַרגְ ָל֑יו ַ ֚עד ִ ּֽכ ֣‬ ‫יהּודה ְ‬ ‫ימּנּו׃ ‪ֽ 10‬ל ֹא־יָ ֥סּור ֵׁ֙ש ֶב ֙ט ִ ֽמ ָ ֔‬ ‫יְ ִק ֶ ֽ‬
‫ירֹו)‬ ‫שילה (ק׳ ִׁש ֔ילֹו) וְ ֖לֹו יִ ְּק ַ ֥הת ַע ִ ּֽמים׃ ‪ 11‬א ְֹס ִ ֤רי ַלּגֶ֙ ֶ ֙פן עירה (ק׳ ִע ֔‬
‫סּותֹו)׃‬ ‫ֽ‬ ‫ם־ענָ ִ ֖בים סותה (ק׳‬ ‫ּוב ַד ֲ‬ ‫ּב יִ ֙ן ְל ֻב ׁ֔שֹו ְ‬ ‫�ֵקה ְּב ִנ֣י ֲאתֹנ֑ ֹו ִּכ ֵּב֤ס ַ ּיַ֙‬ ‫וְ ַלּׂש ֹר ָ ֖‬
‫ן־ׁש ַּנ�֖יִ ם ֵמ ָח ָ ֽלב׃ פ‬ ‫ּול ֶב ִ‬ ‫ילי ֵע ַינ�֖יִ ם ִמ ָּי�֑יִ ן ְ‬ ‫‪ַ 12‬ח ְכ ִל ִ ֥‬
‫ל־צי ֽד ֹן׃ ס‬
‫הּוא ְל ֣חֹוף ֳאנִ ּי֔ ֹות וְ יַ ְר ָכ ֖תֹו ַע ִ‬ ‫בּולן ְל ֥חֹוף יַ ִ ּ֖מים יִ ְׁש ּ֑כֹן וְ ֙‬ ‫‪ 13‬זְ ֕ ֻ‬
‫מר ָּג ֶ�֑רם ר ֵ ֹ֖בץ ֵ ּ֥בין ַ ֽה ִּמ ְׁש ְּפ ָ ֽתיִ ם׃ ‪ 15‬וַ ַּי ְ�֤רא ְמנֻ ָח ֙ה ִ ּ֣כי ֔טֹוב‬ ‫שכר ֲח ֣ ֹ‬ ‫‪ 14‬יִ ָּׂש ָ ֖‬
‫מֹו ִל ְס ּ֔בֹל וַ יְ ִ ֖הי ְל ַמס־ ע ֵ ֹֽבד׃ ס‬ ‫ת־ה ָ ֖א ֶרץ ִ ּ֣כי נָ ֵ ֑ע ָמה וַ ֵּי֤ט ִׁש ְכ ֙‬ ‫וְ ֶא ָ‬
‫י־ד ֶרְך‬ ‫‪ּ֖ ָ 16‬דן יָ ִ ֣דין ַע ּ֑מֹו ְּכ ַא ַ ֖חד ִׁש ְב ֵ ֥טי יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃ ‪ 17‬יְ ִה ָ ֙‬
‫י־דן נָ ָ ֣חׁש ֲע ֵל ֶ ֔‬
‫יׁשּוע ְתָך֖‬ ‫י־סּוס וַ ּיִ ֥ ֹּפל ר ְֹכ ֖בֹו ָא ֽחֹור׃ ‪ֽ ִ 18‬ל ָ‬ ‫א ַרח ַהּנ ֵֹׁש ְ֙ך ִע ְּק ֵב ֔‬ ‫ְׁש ִפי ֖ ֹפן ֲע ֵלי־ ֑ ֹ‬
‫גּודּנּו וְ ֖הּוא יָ ֻג֥ד �ע ֵ ָֽקב׃ ס‬ ‫הוה׃ ‪ָּ 19‬ג֖ד ּגְ ֣דּוד יְ ֶ ֑‬ ‫יתי יְ ָ ֽ‬ ‫ִקִ ּ֥ו ִ‬
‫י־מ ֶלְך׃ ס‬ ‫‪ֵ 20‬מ ָא ֵ ׁ֖שר ְׁש ֵמ ָנ֣ה ַל ְח ֑מֹו וְ ֥הּוא יִ ֵ ּ֖תן ַ ֽמ ֲע ַדּנֵ ֶ ֽ‬
‫‪5‬‬
‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 2‬‬
‫י־ׁש ֶפר׃ ס‬ ‫‪ 21‬נַ ְפ ָּת ִ ֖לי ַאּיָ ָל֣ה ְׁש ֻל ָ ֑חה ַהּנ ֵ ֹ֖תן ִא ְמ ֵר ָ ֽ‬
‫ יְמ ֲר ֻ ֖רהּו‬ ‫‪ 23‬ו ָ‬
‫ַֽ‬ ‫י־ׁשּור׃‬ ‫י־עיִ ן ָּבנ֕ ֹות ָצ ֲע ָ ֖דה ֲע ֵל ֽ‬ ‫‪ּ֤ ֵ 22‬בן ּפ ָֹר ֙ת ֵ֔‬
‫יֹוסף ֵ ּ֥בן ּפ ָ ֹ֖רת ֲע ֵל ָ ֑‬
‫וָ ֑ר ֹּבּו ַ ֽוּיִ ְ ׂש ְט ֻ ֖מהּו ַּב ֲע ֵ ֥לי ִח ִ ּֽצים׃ ‪ 24‬וַ ֵ ּ֤ת ֶׁשב ְּב ֵא ָ ֙‬
‫יתן ַק ְׁש ּ֔תֹו וַ ּיָ ֖ ֹפּזּו זְ ר ֵֹע֣י יָ ָ ֑דיו‬
‫ִמ ֵיד֙י ֲא ִ ֣ביר יַ ֲע ֔קֹב ִמ ָ ּׁ֥שם ר ֶ ֹ֖עה ֶ ֥א ֶבן יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃ ‪ֵ 25‬מ ֵ֨אל ָא ִ֜ביָך וְ יַ ְעזְ ֶ ֗רּךָ‬
‫יב ְר ֶ֔כּךָ ִּב ְר ֤כֹת ָׁש ַ֙מ ֙יִם ֵמ ֔ ָעל ִּב ְר ֥כֹת ְּת ֖הֹום ר ֶֹב ֶ֣צת ָ ּ֑ת ַחת ִּב ְר ֥כֹת‬ ‫וְ ֵ ֤את ַׁש ַּד֙י וִ ָ ֣‬
‫ד־ּת ֲאַו֖ת ּגִ ְב ֣עֹת‬ ‫הֹורי ַ ֽע ַ‬ ‫ל־ּב ְר ֣כֹת ַ ֔‬
‫רּו ַע ִ‬ ‫ָׁש ַ ֖דיִ ם וָ ָ ֽר ַחם׃ ‪ִּ 26‬ב ְר ֣כֹת ָא ִ֗ביָך ָ ּֽג ְב ֙‬
‫ּול ָק ְד ֖קֹד נְ ִ ֥זיר ֶא ָ ֽחיו׃ פ‬ ‫יֹוסף ְ‬‫ה ֙ין ְל ֣ר ֹאׁש ֵ֔‬ ‫עֹול֑ם ִ ּֽת ְ יֶ֙‬
‫ָ‬
‫אכל ַ ֑עד וְ ָל ֶ ֖ע ֶרב יְ ַח ֵ ּ֥לק ָׁש ָ ֽלל׃‬ ‫‪ִּ 27‬בנְ יָ ִמ ֙ין זְ ֵ ֣אב יִ ְט ָ ֔רף ַּב ּ֖בֹ ֶקר ֣י ֹ ַ‬
‫)‪Exod 15:1b–18 (The Song of the Sea‬‬
‫ סּוס‬ ‫֥‬ ‫אה ּגָ ָ֔אה‬ ‫‪ָ 1b‬א ִ ׁ֤ש ָירה ֽ ַליהוָ ֙ה ִ ּֽכי־גָ ֣ ֹ‬
‫י־לי ‬‫ ‪ָ 2‬ע ִז֤י וְ זִ ְמ ָר ֙ת ָ֔יּה ַ ֽו יְ ִה ִ ֖‬ ‫וְ ר ְֹכ ֖בֹו ָר ָ ֥מה ַב ָּיֽם׃‬
‫ֹלהי ‬ ‫ א ֵ ֥‬ ‫ֱ‬ ‫יׁשּועה ֶז֤ה ֵא ִ ֙לי וְ ַאנְ ֵ ֔והּו‬ ‫ִ ֽל ָ ֑‬
‫הוה ‬ ‫הו֖ה ִ ֣איׁש ִמ ְל ָח ָ ֑מה יְ ָ ֖‬ ‫ָא ִ ֖בי וַ ֲאר ְֹמ ֶ ֽמנְ הּו׃ ‪ 3‬יְ ָ‬
‫ ּומ ְב ַ ֥חר‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫ילֹו יָ ָ ֣רה ַב ָּי֑ם‬ ‫ְׁש ֽמֹו׃ ‪ַ 4‬מ ְר ְּכ ֥בֹת ַּפ ְר ֛עֹה וְ ֵח ֖‬
‫צֹוֹלת ְּכמֹו־‬ ‫מת יְ ַכ ְס ֻי ֑מּו יָ ְר ֥דּו ִב ְמ ֖‬ ‫ ‪ְּ 5‬תהֹ ֖ ֹ‬ ‫ם־סּוף׃‬ ‫ָ ֽׁש ִל ָ ׁ֖שיו ֻט ְּב ֥עּו ְביַ ֽ‬
‫ יְמינְ ָך֥‬ ‫ִֽ‬ ‫הוה נֶ ְא ָּד ִ ֖רי ַּב ּ֑כֹ ַח‬ ‫ ‪ 6‬יְ ִ ֽמינְ ָך֣ יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ָ ֽא ֶבן׃‬
‫ּוב ֥ר ֹב ּגְ אֹונְ ָך֖ ַּת ֲה ֣ר ֹס‬ ‫ ‪ְ 7‬‬ ‫אֹויֽב׃‬
‫הו֖ה ִּת ְר ַ ֥עץ ֵ‬ ‫יְ ָ‬
‫ּוב ֤ר ַּוח‬ ‫ ‪ְ 8‬‬ ‫אכ ֵל֖מֹו ַּכ ַ ּֽקׁש׃‬ ‫ ּת ַׁש ַּל ֙ח ֲח ֣ר ֹנְ ָ֔ך י ֹ ְ‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫ָק ֶ ֑מיָך‬
‫מֹו־נ֖ד‬ ‫ נִ ְּצ ֥בּו ְכ ֵ‬ ‫ַא ֙ ֶּפ ֙יָך ֶנ ֶ֣ע ְרמּו ַ֔מיִ ם‬
‫ ‪ָ 9‬א ַ ֥מר‬ ‫ב־יֽם׃‬ ‫מת ְּב ֶל ָ‬ ‫ָ ֽ ק ְפ ֥אּו ְתהֹ ֖ ֹ‬ ‫נֹזְ ִ ֑לים‬
‫ א ַח ֵּל֣ק ָׁש ָל֑ל ִּת ְמ ָל ֵ ֣אמֹו‬ ‫ֲ‬ ‫אֹוי֛ב ֶא ְר ּ֥ד ֹף ַא ִ ּׂ֖שיג‬ ‫ֵ‬
‫ ‪ 10‬נָ ַ ׁ֥ש ְפ ָּת‬ ‫יׁשמֹו יָ ִ ֽדי׃‬ ‫ּתֹור ֵ ֖‬
‫ א ִ ֣ריק ַח ְר ִּ֔בי ִ‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫נַ ְפ ִׁ֔שי‬
‫עֹופ ֶרת ְּב ַ ֖מיִ ם‬ ‫ צ ֲל ֙לּו ַ ּֽכ ֔ ֶ‬
‫ָֽ‬ ‫רּוחָך֖ ִּכ ָ ּ֣סמֹו ָי֑ם‬ ‫ְב ֲ‬
‫מ ָכה‬ ‫ מי ָּכ ֖ ֹ‬ ‫ִ֥‬ ‫הוה‬ ‫מ ָכה ָ ּֽב ֵא ִל ֙ם יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫י־כ ֤ ֹ‬
‫ ‪ֽ ִ 11‬מ ָ‬ ‫ַא ִּד ִ ֽירים׃‬
‫ נֹורא ְת ִה ֹּ֖לת ֥עֹ ֵׂשה‬ ‫ָ֥‬ ‫נֶ ְא ָ ּ֣דר ַּב ּ֑קֹ ֶדׁש‬
‫ית‬ ‫ ‪ 13‬נָ ִ ֥ח ָ‬ ‫ית יְ ִ ֣מינְ ָ֔ך ִּת ְב ָל ֵ ֖עמֹו ָ ֽא ֶרץ׃‬ ‫ ‪ 12‬נָ ִ֙ט ָ֙‬ ‫ֶ ֽפ ֶלא׃‬
‫ נֵ ַ ֥ה ְל ָּת ְב ָעּזְ ָך֖ ֶאל־נְ ֵו֥ה‬ ‫ְב ַח ְס ְּדָך֖ ַעם־ז֣ ּו ּגָ ָ ֑א ְל ָּת‬
‫‪Archaic Biblical Hebrew‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬
‫ חיל‬ ‫ִ֣‬ ‫ ‪ֽׁ ָ 14‬ש ְמ ֥עּו ַע ִ ּ֖מים יִ ְרּגָ ז֑ ּון‬ ‫ָק ְד ֶ ֽׁשָך׃‬
‫ ‪֤ ָ 15‬אז נִ ְב ֲה ֙לּו ַא ֵ‬
‫ּלּופ֣י‬ ‫ָא ַ֔חז י ְֹׁש ֵ ֖בי ְּפ ָ ֽל ֶׁשת׃‬
‫מגּו‬ ‫ נָ ֕ ֹ‬ ‫אח ֵז֖מֹו ָ ֑ר ַעד‬ ‫מֹואב ֽי ֹ ֲ‬‫ָ֔‬ ‫ א ֵיל֣י‬‫ֵ‬ ‫ֱא ֔דֹום‬
‫ימ ָת ֙ה‬ ‫יהם ֵא ָ֙‬‫ ‪ִּ 16‬ת ֨ ֹּפל ֲע ֵל ֶ ֤‬ ‫ּ֖כֹל י ְֹׁש ֵ ֥בי ְכ ָנ ַֽען׃‬
‫ עד־‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫רֹועָך֖ יִ ְּד ֣מּו ָּכ ָ ֑א ֶבן‬ ‫ ּבגְ ֥ד ֹל זְ ֲ‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫וָ ֔ ַפ ַחד‬
‫ עד־יַ ֲע ֖בֹר ַעם־ז֥ ּו‬ ‫ַֽ‬ ‫הוה‬ ‫יַ ֲע ֤בֹר ַע ְּמ ָ֙ך יְ ָ ֔‬
‫ מ ֧כֹון‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫מֹו ְּב ַ ֣הר נַ ֲח ָ ֽל ְת ָ֔ך‬ ‫ ‪ְּ 17‬ת ִב ֵ֗אמֹו וְ ִת ָּט ֙ ֵע ֙‬ ‫ֽית׃‬
‫ָק ִנ ָ‬
‫ מ ְּק ָ ֕דׁש ֲאד ָֹנ֖י ּכֹונְ נ֥ ּו‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫הו֑ה‬
‫ְל ִׁש ְב ְּתָך֛ ָּפ ַ ֖ע ְל ָּת יְ ָ‬
‫ ‬ ‫הו֥ה ׀ יִ ְמ ֹ֖לְך ְלע ָ ֹ֥לם וָ ֶ ֽעד׃‬ ‫ ‪ 18‬יְ ָ‬ ‫יָ ֶ ֽדיָך׃‬
‫)‪Num 23:7b–10 (Balaam’s First Oracle‬‬

‫ה־ּלי יַ ֲע ֔קֹב‬
‫י־ק ֶדם ְל ָכ ֙ה ָ ֽא ָר ִ ֣‬ ‫ְך־מֹוא ֙ב ֵ ֽמ ַה ְר ֵר ֶ ֔‬
‫ָ‬ ‫ן־א ָרם יַ נְ ֵ֨חנִ י ָב ָל֤ק ֶ ֽמ ֶל‬‫‪ִ 7b‬מ ֠ ֲ‬
‫ּומה ֶאזְ ֔עֹם ֥ל ֹא זָ ַ ֖עם‬ ‫ּול ָ ֖כה ז ֲֹע ָ ֥מה יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃ ‪֣ ָ 8‬מה ֶא ּ֔קֹב ֥ל ֹא ַק ּ֖בֹה ֵ ֑אל ָ ֣‬ ‫ְ‬
‫ן־ע ֙ם ְל ָב ָ ֣דד‬
‫ׁשּורּנּו ֶה ָ‬
‫ּומּגְ ָב ֖עֹות ֲא ֶ ֑‬ ‫ים ֶא ְר ֶ֔אּנּו ִ‬ ‫י־מ ֤ר ֹאׁש ֻצ ִר ֙‬ ‫הוה׃ ‪ּֽ ִ 9‬כ ֵ‬ ‫יְ ָ ֽ‬
‫ּומ ְס ָ ּ֖פר ֶאת־ ֣ר ֹ ַבע‬
‫ ‬
‫ּובּגֹויִ ֖ם ֥ל ֹא יִ ְת ַח ָ ּֽׁשב׃ ‪֤ ִ 10‬מי ָמנָ ֙ה ֲע ַ ֣פר יַ ֲע ֔קֹב ִ‬ ‫יִ ְׁש ּ֔כֹן ַ‬
‫מהּו׃‬ ‫יתי ָּכ ֽ ֹ‬
‫ּות ִ ֥הי ַא ֲח ִר ִ ֖‬‫ׁשי ֣מֹות יְ ָׁש ִ ֔רים ְ‬ ‫מת נַ ְפ ִ ֙‬ ‫יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֑אל ָּת ֤ ֹ‬
‫)‪Num 23:18b–24 (Balaam’s Second Oracle‬‬
‫יכ ֵּ֔זב‬
‫‪֤ 18b‬קּום ָּב ָל ֙ק ּוֽ ֲׁש ָ֔מע ַה ֲא ִ ֥זינָ ה ָע ַ ֖די ְּבנ֥ ֹו ִצ ֽ ֹּפר׃ ‪֣ 19‬ל ֹא ִ ֥איׁש ֵאל֙ ִ ֽו ַ‬
‫ימּנָ ה׃ ‪20‬‬ ‫ן־א ָ ֖דם וְ יִ ְתנֶ ָ ֑חם ַה ֤הּוא ָא ַמ ֙ר וְ ֣ל ֹא יַ ֲע ֶׂ֔שה וְ ִד ֶ ּ֖בר וְ ֥ל ֹא יְ ִק ֶ ֽ‬ ‫ּוב ָ‬
‫ֶ‬
‫א־ה ִ ּ֥ביט ָ֙אוֶ ֙ן ְּביַ ֲע ֔קֹב‬ ‫יבּנָ ה׃ ‪ֽ 21‬ל ֹ ִ‬ ‫ּוב ֵ ֖רְך וְ ֥ל ֹא ֲא ִׁש ֶ ֽ‬
‫ִה ֵּנ֥ה ָב ֵ ֖רְך �ל ָ ָ֑ק ְח ִּתי ֵ‬
‫רּועת ֶ ֖מ ֶלְך ּֽבֹו׃ ‪֖ ֵ 22‬אל‬ ‫ּות ַ ֥‬ ‫ֹלה ֙יו ִע ּ֔מֹו ְ‬
‫הו֤ה ֱא ָ‬ ‫א־ר ָ ֥אה ָע ָ ֖מל ְּביִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֑אל יְ ָ‬ ‫וְ ל ֹ ָ‬
‫תֹוע ֥ ֹפת ְר ֵ ֖אם ֽלֹו׃ ‪ּ֤ ִ 23‬כי לֹא־נַ֙ ַח ׁ֙ש ְּביַ ֲע ֔קֹב וְ לֹא־‬ ‫יאם ִמ ִּמ ְצ ָ ֑ריִ ם ְּכ ֲ‬ ‫מֹוצ ָ ֣‬
‫ִ‬
‫ן־ע ֙ם‬‫ה־ּפ ַעל ֵ ֽאל׃ ‪ֶ 24‬ה ָ‬ ‫ּוליִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֔אל ַמ ָ ֖‬ ‫ֶ ֖ק ֶסם ְּביִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֑אל ָּכ ֗ ֵעת יֵ ָא ֵ ֤מר ְליַ ֲעק ֹ֙ב ְ‬
‫ם־ח ָל ִ ֖לים‬‫אכל ֶ֔ט ֶרף וְ ַד ֲ‬ ‫ד־י ֹ ַ‬
‫ְּכ ָל ִ ֣ביא יָ ֔קּום וְ ַכ ֲא ִ ֖רי יִ ְתנַ ָ ּׂ֑שא ֤ל ֹא יִ ְׁש ַּכ ֙ב ַע ֣‬
‫יִ ְׁש ֶ ּֽתה׃‬
‫ּומ ְס ָּפר ‪ִ ‘who has counted (the dust of Jacob)?’,‬מי ָמנָ ה ‪1. Guided by‬‬
‫‪ִ ‘and the num-‬‬
‫‪ber’ can be revocalized as û-mî šāpar ‘and who has numbered (the area of Israel)?’ and‬‬
‫‪thereby preserve the parallelism.‬‬
‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 2‬‬
‫)‪Num 24:3–9 (Balaam’s Third Oracle‬‬
‫‪ 3b‬נְ ֻ ֤אם ִּב ְל ָע ֙ם ְּבנ֣ ֹו ְב ֔עֹר ּונְ ֻ ֥אם ַה ֶּג ֶ֖בר ְׁש ֻ ֥תם ָה ָ ֽעיִ ן׃ ‪ 4‬נְ ֻ֕אם ׁש ֵ ֹ֖מ ַע‬
‫י־אל ֲא ֶׁ֨שר ַמ ֲח ֵז֤ה ַׁש ַּד֙י ֶי ֱֽח ֶ֔זה נ ֵ ֹ֖פל ּוגְ ֥לּוי ֵע ָינֽיִם׃ ‪ַ 5‬מה־ ּ֥טֹבּו א ָֹה ֶל֖יָך‬ ‫ִא ְמ ֵר ֵ ֑‬
‫ים‬
‫יַ ֲע ֑קֹב ִמ ְׁש ְּכנ ֶ ֹ֖תיָך יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃ ‪ִּ 6‬כנְ ָח ִ ֣לים נִ ָּ֔טיּו ְּכגַ ֹּ֖נת ֲע ֵל֣י נָ ָ ֑הר ַּכ ֲא ָה ִל ֙‬
‫ל־מיִ ֙ם ִמ ָ ּ֣ד ְל ָ֔יו וְ זַ ְר ֖עֹו ְּב ַ ֣מיִ ם ַר ִ ּ֑בים‬
‫י־מיִ ם׃ ‪ 7‬יִ ֽ ּזַ ַ֙‬ ‫הוה ַּכ ֲא ָר ִז֖ים ֲע ֵל ָ ֽ‬ ‫נָ ַ ֣טע יְ ָ ֔‬
‫תֹוע ֥ ֹפת‬‫יאֹו ִמ ִּמ ְצ ַ ֔ריִ ם ְּכ ֲ‬ ‫מֹוצ ֣‬‫ִ‬ ‫וְ יָ ֤ר ֹם ֵ ֽמ ֲאגַ ֙ג ַמ ְל ּ֔כֹו וְ ִתּנַ ֵ ּׂ֖שא ַמ ְל ֻכ ֽתֹו׃ ‪֚ ֵ 8‬אל‬
‫יִמ ָ ֽחץ׃ ‪ָּ 9‬כ ַ ֨רע ָׁש ַ ֧כב‬ ‫יהם יְ גָ ֵ ֖רם וְ ִח ָ ּ֥ציו ְ‬ ‫אכל ּגֹויִ ֣ם ָצ ָ ֗ריו וְ ַע ְצמ ֵֹת ֶ ֛‬
‫ְר ֵ ֖אם ֑לֹו י ֹ ַ֞‬
‫ימּנּו ְמ ָב ֲר ֶכ֣יָך ָב ֔רּוְך וְ א ְֹר ֶ ֖ריָך ָא ֽרּור׃‬ ‫ּוכ ָל ִ ֖ביא ִ ֣מי יְ ִק ֶ ֑‬‫ַּכ ֲא ִ ֛רי ְ‬
‫)‪Num 24:16–19 (Balaam’s Fourth Oracle‬‬
‫י־אל וְ י ֵ ֹ֖ד ַע ַ ּ֣ד ַעת ֶע ְלי֑ ֹון ַמ ֲח ֵז֤ה ַׁש ַּד֙י ֽי ֱֶח ֶ֔זה נ ֵ ֹ֖פל ּוגְ ֥לּוי‬
‫‪ 16‬נְ ֻ֗אם ׁש ֵֹ֙מ ַ ֙ע ִא ְמ ֵר ֵ֔‬
‫ּכֹוכב ִ ֽמּיַ ֲע ֗קֹב‬
‫ׁשּורּנּו וְ ֣ל ֹא ָק ֑רֹוב ָּד ַ ֨רְך ָ֜‬ ‫ֵע ָינֽיִם׃ ‪ֶ 17‬א ְר ֶ֙א ּ֙נּו וְ ֣ל ֹא ַע ָּ֔תה ֲא ֶ ֖‬
‫י־ׁשת׃ ‪ 18‬וְ ָה ָ֨יה‬ ‫ל־ּבנֵ ֵ ֽ‬‫�ְקר ָּכ ְ‬ ‫מֹואב וְ ַקר ַ ֖‬
‫ּומ ַח ֙ץ ַּפ ֲא ֵ ֣תי ָ֔‬ ‫ו ָ ֥�ְקם ֵׁ֙ש ֶב ֙ט ִמּיִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֔אל ָ‬
‫ֹיְביו וְ יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֖אל ֥עֹ ֶׂשה ָ ֽחיִ ל׃ ‪ 19‬וְ ֵי ְ�֖ר ְּד‬ ‫ֱא ֜דֹום יְ ֵר ָׁ֗שה וְ ָה ָי֧ה יְ ֵר ָ ׁ֛שה ֵׂש ִ ֖עיר א ָ ֑‬
‫ִ ֽמּיַ ֲע ֑קֹב וְ ֽ ֶה ֱא ִ ֥ביד ָׂש ִ ֖ריד ֵמ ִ ֽעיר׃‬
‫‪Deut 32:8–20 (The Song of Moses) 2‬‬
‫ ּב ַה ְפ ִר ֖ידֹו ְּב ֵנ֣י ָא ָ ֑דם יַ ֵּצ ֙ב ּגְ ֻב ֹ֣לת ַע ִּ֔מים ְל ִמ ְס ַ ּ֖פר‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫ּגֹוים‬
‫‪ְּ 8‬ב ַהנְ ֵ ֤חל ֶע ְל ֙יֹון ִ֔‬
‫הּו ְב ֶ ֣א ֶרץ ִמ ְד ָ֔בר‬ ‫ יַ ֲע ֖קֹב ֶ ֥ח ֶבל נַ ֲח ָל ֹֽתו׃ ‪ 10‬יִ ְמ ָצ ֵ֨א ֙‬ ‫הוֹ֖ה ַע ּ֑מֹו‬ ‫ְּב ֵנ֥י יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל ׃ ‪ּ֛ ִ 9‬כי ֵ ֥ח ֶלק יְ ָ‬
‫יׁשֹון ֵעינֽ ֹו׃ ‪ְּ 11‬כנֶ֙ ֶׁש ֙ר יָ ִ ֣עיר ִקּנ֔ ֹו ַעל־‬ ‫ יִ ְּצ ֶ ֖רנְ הּו ְּכ ִא ֥‬ ‫הּו ֣יְבֹונְ ֵ֔נהּו‬ ‫מן יְ ֽסֹ ְב ֶ֙בנְ ֙‬ ‫תהּו יְ ֵל֣ל יְ ִׁש ֑ ֹ‬ ‫ּוב ֖ ֹ‬
‫ְ‬
‫הו֖ה ָּב ָ ֣דד יַ נְ ֶ ֑חּנּו וְ ֵ ֥אין ִע ּ֖מֹו‬ ‫ל־א ְב ָר ֽתֹו׃ ‪ 12‬יְ ָ‬ ‫ יִ ָּׂש ֵ ֖אהּו ַע ֶ‬ ‫ּגֹוזָ ָ ֖ליו יְ ַר ֵ ֑חף יִ ְפ ֤ר ֹׂש ְּכנָ ָפ ֙יו יִ ָּק ֵ֔חהּו‬
‫אכ֖ל ְּתנּו ֣בֹת ָׂש ָ ֑די וַ ּיֵ נ ֵ ֤�ִק ֽהּו ְד ַב ׁ֙ש ִמ ֶּ֔ס ַלע‬ ‫ וַ ּי ֹ ַ‬ ‫הּו ַעל־במותי (ק׳ ָ ּ֣ב ֳמ ֵתי)‪ָ֔ ‬‪‬א ֶרץ‬ ‫ֵ ֥אל נֵ ָ ֽכר׃ ‪ 13‬יַ ְר ִּכ ֵ֙ב ֙‬
‫ׁשן‬
‫ֽי־ב ָ ֙‬‫ילים ְּב ֵנ ָ‬ ‫ם־ח ֶלב ָּכ ִ ֜רים וְ ֵא ִ ֤‬ ‫ וַ ֲח ֵל֣ב ֗צ ֹאן ִע ֵ֨‬ ‫וְ ֶ ׁ֖ש ֶמן ֵמ ַח ְל ִ ֥מיׁש ֽצּור׃ ‪ֶ 14‬ח ְמ ַ֨את ָּב ָ ֜קר‬
‫רּון וַ ְּיִב ֔ ָעט‬
‫ה־ח ֶמר׃ ‪ 15‬וַ ּיִ ְׁש ַ ֤מן יְ ֻׁש ֙‬ ‫ם־ע ָנ֖ב ִּת ְׁש ֶּת ָ ֽ‬
‫ וְ ַד ֵ‬ ‫ם־ח ֶלב ִּכ ְלי֣ ֹות ִח ָ ּ֑טה‬ ‫ּתּודים ִע ֵ ֖‬ ‫וְ ַע ִ ֔‬
‫ א ֣ל ַֹוה ָע ָׂ֔שהּו וַ יְ נַ ֵ ּ֖בל ֥צּור יְ ֻׁש ָע ֽתֹו׃ ‪ 16‬יַ ְקנִ ֻ ֖אהּו‬ ‫ֱ‬ ‫ית וַ ּיִ ּט ֹׁ֙ש‬
‫ית ָּכ ִ ׂ֑ש ָ‬ ‫ָׁש ַ ֖מנְ ָּת ָע ִ ֣ב ָ‬
‫ֹלהים ֣ל ֹא יְ ָד ֑עּום ֲח ָד ִׁש ֙ים‬ ‫ ‪ 17‬יִ זְ ְּב ֗חּו ַל ֵּׁש ִד ֙ים ֣ל ֹא ֱא ֹ֔ל ַ ֱא ִ ֖‬ ‫יסהּו׃‬ ‫תֹוע ֖בֹת יַ ְכ ִע ֻ ֽ‬ ‫ְּבזָ ִ ֑רים ְּב ֵ‬
‫ ‪֥ 18‬צּור יְ ָל ְדָך֖ ֶ ּ֑ת ִׁשי וַ ִּת ְׁש ַ ּ֖כח ֵ ֥אל ְמח ְֹל ֶ ֽלָך׃ ‪ 19‬וַ ַּי ְ�֥רא‬ ‫יכם׃‬ ‫ִמ ָּק ֣ר ֹב ָּ֔באּו ֥ל ֹא ְׂש ָע ֖רּום ֲאב ֵֹת ֶ ֽ‬
‫‪Archaic Biblical Hebrew‬‬
‫יתם‬ ‫אמר ַא ְס ִ ּ֤ת ָירה ָפנַ ֙י ֵמ ֶ֔הם ֶא ְר ֶ ֖אה ָ ֣מה ַא ֲח ִר ָ ֑‬ ‫ ‪ 20‬וַ ּ֗י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ּובנ ָ ֹֽתיו׃‬‫הו֖ה וַ ּיִ נְ ָ ֑אץ ִמ ַ ּ֥כ ַעס ָּב ָנ֖יו ְ‬ ‫יְ ָ‬
‫א־א ֻ ֥מן ָ ּֽבם׃‬ ‫‬‬ּכי ֤דֹור ַּת ְה ֻּפכ ֹ֙ת ֵ֔ה ָּמה ָּב ִנ֖ים ל ֹ ֵ‬ ‫ִ֣‬
‫‪2. In this narrative section, the preterite yiqtol (e.g., vv. 8, 10) and wayyiqtol express a series of main events in the narration and‬‬
‫‪form the main storyline set against various background information expressed by the qatal and the imperfect yiqtol.‬‬
‫’‪ ‘sons of God‬בני אלוהים ‪3. The Septuagint has αγγελων θεου ‘(according to the number) of the angels of God’ and agrees with‬‬
‫‪9‬‬
‫‪in 4QDeutj (4Q37) XII 14. The MT reflects an effort to mitigate the polytheistic reference.‬‬
‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 2‬‬
‫‪Judg 5:2–30 (The Song of Deborah) 4‬‬
‫ עם‬ ‫ָ֑‬ ‫עֹות ְּביִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֔אל ְּב ִה ְתנַ ֵ ּ֖דב‬ ‫‪ִּ 2‬ב ְפ ֤ר ֹ ַע ְּפ ָר ֙‬
‫ ‪ִׁ 3‬ש ְמ ֣עּו ְמ ָל ִ֔כים ַה ֲא ִז֖ינּו‬ ‫הוה׃‬ ‫ָּב ֲר ֖כּו יְ ָ ֽ‬
‫ אזַ ֵּ֕מר‬ ‫ֲ‬ ‫ אנ ִֹ֗כי ַ ֽליהוָ ֙ה ָאנ ִ ֹ֣כי ָא ִׁ֔ש ָירה‬ ‫ָֽ‬ ‫ֽר ֹזְ ִנ֑ים‬
‫אתָך֤‬ ‫הוה ְּב ֵצ ְ‬ ‫ ‪ 4‬יְ ָ ֗‬ ‫ֹלהי יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃‬ ‫יהו֖ה ֱא ֵ ֥‬ ‫ַ ֽל ָ‬
‫ א ֶרץ‬ ‫ֶ֣‬ ‫ ּב ַצ ְע ְּד ָ֙ך ִמ ְּׂש ֵ ֣דה ֱא ֔דֹום‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫יר‬‫ִמ ֵּׂש ִע ֙‬
‫ם־ע ִ ֖בים ָנ ְ֥טפּו‬ ‫ ּגַ ָ‬ ‫ם־ׁש ַ ֖מיִ ם נָ ָ ֑טפּו‬ ‫ָר ֔ ָע ָׁשה ּגַ ָ‬
‫ֶ ז֣ה‬ ‫הו֑ה‬ ‫ ‪ָ 5‬ה ִ ֥רים נָ זְ ֖לּו ִמ ְּפ ֵנ֣י יְ ָ‬ ‫ָ ֽמיִ ם׃‬
‫ימי ַׁש ְמ ַּג֤ר ֶּבן־‬ ‫ ‪ִּ 6‬ב ֵ֞‬ ‫ֹלהי יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃‬ ‫הו֖ה ֱא ֵ ֥‬ ‫ִס ַ֔יני ִמ ְּפ ֵ֕ני יְ ָ‬
‫ וְ ה ְֹל ֵכ֣י‬ ‫ימי יָ ֔ ֵעל ָח ְד ֖לּו ֳא ָר ֑חֹות‬ ‫ ּב ֵ ֣‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫ֲענָ ֙ת‬
‫ ‪ָ 7‬ח ְד ֧לּו ְפ ָרז֛ ֹון ְּביִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֖אל‬ ‫נְ ִת ֔יבֹות יֵ ְל ֕כּו ֳא ָר ֖חֹות ֲע ַק ְל ַק ּֽלֹות׃‬
‫ ׁש ַ ּ֥ק ְמ ִּתי‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫בֹורה‬
‫ּתי ְּד ָ ֔‬ ‫ עד ַׁש ַ ּ֙ק ְמ ִ ֙‬ ‫ַ֤‬ ‫ָח ֵ ֑דּלּו‬
‫ֹלהים‬ ‫ ‪ְ 8‬יִב ַח ֙ר ֱא ִ ֣‬ ‫ֵ ֖אם ְּביִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃‬
‫ מ ֵג�֤ן‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫ אז ָל ֶ ֣חם ְׁש ָע ִ ֑רים‬ ‫ָ֖‬ ‫ֲח ָד ִׁ֔שים‬
‫ ּב ַא ְר ָּב ִ ֥עים ֶ ֖א ֶלף‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫ם־י ָ�ֽר ֶא ֙ה וָ ֔ר ֹ ַמח‬ ‫ִא ֵ‬
‫ ה ִ ּֽמ ְתנַ ְּד ִ ֖בים‬‫ַ‬ ‫�ְקי יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֔אל‬ ‫ּבי ְלחֹוק ֵ ֣‬ ‫ ‪ִ 9‬ל ִ ֙‬ ‫ְּביִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃‬
‫ ‪ 10‬ר ְֹכ ֵבי֩ ֲאתֹנ֨ ֹות‬ ‫הוה׃‬
‫ָּב ָ ֑עם ָּב ֲר ֖כּו יְ ָ ֽ‬
‫ וְ ה ְֹל ֵ ֥כי‬ ‫ל־מ ִ ּ֛דין‬ ‫ י ְֹׁש ֵ ֧בי ַע ִ‬ ‫ְצח ֹ֜רֹות‬
‫ ‪ִ 11‬מ ּ֣קֹול ְמ ַ ֽח ְצ ִ֗צים ֵ ּ֚בין‬ ‫ל־ּד ֶרְך ִ ֽׂשיחּו׃‬ ‫ַע ֶ ֖‬
‫ צ ְד ֥קֹת‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫הוה‬ ‫ ׁשם יְ ַת ּ֙נּו ִצ ְד ֣קֹות יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ָ֤‬ ‫ַמ ְׁש ַא ִּ֔בים‬
‫ אז יָ ְר ֥דּו ַל ְּׁש ָע ִ ֖רים ַעם־‬ ‫ָ֛‬ ‫ִּפ ְרזֹנ֖ ֹו ְּביִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֑אל‬
‫ ע ִּורי‬ ‫֥‬ ‫בֹורה‬‫עּור֙י ְּד ָ ֔‬ ‫עּורי ִ‬ ‫ ‪֤ ִ 12‬‬ ‫הוה׃‬ ‫יְ ָ ֽ‬
‫ קּום ָּב ָ ֛רק ּוֽ ֲׁש ֵ ֥בה ֶׁש ְביְ ָך֖ ֶּבן־‬ ‫֥‬ ‫י־ׁשיר‬ ‫֖ע ִּורי ַּד ְּב ִר ִ ֑‬
‫הוה‬ ‫ יְ ָ ֕‬ ‫ ‪֚ ָ 13‬אז יְ ַ ֣רד ָׂש ִ ֔ריד ְל ַא ִּד ִ ֖ירים ָ ֑עם‬ ‫ֲא ִבי ֹֽנ ַעם׃‬
‫ ‪ִ 14‬מ ִּנ֣י ֶא ְפ ַ ֗ריִ ם ָׁש ְר ָׁש ֙ם‬ ‫ּבֹורים׃‬‫ד־לי ַּבּגִ ִ ֽ‬ ‫יְ ַר ִ ֖‬
‫ מ ִּנ֣י‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫יָמין ֽ ַּב ֲע ָמ ֶ ֑מיָך‬ ‫ א ֲח ֶ ֥ריָך ִבנְ ִ ֖‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫ַּב ֲע ָמ ֔ ֵלק‬
‫‪4. In this poem, the normal verbal form used to narrate main events is qatal rather‬‬
‫‪than yiqtol. Yet, more than a matter of grammar, the use of qatal here gives more im-‬‬
‫‪portance to the individual events rather than their succession.‬‬
‫‪Archaic Biblical Hebrew‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬
‫בּולן מ ְֹׁש ִ ֖כים ְּב ֵ ׁ֥ש ֶבט‬ ‫ ּומּזְ ֔ ֻ‬ ‫ִ֨‬ ‫דּו ְמ ֣חֹ ְק ִ֔קים‬ ‫ָמ ִ֗כיר ָ �י ְֽר ֙‬
‫שכ ֙ר‬ ‫ וְ יִ ָּׂש ָ‬ ‫ם־ּדב ָ ֹ֔רה‬ ‫שכ ֙ר ִע ְ‬ ‫ ‪ 15‬וְ ָׂש ַ ֤רי ְּביִ ָּׂש ָ‬ ‫ס ֵ ֹֽפר׃‬
‫ ׁש ַּל֣ח ְּב ַרגְ ָל֑יו ִּב ְפ ַלּג֣ ֹות‬ ‫ֻ‬ ‫ֵּכ֣ן ָּב ָ ֔רק ָּב ֵ ֖ע ֶמק‬
‫ ‪ָ 16‬ל ָּ֣מה‬ ‫י־לֽב׃‬ ‫ ּגְ ד ִ ֹ֖לים ִח ְק ֵק ֵ‬ ‫אּובן‬
‫ְר ֵ֔‬
‫מ ַע ְׁש ִר ֣קֹות ֲע ָד ִ ֑רים‬ ‫ ל ְׁש ֖ ֹ‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫יָ ַׁ֗ש ְב ָּת ֵ ּ֚בין ַ ֽה ִּמ ְׁש ְּפ ַ֔תיִ ם‬
‫ ‪ּ 17‬גִ ְל ֗ ָעד‬ ‫י־לֽב׃‬ ‫דֹולים ִח ְק ֵר ֵ‬ ‫אּובן ּגְ ִ ֖‬‫ְ ר ֵ֔‬ ‫ִל ְפ ַלּג֣ ֹות‬
‫ וְ ָ ֕דן ָל ָּ֥מה יָ ג֖ ּור ֳאנִ ּי֑ ֹות‬ ‫ְּב ֵ ֤ע ֶבר ַהּיַ ְר ֵ ּ֙דן ָׁש ֵ֔כן‬
‫ יִ ְׁש ּֽכֹון׃‬ ‫יַּמים וְ ַ ֥על ִמ ְפ ָר ָ ֖ציו‬ ‫ יָ ַׁש ֙ב ְל ֣חֹוף ִ֔‬ ‫ָא ֵׁ֗שר‬
‫רֹומי ָׂש ֶ ֽדה׃‬ ‫ וְ נַ ְפ ָּת ִ ֑לי ַ ֖על ְמ ֵ ֥‬ ‫‪ 18‬זְ ֻב ֗לּון ַ ֣עם ֵח ֵ ֥רף נַ ְפ ׁ֛שֹו ָל ֖מּות‬
‫מּו‬
‫ נִ ְל ֲח ֙‬ ‫ מ ָל ִכ ֙ים נִ ְל ָ֔חמּו ָ ֤אז‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫‪ּ֤ ָ 19‬באּו‬
‫ל־מי ְמגִ ּ֑דֹו ֶ ּ֥ב ַצע ֶּכ ֶ֖סף ֥ל ֹא‬ ‫ ע ֵ ֣‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫ַמ ְל ֵכ֣י ְכ ַ֔נ ַען ְּב ַת ְע ַנְ֖ך‬
‫ֹוכ ִב ֙ים‬ ‫ ה ּֽכ ָ‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫ן־ׁש ַ ֖מיִ ם נִ ְל ָ ֑חמּו‬ ‫ ‪ִ 20‬מ ָ‬ ‫�ל ָ ָֽקחּו׃‬
‫יׁשֹון‬
‫יס ָ ֽרא׃ ‪ַ 21‬נ ַ֤חל ִק ֙‬ ‫ ס ְ‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫ּלֹותם נִ ְל ֲח ֖מּו ִעם־‬ ‫ִמ ְּמ ִס ָ֔‬
‫ ּת ְד ְר ִ ֥כי‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫יׁשֹון‬‫דּומים ַנ ַ֣חל ִק ֑‬ ‫ַ נ ַ֥חל ְק ִ ֖‬ ‫ּגְ ָר ֔ ָפם‬
‫י־סּוס ִ ֽמ ַּד ֲה ֖רֹות‬ ‫ ע ְּק ֵב ֑‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫נַ ְפ ִ ׁ֖שי ֽעֹז׃ ‪֥ ָ 22‬אז ָה ְל ֖מּו‬
‫ מ ְל ַ ֣אְך‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫יריו׃ ‪֣ 23‬אֹורּו ֵמ ֗רֹוז ָא ַמ ֙ר‬ ‫ א ִּב ָ ֽ‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫ַּד ֲה ֥רֹות‬
‫הוה‬ ‫אּו ְל ֶעזְ ַ ֣רת יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫א־ב ֙‬
‫ ּכי ֽל ֹ ָ֙‬ ‫ִ֤‬ ‫יה‬‫ארּו ָא ֖רֹור י ְֹׁש ֶ ֑ב ָ‬ ‫הוה ֥ ֹ‬ ‫יְ ָ ֔‬
‫ מּנָ ִׁ֔שים‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫ּבֹורים׃ ‪ְּ 24‬תב ַֹר ְ֙ך‬ ‫הו֖ה ַּבּגִ ִ ֽ‬ ‫ְל ֶעזְ ַ ֥רת יְ ָ‬
‫א ֶהל ְּתב ָ ֹֽרְך׃‬ ‫ מּנָ ִ ׁ֥שים ָּב ֖ ֹ‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫יָ ֕ ֵעל ֵ ֖א ֶׁשת ֶ ֣ח ֶבר ַה ֵּק ִינ֑י‬
‫ א ִּד ִ ֖ירים‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫ ׁש ַ ֖אל ָח ָל֣ב נָ ָ ֑תנָ ה ְּב ֵ ֥ס ֶפל‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫‪֥ ַ 25‬מיִ ם‬
‫ ‪ 26‬יָ ָד ּ֙ה ַלּיָ ֵ ֣תד ִּת ְׁש ֔ ַל ְחנָ ה‬ ‫ִה ְק ִ ֥ר ָיבה ֶח ְמ ָ ֽאה׃‬
‫יס ָר ֙א‬ ‫ ס ְ‬ ‫ִֽ‬ ‫ ל ַה ְל ֣מּות ֲע ֵמ ִ ֑לים וְ ָה ְל ָ ֤מה‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫ימ ָינּ֖ה‬ ‫ִ ֽו ִ‬
‫יה‬ ‫ וְ ָח ְל ָ ֖פה ַר ָּק ֽתֹו׃ ‪ֵּ 27‬ב֣ין ַרגְ ֔ ֶל ָ‬ ‫ּומ ֲח ָ ֥צה‬ ‫אׁשֹו ָ‬ ‫�ֲקה ר ֹ ֔‬ ‫ָמח ָ ֣‬
‫ ּכ ַ ֣רע‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫יה‬
‫ נָ ַ ֖פל ָׁש ָ ֑כב ֵּב֤ין ַרגְ ֶ ֙ל ָ֙‬ ‫ָּכ ַ ֥רע‬
‫ נָ ַ ֥פל ָׁש ֽדּוד׃ ‪ְּ 28‬ב ַעד֩ ַה ַח ּ֨לֹון‬ ‫ׁשר ָּכ ַ ֔רע ָ ׁ֖שם‬ ‫נָ ֔ ָפל ַּב ֲא ֶ ֣‬
‫ מ ּ֗ד ַּוע‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫יס ָ ֖רא ְּב ַע֣ד ֽ ָה ֶא ְׁש ָנ֑ב‬ ‫יַּבב ֵ ֥אם ִ ֽס ְ‬ ‫ וַ ְּת ֵ ֛‬ ‫נִ ְׁש ְק ָ ֧פה‬
‫בֹותיו׃‬ ‫ מ ּ֣ד ַּוע ֶ ֽא ֱח ֔רּו ַּפ ֲע ֵ ֖מי ַמ ְר ְּכ ָ ֽ‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫ּבֹו ָל ֔בֹוא‬ ‫ּב ֵ ֹׁ֤שׁש ִר ְכ ֙‬
‫ ּת ִ ׁ֥שיב‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫ף־היא‬ ‫יה ַּת ֲע ֶנ֑יּנָ ה ַא ִ֕‬ ‫רֹות ָ‬
‫ ׂש ֶ ֖‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫‪ַ 29‬ח ְכ ֥מֹות‬
‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 2‬‬
‫ יְ ַח ְּל ֣קּו ָׁש ֗ ָלל ַ ֤ר ַחם ַר ֲח ָמ ַ֙תיִ ֙ם‬ ‫יה ָ ֽלּה׃ ‪ֲ 30‬ה ֨ל ֹא יִ ְמ ְצ ֜אּו‬ ‫ֲא ָמ ֶ ֖ר ָ‬
‫ ׁש ַ ֥לל‬‫ְ‬ ‫יס ָ ֔רא‬ ‫֔ ֶ ּג ֶבר ְׁש ַל֤ל ְצ ָב ִע ֙ים ְל ִ ֣ס ְ‬ ‫ְל ֣ר ֹאׁש‬
‫ארי ָׁש ָ ֽלל׃‬
‫ְצ ָב ִ ֖עים ִר ְק ָ ֑מה ֶ ֥צ ַבע ִר ְק ָמ ַ ֖תיִ ם ְל ַצּוְ ֵ ֥‬
‫‪Transitional Biblical Hebrew‬‬
‫‪2 Kings 25 (Zedekiah, the Destroyed Temple, and the‬‬

‫ ‬ ‫)‪Second Babylonian Deportation‬‬
‫ׁש ֠ ָּבא‬ ‫יעית ְל ָמ ְל ֗כֹו ַּב ֣חֹ ֶדׁש ָה ֲע ִׂש ִיר֮י ֶּב ָע ׂ֣שֹור ַלח ֶֹד ֒‬ ‫‪ 1‬וַ יְ ִהי֩ ִב ְׁש ַ֨נת ַה ְּת ִׁש ֜ ִ‬
‫ּיִבנ֥ ּו‬
‫֑יה וַ ְ‬‫רּוׁש ַל֖םִ וַ ִּי ַ֣חן ָע ֶל ָ‬ ‫ילֹו ַעל־יְ ָ‬ ‫ל־ח ֛‬
‫ְך־ּב ֶ֜בל ֧הּוא וְ ָכ ֵ‬ ‫אּצר ֶ ֽמ ֶל ָ‬ ‫נְ ֻב ַכ ְדנֶ ַ֨‬
‫֖יה ָּד ֵי֥ק ָס ִ ֽביב׃ ‪ 2‬וַ ָּת ֥ב ֹא ָה ִ ֖עיר ַּב ָּמ ֑צֹור ַ ֚עד ַע ְׁש ֵ ּ֣תי ֶע ְׂש ֵ ֣רה ָׁש ָ֔נה ַל ֶ ּ֖מ ֶלְך‬ ‫ָע ֶל ָ‬
‫א־היָ ה ֶל ֶ֖חם ְל ַ ֥עם‬ ‫ִצ ְד ִק ָּיֽהּו׃ ‪ְּ 3‬ב ִת ְׁש ָ ֣עה ַל ֔חֹ ֶדׁש וַ ּיֶ ֱח ַז֥ק ָה ָר ָ ֖עב ָּב ִ ֑עיר וְ ל ֹ ָ ֥‬
‫ל־אנְ ֵׁ֨שי ַה ִּמ ְל ָח ָ ֤מה ׀ ַה ַ ּ֙ליְ ָל ֙ה ֶ ּ֜ד ֶרְך ַ ׁ֣ש ַער ׀‬ ‫ָה ָ ֽא ֶרץ׃ ‪ 4‬וַ ִּת �ּב ַ ָ֣קע ָה ֗ ִעיר וְ ָכ ַ‬
‫ל־ה ִ ֖עיר ָס ִ ֑ביב וַ ֵּי ֶ֖לְך ֶ ּ֥ד ֶרְך‬‫ל־ּג�֣ן ַה ֶּ֔מ ֶלְך וְ ַכ ְׂש ִ ּ֥דים ַע ָ‬ ‫ֵּב֣ין ַהחֹמ ַֹ֗תיִ ם ֲא ֶׁש ֙ר ַע ַ‬
‫יל־ּכ ְׂש ִּד ֙ים ַא ַ ֣חר ַה ֶּ֔מ ֶלְך וַ ּיַ ִ ּׂ֥שגּו א ֹ֖תֹו ְּב ַע ְר ֣בֹות יְ ֵר ֑חֹו‬‫ָה ֲע ָר ָ ֽבה׃ ‪ 5‬וַ ּיִ ְר ְּד ֤פּו ֵח ַ‬
‫ל־מ ֶלְך ָּב ֶ ֖בל‬‫ת־ה ֶּ֔מ ֶלְך וַ ּיַ ֲע ֥לּו א ֹ֛תֹו ֶא ֶ ֥‬ ‫ׂשּו ֶא ַ‬ ‫ל־ח ֔ילֹו נָ ֖ ֹפצּו ֵמ ָע ָ ֽליו׃ ‪ֽ ַ 6‬ו ְ‬
‫ּיִת ְּפ ֙‬ ‫וְ ָכ ֵ‬
‫ת־ּבנֵ ֙י ִצ ְד ִק ָּ֔יהּו ָׁש ֲח ֖טּו ְל ֵע ָינ֑יו וְ ֶאת־‬ ‫ִר ְב ָל ָ֑תה וַ יְ ַד ְּב ֥רּו ִא ּ֖תֹו ִמ ְׁש ָ ּֽפט׃ ‪ 7‬וְ ֶא ְ‬
‫הּו ַ ֽבנְ ֻח ְׁש ַּ֔תיִ ם וַ ִיְב ֵ ֖אהּו ָּב ֶ ֽבל׃ ס‬
‫הּו ִע ֵ ּ֔ור וַ ּיַ ַא ְס ֵ ֙ר ֙‬‫ק ֙‬ ‫ֵע ֵינ֤י ִצ ְד ִ ּיָ֙‬
‫ע־ע ְׂש ֵ ֣רה ָׁש ָ֔נה‬ ‫יׁש֙י ְּב ִׁש ְב ָ ֣עה ַל ֔חֹ ֶדׁש ִ֗היא ְׁשנַ ֙ת ְּת ַ ֽׁש ֶ‬ ‫‪ּ 8‬וב ֤חֹ ֶדׁש ֽ ַה ֲח ִמ ִ‬ ‫ַ‬
‫ב־ט ָּב ִ ֛חים ֶ ֥ע ֶבד ֶ ֽמ ֶלְך־‬ ‫ְך־ּב ֶב֑ל ָּ֞בא נְ בּוזַ ְר ֲא ָ ֧דן ַר ַ‬ ‫אּצ֣ר ֶ ֽמ ֶל ָ‬ ‫ַל ֶ ּ֖מ ֶלְך נְ ֻב ַכ ְדנֶ ַ‬
‫ל־ּב ֵ ּ֧תי‬
‫ת־ּב֣ית ַה ֶ ּ֑מ ֶלְך וְ ֵ֨את ָּכ ָ‬ ‫הו֖ה וְ ֶא ֵ‬ ‫ת־ּבית־יְ ָ‬‫רּוׁש ָֽל ִם׃ ‪ 9‬וַ ּיִ ְׂש ֥ר ֹף ֶא ֵ‬ ‫ָּב ֶ ֖בל יְ ָ‬
‫רּוׁש ַל֖םִ ָס ִ ֑ביב‬ ‫מת יְ ָ‬ ‫ל־ּבית ּגָ ֖דֹול ָׂש ַ ֥רף ָּב ֵ ֽאׁש׃ ‪ 10‬וְ ֶאת־חֹו ֥ ֹ‬ ‫ת־ּכ ֵ ֥‬‫רּוׁש ַל֛םִ וְ ֶא ָ‬ ‫יְ ָ‬
‫ב־ט ָּב ִ ֽחים׃ ‪ 11‬וְ ֵא ֩ת ֶ֨י ֶתר ָה ֜ ָעם ַהּנִ ְׁש ָא ִ ֣רים‬ ‫ל־חיל ַּכ ְׂש ִ ּ֔דים ֲא ֶ ׁ֖שר ַר ַ‬ ‫ָנ ְֽת ֙צּו ָּכ ֵ ֣‬
‫ל־ה ֶ ּ֣מ ֶלְך ָּב ֶ֔בל וְ ֵ ֖את ֶי ֶ֣תר ֶה ָה ֑מֹון ֶהגְ ֕ ָלה‬ ‫ת־ה ֹּֽנ ְפ ִל ֙ים ֲא ֶ ׁ֤שר נָ ְפ ֙לּו ַע ַ‬ ‫ָּב ֗ ִעיר וְ ֶא ַ‬
‫ב־ט ָּב ִ ֑חים ְל ֽכֹ ְר ִ ֖מים‬ ‫ּומ ַּד ַּל֣ת ָה ָ֔א ֶרץ ִה ְׁש ִ ֖איר ַר ַ‬ ‫ב־ט ָּב ִ ֽחים׃ ‪ִ 12‬‬ ‫נְ בּוזַ ְר ֲא ָ ֖דן ַר ַ‬
‫ת־ה ְּמכֹנ֞ ֹות וְ ֶאת־‬ ‫הוה ְ ֽו ֶא ַ‬ ‫ׁשר ֵּבית־יְ ָ ֗‬ ‫ּמּודי ַהּנְ ֜חֹ ֶׁשת ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ת־ע ֵ ֨‬ ‫ּולי ֹגְ ִ ֽבים׃ ‪ 13‬וְ ֶא ַ‬ ‫ְ‬
‫‪13‬‬
‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 3‬‬
‫הו֖ה ִׁש ְּב ֣רּו ַכ ְׂש ִ ּ֑דים וַ ּיִ ְׂש ֥אּו ֶאת־נְ ֻח ְׁש ָ ּ֖תם ָּב ֶ ֽב ָלה׃‬ ‫ָי֧ם ַהּנְ ֛חֹ ֶׁשת ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ְּב ֵבית־יְ ָ‬
‫ל־ּכ ֵל֧י‬
‫ת־ה ַּכ ּ֗פֹות וְ ֵ֨את ָּכ ְ‬ ‫ת־ה ְמזַ ְּמ ֣רֹות וְ ֶא ַ‬ ‫ת־הּיָ ֜ ִעים וְ ֶא ַ ֽ‬ ‫ת־ה ִּסי ֨ר ֹת וְ ֶא ַ‬ ‫‪ 14‬וְ ֶא ַ‬
‫ת־ה ִּמזְ ָר ֗קֹות‬ ‫ּתֹות וְ ֶא ַ‬ ‫ת־ה ַּמ ְח ֙‬ ‫תּו־בם �ל ָ ָֽקחּו׃ ‪ 15‬וְ ֶא ַ‬ ‫ַהּנְ ֛חֹ ֶׁשת ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר יְ ָ ֽׁש ְר ָ ֖‬
‫ּמּודים ׀‬ ‫‪ 16‬ה ַע ִ ֣‬
‫ָ‬ ‫ב־ט ָּב ִ ֽחים׃‬ ‫ר־ּכ ֶ֖סף ָּכ ֶ֑סף �ל ַ ָ֖קח ַר ַ‬ ‫ֲא ֶ ׁ֤שר זָ ָה ֙ב זָ ָ֔הב וַ ֲא ֶׁש ֶ‬
‫א־ה ָי֣ה‬ ‫הו֑ה ל ֹ ָ‬ ‫מה ְל ֵב֣ית יְ ָ‬ ‫ר־ע ָ ׂ֥שה ְׁשֹל ֖ ֹ‬ ‫ְׁש ַ֗ניִ ם ַה ָּי֤ם ָ ֽה ֶא ָח ֙ד וְ ַה ְּמכֹנ֔ ֹות ֲא ֶׁש ָ‬
‫קֹומת ׀‬ ‫ל־ה ֵּכ ִ ֥לים ָה ֵ ֽא ֶּלה׃ ‪ְׁ 17‬שמֹנֶ ֩ה ֶע ְׂש ֵ ֨רה ַא ָּ֜מה ַ ֣‬ ‫ִמ ְׁש ָ ֔קל ִלנְ ֖חֹ ֶׁשת ָּכ ַ‬
‫קֹומת ַהּכ ֶֹת ֶר ֮ת ָׁש ֹ֣לׁש אמה (ק׳‬ ‫ָה ַע ּ֣מּוד ָה ֶא ָ֗חד וְ כ ֶֹ֨ת ֶרת ָע ָ ֥ליו ׀ נְ ח ֶֹׁש ֮ת וְ ַ ֣‬
‫ל־הּכ ֶ ֹ֛ת ֶרת ָס ִ ֖ביב ַה ּ֣כֹל נְ ֑חֹ ֶׁשת וְ ָכ ֵ ֛א ֶּלה ַ ֽל ַע ּ֥מּוד‬ ‫ּוׂש ָב ָ֨כה וְ ִרּמ ִֹנ֧ים ַ ֽע ַ‬ ‫ַאּמֹות֒) ְ‬
‫ת־ׂש ָריָ ֙ה ּכ ֵ ֹ֣הן ָה ֔ר ֹאׁש וְ ֶאת־‬ ‫ב־ט ָּב ִ֗חים ֶא ְ‬ ‫ל־ה ְּׂש ָב ָ ֽכה׃ ‪ 18‬וַ ּיִ ַ ּ֣קח ַר ַ‬ ‫ַה ֵּׁש ִנ֖י ַע ַ‬
‫ן־ה ֡ ִעיר ָל ַק ֩ח ָס ִ ֨ריס‬ ‫‪ּ 19‬ומ ָ‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫ת־ׁש ֹ֖ל ֶׁשת ׁש ְֹמ ֵ ֥רי ַה ַ ּֽסף׃‬ ‫ְצ ַפנְ ָי֖הּו ּכ ֵ ֹ֣הן ִמ ְׁש ֶנ֑ה וְ ֶא ְ‬
‫ׁשי ַה ִּמ ְל ָח ָ֗מה וַ ֲח ִמ ָּׁ֨שה ֲאנָ ִׁ֜שים ֵמר ֵ ֹ֤אי‬ ‫ל־אנְ ֵ ֣‬‫ר־הּוא �פ ִ ָ֣קיד ׀ ַע ַ‬ ‫ֶא ָ֜חד ֽ‍ֲא ֶׁש ֥‬
‫ׁשר נִ ְמ ְצ ֣אּו ָב ֔ ִעיר וְ ֵ֗את ַהּס ֵֹפ ֙ר ַ ׂ֣שר ַה ָּצ ָ֔בא ַה ַּמ ְצ ִ ּ֖בא ֶאת־‬ ‫ֽי־ה ֶּ֙מ ֶל ְ֙ך ֲא ֶ ֣‬
‫ְפ ֵנ ַ‬
‫יׁש ֵמ ַ ֣עם ָה ָ֔א ֶרץ ַ ֽהּנִ ְמ ְצ ִ ֖אים ָּב ִ ֽעיר׃ ‪ 20‬וַ ּיִ ַ ּ֣קח א ָֹ֔תם‬ ‫ַ ֣עם ָה ָ ֑א ֶרץ וְ ִׁש ִ ּׁ֥שים ִא ֙‬
‫ל־מ ֶלְך ָּב ֶ ֖בל ִר ְב ָ ֽל ָתה׃ ‪ 21‬וַ ַּי�ְ֣ך א ָֹת ֩ם‬ ‫ב־ט ָּב ִ ֑חים וַ ֹּ֧י ֶלְך א ָ ֹ֛תם ַע ֶ ֥‬ ‫נְ בּוזַ ְר ֲא ָ ֖דן ַר ַ‬
‫הּודה ֵמ ַ ֥על ַא ְד ָמ ֽתֹו׃‬ ‫יתם ְּב ִר ְב ָל֖ה ְּב ֶ ֣א ֶרץ ֲח ָ ֑מת וַ ִּי�֥גֶ ל יְ ָ ֖‬ ‫ֶ֨מ ֶלְך ָּב ֶ ֧בל וַ יְ ִמ ֵ ֛‬
‫אּצר ֶ ֣מ ֶלְך ָּב ֶב֑ל‬ ‫ּוכ ְדנֶ ַ ֖‬ ‫ׁשר ִה ְׁש ִ֔איר נְ ֽב ַ‬ ‫הּודה ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫‪ 22‬וְ ָה ֗ ָעם ַהּנִ ְׁש ָא ֙ר ְּב ֶ ֣א ֶרץ יְ ָ ֔‬
‫ן־ׁש ָ ֽפן׃ פ‬ ‫�יקם ֶּב ָ‬ ‫ן־א ִח ָ ֥‬ ‫יהם ֶאת־ּגְ ַד ְל ָי֖הּו ֶּב ֲ‬ ‫�ְקד ֲע ֵל ֶ֔‬ ‫וַ ּיַ פ ֵ ֣‬
‫ְך־ּב ֶבל֙‬‫�ְקיד ֶ ֽמ ֶל ָ‬ ‫י־הפ ִ ֤‬ ‫ל־ׂש ֵ ֨רי ַה ֲחיָ ֜ ִלים ֵ ֣ה ָּמה וְ ָה ֲאנָ ִׁ֗שים ִ ּֽכ ִ‬ ‫‪ 23‬וַ ּיִ ְׁש ְמעּו֩ ָכ ָ‬
‫יֹוח ָנ�֣ן‬
‫ֶאת־ּגְ ַד ְל ָ֔יהּו וַ ּיָ ֥בֹאּו ֶאל־ּגְ ַד ְל ָי֖הּו ַה ִּמ ְצ ָ ּ֑פה וְ יִ ְׁש ָמ ֵע֣אל ֶּבן־נְ ַתנְ ָ֡יה וְ ָ‬
‫ן־ה ַ ּ֣מ ֲע ָכ ִ֔תי ֵ ֖ה ָּמה‬ ‫הּו ֶּב ַ‬ ‫ן־ּתנְ ֻ֜ח ֶמת ַהּנְ ט ָֹפ ִ֗תי וְ ַי ֲֽאזַ נְ יָ֙ ֙‬ ‫ּוׂש ָר ָ֨יה ֶב ַ‬ ‫ן־ק ֵר ַח ְ‬ ‫ֶּב ָ֠‬
‫ל־ּת ְיר ֖אּו‬ ‫אמר ָל ֶ֔הם ַא ִ ֽ‬ ‫יהם וַ ּ֣י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ּול ַאנְ ֵׁש ֶ֔‬
‫הּו ְ‬ ‫יהם׃ ‪ 24‬וַ ּיִ ָּׁש ַ֨בע ָל ֶ ֤הם ּגְ ַד ְ יָ֙ל ֙‬ ‫וְ ַאנְ ֵׁש ֶ ֽ‬
‫ת־מ ֶלְך ָּב ֶ ֖בל וְ יִ ַ ֥טב ָל ֶ ֽכם׃ ס‬ ‫ֵמ ַע ְב ֵ ֣די ַה ַּכ ְׂש ִ ּ֑דים ְׁש ֣בּו ָב ָ֗א ֶרץ וְ ִע ְב ֛דּו ֶא ֶ ֥‬
‫יׁש ָ֜מע ִמ ֶּז ַ�֣רע‬ ‫ן־א ֨ ִל ָ‬ ‫ן־נ ַתנְ יָ ה ֶּב ֱ‬ ‫יעי ָ ּ֣בא יִ ְׁש ָמ ֵע֣אל ֶּב ְ֠‬ ‫‪ 25‬וַ יְ ִ ֣הי ׀ ַּב ֣חֹ ֶדׁש ַה ְּׁש ִב ֗ ִ‬
‫ים‬ ‫הּוד ֙‬ ‫ת־הּיְ ִ‬ ‫מת וְ ֶא ַ‬ ‫ים ִא ּ֔תֹו וַ ּיַ ּ֥כּו ֶאת־ּגְ ַד ְל ָי֖הּו וַ ּיָ ֑ ֹ‬ ‫לּוכה וַ ֲע ָׂש ָ ֤רה ֲאנָ ִׁש ֙‬ ‫ַה ְּמ ָ֗‬
‫ל־ה ֜ ָעם ִמ ָּק ֤טֹן וְ ַעד־‬ ‫ר־הי֥ ּו ִא ּ֖תֹו ַּב ִּמ ְצ ָ ּֽפה׃ ‪ 26‬וַ ּיָ ֻ ֨קמּו ָכ ָ‬ ‫ת־ה ַּכ ְׂש ִ ּ֔דים ֲא ֶׁש ָ‬ ‫וְ ֶא ַ‬
‫ּגָ דֹול֙ וְ ָׂש ֵ ֣רי ַה ֲחיָ ֔ ִלים וַ ּיָ ֖בֹאּו ִמ ְצ ָ ֑ריִ ם ִ ּ֥כי יָ ְר ֖אּו ִמ ְּפ ֵנ֥י ַכ ְׂש ִ ּֽדים׃ פ‬
‫הּודה ִּב ְׁש ֵנ֤ים ָע ָׂש ֙ר‬ ‫לּות יְ הֹויָ ִ ֣כין ֶ ֽמ ֶלְך־יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ֹלׁשים וָ ֶׁ֜ש ַבע ָׁש ָ֗נה ְלגָ ֙‬ ‫‪ 27‬וַ יְ ִהי֩ ִב ְׁש ִ֨‬
‫֔חֹ ֶדׁש ְּב ֶע ְׂש ִ ֥רים וְ ִׁש ְב ָ ֖עה ַל ֑חֹ ֶדׁש נָ ָׂ֡שא ֱאִו֣יל ְמר ַֹדְך֩ ֶ֨מ ֶלְך ָּב ֶ֜בל ִּב ְׁש ַנ֣ת‬
‫‪Transitional Biblical Hebrew‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬
‫הּודה ִמ ֵ ּ֥בית ֶ ּֽכ ֶלא׃ ‪ 28‬וַ יְ ַד ֵ ּ֥בר ִא ּ֖תֹו ט ֹ֑בֹות‬

‫ת־ר ֹאׁש יְ הֹויָ ִ ֥כין ֶ ֽמ ֶלְך־יְ ָ ֖‬
‫ָמ ְל ֗כֹו ֶא ֛‬
‫ת־ּכ ְס ֔אֹו ֵמ ֗ ַעל ִּכ ֵ ּ֧סא ַה ְּמ ָל ִ ֛כים ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ִא ּ֖תֹו ְּב ָב ֶ ֽבל׃ ‪ 29‬וְ ִׁש ָּ֕נא ֵ ֖את‬
‫ּתן ֶא ִ‬ ‫וַ ּיִ ֵ ֙‬
‫ל־יְמי ַח ָּיֽיו׃ ‪ 30‬וַ ֲא ֻר ָח ֗תֹו ֲא ֻר ַ֨חת‬‫ִּבגְ ֵ ֣די ִכ ְל ֑אֹו וְ ָא ַ֨כל ֶל ֶ֧חם ָּת ִ ֛מיד ְל ָפ ָנ֖יו ָּכ ֵ ֥‬
‫יֹומֹו ּ֖כֹל יְ ֵ ֥מי ַח ָּיֽו׃‬
‫ה־ּלֹו ֵמ ֵ ֥את ַה ֶ ּ֖מ ֶלְך ְּד ַבר־י֣ ֹום ְּב ֑‬‫ָּת ִ ֧מיד נִ ְּתנָ ֛‬
‫)‪cf. Jer 52:31–34 (Judean Administration in Babylonia‬‬
‫הּודה ִּב ְׁש ֵנ֤ים‬ ‫לּות יְ הֹויָ ִ ֣כן ֶ ֽמ ֶלְך־יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ֹלׁשים וָ ֶׁ֜ש ַבע ָׁש ָ֗נה ְלגָ ֙‬ ‫‪ 31‬וַ יְ ִהי֩ ִב ְׁש ִ֨‬
‫ָע ָׂש ֙ר ֔חֹ ֶדׁש ְּב ֶע ְׂש ִ ֥רים וַ ֲח ִמ ָ ּׁ֖שה ַל ֑חֹ ֶדׁש נָ ָׂ֡שא ֱאִו֣יל ְמר ַֹדְך֩ ֶ֨מ ֶלְך ָּב ֶ֜בל‬
‫אֹותֹו ִמ ֵ ּ֥בית הכליא‬ ‫הּודה וַ ּי ֵ ֹ֥צא ֖‬ ‫אׁש יְ הֹויָ ִ ֣כין ֶ ֽמ ֶלְך־יְ ָ ֔‬
‫ִּב ְׁש ַנ֣ת ַמ ְל ֻכ ֗תֹו ֶאת־ר ֹ ֙‬
‫ת־ּכ ְס ֔אֹו ִמ ַּ֗מ ַעל ְל ִכ ֵ ּ֧סא‬ ‫ּתן ֶא ִ‬ ‫(ק׳‪ ‬ה ְּכ ֽלּוא)׃ ‪ 32‬וַ יְ ַד ֵ ּ֥בר ִא ּ֖תֹו ט ֹ֑בֹות וַ ּיִ ֵ ֙‬
‫ַ‬
‫(ק׳‪ ‬ה ְּמ ָל ִ ֛כים) ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ִא ּ֖תֹו ְּב ָב ֶ ֽבל׃ ‪ 33‬וְ ִׁש ָּ֕נה ֵ ֖את ִּבגְ ֵ ֣די ִכ ְל ֑אֹו‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫מלכים‬
‫ל־יְמי ַח ָּיֽו׃ ‪ 34‬וַ ֲא ֻר ָח ֗תֹו ֲא ֻר ַח ֩ת ָּת ִ֨מיד נִ ְּתנָ ה־‬ ‫וְ ָא ַ֨כל ֶל ֶ֧חם ְל ָפ ָנ֛יו ָּת ִ ֖מיד ָּכ ֵ ֥‬
‫מֹותֹו ּ֖כֹל יְ ֵ ֥מי ַח ָּיֽיו׃‬
‫֑‬ ‫יֹומֹו ַעד־י֣ ֹום‬ ‫ְך־ּב ֶב֛ל ְּד ַבר־י֥ ֹום ְּב ֖‬
‫ּ֜לֹו ֵמ ֵ ֧את ֶ ֽמ ֶל ָ‬
‫‪Isaiah 45 (Yhwh’s Power to Save Israel through Cyrus‬‬

‫ ‬ ‫)‪and Command to Worship‬‬
‫ד־ל ָפנָ ֙יו‬ ‫ימינ֗ ֹו ְל ַר ְ‬ ‫ר־ה ֱח ַז ְ�֣ק ִּתי ִ ֽב ִ‬

‫יחֹו ְל ֣כ ֶֹורׁש ֲא ֶׁש ֶ‬ ‫ֹה־א ַ ֣מר יְ הוָ ֮ה ִל ְמ ִׁש ֮‬ ‫‪ּ 1‬כ ָ‬
‫ּוׁש ָע ִ ֖רים ֥ל ֹא יִ ָּס ֵגֽרּו׃‬ ‫ּת ַח ְל ָפנָ ֙יו ְּד ָל ַ֔תיִ ם ְ‬ ‫ּומ ְת ֵנ֥י ְמ ָל ִ ֖כים ֲא ַפ ֵ ּ֑ת ַח ִל ְפ ֤ ֹ‬ ‫ּגֹוים ָ‬ ‫ִ֔‬
‫חּוׁש ֙ה ֲא ַׁש ֵּ֔בר‬ ‫דּורים אושר (ק׳ ֲאיַ ֵ ּׁ֑שר) ַּד ְל ֤תֹות נְ ָ‬ ‫‪ 2‬אנִ ֙י ְל ָפ ֶנ֣יָך ֵא ֔ ֵלְך וַ ֲה ִ ֖‬ ‫ֲ‬
‫ּומ ְט ֻמ ֵנ֖י ִמ ְס ָּת ִ ֑רים‬ ‫אֹוצ ֣רֹות ֔חֹ ֶׁשְך ַ‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫יחי ַב ְר ֶז֖ל ֲאגַ ֵ ּֽד ַע׃ ‪ 3‬וְ נָ ַת ִ ּ֤תי ְל ָ֙ך‬ ‫ּוב ִר ֵ ֥‬ ‫ְ‬
‫‪ 4‬ל ַ֙מ ַ ֙ען ַע ְב ִ ּ֣די‬
‫ֹלהי יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃ ְ‬ ‫ּקֹורא ְב ִׁש ְמָך֖ ֱא ֵ ֥‬ ‫הו֛ה ַה ֵ ֥‬ ‫י־א ִנ֧י יְ ָ‬‫ְל ַ ֣מ ַען ֵּת ַ ֗דע ִ ּֽכ ֲ‬
‫‪ 5‬א ִנ֤י‬ ‫ירי וָ ֶא ְק ָ ֤רא ְל ָ֙ך ִּב ְׁש ֶ֔מָך ֲא ַכּנְ ָך֖ וְ ֥ל ֹא יְ ַד ְע ָ ּֽתנִ י׃ ֲ‬ ‫יַ ֲע ֔קֹב וְ יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֖אל ְּב ִח ִ ֑‬
‫‪ 6‬ל ַ ֣מ ַען יֵ ְד ֗עּו‬‫ֹלהים ֲא ַאּזֶ ְרָך֖ וְ ֥ל ֹא יְ ַד ְע ָ ּֽתנִ י׃ ְ‬ ‫זּול ִ ֖תי ֵ ֣אין ֱא ִ ֑‬ ‫יְ הוָ ֙ה וְ ֵ ֣אין ֔עֹוד ָ‬
‫‪ֹ 7‬יוצר‬
‫ֵ֥‬ ‫הו֖ה וְ ֵ ֥אין ֽעֹוד׃‬ ‫י־א ֶפס ִב ְל ָע ָ ֑די ֲא ִנ֥י יְ ָ‬ ‫ּומ ַ ֣מ ֲע ָר ָ֔בּה ִכ ֶ ֖‬ ‫ח־ש ֶמ ׁ֙ש ִ‬ ‫ִמ ִמזְ ַר ֶ֙‬
‫ל־א ֶלה׃‪ ‬ס‬ ‫הו֖ה ע ֶ ֹ֥שה ָכ ֵ ֽ‬ ‫ּוֹב ֵורא ָ ֑רע ֲא ִנ֥י יְ ָ‬ ‫ּוֹבורא ֔חֹ ֶשְך ע ֶ ֹ֥שה ָשֹל֖ ום ֣‬ ‫ֵ֣‬ ‫ֹאור‬
‫֙‬
‫רּו־י ַׁשע‬ ‫ח־א ֶרץ וְ יִ ְפ ֶ֗‬‫לּו־צ ֶ֑דק ִּת ְפ ַּת ֶ ֣‬ ‫ּוׁש �ח ִ ָ֖קים יִ ּזְ ֶ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ה ְר ִ ֤עיפּו ָׁש ַ֙מיִ ֙ם ִמ ַּ֔מ ַעל ְ‬ ‫ַ‬
‫‪֗ 9‬הֹוי ָ ֚רב ֶאת־ ֹ֣י ְצ ֔רֹו‬ ‫אתיו׃‪ ‬ס‬‫הו֖ה ְּב ָר ִ ֽ‬ ‫יח ַ֔י ַחד ֲא ִנ֥י יְ ָ‬ ‫ּוצ �ד ָ ָ֤קה ַת ְצ ִ֙מ ַ ֙‬ ‫ְ‬
‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 3‬‬
‫ּופ ָע ְלָך֖ ֵאין־‬ ‫ה־ּת ֲע ֶׂ֔שה ָ‬ ‫אמר ֤חֹ ֶמר ְל ֹֽי ְצ ֙רֹו ַ ֽמ ַ‬ ‫ׂשי ֲא ָד ָ ֑מה ֲהי ֹ ַ֨‬ ‫ת־ח ְר ֵ ֣‬ ‫ֶ ֖ח ֶרׂש ֶא ַ‬
‫ילין׃‪ ‬ס‬ ‫ה־ּת ִח ִ ֽ‬‫ּול ִא ָ ּׁ֖שה ַמ ְ‬ ‫ה־ּתֹוליד ְ‬ ‫ִ֑‬ ‫‪ 10‬הֹוי א ֵ ֹ֥מר ְל ָ ֖אב ַמ‬ ‫֛‬ ‫יָ ַ ֥דיִ ם ֽלֹו׃‪ ‬ס‬
‫ל־ּב ַנ֛י וְ ַעל־‬ ‫הו֛ה ְק ֥דֹוׁש יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֖אל וְ י ְֹצ ֑רֹו ָהא ִֹתּי֣ ֹות ְׁש ָא ֔לּונִ י ַע ָ‬ ‫ה־א ַ ֧מר יְ ָ‬ ‫‪ּֽ 11‬כֹ ָ‬
‫אתי ֲא ִ֗ני יָ ַד֙י‬ ‫֣יה ָב ָ ֑ר ִ‬ ‫יתי ֶ֔א ֶרץ וְ ָא ָ ֖דם ָע ֶל ָ‬ ‫ֹכי ָע ִ ׂ֣ש ִ‬ ‫֥ ֹּפ ַעל יָ ַ ֖די ְּת ַצֻּוֽנִ י׃ ‪ֽ ָ 12‬אנ ִ ֙‬
‫ל־ּד ָר ָ ֖כיו‬ ‫ֹכי ַה ִעיר ִ ֹ֣ת ֽהּו ְב ֶ֔צ ֶדק וְ ָכ ְ‬ ‫ֽיתי׃ ‪ָ 13‬אנ ִ ֙‬ ‫ל־צ ָב ָ ֖אם ִצֵּו ִ‬ ‫נָ ֣טּו ָׁש ַ֔מיִ ם וְ ָכ ְ‬
‫יר וְ ֣ל ֹא ְב ׁ֔ש ֹ ַחד ָא ַ ֖מר‬ ‫לּותי יְ ַׁש ֔ ֵּל ַח ֤ל ֹא ִב ְמ ִח ֙‬ ‫ּוא־יִב ֶנ֤ה ִע ִיר֙י וְ גָ ִ ֣‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫ֲאיַ ֵ ּׁ֑שר ֽה‬
‫הו֥ה ְצ ָב ֽאֹות׃‪ ‬פ‬ ‫יְ ָ‬
‫ה‬
‫שי ִמ ָד ֒‬ ‫ים ַאנְ ֵ ֣‬ ‫ּוס ָב ִא ֮‬ ‫ר־ּכּוׁש ְ‬‫֮‬ ‫הוה יְ ֨ ִג ַיע ִמ ְצ ַ ֥ריִ ם ּוֽ ְס ַח‬ ‫‪֣ 14‬כֹה׀ ָא ַ ֣מר יְ ָ ֗‬
‫רּו וְ ָלְ֣ך יִ ֽ ְהי֔ ּו ַא ֲח ַ ֣ריִ ְך יֵ ֔ ֵלכּו ַּבּזִ ִ ּ֖קים יַ ֲע ֑בֹרּו וְ ֵא ַל֤יִ ְך יִ ֽ ְׁש ַּת ֲחּוּו‬ ‫ָע ַ ֤ליִ ְך יַ ֲע ֙ב ֹ ֙‬
‫ֹלהים׃ ‪ָ 15‬א ֵ֕כן ַא ָ ּ֖תה ֵ ֣אל‬ ‫ֵא ַל֣יִ ְך יִ ְת ַּפ ֔ ָּללּו ַ ֣אְך ָ ּ֥בְך ֵ ֛אל וְ ֵ ֥אין ֖עֹוד ֶ ֥א ֶפס ֱא ִ ֽ‬
‫מֹוׁש ַיע׃ ‪ּ֥ 16‬בֹוׁשּו וְ ַ ֽגם־נִ ְכ ְל ֖מּו ֻּכ ָּל֑ם יַ ְח ָּד֙ו ָה ְל ֣כּו‬ ‫ֹלהי יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֖אל ִ ֽ‬ ‫ִמ ְס ַּת ֵ ּ֑תר ֱא ֵ ֥‬
‫עֹול ִ ֑מים לֹא־‬ ‫ׁשּועת ָ‬ ‫יהוה ְּת ַ ֖‬ ‫נֹוׁשע ַּב ָ ֔‬ ‫ַב ְּכ ִל ָּ֔מה ָח ָר ֵ ׁ֖שי ִצ ִ ֽירים׃ ‪ 17‬יִ ְׂש ָר ֵאל֙ ַ ֣‬
‫ֹול ֵמי ַ ֽעד׃ פ‬ ‫ד־ע ְ‬ ‫א־ת ָּכ ְל ֖מּו ַע ֥‬ ‫ֵת ֥בֹׁשּו וְ ל ֹ ִ‬
‫ֹלהים י ֵֹ֨צר ָה ָ ֤א ֶרץ וְ ע ָֹׂש ּ֙ה‬ ‫ּבֹורא ַה ָּׁש ַ֜מיִ ם ֣הּוא ָה ֱא ִ֗‬ ‫ר־יהוָ ה ֵ ֨‬ ‫‪ּ֣ ִ 18‬כי ֣כֹה ָ ֽא ַמ ְ֠‬
‫‪ 19‬ל ֹא‬‫֧‬ ‫הו֖ה וְ ֵ ֥אין ֽעֹוד׃‬ ‫ׁש ֶבת יְ ָצ ָ ֑רּה ֲא ִנ֥י יְ ָ‬ ‫תהּו ְב ָר ָ ֖אּה ָל ֶ ֣‬ ‫֣הּוא ֽכֹונְ ָ֔נּה לֹא־ ֥ ֹ‬
‫ּתהּו ַב ְּק ׁ֑שּונִ י‬ ‫קֹום ֶ ֣א ֶרץ ֔חֹ ֶׁשְך ֥ל ֹא ָא ַ ֛מ ְר ִּתי ְל ֶז ַ�֥רע יַ ֲע ֖קֹב ֣ ֹ‬ ‫ַב ֵ ּ֣ס ֶתר ִּד ַּ֗ב ְר ִּתי ִּב ְמ ֙‬
‫יׁש ִ ֽרים׃ ‪ִ 20‬ה ָּק ְב ֥צּו וָ ֛בֹאּו ִ ֽה ְתנַ ּגְ ׁ֥שּו יַ ְח ָ ּ֖דו‬ ‫ֲא ִנ֤י יְ הוָ ֙ה ּד ֵ ֹ֣בר ֶ֔צ ֶדק ַמ ִּג֖יד ֵמ ָ‬
‫ל־אל ֥ל ֹא‬ ‫ּומ ְת ַּפ ְל ֔ ִלים ֶא ֵ ֖‬ ‫ת־ע֣ץ ִּפ ְס ֔ ָלם ִ‬ ‫יטי ַהּגֹויִ ֑ם ֣ל ֹא יָ ְד ֗עּו ַה ֹּֽנ ְׂש ִא ֙ים ֶא ֵ‬ ‫ְּפ ִל ֵ ֣‬
‫יע ֨ז ֹאת ִמ ֶ ּ֜ק ֶדם ֵמ ָ ֣אז‬ ‫יֹוׁש ַיע׃ ‪ַ 21‬ה ִּג֣ידּו וְ ַה ֔ ִּגיׁשּו ַ ֥אף יִ ּֽוָ ֲע ֖צּו יַ ְח ָ ּ֑דו ִ ֣מי ִה ְׁש ִמ ַ ֩‬ ‫ִֽ‬
‫ּומֹוׁש ַיע‬
‫ִ֔‬ ‫ל־צ ִ ּ֣דיק‬ ‫ֹלה ֙ים ִמ ַּב ְל ָע ַ ֔די ֵ ֽא ַ‬ ‫ין־עֹוד ֱא ִ‬ ‫ידּה ֲה ֨לֹוא ֲא ִנ֤י יְ הוָ ֙ה וְ ֵ ֽא ֤‬ ‫ִהּגִ ָ ֗‬
‫י־אל וְ ֵ ֥אין ֽעֹוד׃‬ ‫י־א ֶרץ ִ ּ֥כי ֲאנִ ֵ ֖‬ ‫ל־א ְפ ֵס ָ ֑‬ ‫נּו־א ַ ֥לי וְ ִהּוָ ְׁש ֖עּו ָּכ ַ‬ ‫זּול ִ ֽתי׃ ‪ְּ 22‬פ ֵ‬ ‫ַ ֖איִ ן ָ‬
‫ל־ּב ֶרְך‬ ‫י־לי ִּת ְכ ַ ֣רע ָּכ ֶ֔‬ ‫‪ּ֣ ִ 23‬בי נִ ְׁש ַּ֔ב ְע ִּתי יָ ָ֨צא ִמ ִ ּ֧פי ְצ �ד ָ ָ֛קה ָּד ָ ֖בר וְ ֣ל ֹא יָ ׁ֑שּוב ִּכ ִ ֙‬
‫עז ָע ָד ֙יו ֣יָבֹוא וְ יֵ ֔בֹׁשּו‬ ‫יהו֛ה ִ ֥לי ָא ַ ֖מר ְצ ָד ֣קֹות וָ ֑ ֹ‬ ‫ל־ל ֽׁשֹון׃ ‪֧ ַ 24‬אְך ַּב ָ‬ ‫ִּת ָּׁש ַ ֖בע ָּכ ָ‬
‫ל־ז ַ�֥רע יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃‬ ‫יהו֛ה יִ ְצ ְּד ֥קּו וְ יִ ְֽת ַה ְל ֖לּו ָּכ ֶ‬ ‫ּ֖כֹל ַהּנֶ ֱח ִ ֥רים ּֽבֹו׃ ‪ַּ 25‬ב ָ‬
‫)‪Isaiah 59 (Divine Response to Israel’s Confession of Sin‬‬
‫‪ּ 2‬כי‬
‫ִ֤‬ ‫א־כ ְב ָ ֥דה ָאזְ נ֖ ֹו ִמ ְּׁש ֽמ ַֹוע׃‬
‫הֹוׁש ַיע וְ ל ֹ ָ‬‫הו֖ה ֵ ֽמ ִ ֑‬ ‫א־ק ְצ ָ ֥רה יַ ד־יְ ָ‬ ‫‪ 1‬הן ֽל ֹ ָ‬ ‫ֵ֛‬
‫יכם ִה ְס ִ ּ֧תירּו‬ ‫אות ֶ֗‬‫יכ ֙ם ָהי֣ ּו ַמ ְב ִּד ֔ ִלים ֵּבינֵ ֶ֕כם ְל ֵ ֖בין ֱא ֹֽל ֵה ֶיכ֑ם וְ ַח ּֽט ֹ ֵ‬
‫ם־עו ֺ ֹֽנ ֵת ֶ‬
‫ִא ֲ‬
‫עֹות ֶיכ֖ם ֶ ּֽב ָע ֺ֑ון‬ ‫יכ ֙ם נְ ג ֲֹא ֣לּו ַב ָ ּ֔דם וְ ֶא ְצ ְּב ֵ‬ ‫‪ּ 3‬כי ַכ ֵּפ ֶ‬ ‫ִ֤‬ ‫ָפ ִנ֛ים ִמ ֶּכ֖ם ִמ ְּׁש ֽמ ַֹוע׃‬
‫‪ 4‬אין־ק ֵ ֹ֣רא ְב ֶ֔צ ֶדק‬ ‫ֵ‬ ‫רּו־ׁש ֶקר ְלׁשֹונְ ֶכ֖ם ַעוְ ָ ֥לה ֶת ְה ֶּגֽה׃‬ ‫יכ ֙ם ִּד ְּב ֶ֔‬ ‫ֹות ֶ‬ ‫ִׂש ְפ ֽת ֵ‬
‫הֹוליד‬ ‫ר־ׁשוְ א ָה ֥רֹו ָע ָ ֖מל וְ ֵ ֥‬ ‫הּו וְ ַד ֶּב ָ֔‬ ‫מּונ֑ה ָּב ֤ט ַֹוח ַעל־ ּ֙ת ֹ ֙‬ ‫וְ ֵ ֥אין נִ ְׁש ָ ּ֖פט ֶּב ֱא ָ‬
‫יה ֙ם‬ ‫יצ ֶ‬ ‫קּורי ַע ָּכ ִ ֖ביׁש יֶ ֱא ֑ר ֹגּו ָהא ֵֹכ֤ל ִמ ֵ ּֽב ֵ‬ ‫‪ּ 5‬ב ֵיצ֤י ִצ ְפעֹונִ ֙י ִּב ֵ ּ֔קעּו וְ ֵ ֥‬ ‫ֵ‬ ‫ָ ֽאוֶ ן׃‬
‫יה ֙ם לֹא־יִ ְהי֣ ּו ְל ֶ֔בגֶ ד וְ ֥ל ֹא יִ ְת ַּכ ּ֖סּו‬ ‫‪ 6‬ק ֵּור ֶ‬ ‫ֽ‬ ‫ּזּורה ִּת �ּב ַ ָ֥קע ֶא ְפ ֶ ֽעה׃‬ ‫יָ ֔מּות וְ ַה ֶ ֖‬
‫יה ֙ם ָל ַ ֣רע‬ ‫‪ 7‬רגְ ֵל ֶ‬ ‫יהם׃ ַ‬ ‫י־אוֶ ן ּו ֥ ֹפ ַעל ָח ָ ֖מס ְּב ַכ ֵּפ ֶ ֽ‬ ‫יה ֙ם ַ ֽמ ֲע ֵׂש ָ֔‬ ‫יהם ַ ֽמ ֲע ֵׂש ֶ‬ ‫ְּב ַ ֽמ ֲע ֵׂש ֶ ֑‬
‫יה ֙ם ַמ ְח ְׁש ֣בֹות ָ֔אוֶ ן ׁ֥ש ֹד וָ ֶ ׁ֖ש ֶבר‬ ‫ֹות ֶ‬ ‫ימ ֲה ֔רּו ִל ְׁש ֖ ֹּפְך ָ ּ֣דם נ� ִ ָ֑קי ַמ ְח ְׁש ֽב ֵ‬ ‫יָ ֻ ֔רצּו ִ ֽו ַ‬
‫יה ֙ם‬ ‫ֹות ֶ‬ ‫לֹותם נְ ִת ֽיב ֵ‬ ‫לֹום ֣ל ֹא יָ ָ ֔דעּו וְ ֵ ֥אין ִמ ְׁש ָ ּ֖פט ְּב ַמ ְעּגְ ָ ֑‬ ‫‪ּ 8‬ד ֶרְך ָׁש ֙‬ ‫ּלֹותם׃ ֶ ֤‬ ‫ִּב ְמ ִס ָ ֽ‬
‫ל־ּכן ָר ַ ֤חק ִמ ְׁש ָּפ ֙ט‬ ‫‪ 9‬ע ֵ֗‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫ִע ְּק ׁ֣שּו ָל ֶ֔הם ּ֚כֹל ּד ֵ ֹ֣רְך ָּ֔בּה ֥ל ֹא יָ ַ ֖דע ָׁש ֽלֹום׃‬
‫אֹור וְ ִהּנֵ ה־ ֔חֹ ֶׁשְך ִלנְ ג ֹ֖הֹות ָּב ֲא ֵפ ֥לֹות‬ ‫ִמ ֶּ֔מּנּו וְ ֥ל ֹא ַת ִּׂש ֵיג֖נּו ְצ �ד ָ ָ֑קה נְ ַקֶּו֤ה ָל ֙‬
‫ּוכ ֵ ֥אין ֵע ַינ�֖יִ ם נְ גַ ֵ ּׁ֑ש ָׁשה ָּכ ַ ׁ֤ש ְלנּו ַ ֽב ָּצ ֳה ַ ֙ריִ ֙ם‬ ‫נְ ַה ֵ ּֽלְך׃ ‪ 10‬נְ ַג ְֽׁש ָ ׁ֤שה ַ ֽכ ִעוְ ִר ֙ים ִ֔קיר ְ‬
‫ּיֹונ֖ים ָה ֹ֣גה נֶ ְה ֶּג֑ה‬ ‫ַּכ ֶּ֔נ ֶׁשף ָּב ַא ְׁש ַמ ִּנ֖ים ַּכ ֵּמ ִ ֽתים׃ ‪ 11‬נֶ ֱה ֶ ֤מה ַכ ֻּד ִּב ֙ים ֻּכ ֔ ָּלנּו וְ ַכ ִ‬
‫ינּו נֶ גְ ֶ ּ֔דָך‬ ‫י־ר ּ֤בּו ְפ ָׁש ֙ ֵע ֙‬ ‫‪ּ 12‬כ ַ‬‫ִֽ‬ ‫�ֲקה ִמ ֶ ּֽמּנּו׃‬ ‫יׁשּועה ָרח ָ ֥‬ ‫נְ ַקֶּו֤ה ַל ִּמ ְׁש ָּפ ֙ט וָ ַ֔איִ ן ִ ֽל ָ ֖‬
‫‪ּ 13‬פ ׁ֤ש ֹ ַע‬
‫ָ‬ ‫י־פ ָׁש ֵע֣ינּו ִא ָּ֔תנּו וַ ֲעוֺנ ֵ ֹ֖תינּו יְ ַ ֽד ֲענֽ ּום׃‬ ‫אותינּו ָ ֣ענְ ָתה ָ ּ֑בנּו ִ ּֽכ ְ‬ ‫וְ ַחּט ֹ ֵ ֖‬
‫ֹלהינּו ַּד ֶּבר־ ֣עֹ ֶׁשק וְ ָס ָ ֔רה ה ֹ֧רֹו וְ הֹג֛ ֹו ִמ ֵּל֖ב‬ ‫יהוה וְ נָ ֖סֹוג ֵמ ַא ַ ֣חר ֱא ֵ ֑‬ ‫וְ ַכ ֵח ׁ֙ש ַ ּֽב ָ ֔‬
‫י־כ ְׁש ָל֤ה‬ ‫מד ִ ּֽכ ָ‬ ‫ּוצ �ד ָ ָ֖קה ֵמ ָר ֣חֹוק ַּת ֲע ֑ ֹ‬ ‫חֹור ִמ ְׁש ֔ ָּפט ְ‬ ‫י־ׁש ֶקר׃ ‪ 14‬וְ ֻה ַ ּ֤סג ָא ֙‬ ‫ִּד ְב ֵר ָ ֽ‬
‫א־תּוכל ָל ֽבֹוא׃ ‪ 15‬וַ ְּת ִ ֤הי ָ ֽה ֱא ֶמ ֙ת נֶ ְע ֶ ּ֔ד ֶרת וְ ָ ֥סר‬ ‫ַ֥‬ ‫חֹוב ֱא ֶ֔מת ּונְ כ ָ ֹ֖חה ל ֹ‬ ‫ָ ֽב ְר ֙‬
‫י־אין ִמ ְׁש ָ ּֽפט׃ ‪ 16‬וַ ּיַ ְר ֙א‬ ‫הו֛ה וַ ֵּי ַ�֥רע ְּב ֵע ָינ֖יו ִ ּֽכ ֵ ֥‬ ‫ּתֹול֑ל וַ ַּי ְ�֧רא יְ ָ‬ ‫ֵמ ָ ֖רע ִמ ְׁש ֵ‬
‫ֹוׁשע ֙לֹו זְ ר ֹ֔עֹו וְ ִצ ְד ָק ֖תֹו ִ ֥היא‬ ‫ּתֹומם ִ ּ֣כי ֵ ֣אין ַמ ְפ ִּג ַ֑יע וַ ּ֤ת ַ ֽ‬ ‫י־אין ִ֔איׁש וַ ּיִ ְׁש ֵ ֖‬ ‫ִ ּֽכ ֵ ֣‬
‫אׁשֹו וַ ּיִ ְל ַּ֞בׁש ִּבגְ ֵ ֤די‬ ‫ׁשּועה ְּבר ֹ ֑‬ ‫ֹובע יְ ָ ֖‬ ‫ְס ָמ ָ ֽכ ְתהּו׃ ‪ 17‬וַ ּיִ ְל ַ ּ֤בׁש ְצ ָד ָק ֙ה ַּכ ִּׁש ְר ָ֔ין וְ ֥כ ַ‬
‫לֹות ְּכ ַ ֣על יְ ַׁש ֔ ֵּלם ֵח ָ ֣מה‬ ‫‪ּ 18‬כ ַ ֤על ּגְ ֻמ ֙‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫נָ ָק ֙ם ִּת ְל ּ֔בֹ ֶׁשת וַ ַּי ַ֥עט ַּכ ְמ ִ ֖עיל ִקנְ ָ ֽאה׃‬
‫ת־ׁשם‬ ‫יְביו ָל ִא ִּי֖ים ּגְ ֥מּול יְ ַׁש ֵ ּֽלם׃ ‪ 19‬וְ יִ ְֽיר ֤אּו ִ ֽמ ַּמ ֲע ָר ֙ב ֶא ֵ ֣‬ ‫א ָ֑‬ ‫ְל ָצ ָ ֔ריו ּגְ ֖מּול ְל ֽ ֹ‬
‫הו֖ה ֹ֥נ ְס ָסה‬ ‫י־יָבֹוא ַכּנָ ָה ֙ר ָ֔צר ֥ר ַּוח יְ ָ‬ ‫בֹודֹו ִ ּֽכ ֤‬ ‫ת־ּכ ֑‬ ‫ח־ׁש ֶמׁש ֶא ְ‬ ‫ּומ ִּמזְ ַר ֶ ֖‬ ‫הוה ִ‬ ‫יְ ָ ֔‬
‫הוה׃ ‪ 21‬וַ ֲא ִ֗ני ֣ז ֹאת‬ ‫ּול ָׁש ֵ ֥בי ֶ ֖פ ַׁשע ְּב ַי ֲֽע ֑קֹב נְ ֻ ֖אם יְ ָ ֽ‬ ‫ּגֹואל ְ‬ ‫‪ּ 20‬ובא ְל ִצ ּ֙יֹון ֵ֔‬ ‫ָ֤‬ ‫ֽבֹו׃‬
‫ר־ׂש ְמ ִּתי ְּב ִ ֑פיָך‬ ‫ׁשר ָע ֔ ֶליָך ְּוד ָב ַ ֖רי ֲא ֶׁש ַ ֣‬ ‫רּוחי ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫הוה ִ ֙‬ ‫אֹות ֙ם ָא ַ ֣מר יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫יתי‬
‫ְּב ִר ִ ֤‬
‫הוה ֵמ ַע ָ ּ֖תה וְ ַעד־‬ ‫ּומ ֨ ִּפי ֶז ַ�֤רע זַ ְר ֲע ָ֙ך ָא ַ ֣מר יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ּומ ֨ ִּפי זַ ְר ֲע ָ֜ך ִ‬ ‫ֽל ֹא־יָ ֡מּוׁשּו ִמ ִּפיָך֩ ִ‬
‫‪ ‬עֹולם׃ ס‬ ‫ָֽ‬
‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 3‬‬
‫)‪Jeremiah 26 (Jeremiah’s Sermon, Trial, and Death Sentence‬‬
‫הּודה ָהיָ ֙ה ַה ָּד ָ ֣בר ַה ֶּ֔זה‬ ‫אׁש ָּי֖הּו ֶ ֣מ ֶלְך יְ ָ ֑‬ ‫אׁשית ַמ ְמ ְל ֛כּות יְ הֹוי� ִ ָ֥קים ֶּבן־י ֹ ִ‬ ‫‪ּ 1‬ב ֵר ִ֗‬ ‫ְ‬
‫ה וְ ִד ַּב ְר ָּ֞ת‬ ‫הוה ֲעמ ֹ֮ד ַּב ֲח ַצ֣ר ֵּבית־יְ הוָ ֒‬ ‫מר׃ ‪ּ֣ 2 ‬כֹה ׀ ָא ַ ֣מר יְ ָ ֗‬ ‫הו֖ה ֵלא ֽ ֹ‬ ‫ֵמ ֵ ֥את יְ ָ‬
‫ל־ה ְּד ָב ִ ֔רים‬ ‫הוה ֵ ֚את ָּכ ַ‬ ‫ים ְל ִה ְׁש ַּת ֲח ֺ֣ות ֵּבית־יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫הּודה ַה ָּב ִא ֙‬ ‫ל־ע ֵ ֣רי יְ ָ ֗‬ ‫ל־ּכ ָ‬ ‫ַע ָ‬
‫‪ 3‬אּול֣י יִ ְׁש ְמ ֔עּו וְ יָ ֻׁ֕שבּו‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫ל־ּתגְ ַ ֖רע ָּד ָ ֽבר׃‬ ‫יהם ַא ִ‬ ‫יתיָך ְל ַד ֵּב֣ר ֲא ֵל ֶ ֑‬ ‫ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ִצּוִ ִ ֖‬
‫ל־ה ָר ֗ ָעה ֲא ֶׁ֨שר ָאנ ִ ֹ֤כי ח ֵֹׁש ֙ב ַל ֲע ׂ֣שֹות‬ ‫ִ ֖איׁש ִמ ַּד ְר ּ֣כֹו ָה ָר ָ ֑עה וְ נִ ַח ְמ ִ ּ֣תי ֶא ָ‬
‫ם־ל ֹא‬ ‫הו֑ה ִא ֤‬ ‫יהם ּ֖כֹה ָא ַ ֣מר יְ ָ‬ ‫יהם׃ ‪ 4‬וְ ָא ַמ ְר ָ ּ֣ת ֲא ֵל ֶ֔‬ ‫ָל ֶ֔הם ִמ ְּפ ֵנ֖י ֥ר ֹ ַע ַמ ַע ְל ֵל ֶ ֽ‬
‫ל־ּד ְב ֵ ֨רי‬‫מ ַע ַע ִ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ל ְׁש ֗ ֹ‬ ‫יכם׃ ִ‬ ‫עּו ֵא ֔ ַלי ָל ֶ ֙ל ֶכ ֙ת ְּב ֣ת ָֹור ִ֔תי ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר נָ ַ ֖ת ִּתי ִל ְפנֵ ֶ ֽ‬ ‫ִת ְׁש ְמ ֙‬
‫ֲע ָב ַ ֣די ַהּנְ ִב ִ֔אים ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ָאנ ִ ֹ֖כי ׁש ֵֹל ַ֣ח ֲא ֵל ֶיכ֑ם וְ ַה ְׁש ֵ ּ֥כם וְ ָׁש ֹ֖ל ַח וְ ֥ל ֹא ְׁש ַמ ְע ֶ ּֽתם׃‬
‫את) ֶא ֵ ּ֣תן‬ ‫ת־ה ִ ֤עיר הזאתה (ק׳ ַהּז ֹ ֙‬ ‫ת־ה ַ ּ֥ביִ ת ַה ֶּז֖ה ְּכ ִׁש ֹ֑לה וְ ֶא ָ‬ ‫‪ 6‬וְ נָ ַת ִ ּ֛תי ֶא ַ‬
‫‪ 7‬וּֽיִ ְׁש ְמ ֛עּו ַהּכ ֲֹה ִנ֥ים וְ ַהּנְ ִב ִ ֖אים וְ ָכל־‬ ‫ּגֹוי֥י ָה ָ ֽא ֶרץ׃ ס ‪� ַ ‬‬ ‫ִל ְק ָל ֔ ָלה ְל ֖כֹל ֵ‬
‫הוה׃ ‪ 8‬וַ יְ ִ ֣הי ׀‬ ‫ת־ה ְּד ָב ִ ֥רים ָה ֵ ֖א ֶּלה ְּב ֵ ֥בית יְ ָ ֽ‬ ‫ָה ָ ֑עם ֶ ֽאת־יִ ְר ְמ ָ֔יהּו ְמ ַד ֵ ּ֛בר ֶא ַ‬
‫ל־ה ָ ֑עם‬ ‫ל־ּכ ָ‬ ‫הוה ְל ַד ֵ ּ֖בר ֶא ָ‬ ‫ר־צָּו֣ה יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ל־א ֶׁש ִ‬ ‫ְּכ ַכ ּ֣לֹות יִ ְר ְמ ָ֗יהּו ְל ַד ֵּב ֙ר ֵ ֣את ָּכ ֲ‬
‫ּדּוע‬
‫‪ 9‬מ ַ ֩‬ ‫מר ֥מֹות ָּת ֽמּות׃ ַ‬ ‫ל־ה ָ ֥עם ֵלא ֖ ֹ‬ ‫וַ ּיִ ְת ְּפ ׂ֨שּו א ֹ֜תֹו ַהּכ ֲֹה ִנ֧ים וְ ַהּנְ ִב ִ ֛אים וְ ָכ ָ‬
‫מר ְּכ ִׁש ֙לֹו יִ ְֽהיֶ ֙ה ַה ַּב֣יִ ת ַה ֶּ֔זה וְ ָה ִ ֥עיר ַה ּ֛ז ֹאת ֶּת ֱח ַ ֖רב‬ ‫הוה ֵלא ֗ ֹ‬ ‫ית ְב ֵׁשם־יְ ָ ֜‬ ‫נִ ֵּ֨ב ָ‬
‫‪ 10‬וּֽיִ ְׁש ְמ ֣עּו ׀‬ ‫ַ�‬ ‫הוה׃‬ ‫ל־ה ָ ֛עם ֶ ֽאל־יִ ְר ְמָי֖הּו ְּב ֵ ֥בית יְ ָ ֽ‬ ‫יֹוׁשב וַ ּיִ ָּק ֵ ֧הל ָּכ ָ‬ ‫ֵמ ֵ ֣אין ֵ ֑‬
‫הו֑ה וַ ֵּי ְֽׁש ֛בּו‬ ‫ית־ה ֶ ּ֖מ ֶלְך ֵּב֣ית יְ ָ‬ ‫הּודה ֵ ֚את ַה ְּד ָב ִ ֣רים ָה ֵ֔א ֶּלה וַ ּיַ ֲע ֥לּו ִמ ֵּב ַ‬ ‫ָׂש ֵ ֣רי יְ ָ ֗‬
‫אמ ֜רּו ַהּכ ֲֹה ִנ֤ים וְ ַהּנְ ִב ִא ֙ים‬ ‫הו֖ה ֶה ָח ָ ֽדׁש׃ ס ‪ 11 ‬וַ ּ֨י ֹ ְ‬ ‫ְּב ֶ ֥פ ַתח ַ ֽׁש ַער־יְ ָ‬
‫ט־מוֶ ֙ת ָל ִ ֣איׁש ַה ֶּ֔זה ִ ּ֤כי נִ ָּב ֙א‬ ‫מר ִמ ְׁש ַּפ ָ֙‬ ‫ל־ה ָ ֖עם ֵלא ֑ ֹ‬ ‫ל־ּכ ָ‬ ‫ל־ה ָּׂש ִ ֔רים וְ ֶא ָ‬ ‫ֶא ַ‬
‫הּו ֶאל־‬ ‫מ ֙‬ ‫אמר יִ ְר ְ יָ֙‬ ‫יכם׃ ‪ 12‬וַ ּ֤י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ל־ה ִ ֣עיר ַה ּ֔ז ֹאת ַּכ ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ְׁש ַמ ְע ֶ ּ֖תם ְּב ָאזְ נֵ ֶ ֽ‬ ‫ֶא ָ‬
‫ל־ה ַ ּ֤ביִ ת‬ ‫הו֣ה ְׁש ָל ַ֗חנִ י ְל ִהּנָ ֵ֞בא ֶא ַ‬ ‫מר יְ ָ‬ ‫ל־ה ָ ֖עם ֵלא ֑ ֹ‬ ‫ל־ּכ ָ‬ ‫ל־ה ָּׂש ִ ֔רים וְ ֶא ָ‬ ‫ָּכ ַ‬
‫ל־ה ְּד ָב ִ ֖רים ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ְׁש ַמ ְע ֶ ּֽתם׃ ‪ 13‬וְ ַע ָּ֗תה‬ ‫ל־ה ִ ֣עיר ַה ּ֔ז ֹאת ֵ ֥את ָּכ ַ‬ ‫ַהּזֶ ֙ה וְ ֶא ָ‬
‫הוה‬ ‫ֹלה ֶיכ֑ם וְ יִ ּנָ ֵ ֣חם יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫הו֣ה ֱא ֵ‬ ‫יכם וְ ִׁש ְמ ֕עּו ְּב ֖קֹול יְ ָ‬ ‫ּומ ַע ְל ֵל ֶ֔‬
‫יכ ֙ם ַ ֣‬ ‫יטיבּו ַד ְר ֵכ ֶ‬ ‫ֵה ִ ֤‬
‫ׂשּו־לי ַּכ ּ֥טֹוב‬ ‫יכם׃ ‪ 14‬וַ ֲא ִנ֖י ִהנְ ִנ֣י ְביֶ ְד ֶכ֑ם ֲע ִ ֛‬ ‫ל־ה ָר ֔ ָעה ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ִּד ֶ ּ֖בר ֲע ֵל ֶ ֽ‬ ‫ֶא ָ ֣‬
‫ם־מ ִמ ִ ֣תים ַא ֶּת ֮ם א ִֹתי֒ ִּכי־‬ ‫‪ 15‬אְך ׀ יָ ֣ד ֹ ַע ֵּת ְד ֗עּו ִ ּ֣כי ִא ְ‬ ‫ַ֣‬ ‫יכם׃‬ ‫וְ ַכּיָ ָ ׁ֖שר ְּב ֵעינֵ ֶ ֽ‬
‫יה ִ ּ֣כי ֶב ֱא ֶ֗מת‬ ‫ל־ה ִ ֥עיר ַה ּ֖ז ֹאת וְ ֶאל־י ְֹׁש ֶ ֑ב ָ‬ ‫יכם וְ ֶא ָ‬ ‫ָ ֣דם נָ ִ֗קי ַא ֶּת ֙ם נ ְֹת ִנ֣ים ֲע ֵל ֶ֔‬
‫ל־ה ְּד ָב ִ ֖רים ָה ֵ ֽא ֶּלה׃ ס ‪ ‬‬ ‫יכם ֵ ֥את ָּכ ַ‬ ‫יכם ְל ַד ֵּב ֙ר ְּב ָאזְ נֵ ֶ֔‬ ‫ְׁש ָל ַ ֤חנִ י יְ הוָ ֙ה ֲע ֵל ֶ֔‬
‫ין־ל ִ ֤איׁש‬ ‫יאים ֵא ָ‬ ‫ל־הּנְ ִב ִ ֑‬ ‫ל־הּכ ֲֹה ִנ֖ים וְ ֶא ַ‬ ‫ל־ה ֔ ָעם ֶא ַ‬ ‫ים וְ ָכ ָ‬ ‫אמ ֤רּו ַה ָּׂש ִר ֙‬ ‫‪ 16‬וַ ּי ֹ ְ‬
‫ֹלהינּו ִּד ֶ ּ֥בר ֵא ֵ ֽלינּו׃ ‪ 17‬וַ ּי� ֻ ָ֣קמּו‬ ‫הו֥ה ֱא ֵ ֖‬ ‫ט־מוֶ ת ִּ֗כי ְּב ֵ ׁ֛שם יְ ָ‬ ‫ַהּזֶ ֙ה ִמ ְׁש ַּפ ָ֔‬
‫מר׃ ‪ 18‬מיכיה‬ ‫ל־ק ַ ֥הל ָה ָ ֖עם ֵלא ֽ ֹ‬ ‫ל־ּכ ְ‬‫אמ ֔רּו ֶא ָ‬ ‫ֲאנָ ִׁ֔שים ִמּזִ ְק ֵנ֖י ָה ָ ֑א ֶרץ וַ ּ֣י ֹ ְ‬
‫אמר ֶאל־‬ ‫הּודה וַ ּ֣י ֹ ֶ‬
‫ימי ִחזְ ִק ָּי֣הּו ֶ ֽמ ֶלְך־יְ ָ ֑‬ ‫יכ ֙ה) ַה ּ֣מ ַֹור ְׁש ִּ֔תי ָה ָי֣ה נִ ָּ֔בא ִּב ֵ ֖‬ ‫(ק׳‪ ‬מ ָ‬
‫ִ‬
‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֗אֹות ִצּי֞ ֹון ָׂש ֶ ֤דה ֵ ֽת ָח ֵר ׁ֙ש‬ ‫ה־א ַ ֣מר ׀ יְ ָ‬ ‫מר ּֽכֹ ָ‬ ‫הּודה ֵלא ֜ ֹ‬ ‫ל־ע ֩ם יְ ָ ֨‬ ‫ָּכ ַ‬
‫‪ 19‬ה ָה ֵ ֣מת ֠ ֱה ִמ ֻתהּו‬ ‫ֶ‬ ‫ירּוׁש ַ ֙ליִ ֙ם ִע ִּי֣ים ִ ּֽת ְה ֶ֔יה וְ ַ ֥הר ַה ַ ּ֖ביִ ת ְל ָב ֥מֹות ָי ַֽער׃‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫וִ‬
‫ת־ּפ ֵנ֣י‬
‫ה וַ יְ ַחל֙ ֶא ְ‬ ‫הּודה ֲהל ֹ ֮א יָ ֵ ֣רא ֶאת־יְ הוָ ֒‬ ‫הּודה וְ ָכל־יְ ָ ֗‬ ‫ִחזְ ִק ָּ֨יהּו ֶ ֽמ ֶלְך־יְ ָ ֜‬
‫יהם וַ ֲא ַ֗נ ְחנּו ע ִ ֹׂ֛שים ָר ָ ֥עה‬ ‫ר־ּד ֶּב֣ר ֲע ֵל ֶ ֑‬
‫ל־ה ָר ָ ֖עה ֲא ֶׁש ִ‬ ‫הוה ֶא ָ‬ ‫הוה וַ ּיִ ָּנ ֶ֣חם יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫יְ ָ ֔‬
‫הּו‬
‫הוה ֽא ִּורּיָ֙ ֙‬ ‫ׁשם יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ם־איׁש ָה ָי֤ה ִמ ְתנַ ֵּב ֙א ְּב ֵ ֣‬ ‫ׁשֹותינּו׃ ‪ 20‬וְ גַ ִ֗‬ ‫דֹול֖ה ַעל־נַ ְפ ֵ ֽ‬ ‫גְ ָ‬
‫ל־ה ָ ֣א ֶרץ ַה ּ֔ז ֹאת‬ ‫את וְ ַע ָ‬ ‫ל־ה ִ ֤עיר ַהּז ֹ ֙‬ ‫ן־ׁש ַמ ְע ָ֔יהּו ִמ ִּק ְר ַי֖ת ַהּיְ ָע ִ ֑רים וַ ּיִ ּנָ ֵ֞בא ַע ָ‬ ‫ֶ ּֽב ְ‬
‫ל־ה ָּׂש ִר ֙ים‬ ‫ּבֹוריו וְ ָכ ַ‬ ‫ְך־י֠הֹויָ ִקים וְ ָכל־ּגִ ָ ֤‬ ‫ְּכ ֖כֹל ִּד ְב ֵ ֥רי יִ ְר ְמָיֽהּו׃ ‪ 21‬וַ ּיִ ְׁש ַ ֣מע ַה ֶ ּֽמ ֶל ְ‬
‫ּיָב ֹא‬‫ּיִב ַ ֖רח וַ ֥‬‫הּו וַ ּיִ ָ ֔רא וַ ְ‬ ‫אּורּיָ֙ ֙‬
‫יתֹו וַ ּיִ ְׁש ַ ֤מע ִ‬ ‫ת־ּד ָב ָ ֔ריו וַ ַיְב ֵ ּ֥קׁש ַה ֶ ּ֖מ ֶלְך ֲה ִמ ֑‬ ‫ֶא ְ‬
‫ִמ ְצ ָ ֽריִ ם׃ ‪ 22‬וַ ּיִ ְׁש ֞ ַלח ַה ֶ ּ֧מ ֶלְך יְ הֹוי� ִ ָ֛קים ֲאנָ ִ ׁ֖שים ִמ ְצ ָ ֑ריִ ם ֵ ֣את ֶא ְלנָ ָ ֧תן ֶּבן־‬
‫ת־אּור ָּ֜יהּו ִמ ִּמ ְצ ַ ֗ריִ ם‬‫ִ‬ ‫ּיֹוציאּו ֶא‬ ‫ל־מ ְצ ָ ֽריִ ם׃ ‪ 23‬וַ ִ֨‬ ‫ַע ְכ ּ֛בֹור וַ ֲאנָ ִ ׁ֥שים ִא ּ֖תֹו ֶא ִ‬
‫ל־ק ְב ֵ ֖רי‬
‫ל־ה ֶ ּ֣מ ֶלְך יְ הֹויָ ִ֔קים וַ ּיַ ֵ ּ֖כהּו ֶּב ָ ֑ח ֶרב וַ ּיַ ְׁש ֵל ְ֙ך ֶאת־נִ ְב ָל ֔תֹו ֶא ִ‬ ‫הּו ֶא ַ‬ ‫וַ ִיְב ֻ֙א ֙‬
‫ן־ׁש ֔ ָפן ָהיְ ָ ֖תה ֶ ֽאת־יִ ְר ְמָי֑הּו ְל ִב ְל ִ ּ֛תי ֵּתת־‬ ‫�יקם ֶּב ָ‬ ‫‪ 24‬אְך ַי֚ד ֲא ִח ָ ֣‬ ‫ַ֗‬ ‫ְּב ֵנ֥י ָה ָ ֽעם׃‬
‫יתֹו׃ פ‪ ‬‬ ‫ד־ה ָ ֖עם ַל ֲה ִמ ֽ‬ ‫א ֹ֥תֹו ְביַ ָ‬
‫‪Jeremiah 27 (Jeremiah’s Opposition to Resisting the‬‬

‫)‪ Babylonian Overlord‬‬
‫הּודה ָה ָ֞יה ַה ָּד ָ ֤בר‬ ‫אוׁש ָּי֖הּו ֶ ֣מ ֶלְך יְ ָ ֑‬ ‫אׁשית ַמ ְמ ֶל ֶ֛כת יְ הֹוי� ִ ָ֥קם ֶּבן־י ֹ ִ‬ ‫‪ּ 1‬ב ֵר ִ֗‬ ‫ְ‬
‫ׂשה ְל ָ֔ך‬ ‫ה־א ַ ֤מר יְ הוָ ֙ה ֵא ֔ ַלי ֲע ֵ ֣‬ ‫מר׃ ‪ּֽ 2‬כֹ ָ‬ ‫הו֖ה ֵלא ֽ ֹ‬ ‫ַהּזֶ ֙ה ֶ ֽאל־יִ ְר ְמ ָ֔יה ֵמ ֵ ֥את יְ ָ‬
‫ל־מ ֶלְך ֱא ֜דֹום וְ ֶאל־‬ ‫ארָך׃ ‪ 3‬וְ ִׁש ַּל ְח ָּת ֩ם ֶא ֶ֨‬ ‫ל־צּוָ ֶ ֽ‬
‫מֹוס ֖רֹות ּומ ֹ֑טֹות ּונְ ַת ָ ּ֖תם ַע ַ‬ ‫ֵ‬
‫ל־מ ֶלְך ִצ ֑ידֹון ְּב ַי֤ד‬ ‫ל־מ ֶלְך ֖צֹר וְ ֶא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ל־מ ֶל ְ֙ך ְּב ֵנ֣י ַע ּ֔מֹון וְ ֶא ֶ ֥‬ ‫מֹואב וְ ֶא ֶ֙‬ ‫ָ֗‬ ‫ֶ ֣מ ֶלְך‬
‫ית א ָֹ֔תם‬ ‫הּודה׃ ‪ 4‬וְ ִצּוִ ָ ֣‬ ‫ל־צ ְד ִק ָּי֖הּו ֶ ֥מ ֶלְך יְ ָ ֽ‬ ‫רּוׁש ֔ ַל ִם ֶא ִ‬ ‫ים ַה ָּב ִ ֣אים יְ ָ‬ ‫ַמ ְל ָא ִכ ֙‬
‫אמ ֖רּו‬ ‫ֹלהי יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֔אל ּ֥כֹה ֽת ֹ ְ‬ ‫אֹות ֱא ֵ ֣‬ ‫הו֤ה ְצ ָב ֙‬ ‫ה־א ַ֞מר יְ ָ‬
‫מר ּֽכֹ ָ‬ ‫יהם ֵלא ֑ ֹ‬ ‫ל־א ֽד ֹנֵ ֶ ֖‬
‫ֶא ֲ‬
‫ת־ה ְּב ֵה ָמ ֙ה ֲא ֶׁש ֙ר‬ ‫ת־ה ָא ָ ֤דם וְ ֶא ַ‬ ‫ת־ה ָ֗א ֶרץ ֶא ָ‬ ‫יתי ֶא ָ‬ ‫‪ 5‬אנ ִֹ֞כי ָע ִ ׂ֣ש ִ‬ ‫יכם׃ ָ‬ ‫ל־א ֽד ֹנֵ ֶ ֽ‬
‫ֶא ֲ‬
‫יה ַל ֲא ֶ ׁ֖שר יָ ַ ׁ֥שר‬ ‫טּוי֑ה ּונְ ַת ִּ֕ת ָ‬
‫רֹועי ַהּנְ ָ‬ ‫ּובזְ ִ ֖‬ ‫ל־ּפ ֵנ֣י ָה ָ֔א ֶרץ ְּבכ ִֹח֙י ַהּגָ ֔דֹול ִ‬ ‫ַע ְ‬
‫אּצר‬ ‫בּוכ ְדנֶ ַ ֥‬‫ל־ה ֲא ָר ֣צֹות ָה ֵ֔א ֶּלה ְּב ַי֛ד נְ ַ‬ ‫ת־ּכ ָ‬‫ּתי ֶא ָ‬ ‫ֹכי נָ ַ֙ת ִ ֙‬‫ְּב ֵע ָינֽי׃ ‪ 6‬וְ ַע ָּ֗תה ָ ֽאנ ִ ֙‬
‫‪20‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 3‬‬
‫ֹתֹו‬‫ת־ח ַּי֣ת ַה ָּׂש ֶ ֔דה נָ ַ ֥ת ִּתי ֖לֹו ְל ָע ְב ֽדֹו׃ ‪ 7‬וְ ָע ְב ֤דּו א ֙‬ ‫ְך־ּב ֶ ֖בל ַע ְב ִ ּ֑די וְ גַ ֙ם ֶא ַ‬ ‫ֶ ֽמ ֶל ָ‬
‫בֹו‬ ‫ם־הּוא וְ ָ ֤ע ְבדּו ֙‬ ‫א־עת ַא ְר ֙צֹו ּגַ ֔‬ ‫ן־ּבנ֑ ֹו ַע֣ד ּב ֹ ֵ ֤‬ ‫ת־ּב ְ‬ ‫ת־ּבנ֖ ֹו וְ ֶ ֽא ֶ‬ ‫ּגֹוים וְ ֶא ְ‬ ‫ל־ה ִ֔‬ ‫ָּכ ַ‬
‫ּומ ָל ִ ֖כים ּגְ ד ִ ֹֽלים׃ ‪ 8‬וְ ָה ָ֨יה ַה ּ֜גֹוי וְ ַה ַּמ ְמ ָל ָ֗כה ֲא ֶׁ֨שר ֽל ֹא־יַ ַע ְב ֤דּו‬ ‫ּגֹויִ ֣ם ַר ִּ֔בים ְ‬
‫ארֹו ְּב ֖עֹל‬ ‫ת־צּוָ ֔‬ ‫ּתן ֶא ַ‬ ‫ְך־ּב ֶ֔בל וְ ֵ֨את ֲא ֶ ׁ֤שר ֽל ֹא־יִ ֵ ֙‬ ‫אּצ֣ר ֶ ֽמ ֶל ָ‬ ‫בּוכ ְדנֶ ַ‬‫ֹתֹו ֶאת־נְ ַ‬ ‫א ֙‬
‫הוה ַעד־‬ ‫הּוא נְ ֻאם־יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ל־הּג֤ ֹוי ַה ֙‬ ‫ּוב ֶ ּ֜ד ֶבר ֶא ְפ ֨קֹד ַע ַ‬ ‫ּוב ָר ֨ ָעב ַ‬ ‫ֶ ֣מ ֶלְך ָּב ֶב֑ל ַּב ֶח ֶרב֩ ָ‬
‫יכם וְ ֶאל֙‬ ‫יכם וְ ֶאל־ ֽקֹ ְס ֵמ ֶ֗‬ ‫יא ֶ֜‬‫ל־ּת ְׁש ְמ ֨עּו ֶאל־נְ ִב ֵ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ו ַ֠א ֶּתם ַא ִ‬ ‫ֻּת ִ ּ֥מי א ָ ֹ֖תם ְּביָ ֽדֹו׃ ְ‬
‫מר‬ ‫יכ ֙ם ֵלא ֔ ֹ‬ ‫ר־הם א ְֹמ ִ ֤רים ֲא ֵל ֶ‬ ‫ל־ּכ ָּׁש ֵפ ֶיכ֑ם ֲא ֶׁש ֵ֞‬ ‫יכם וְ ֶאל־ ֽעֹנְ נֵ ֶיכ֖ם וְ ֶא ַ‬ ‫מ ֵת ֶ֔‬ ‫ֲחֹל ֣ ֹ‬
‫‪ּ 10‬כי ֶׁ֔ש ֶקר ֵ ֖הם נִ ְּב ִ ֣אים ָל ֶכ֑ם ְל ַ֨מ ַען ַה ְר ִ ֤חיק‬ ‫ִ֣‬ ‫ת־מ ֶלְך ָּב ֶ ֽבל׃‬ ‫֥ל ֹא ַת ַע ְב ֖דּו ֶא ֶ ֥‬
‫יָביא‬ ‫ֶא ְת ֶכ ֙ם ֵמ ַ ֣על ַא ְד ַמ ְת ֶ֔כם וְ ִה ַּד ְח ִ ּ֥תי ֶא ְת ֶכ֖ם וַ ֲא ַב ְד ֶ ּֽתם׃ ‪ 11‬וְ ַה ּ֗גֹוי ֲא ֶׁ֨שר ִ ֧‬
‫הוה‬ ‫תֹו נְ ֻאם־יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ל־א ְד ָמ ֙‬ ‫ְך־ּב ֶ ֖בל ַ ֽו ֲע ָב ֑דֹו וְ ִהּנַ ְח ִ ּ֤תיו ַע ַ‬ ‫ארֹו ְּב ֥עֹל ֶ ֽמ ֶל ָ‬ ‫ת־צּוָ ֛‬ ‫ֶא ַ‬
‫ל־ה ְּד ָב ִ ֥רים‬ ‫הּוד ֙ה ִּד ַּ֔ב ְר ִּתי ְּכ ָכ ַ‬ ‫ל־צ ְד ִק ָּי֤ה ֶ ֽמ ֶלְך־יְ ָ‬ ‫ַ ֽו ֲע ָב ָ ֖דּה וְ ָי ַׁ֥שב ָ ּֽבּה׃ ‪ 12‬וְ ֶא ִ‬
‫ְך־ּב ֶ֗בל וְ ִע ְב ֥דּו א ֹ֛תֹו וְ ַע ּ֖מֹו‬ ‫על ֶ ֽמ ֶל ָ‬ ‫יכם ְּב ֣ ֹ‬ ‫אר ֶ֜‬ ‫ת־צּוְ ֵ‬ ‫מר ָה ִ֨ביאּו ֶא ַ‬ ‫ָה ֵ ֖א ֶּלה ֵלא ֑ ֹ‬
‫ּוב ָ ּ֑ד ֶב ֙ר ַ ּֽכ ֲא ֶׁש ֙ר ִּד ֶּב֣ר‬ ‫ּותּו ַא ָ ּ֣תה וְ ַע ֶּ֔מָך ַּב ֶ ֖ח ֶרב ָּב ָר ָ ֣עב ַ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ל ָּ֤מה ָת ֙מ ֙‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫ִ ֽו ְחיֽ ּו׃‬
‫ל־ּת ְׁש ְמ ֞עּו ֶאל־‬ ‫ת־מ ֶלְך ָּב ֶ ֽבל׃ ‪ 14‬וְ ַ ֽא ִ‬ ‫ל־ה ּ֕גֹוי ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ֽל ֹא־יַ ֲע ֖בֹד ֶא ֶ ֥‬ ‫הוה ֶא ַ‬ ‫יְ ָ ֔‬
‫ת־מ ֶלְך ָּב ֶב֑ל ִ ּ֣כי‬ ‫מר ֥ל ֹא ַת ַע ְב ֖דּו ֶא ֶ ֣‬ ‫יכ ֙ם ֵלא ֔ ֹ‬ ‫ִּד ְב ֵ ֣רי ַהּנְ ִב ִ֗אים ָהא ְֹמ ִ ֤רים ֲא ֵל ֶ‬
‫הוה וְ ֵ ֛הם נִ ְּב ִ ֥אים‬ ‫‪ּ 15‬כי ֤ל ֹא ְׁש ַל ְח ִּת ֙ים נְ ֻאם־יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ִ֣‬ ‫ֶׁ֔ש ֶקר ֵ ֖הם נִ ְּב ִ ֥אים ָל ֶ ֽכם׃‬
‫יחי ֶא ְת ֶכ ֙ם וַ ֲא ַב ְד ֶּ֔תם ַא ֶּ֕תם וְ ַהּנְ ִב ִ ֖אים ֽ ַהּנִ ְּב ִ ֥אים‬ ‫ִּב ְׁש ִ ֖מי ַל ָ ּׁ֑ש ֶקר ְל ַ֨מ ַען ַה ִּד ִ ֤‬
‫מר ּכ ֹ֮ה ָא ַ ֣מר‬ ‫ל־ה ֨ ָעם ַה ֶּ֜זה ִּד ַ ּ֣ב ְר ִּתי ֵלא ֗ ֹ‬ ‫ל־ּכ ָ‬ ‫ים וְ ֶא ָ‬ ‫ל־הּכ ֲֹהנִ ֩‬ ‫ָל ֶ ֽכם׃ ‪ 16‬וְ ֶא ַ‬
‫מר ִה ֵּ֨נה ְכ ֵל֧י‬ ‫יכם ַ ֽהּנִ ְּב ִ ֤אים ָל ֶכ ֙ם ֵלא ֔ ֹ‬ ‫יא ֶ֗‬ ‫ל־ּד ְב ֵ ֣רי נְ ִ ֽב ֵ‬ ‫ל־ּת ְׁש ְמ ֞עּו ֶא ִ‬ ‫ה ַ ֽא ִ‬ ‫יְ הוָ ֒‬
‫מּוׁש ִ ֥בים ִמ ָּב ֶ ֖ב ָלה ַע ָ ּ֣תה ְמ ֵה ָ ֑רה ִ ּ֣כי ֶׁ֔ש ֶקר ֵ ֖ה ָּמה נִ ְּב ִ ֥אים ָל ֶ ֽכם׃‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫הו֛ה‬ ‫ֵבית־יְ ָ‬
‫ְך־ּב ֶ ֖בל ִ ֽו ְחי֑ ּו ָל ָּ֧מה ִ ֽת ְה ֶי֛ה ָה ִ ֥עיר‬ ‫ת־מ ֶל ָ‬ ‫יהם ִע ְב ֥דּו ֶא ֶ ֽ‬ ‫ל־ּת ְׁש ְמ ֣עּו ֲא ֵל ֶ֔‬ ‫‪ 17‬א ִ‬ ‫ַ‬
‫הו֖ה ִא ָ ּ֑תם יִ ְפּגְ עּו־נָ ֙א‬ ‫ם־יׁ֥ש ְּד ַבר־יְ ָ‬ ‫ַה ּ֖ז ֹאת ָח ְר ָ ּֽבה׃ ‪ 18‬וְ ִאם־נְ ִב ִ ֣אים ֵ֔הם וְ ִא ֵ‬
‫ּובית ֶ ֧מ ֶלְך‬ ‫הוה ֵ֨‬ ‫ּנֹות ִ ֣רים ְּב ֵבית־יְ ָ ֗‬ ‫יהו֣ה ְצ ָב ֔אֹות ְל ִב ְל ִּתי־ ֜בֹאּו ַה ֵּכ ִ ֣לים ׀ ַה ָ‬ ‫ַ ּֽב ָ‬
‫ירּוׁש ַל֖םִ ָּב ֶ ֽב ָלה׃ פ‪ ‬‬ ‫ּוב ָ‬ ‫הּודה ִ‬ ‫יְ ָ ֛‬
‫ל־ה ְּמכֹנ֑ ֹות וְ ַעל֙‬ ‫ל־ה ָּי֖ם וְ ַע ַ‬ ‫ל־ה ַע ֻּמ ִ ֔דים וְ ַע ַ‬ ‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֔אֹות ֶא ָ ֽ‬ ‫‪ּ 19‬כי ֤כֹה ָא ַמ ֙ר יְ ָ‬ ‫ִ֣‬
‫אּצ ֙ר‬ ‫ּוכ ְדנֶ ַ‬ ‫א־ל ָק ָ֗חם נְ ֽב ַ‬ ‫ׁשר ֽל ֹ ְ‬ ‫‪ 20‬א ֶ ֣‬
‫ֲ‬ ‫ּנֹות ִ ֖רים ָּב ִ ֥עיר ַה ּֽז ֹאת׃‬ ‫ֶי ֶ֣תר ַה ֵּכ ֔ ִלים ַה ָ‬
‫הּודה‬ ‫ֶ ֣מ ֶלְך ָּב ֶ֔בל ֠ ַּבגְ לֹותֹו ֶאת־יכוניה (ק׳‪ ‬יְ ָכנְ ָ֨יה)‪ֶ ‪‬בן־יְ הֹוי� ִ ָ֧קים ֶ ֽמ ֶלְך־יְ ָ ֛‬
‫‪ּ 21 ‬כי ֥כֹה‬ ‫ִ֣‬ ‫ירּוׁש ָֽל ִם׃ ס‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫הּודה וִ‬ ‫ּוׁש ַל֖םִ ָּב ֶב ָ֑לה וְ ֵ ֛את ָּכל־ח ֵ ֹ֥רי יְ ָ ֖‬ ‫ִמ ֽיר ָ‬
‫ּובית‬ ‫הוה ֵ ֥‬ ‫ֹות ִר ֙ים ֵּב֣ית יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ל־ה ֵּכ ֗ ִלים ַהּנֽ ָ‬ ‫ֹלהי יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֑אל ַע ַ‬ ‫הו֥ה ְצ ָב ֖אֹות ֱא ֵ ֣‬ ‫ָא ַ ֛מר יְ ָ‬
‫יּובאּו וְ ָ ׁ֣ש ָּמה יִ ֽ ְהי֑ ּו ַ֠עד י֣ ֹום ָּפ ְק ִ ֤די‬

‫‪ּ 22‬ב ֶ ֥ב ָלה ָ ֖‬
‫ָ‬ ‫ירּוׁש ָֽל ִם׃‬
‫ָ‬ ‫הּודה וִ‬
‫ֶ ֽמ ֶלְך־יְ ָ ֖‬
‫ל־ה ָּמ ֖קֹום ַה ֶּזֽה׃ פ‪ ‬‬‫ית ֙ים וַ ֲה ִ ׁ֣שיב ִֹ֔תים ֶא ַ‬
‫הוה וְ ַ ֽה ֲע ִל ִ‬
‫א ָֹת ֙ם נְ ֻאם־יְ ָ ֔‬
‫‪Jeremiah 41 (Insurrection against Gedaliah and‬‬

‫)‪ Massacre of Pilgrims‬‬
‫יׁש ָ ֣מע ִמ ֶּז ַ�֣רע‬ ‫ן־א ִל ָ‬ ‫יעי ָ ּ֣בא יִ ְׁש ָמ ֵע֣אל ֶּבן־נְ ַתנְ יָ ֣ה ֶב ֱ‬ ‫‪ 1‬וַ יְ ִ ֣הי ׀ ַּב ֣חֹ ֶדׁש ַה ְּׁש ִב ֗ ִ‬
‫�יקם‬ ‫ן־א ִח ָ ֖‬
‫לּוכה וְ ַר ֵּ֨בי ַה ֶּ֜מ ֶלְך וַ ֲע ָׂש ָ ֨רה ֲאנָ ִ ׁ֥שים ִא ּ֛תֹו ֶאל־ּגְ ַד ְל ָי֥הּו ֶב ֲ‬ ‫֠ ַה ְּמ ָ‬
‫אכלּו ָ ׁ֥שם ֶל ֶ֛חם יַ ְח ָ ּ֖דו ַּב ִּמ ְצ ָ ּֽפה׃ ‪ 2‬וַ ּיָ ָק ֩ם יִ ְׁש ָמ ֨ ֵעאל ֶּבן־נְ ַתנְ ָ֜יה‬ ‫ַה ִּמ ְצ ָ ּ֑פ ָתה וַ ּ֨י ֹ ְ‬
‫ן־ׁש ָ ֛פן‬ ‫�יקם ֶּב ָ‬ ‫ן־א ִח ָ ֧‬‫ר־הי֣ ּו ִא ּ֗תֹו ַוּ֠יַ ּכּו ֶאת־ּגְ ַד ְל ָ֨יהּו ֶב ֲ‬ ‫וַ ֲע ֶ ׂ֥ש ֶרת ָה ֲאנָ ִ ׁ֣שים ׀ ֲא ֶׁש ָ‬
‫הּודים‬ ‫ל־הּיְ ִ ֗‬ ‫ְך־ּב ֶ ֖בל ָּב ָ ֽא ֶרץ׃ ‪ 3‬וְ ֵ ֣את ָּכ ַ‬ ‫ר־הפ ִ ֥�ְקיד ֶ ֽמ ֶל ָ‬ ‫ַּב ֶ ֖ח ֶרב וַ ָּי ֶ֣מת א ֹ֑תֹו ֲא ֶׁש ִ‬
‫אּו־ׁשם‬
‫ׁשר נִ ְמ ְצ ָ ֑‬ ‫ת־ה ַּכ ְׂש ִ ּ֖דים ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫הּו ַּב ִּמ ְצ ֔ ָּפה וְ ֶא ַ‬
‫ר־הי֨ ּו ִא ּ֤תֹו ֶאת־ּגְ ַד ְליָ֙ ֙‬ ‫ֲא ֶׁש ָ‬
‫ׁשי ַה ִּמ ְל ָח ָ֔מה ִה ָ ּ֖כה יִ ְׁש ָמ ֵ ֽעאל׃ ‪ 4‬וַ יְ ִ ֛הי ַּבּי֥ ֹום ַה ֵּׁש ִנ֖י ְל ָה ִ ֣מית‬ ‫ֵ ֚את ַאנְ ֵ ֣‬
‫רֹון‬
‫ּומ ּֽׁש ֹ ְמ ֙‬ ‫ֶאת־ּגְ ַד ְל ָי֑הּו וְ ִ ֖איׁש ֥ל ֹא יָ ָ ֽדע׃ ‪ 5‬וַ ּיָ ֣בֹאּו ֠ ֲאנָ ִׁשים ִמ ְּׁש ֶ֞כם ִמ ִּׁש ֤לֹו ִ‬
‫ּולבֹונָ ֙ה ְּביָ ָ ֔דם‬ ‫ּומנְ ָ ֤חה ְ‬ ‫ּומ ְת ֹּֽג ְד ִ ֑דים ִ‬
‫ּוק ֻר ֵ ֥עי ְבגָ ִ ֖דים ִ‬ ‫ְׁשמ ִֹנ֣ים ִ֔איׁש ְמגֻ ְּל ֵ ֥חי ז� ָ ָ֛קן ְ‬
‫ן־ה ִּמ ְצ ֔ ָּפה‬‫את ֙ם ִמ ַ‬ ‫‪ 6‬וּ֠יֵ ֵצא יִ ְׁש ָמ ֨ ֵעאל ֶּבן־נְ ַתנְ יָ ֤ה ִל ְק ָר ָ‬ ‫הוה׃ ַ‬ ‫ְל ָה ִ ֖ביא ֵ ּ֥בית יְ ָ ֽ‬
‫יהם ּ֖בֹאּו ֶאל־ּגְ ַד ְל ָי֥הּו ֶבן־‬ ‫אמר ֲא ֵל ֶ֔‬‫הי ִּכ ְפ ֹ֣גׁש א ָֹ֔תם וַ ּ֣י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ה ֵ ֹ֥לְך ָה ֹ֖לְך ּוב ֶֹכ֑ה ַ ֽויְ ִ ֙‬
‫ל־ּתֹוְך ָה ִ ֑עיר וַ ּיִ ְׁש ָח ֵ֞טם יִ ְׁש ָמ ֵ ֤עאל‬ ‫בֹואם ֶא ֣‬ ‫ֲא ִח ָ ֽ�יקם׃ ס ‪ 7 ‬וַ יְ ִ֕הי ְּכ ָ ֖‬
‫ר־א ּֽתֹו׃ ‪ 8‬וַ ֲע ָׂש ָ ֨רה ֲאנָ ִׁ֜שים‬ ‫ל־ּתֹוְך ַה ּ֔בֹור ֖הּוא וְ ָה ֲאנָ ִ ׁ֥שים ֲא ֶׁש ִ‬ ‫ֶּבן־נְ ַתנְ יָ ֙ה ֶא ֣‬
‫ים‬ ‫ׁש־ל֤נּו ַמ ְטמֹנִ ֙‬ ‫ל־ּת ִמ ֵ֔תנּו ִ ּֽכי־יֶ ָ‬ ‫אמ ֤רּו ֶאל־יִ ְׁש ָמ ֵעאל֙ ַא ְ‬ ‫אּו־בם וַ ּי ֹ ְ‬ ‫נִ ְמ ְצ ָ֗‬
‫יהם׃‬ ‫יתם ְּב ֥תֹוְך ֲא ֵח ֶ ֽ‬ ‫ׁש ֶמן ְּוד ָ ֑בׁש וַ ּיֶ ְח ַ ּ֕דל וְ ֥ל ֹא ֱה ִמ ָ ֖‬ ‫ּוׂשע ִ ֹ֖רים וְ ֶ ֣‬ ‫ַּב ָּׂש ֶ ֔דה ִח ִ ּ֥טים ְ‬
‫ל־ּפגְ ֵ ֣רי ָה ֲאנָ ִׁ֗שים ֲא ֶ ׁ֤שר‬ ‫‪ 9‬וְ ַה ּ֗בֹור ֲא ֶׁשר֩ ִה ְׁש ֨ ִליְך ָ ׁ֤שם יִ ְׁש ָמ ֵעאל֙ ֵ ֣את ׀ ָּכ ִ‬
‫ִה ָּכ ֙ה ְּביַ ד־ּגְ ַד ְל ָ֔יהּו ֗הּוא ֲא ֶ ׁ֤שר ָע ָׂש ֙ה ַה ֶ ּ֣מ ֶלְך ָא ָ֔סא ִמ ְּפ ֵנ֖י ַּב ְע ָ ׁ֣שא ֶ ֽמ ֶלְך־‬
‫יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֑אל א ֹ֗תֹו ִמ ֵּל֛א יִ ְׁש ָמ ֵ ֥עאל ֶּבן־נְ ַתנְ יָ ֖הּו ֲח ָל ִ ֽלים׃ ‪ 10‬וַ ִּי ְׁ֣ש ְּב ׀ ִ֠י ְׁש ָמ ֵעאל‬
‫ל־ה ָע ֙ם‬ ‫ת־ּכ ָ‬ ‫ת־ּבנ֤ ֹות ַה ֶּ֙מ ֶל ְ֙ך וְ ֶא ָ‬ ‫ׁשר ַּב ִּמ ְצ ֗ ָּפה ֶא ְ‬ ‫ל־ׁש ֵא ִ ֨רית ָה ֜ ָעם ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ת־ּכ ְ‬ ‫ֶא ָ‬
‫ב־ט ָּב ִ֔חים ֶאת־ּגְ ַד ְל ָי֖הּו‬ ‫ׁשר ִה ְפ ִ֗קיד נְ ֽבּוזַ ְר ֲא ָ ֙דן ַר ַ‬ ‫ַהּנִ ְׁש ָא ִ ֣רים ַּב ִּמ ְצ ֔ ָּפה ֲא ֶ ֣‬
‫ל־ּב ֵנ֥י ַע ּֽמֹון׃‪ ‬ס ‪ ‬‬ ‫�יקם וַ ּיִ ְׁש ֵּב ֙ם יִ ְׁש ָמ ֵע֣אל ֶּבן־נְ ַתנְ ָ֔יה וַ ֵּ֕י ֶלְך ַל ֲע ֖בֹר ֶא ְ‬ ‫ן־א ִח ָ ֑‬
‫ֶּב ֲ‬
‫ׁשר ִא ּ֑תֹו ֵ ֤את ָּכל־‬ ‫ל־ׂש ֵ ֥רי ַה ֲחיָ ִ ֖לים ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ן־ק ֵ ֔ר ַח וְ ָכ ָ‬ ‫יֹוח ָנ�֣ן ֶּב ָ‬ ‫‪ 11‬וַ ּיִ ְׁש ַמ ֙ע ָ‬
‫ל־ה ֲאנָ ִׁ֔שים‬ ‫ת־ּכ ָ ֣‬‫חּו ֶא ָ‬ ‫ׁשר ָע ָׂ֔שה יִ ְׁש ָמ ֵ ֖עאל ֶּבן־נְ ַתנְ יָ ֽה׃ ‪ 12‬וַ ּיִ ְק ֙‬ ‫ָ ֽה ָר ָע ֙ה ֲא ֶ ֣‬
‫‪22‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 3‬‬
‫ל־מיִ ם ַר ִ ּ֖בים‬ ‫וַ ֵּי ְ֣ל ֔כּו ְל ִה ָּל ֵ ֖חם ִעם־יִ ְׁש ָמ ֵע֣אל ֶּבן־נְ ַתנְ יָ ֑ה וַ ּיִ ְמ ְצ ֣אּו א ֹ֔תֹו ֶא ַ ֥‬
‫ֹוחנָ ֙ן‬ ‫ׁשר ֶאת־יִ ְׁש ָמ ֔ ֵעאל ֶאת־יֽ ָ‬ ‫ל־ה ָע ֙ם ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ְּבגִ ְב ֽעֹון׃ ‪ 13‬וַ יְ ִ֗הי ִּכ ְר ֤אֹות ָּכ ָ‬
‫ּבּו ָּכל־‬ ‫ׁשר ִא ּ֑תֹו וַ ּיִ ְׂש ָ ֽמחּו׃ ‪ 14‬וַ ּיָ ֙ס ֹ ֙‬ ‫ל־ׂש ֵ ֥רי ַה ֲחיָ ִ ֖לים ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ן־ק ֵ ֔ר ַח וְ ֵ ֛את ָּכ ָ‬ ‫ֶּב ָ‬
‫ֹוח ָנ�֖ן ֶּבן־‬ ‫בּו וַ ֵּי ְ֣ל ֔כּו ֶאל־יֽ ָ‬‫ן־ה ִּמ ְצ ָ ּ֑פה וַ ּיָ ֻׁ֙ש ֙‬ ‫ר־ׁש ָ ֥בה יִ ְׁש ָמ ֵ ֖עאל ִמ ַ‬ ‫ָה ֔ ָעם ֲא ֶׁש ָ‬
‫ֹוח ָנ�֑ן וַ ֵּי ֶ֖לְך‬
‫ָק ֵ ֽר ַח׃ ‪ 15‬וְ יִ ְׁש ָמ ֵע֣אל ֶּבן־נְ ַתנְ ָ֗יה נִ ְמ ַל ֙ט ִּב ְׁשמ ָֹנ֣ה ֲאנָ ִׁ֔שים ִמ ְּפ ֵנ֖י יֽ ָ‬
‫ל־ׂש ֵ ֧רי ַה ֲחיָ ִ ֣לים‬ ‫ן־ק ֵ ֜ר ַח וְ ָכ ָ‬
‫יֹוח ָ֨נן ֶּב ָ‬‫ל־ּב ֵנ֥י ַע ּֽמֹון׃ ס ‪ 16 ‬וַ ּיִ ַּק ֩ח ָ‬ ‫ֶא ְ‬
‫ׁשר ֠ ֵה ִׁשיב ֵמ ֵ֨את יִ ְׁש ָמ ֵ ֤עאל ֶּבן־‬ ‫ל־ׁש ֵא ִ ֤רית ָה ָע ֙ם ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ר־א ּ֗תֹו ֵ ֣את ָּכ ְ‬ ‫ֲא ֶׁש ִ‬
‫ׁשי‬ ‫�יקם ּגְ ָב ִ ֞רים ַאנְ ֵ ֣‬ ‫ן־א ִח ָ ֑‬
‫ן־ה ִּמ ְצ ֔ ָּפה ַא ַ ֣חר ִה ָּ֔כה ֶאת־ּגְ ַד ְל ָי֖ה ֶּב ֲ‬ ‫נְ ַתנְ יָ ֙ה ִמ ַ‬
‫בּו‬
‫ַה ִּמ ְל ָח ָ֗מה וְ נָ ִ ׁ֤שים וְ ַט ֙ף וְ ָ ֣ס ִר ִ֔סים ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ֵה ִ ׁ֖שיב ִמּגִ ְב ֽעֹון׃ ‪ 17‬וַ ּיֵ ְל ֗כּו וַ ֵּי ְֽׁש ֙‬
‫ר־א ֶצל ֵּב֣ית ָל ֶ֑חם ָל ֶל ֶ֖כת ָל ֥בֹוא ִמ ְצ ָ ֽריִ ם׃‬ ‫(ק׳‪ּ ‬כ ְמ ָ֔הם) ֲא ֶׁש ֵ ֖‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫ְּבגֵ ֣רּות כמוהם‬
‫י־ה ָּ֞כה יִ ְׁש ָמ ֵע֣אל ֶּבן־נְ ַתנְ ָ֗יה ֶאת־‬ ‫יהם ִ ּֽכ ִ‬ ‫‪ 18‬מ ְּפנֵ ֙י ַה ַּכ ְׂש ִ ּ֔דים ִ ּ֥כי יָ ְר ֖אּו ִמ ְּפנֵ ֶ ֑‬
‫ִ‬
‫ְך־ּב ֶ ֖בל ָּב ָ ֽא ֶרץ׃ ס‬
‫ר־הפ ִ ֥�ְקיד ֶ ֽמ ֶל ָ‬ ‫יקם ֲא ֶׁש ִ‬ ‫ן־א ִח ָ ֔‬ ‫הּו ֶּב ֲ‬ ‫ּגְ ַד ְ יָ֙ל ֙‬
‫)‪Ezekiel 33 (Warning Israel of Judgment and the Fall of Jerusalem‬‬
‫ֽי־ע ְּמ ָ֙ך וְ ָא ַמ ְר ָ ּ֣ת‬

‫ל־ּב ֵנ ַ‬ ‫ן־א ָ ֗דם ַּד ֵ ּ֤בר ֶא ְ‬
‫‪ּ 2‬ב ָ‬‫מר׃ ֶ‬ ‫הו֖ה ֵא ַ ֥לי ֵלא ֽ ֹ‬ ‫‪ 1‬וַ יְ ִ ֥הי ְד ַבר־יְ ָ‬
‫ם־ה ָ֜א ֶרץ ִ ֤איׁש ֶא ָח ֙ד‬ ‫֖יה ָ ֑ח ֶרב וְ ָל ְק ֨חּו ַע ָ‬ ‫י־א ִ ֥ביא ָע ֶל ָ‬ ‫יהם ֶ֕א ֶרץ ִ ּֽכ ָ‬ ‫ֲא ֵל ֶ֔‬
‫ל־ה ָ ֑א ֶרץ‬ ‫ת־ה ֶ ֖ח ֶרב ָּב ָ ֣אה ַע ָ‬ ‫יהם וְ נָ ְתנ֥ ּו א ֹ֛תֹו ָל ֶ ֖הם ְלצ ֶ ֹֽפה׃ ‪ 3‬וְ ָר ָ ֥אה ֶא ַ‬ ‫ִמ ְק ֵצ ֶ֔‬
‫ּׁשֹופ ֙ר‬
‫ת־קֹול ַה ָ‬ ‫ת־ה ָ ֽעם׃ ‪ 4‬וְ ָׁש ַ֨מע ַהּׁש ֵֹ֜מ ַע ֶא ֤‬ ‫ּׁשֹופר וְ ִהזְ ִ ֥היר ֶא ָ‬ ‫וְ �ת ַ ָ֥קע ַּב ָ ֖‬
‫ּׁשֹופר‬
‫‪ 5‬א ֩ת ֨קֹול ַה ָ ֤‬ ‫אׁשֹו יִ ְֽה ֶיֽה׃ ֵ‬ ‫וְ ֣ל ֹא נִ זְ ָ֔הר וַ ָ ּ֥תבֹוא ֶ ֖ח ֶרב וַ ִּת ָּק ֵ ֑חהּו ָּד ֥מֹו ְבר ֹ ֖‬
‫‪ 6‬ו ַ֠הּצ ֶֹפה‬ ‫ָׁש ַמ ֙ע וְ ֣ל ֹא נִ זְ ָ֔הר ָּד ֖מֹו ּ֣בֹו יִ ֽ ְה ֶי֑ה וְ ֥הּוא נִ זְ ָ ֖הר נַ ְפ ׁ֥שֹו ִמ ֵ ּֽלט׃ ְ‬
‫ּׁשֹופ ֙ר וְ ָה ָ ֣עם ֽל ֹא־נִ זְ ָ֔הר וַ ָּת ֣בֹוא‬ ‫א־ת ַ ָ֤קע ַּב ָ‬ ‫ת־ה ֶ֜ח ֶרב ָּב ָ֗אה וְ ֽל ֹ �‬ ‫ִ ּֽכי־יִ ְר ֶ֨אה ֶא ַ‬
‫ֽד־הּצ ֶ ֹ֥פה ֶא ְד ֽר ֹׁש׃ ס ‪ ‬‬ ‫ֶ֔ח ֶרב וַ ִּת ַ ּ֥קח ֵמ ֶ ֖הם ָנ ֶ֑פׁש ֚הּוא ַּב ֲעו ֺנ֣ ֹו נִ ְל ָ ֔קח וְ ָד ֖מֹו ִמַּי ַ‬
‫ּפי ָּד ָ֔בר‬ ‫ן־א ָ ֔דם צ ֶ ֹ֥פה נְ ַת ִ ּ֖תיָך ְל ֵב֣ית יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֑אל וְ ָׁש ַמ ְע ָ ּ֤ת ִמ ִ ֙‬ ‫‪ 7‬וְ ַא ָ ּ֣תה ֶב ָ‬
‫‪ּ 8‬ב ָא ְמ ִ ֣רי ָל ָר ָׁ֗שע ָר ָׁש ֙ע ֣מֹות ָּת ֔מּות וְ ֣ל ֹא ִד ַּ֔ב ְר ָּת‬ ‫וְ ִהזְ ַה ְר ָ ּ֥ת א ָ ֹ֖תם ִמ ֶ ּֽמּנִ י׃ ְ‬
‫ְל ַהזְ ִ ֥היר ָר ָ ׁ֖שע ִמ ַּד ְר ּ֑כֹו ֤הּוא ָר ָׁש ֙ע ַּב ֲעו ֺנ֣ ֹו יָ ֔מּות וְ ָד ֖מֹו ִמּיָ ְדָך֥ ֲא ַב ֵ ּֽקׁש׃‬
‫א־ׁשב ִמ ַּד ְר ּ֑כֹו ֚הּוא‬ ‫ּכֹו ָל ׁ֣שּוב ִמ ֶּ֔מּנָ ה וְ ל ֹ ָ ֖‬ ‫י־הזְ ַ֨ה ְר ָּת ָר ָ ׁ֤שע ִמ ַּד ְר ֙‬ ‫‪ 9‬ו ַ֠א ָּתה ִ ּֽכ ִ‬ ‫ְ‬
‫ן־א ָ ֗דם ֱאמ ֹ֙ר‬ ‫ַּב ֲעו ֺנ֣ ֹו יָ ֔מּות וְ ַא ָ ּ֖תה נַ ְפ ְׁשָך֥ ִה ַ ּֽצ ְל ָּת׃ ס ‪ 10 ‬וְ ַא ָ ּ֣תה ֶב ָ‬
‫ּובם‬ ‫אתינּו ָע ֵל֑ינּו ָ ֛‬ ‫י־פ ָׁש ֵ ֥עינּו וְ ַחּט ֹ ֵ ֖‬
‫מר ִ ּֽכ ְ‬‫ל־ּב֣ית יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֔אל ֵּכ֤ן ֲא ַמ ְר ֶּת ֙ם ֵלא ֔ ֹ‬ ‫ֶא ֵ‬
‫י־אנִ י ׀ נְ ֻ ֣אם ׀ ֲאד ָֹנ֣י‬ ‫יהם ַח ָ ֣‬ ‫מר ֲא ֵל ֶ֜‬ ‫‪ 11‬א ֨ ֹ‬

‫ֱ‬ ‫ֲא ַנ ְ֥חנּו נְ ַמ ִ ּ֖קים וְ ֵ ֥איְך ִ ֽנ ְח ֶיֽה׃‬
‫ם־ּב ׁ֥שּוב ָר ָ ׁ֛שע ִמ ַּד ְר ּ֖כֹו וְ ָח ָי֑ה ׁ֣שּובּו‬ ‫ם־א ְחּפ ֹ֙ץ ְּב ֣מֹות ָה ָר ָׁ֔שע ִ ּ֣כי ִא ְ‬ ‫הוה ִא ֶ‬ ‫יְ ִ ֗‬
‫ׁ֜שּובּו ִמ ַּד ְר ֵכ ֶיכ֧ם ָה ָר ִ ֛עים וְ ָל ָּ֥מה ָת ֖מּותּו ֵ ּ֥בית יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃ פ‪ ‬‬
‫יל ּ֙נּו ְּבי֣ ֹום‬
‫�ְקת ַה ַּצ ִ ּ֗דיק ֤ל ֹא ַת ִּצ ֶ ֙‬ ‫ֽי־ע ְּמ ָ֙ך ִצד ַ ֣‬ ‫ל־ּב ֵנ ַ‬ ‫מר ֶא ְ‬ ‫ן־א ָ ֗דם ֱא ֤ ֹ‬ ‫‪ 12‬וְ ַא ָ ּ֣תה ֶב ָ‬
‫ׁשּובֹו ֵ ֽמ ִר ְׁש ֑עֹו וְ ַצ ִ ּ֗דיק ֥ל ֹא‬ ‫֣‬ ‫ִּפ ְׁש ֔עֹו וְ ִר ְׁש ַ ֤עת ָ ֽה ָר ָׁש ֙ע ֽל ֹא־יִ ָּכ ֶׁ֣של ָּ֔בּה ְּבי֖ ֹום‬
‫יק ָח ֹ֣יה יִ ְֽח ֶ֔יה וְ ֽהּוא־‬ ‫‪ּ 13‬ב ָא ְמ ִ ֤רי ַל ַּצ ִּד ֙‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫אתֹו׃‬ ‫יּוכ֛ל ִ ֽל ְחי֥ ֹות ָ ּ֖בּה ְּבי֥ ֹום ֲחט ֹ ֽ‬ ‫ַ‬
‫(ק׳‪ ‬צ ְדק ָֹת ֙יו) ֣ל ֹא ִתּזָ ַ֔כ ְרנָ ה‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫ל־צ ְד ָק ֖תֹו וְ ָ ֣ע ָׂשה ָ ֑עוֶ ל ָּכל־צדקתו‬ ‫ָב ַ ֥טח ַע ִ‬
‫‪ּ 14‬וב ָא ְמ ִ ֥רי ָ ֽל ָר ָ ׁ֖שע ֣מֹות ָּת ֑מּות וְ ָׁש ֙ב‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫ר־ע ָ ׂ֖שה ּ֥בֹו יָ ֽמּות׃‬ ‫ּוב ַעוְ ֥לֹו ֲא ֶׁש ָ‬ ‫ְ‬
‫‪ 15‬ח ֨בֹל יָ ִ ׁ֤שיב ָר ָׁש ֙ע ּגְ זֵ ָל֣ה יְ ַׁש ֔ ֵּלם‬ ‫ֲ‬ ‫ּוצ �ד ָ ָֽקה׃‬ ‫אתֹו וְ ָע ָ ׂ֥שה ִמ ְׁש ָ ּ֖פט ְ‬ ‫ֵ ֽמ ַח ָּט ֔‬
‫‪ּ 16‬כל־‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫ְּב ֻח ּ֤קֹות ַ ֽה ַחּיִ ֙ים ָה ֔ ַלְך ְל ִב ְל ִ ּ֖תי ֲע ׂ֣שֹות ָ ֑עוֶ ל ָחי֥ ֹו יִ ְֽח ֶי֖ה ֥ל ֹא יָ ֽמּות׃‬
‫ּוצ �ד ָ ָ֛קה‬ ‫ׁשר ָח ָ֔טא ֥ל ֹא ִתּזָ ַ ֖כ ְרנָ ה ֑לֹו ִמ ְׁש ָ ּ֧פט ְ‬ ‫את ֙יו) ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫(ק׳‪ ‬חּט ֹ ָ‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫חטאתו‬
‫רּו ְּב ֵנ֣י ַע ְּמ ָ֔ך ֥ל ֹא יִ ָּת ֵ ֖כן ֶ ּ֣ד ֶרְך ֲאד ָֹנ֑י וְ ֵ ֖ה ָּמה ַּד ְר ָ ּ֥כם‬ ‫ָע ָ ׂ֖שה ָחי֥ ֹו יִ ְֽח ֶיֽה׃ ‪ 17‬וְ ָא ְמ ֙‬
‫‪ּ 19‬וב ׁ֤שּוב‬‫ְ‬ ‫ּומת ָּב ֶ ֽהם׃‬ ‫ׁשּוב־צ ִ ּ֥דיק ִמ ִּצ ְד ָק ֖תֹו וְ ָ ֣ע ָׂשה ָ ֑עוֶ ל ֵ ֖‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫‪ּ 18‬ב‬
‫ְ‬ ‫ֽל ֹא־יִ ָּת ֵ ֽכן׃‬
‫יהם ֥הּוא יִ ְֽח ֶיֽה׃ ‪ 20‬וַ ֲא ַמ ְר ֶּ֕תם‬ ‫ּוצ �ד ָ ָ֑קה ֲע ֵל ֶ ֖‬ ‫ָר ָׁש ֙ע ֵ ֽמ ִר ְׁש ָע ֔תֹו וְ ָע ָ ׂ֥שה ִמ ְׁש ָ ּ֖פט ְ‬
‫֥ל ֹא יִ ָּת ֵ ֖כן ֶ ּ֣ד ֶרְך ֲאד ָֹנ֑י ִ ֧איׁש ִּכ ְד ָר ָכ֛יו ֶא ְׁש ּ֥פֹוט ֶא ְת ֶכ֖ם ֵ ּ֥בית יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל‪ ‪‬פ‪ ‬‬
‫א־א ֨ ַלי‬‫לּותנּו ָּב ֵ‬ ‫‪ 21‬וַ יְ ִ֞הי ִּב ְׁש ֵ ּ֧תי ֶע ְׂש ֵ ֣רה ָׁש ָ֗נה ָּב ֲע ִׂש ִ ֛רי ַּב ֲח ִמ ָ ּׁ֥שה ַל ֖חֹ ֶדׁש ְלגָ ֵ ֑‬
‫מר ֻה ְּכ ָ ֥תה ָה ִ ֽעיר׃ ‪ 22‬וְ יַ ד־יְ הוָ ֩ה ָהיְ ָ֨תה ֵא ֜ ַלי ָּב ֗ ֶע ֶרב‬ ‫ירּוׁש ַל֛םִ ֵלא ֖ ֹ‬ ‫ַה ָּפ ִ ֧ליט ִמ ָ‬
‫ד־ּבֹוא ֵא ַ ֖לי ַּב ּ֑בֹ ֶקר וַ ּיִ ָ ּ֣פ ַתח ֔ ִּפי וְ ֥ל ֹא‬ ‫ת־ּפי ַע ֥‬ ‫ִל ְפנֵ ֙י ּ֣בֹוא ַה ָּפ ֔ ִליט וַ ּיִ ְפ ַ ּ֣תח ֶא ֔ ִ‬
‫נֶ ֱא ַל ְ֖מ ִּתי ֽעֹוד׃ פ‪ ‬‬
‫ן־א ָ ֗דם ֹ֠י ְׁש ֵבי ֶה ֳח ָר ֨בֹות ָה ֵ֜א ֶּלה‬ ‫‪ּ 24‬ב ָ‬ ‫ֶ‬ ‫מר׃‬ ‫הוֹ֖ה ֵא ַ ֥לי ֵלא ֽ ֹ‬ ‫‪ 23‬וַ יְ ִ ֥הי ְד ַבר־יְ ָ‬
‫ירׁש ֶאת־‬ ‫מר ֶא ָח ֙ד ָה ָי֣ה ַא ְב ָר ָ֔הם וַ ּיִ ַ ֖‬ ‫ל־א ְד ַ ֤מת יִ ְׂש ָר ֵאל֙ א ְֹמ ִ ֣רים ֵלא ֔ ֹ‬ ‫ַע ַ‬
‫‪ 25‬ל ֵכן֩‬
‫ָ‬ ‫מֹור ָ ֽׁשה׃ ס ‪ ‬‬ ‫ָה ָ ֑א ֶרץ וַ ֲא ַנ ְ֣חנּו ַר ִּ֔בים ָל֛נּו נִ ְּת ָנ֥ה ָה ָ ֖א ֶרץ ְל ָ‬
‫אכ֛לּו וְ ֵעינֵ ֶכ֛ם ִּת ְׂש ֥אּו‬ ‫ל־ה ָ ּ֧דם ׀ ּת ֹ ֵ‬ ‫ה־א ַ ֣מר ׀ ֲאד ָֹנ֣י יְ הוִֹ ֗ה ַע ַ‬ ‫יהם ּֽכֹ ָ‬ ‫מר ֲא ֵל ֶ֜‬ ‫ֱא ֨ ֹ‬
‫ל־ח ְר ְּב ֶכ ֙ם‬‫‪ 26‬ע ַמ ְד ֶ ּ֤תם ַ ֽע ַ‬ ‫ֲ‬ ‫ירׁשּו׃‬ ‫ּלּול ֶיכ֖ם וְ ָ ֣דם ִּת ְׁש ֑ ֹּפכּו וְ ָה ָ ֖א ֶרץ ִּת ָ ֽ‬ ‫ֶאל־ּגִ ֵ‬
‫ירׁשּו׃‪ ‬ס ‪ ‬‬ ‫אתם וְ ָה ָ ֖א ֶרץ ִּת ָ ֽ‬ ‫ת־א ֶׁשת ֵר ֵ ֖עהּו ִט ֵּמ ֶ ֑‬ ‫ּתֹוע ָ֔בה וְ ִ ֛איׁש ֶא ֵ ֥‬ ‫יתן ֵ‬ ‫ֲע ִׂש ֶ ֣‬
‫ם־ל ֹא ֲא ֶ ׁ֤שר‬ ‫י־אנִ י֒ ִא ֞‬ ‫ֹה־א ַ֨מר ֲאד ָֹנ֣י יְ הוִ ֮ה ַח ָ‬ ‫אמר ֲא ֵל ֶ֜הם ּכ ָ‬ ‫‪ּֽ 27‬כֹה־ת ֹ ַ֨‬
‫ל־ּפ ֵנ֣י ַה ָּׂש ֶ ֔דה ַל ַח ָּי֥ה נְ ַת ִ ּ֖תיו ְל ָא ְכ ֑לֹו‬ ‫בֹות ַּב ֶ ֣ח ֶרב יִ ֔ ֹּפלּו ַ ֽו ֲא ֶׁש ֙ר ַע ְ‬ ‫ֶ ּֽב ֳח ָר ֙‬
‫ת־ה ָ֙א ֶר ֙ץ ְׁש ָמ ָ ֣מה‬ ‫ּוב ְּמ ָע ֖רֹות ַּב ֶ ּ֥ד ֶבר יָ ֽמּותּו׃ ‪ 28‬וְ נָ ַת ִ ּ֤תי ֶא ָ‬ ‫וַ ֲא ֶ ׁ֛שר ַּב ְּמ ָצ ֥דֹות ַ‬
‫‪24‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 3‬‬
‫עֹובר׃ ‪ 29‬וְ יָ ְד ֖עּו‬ ‫ּומ ַׁש ָּ֔מה וְ נִ ְׁש ַ ּ֖בת ּגְ ֣אֹון ֻע ָּזּ֑ה וְ ָ ֽׁש ְמ ֛מּו ָה ֵ ֥רי יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֖אל ֵמ ֵ ֥אין ֵ ֽ‬ ‫ְ‬
‫ל־ּתֹועב ָ ֹ֖תם‬
‫ֲ‬ ‫ּומ ַׁש ָּ֔מה ַ ֥על ָּכ‬ ‫ת־ה ָ֙א ֶר ֙ץ ְׁש ָמ ָ ֣מה ְ‬ ‫הו֑ה ְּב ִת ִ ּ֤תי ֶא ָ‬ ‫י־א ִנ֣י יְ ָ‬‫ִ ּֽכ ֲ‬
‫ן־א ָ ֔דם ְּב ֵנ֣י ַע ְּמ ָ֗ך ַהּנִ ְד ָּב ִ ֤רים ְּב ָ֙ך‬
‫ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ָע ֽׂשּו׃ ס ‪ 30 ‬וְ ַא ָ ּ֣תה ֶב ָ‬
‫ת־א ִח ֙יו‬‫ת־א ַ֗חד ִ ֤איׁש ֶא ָ‬ ‫ר־חד ֶא ַ‬ ‫ּוב ִפ ְת ֵ ֖חי ַה ָּב ִ ּ֑תים וְ ִד ֶּב ַ ֣‬ ‫ירֹות ְ‬ ‫ֵ ֣א ֶצל ַה ִּק ֔‬
‫הוה׃ ‪ 31‬וְ ֣יָבֹואּו ֠ ֵא ֶליָך‬ ‫ּיֹוצא ֵמ ֵ ֥את יְ ָ ֽ‬‫אּו־נ֣א וְ ִׁש ְמ ֔עּו ָ ֣מה ַה ָּד ָ֔בר ַה ֵ ֖‬ ‫מר ּֽבֹ ָ‬ ‫ֵלא ֔ ֹ‬
‫אֹותם ֣ל ֹא ַי ֲֽע ׂ֑שּו‬ ‫ת־ּד ָב ֶ ֔ריָך וְ ָ ֖‬
‫עּו ֶא ְ‬ ‫בֹוא־עם וְ יֵ ְׁש ֤בּו ְל ָפנֶ֙ ֙יָך ַע ִּ֔מי וְ ָ ֽׁש ְמ ֙‬
‫ָ֞‬ ‫ִּכ ְמ‬
‫יה ֙ם ֵ ֣ה ָּמה ע ִֹׂ֔שים ַא ֲח ֵ ֥רי ִב ְצ ָ ֖עם ִל ָ ּ֥בם ה ֵ ֹֽלְך׃ ‪ 32‬וְ ִהּנְ ָך֤ ָל ֶה ֙ם‬ ‫י־עגָ ִ ֤בים ְּב ִפ ֶ‬ ‫ִ ּֽכ ֲ‬
‫ת־ּד ָב ֶ ֔ריָך וְ ע ִ ֹׂ֥שים ֵא ָינ֖ם‬ ‫עּו ֶא ְ‬ ‫ּומ ִ ֣טב נַ ֵּג�֑ן וְ ָ ֽׁש ְמ ֙‬
‫ְּכ ִ ׁ֣שיר ֲעגָ ִ֔בים יְ ֵ ֥פה ֖קֹול ֵ‬
‫תֹוכם׃ ס‬ ‫‪ּ 33‬ובב ָ ֹ֑אּה ִה ֵּנ֣ה ָב ָ֔אה וְ ָי ְ֣ד ֔עּו ִ ּ֥כי נָ ִ ֖ביא ָה ָי֥ה ְב ָ ֽ‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫אֹותם׃‬‫ָֽ‬
‫)‪Ezekiel 34 (Shepherds of Israel‬‬
‫ל־רֹוע֣י יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֑אל‬‫ֵ‬ ‫ן־א ָ ֕דם ִהּנָ ֵ ֖בא ַע‬ ‫‪ּ 2‬ב ָ‬ ‫ֶ‬ ‫מר׃‬ ‫הו֖ה ֵא ַ ֥לי ֵלא ֽ ֹ‬ ‫‪ 1‬וַ יְ ִ ֥הי ְד ַבר־יְ ָ‬
‫הוה ֤הֹוי ר ֵ ֹֽעי־יִ ְׂש ָר ֵאל֙‬ ‫יהם ָלר ֜ ִֹעים ּ֥כֹה ָא ַ ֣מר ׀ ֲאד ָֹנ֣י יְ ִ ֗‬ ‫ִהּנָ ֵ ֣בא וְ ָא ַמ ְר ָ ּ֩ת ֲא ֵל ֶ֨‬
‫אכ ֙לּו‬ ‫ת־ה ֵ ֤ח ֶלב ּת ֹ ֙ ֵ‬‫‪ 3‬א ַ‬ ‫אֹותם ֲה ֣לֹוא ַה ּ֔צ ֹאן יִ ְר ֖עּו ָהר ִ ֹֽעים׃ ֶ‬ ‫ֲא ֶ ׁ֤שר ָה ֙יּו ר ִ ֹ֣עים ָ֔‬
‫לֹות‬‫ת־הּנַ ְח ֩‬ ‫‪ 4‬א ַ‬ ‫יאה ִּתזְ ָ ּ֑בחּו ַה ּ֖צ ֹאן ֥ל ֹא ִת ְר ֽעּו׃ ֶ ֽ‬ ‫ת־ה ֶּצ ֶ֣מר ִּת ְל ָּ֔בׁשּו ַה ְּב ִר ָ ֖‬ ‫וְ ֶא ַ‬
‫אתם וְ ַלּנִ ְׁש ֶּ֙ב ֶר ֙ת ֣ל ֹא ֲח ַב ְׁש ֶּ֔תם וְ ֶאת־‬ ‫א־ר ֵּפ ֶ֗‬ ‫חֹול֣ה ֽל ֹ ִ‬ ‫ת־ה ָ‬ ‫֨ל ֹא ִחּזַ ְק ֶּ֜תם וְ ֶא ַ‬
‫יתם א ָ ֹ֖תם‬ ‫ּוב ָחז ָ ֛�ְקה ְר ִד ֶ ֥‬ ‫ת־הא ֶ ֹ֖ב ֶדת ֣ל ֹא ִב ַּק ְׁש ֶ ּ֑תם ְ‬ ‫ַהּנִ ַ ּ֙ד ַח ֙ת ֣ל ֹא ֲה ֵׁשב ֶֹ֔תם וְ ֶא ָ‬
‫ל־ח ַּי֥ת ַה ָּׂש ֶ ֖דה‬ ‫פּוצינָ ה ִמ ְּב ִ ֣לי ר ֶ ֹ֑עה וַ ִּת ְה ֶי֧ינָ ה ְל ָא ְכ ָל֛ה ְל ָכ ַ‬ ‫ּוב ָ ֽפ ֶרְך׃ ‪ 5‬וַ ְּת ֶ ֖‬ ‫ְ‬
‫ל־ּפ ֵנ֤י‬
‫ל־ה ָה ִ ֔רים וְ ַ ֖על ָּכל־ּגִ ְב ָ ֣עה ָר ָ ֑מה וְ ֨ ַעל ָּכ ְ‬ ‫פּוצינָ ה׃ ‪ 6‬יִ ְׁשּג֤ ּו צֹאנִ ֙י ְּב ָכ ֶ ֣‬ ‫וַ ְּת ֶ ֽ‬
‫‪ 7‬ל ֵכ֣ן ר ֔ ִֹעים ִׁש ְמ ֖עּו ֶאת־‬ ‫ּדֹורׁש וְ ֵ ֥אין ְמ ַב ֵ ּֽקׁש׃ ָ‬ ‫אני וְ ֵ ֥אין ֵ ֖‬ ‫ָה ָ֙א ֶר ֙ץ נָ ֣ ֹפצּו צ ֹ ִ֔‬
‫אנ֣י ׀ ָל ַ֡בז‬ ‫ם־ל ֹא ַי ַ֣ען ֱהיֽ ֹות־צ ֹ ִ‬ ‫הוה ִא ֣‬ ‫י־אנִ י נְ ֻ ֣אם ׀ ֲאד ָֹנ֣י יְ ִ ֗‬ ‫‪ 8‬ח ָ֜‬ ‫הוה׃ ַ‬ ‫ְּד ַ ֥בר יְ ָ ֽ‬
‫א־ד ְר ׁ֥שּו ר ַ ֹ֖עי‬ ‫ל־ח ַּי֤ת ַה ָּׂש ֶד ֙ה ֵמ ֵ ֣אין ר ֔ ֶֹעה וְ ֽל ֹ ָ‬ ‫אני ְל ָא ְכ ֜ ָלה ְל ָכ ַ‬ ‫וַ ִ ּֽת ְהיֶ ינָ ֩ה צ ֹ ִ֨‬
‫‪ 9‬ל ֵ ֙כן‬
‫אנ֖י ֥ל ֹא ָר ֽעּו׃ ס ‪ָ ‬‬ ‫אֹותם וְ ֶאת־צ ֹ ִ‬ ‫ָ֔‬ ‫אנ֑י וַ ּיִ ְר ֤עּו ָ ֽהר ִֹע ֙ים‬ ‫ֶאת־צ ֹ ִ‬
‫ל־הר ֜ ִֹעים‬ ‫הוה ִהנְ ִ֨ני ֶ ֽא ָ‬ ‫ֹה־א ַ֞מר ֲאד ָֹנ֣י יְ ִ ֗‬ ‫הוה׃ ‪ּ 10‬כ ָ‬ ‫ָ ֽהר ֔ ִֹעים ִׁש ְמ ֖עּו ְּד ַבר־יְ ָ ֽ‬
‫ים ֵמ ְר ֣עֹות ֔צ ֹאן וְ לֹא־יִ ְר ֥עּו ֛עֹוד‬ ‫אנ֣י ִמּיָ ָ ֗דם וְ ִה ְׁש ַּב ִּת ֙‬ ‫ְ �ו ָֽד ַר ְׁש ִ ּ֧תי ֶאת־צ ֹ ִ‬
‫א־ת ְהֶי֥ין ָ ָל ֶ ֖הם ְל ָא ְכ ָ ֽלה׃ ס ‪ ‬‬ ‫יהם וְ ֽל ֹ ִ‬ ‫אֹותם וְ ִה ַּצ ְל ִ ּ֤תי צֹאנִ ֙י ִמ ִּפ ֶ֔‬ ‫ָהר ִ ֹ֖עים ָ ֑‬
‫ּוב ַּק ְר ִ ּֽתים׃‬ ‫אנ֖י ִ‬ ‫י־אנִ י וְ ָד ַר ְׁש ִ ּ֥תי ֶאת־צ ֹ ִ‬ ‫הו֑ה ִהנְ נִ ָ֕‬ ‫‪ּ 11‬כי ּ֥כֹה ָא ַ ֖מר ֲאד ָֹנ֣י יְ ִ‬ ‫ִ֛‬
‫אנֹו נִ ְפ ָר ׁ֔שֹות ֵ ּ֖כן ֲא ַב ֵ ּ֣קר‬ ‫יֹותֹו ְבתֹוְך־צ ֹ ֙‬ ‫יֹום־ה ֤‬
‫ֱ‬ ‫‪ּ 12‬כ ַב ָּק ַר ֩ת ר ֨ ֶֹעה ֶע ְד ֜רֹו ְּב‬ ‫ְ‬
‫ׁשר נָ ֣ ֹפצּו ָׁ֔שם ְּבי֥ ֹום ָע ָנ�֖ן‬ ‫ל־ה ְּמקֹומ ֹ֙ת ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫אנ֑י וְ ִה ַּצ ְל ִ ּ֣תי ֶא ְת ֶ֗הם ִמ ָּכ ַ‬ ‫ֶאת־צ ֹ ִ‬
‫ן־ה ֲא ָר ֔צֹות וַ ֲה ִביא ִ ֹ֖תים‬ ‫ן־ה ַע ִּ֗מים וְ ִק ַּב ְצ ִּת ֙ים ִמ ָ ֣‬ ‫אתים ִמ ָ‬ ‫הֹוצ ִ ֣‬
‫וַ ֲע ָר ֶ ֽפל׃ ‪ 13‬וְ ֵ‬
‫מֹוׁש ֵ ֥בי ָה ָ ֽא ֶרץ׃‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫ּוב ֖כֹל‬
‫יקים ְ‬ ‫ל־ה ֵ ֣רי יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֔אל ָּב ֲא ִפ ִ֕‬ ‫ית ֙ים ֶא ָ‬ ‫ל־א ְד ָמ ָ ֑תם ְּור ִע ִ‬ ‫ֶא ַ‬
‫ּוב ָה ֵ ֥רי ְמ ֽרֹום־יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֖אל יִ ְה ֶי ֣ה נְ וֵ ֶ ֑הם ָ ׁ֤שם‬ ‫ה־ּטֹוב ֶא ְר ֶע֣ה א ָֹ֔תם ְ‬ ‫֙‬ ‫‪ּ 14‬ב ִמ ְר ֶע‬‫ְ‬
‫‪ 15‬א ִ֨ני‬
‫ֲ‬ ‫ל־ה ֵ ֥רי יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃‬ ‫ּומ ְר ֶ ֥עה ָׁש ֵ ֛מן ִּת ְר ֶ ֖עינָ ה ֶא ָ‬ ‫ִּת ְר ַּ֙ב ְצנָ ֙ה ְּב ָ ֣נ וֶ ה ּ֔טֹוב ִ‬
‫ת־הא ֶֹב ֶ֤דת ֲא ַב ֵּק ׁ֙ש‬ ‫‪ 16‬א ָ‬ ‫ֶ‬ ‫הוה׃‬ ‫יצם נְ ֻ ֖אם ֲאד ָֹנ֥י יְ ִ ֽ‬ ‫ֶא ְר ֶ ֤עה צֹאנִ ֙י וַ ֲא ִנ֣י ַא ְר ִּב ֵ֔‬
‫ת־ה ְּׁש ֵמ ָנ֧ה‬ ‫חֹול֖ה ֲא ַח ֵּז֑ק וְ ֶא ַ‬ ‫ת־ה ָ‬ ‫ת־הּנִ ַ ּ֣ד ַחת ָא ִׁ֔שיב וְ ַלּנִ ְׁש ֶּב ֶ֣רת ֶא ֱח ֔בֹׁש וְ ֶא ַ‬ ‫וְ ֶא ַ‬
‫אני ּ֥כֹה ָא ַ ֖מר‬ ‫ת־ה ֲחז� ָ ָ֛קה ַא ְׁש ִ ֖מיד ֶא ְר ֶ ֥עּנָ ה ְב ִמ ְׁש ָ ּֽפט׃ ‪ 17‬וְ ַא ֵ ּ֣תנָ ה צ ֹ ִ֔‬ ‫וְ ֶא ַ‬
‫‪ 18‬ה ְמ ַ ֣עט‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫ּתּודים׃‬ ‫ילים וְ ָל ַע ִ ֽ‬ ‫ין־ׂשה ָל ֶׂ֔שה ָל ֵא ִ ֖‬ ‫הו֑ה ִהנְ ִנ֤י ׁש ֵֹפ ֙ט ֵ ּֽב ֶ ֣‬ ‫ֲאד ָֹנ֣י יְ ִ‬
‫ּומ ְׁש ַקע־‬ ‫יכם ִּת ְר ְמ ֖סּו ְּב ַרגְ ֵל ֶיכ֑ם ִ‬ ‫ּטֹוב ִּת ְר ֔עּו וְ יֶ֙ ֶת ֙ר ִמ ְר ֵע ֶ֔‬ ‫ִמ ֶּ֗כם ַה ִּמ ְר ֶ ֤עה ַה ֙‬
‫אנ֑י ִמ ְר ַ ֤מס‬ ‫ֹות ִ ֔רים ְּב ַרגְ ֵל ֶיכ֖ם ִּת ְרּפ ֹֽׂשּון׃ ‪ 19‬וְ צ ֹ ִ‬ ‫ַ ֣מיִ ם ִּת ְׁש ּ֔תּו וְ ֵא ֙ת ַהּנ֣ ָ‬
‫‪ 20‬ל ֵ֗כן ּ֥כֹה‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫ּומ ְר ַ ּ֥פׂש ַרגְ ֵל ֶיכ֖ם ִּת ְׁש ֶ ּֽתינָ ה׃ ס ‪ ‬‬ ‫יכ ֙ם ִּת ְר ֔ ֶעינָ ה ִ‬ ‫ַרגְ ֵל ֶ‬
‫ּובין ֶ ׂ֖שה‬ ‫ין־ׂשה ִב ְר ָ֔יה ֵ ֥‬ ‫ּתי ֵ ּֽב ֶ ֣‬ ‫י־אנִ י וְ ָ ֽׁש ַפ ְט ִ ֙‬ ‫יהם ִהנְ נִ ָ֕‬ ‫הוה ֲא ֵל ֶ ֑‬ ‫ָא ַ ֛מר ֲאד ָֹנ֥י יְ ִ ֖‬
‫ל־הּנַ ְח ֑לֹות ַע֣ד‬ ‫יכם ְּתנַ ּגְ ֖חּו ָּכ ַ‬ ‫ּוב ַק ְרנֵ ֶ ֥‬‫ּוב ָכ ֵת ֙ף ֶּת ְה ּ֔ד ֹפּו ְ‬ ‫‪ 21‬י ַען ְּב ַ ֤צד ְ‬ ‫ַ֗‬ ‫ָר ָזֽה׃‬
‫א־ת ְה ֶי֥ינָ ה‬ ‫אני וְ ֽל ֹ ִ‬ ‫הֹוׁש ְע ִ ּ֣תי ְלצ ֹ ִ֔‬ ‫ּוצה׃ ‪ 22‬וְ ַ‬ ‫ל־ה ֽח ָ‬ ‫אֹותנָ ה ֶא ַ‬ ‫יצֹותם ָ ֖‬ ‫ֲא ֶ ׁ֧שר ֲה ִפ ֶ ֛‬
‫יהם ר ֶ ֹ֤עה ֶא ָח ֙ד‬ ‫֖עֹוד ָל ַ ֑בז וְ ָ ׁ֣ש ַפ ְט ִּ֔תי ֵ ּ֥בין ֶ ׂ֖שה ָל ֶ ֽׂשה׃ ‪ 23‬וַ ֲה ִקמ ִֹ֨תי ֲע ֵל ֶ֜‬
‫וְ ָר ָ ֣עה ֶא ְת ֶ֔הן ֵ ֖את ַע ְב ִ ּ֣די ָדִו֑יד ֚הּוא יִ ְר ֶע֣ה א ָֹ֔תם וְ ֽהּוא־יִ ְה ֶי֥ה ָל ֶ ֖הן ְלר ֶ ֹֽעה׃‬
‫הו֖ה‬ ‫תֹוכ֑ם ֲא ִנ֥י יְ ָ‬ ‫אֹלהים וְ ַע ְב ִ ּ֥די ָדִ ֖וד נָ ִ ׂ֣שיא ְב ָ‬ ‫הוה ֶא ְה ֶי֤ה ָל ֶה ֙ם ֵ ֽל ִ֔‬ ‫‪ 24‬וַ ֲא ִנ֣י יְ ָ ֗‬
‫ן־ה ָ ֑א ֶרץ‬ ‫ֽה־ר ָ ֖עה ִמ ָ‬ ‫ִּד ַ ּֽב ְר ִּתי׃ ‪ 25‬וְ ָכ ַר ִ ּ֤תי ָל ֶה ֙ם ְּב ִ ֣רית ָׁש ֔לֹום וְ ִה ְׁש ַּב ִ ּ֥תי ַח ָּי ָ‬
‫ּוס ִב ֥יבֹות‬ ‫אֹותם ְ‬ ‫ָ֛‬ ‫וְ יָ ְׁש ֤בּו ַב ִּמ ְד ָּב ֙ר ָל ֶ֔ב ַטח וְ יָ ְׁשנ֖ ּו ַּבּיְ ָע ִ ֽרים׃ ‪ 26‬וְ נָ ַת ִ ּ֥תי‬
‫הֹור ְד ִ ּ֤תי ַהּגֶ֙ ֶׁש ֙ם ְּב ִע ּ֔תֹו ּגִ ְׁש ֵ ֥מי ְב ָר ָ ֖כה יִ ְֽהיֽ ּו׃ ‪ 27‬וְ נָ ַתן֩ ֨ ֵעץ‬ ‫ּגִ ְב ָע ִ ֖תי ְּב ָר ָ ֑כה וְ ַ‬
‫ל־א ְד ָמ ָ ֖תם ָל ֶב ַ֑טח ְ �וֽיָ ְד ֞עּו‬ ‫יְבּולּה וְ ָהי֥ ּו ַע ַ‬ ‫ָ֔‬ ‫ת־ּפ ְרי֗ ֹו וְ ָה ָ֙א ֶר ֙ץ ִּת ֵ ּ֣תן‬ ‫ַה ָּׂש ֶ ֜דה ֶא ִ‬
‫הוה ְּב ִׁש ְב ִר֙י ֶאת־מ ֹ֣טֹות ֻע ֔ ָּלם וְ ִ֨ה ַּצ ְל ִּ֔תים ִמ ַּי֖ד ָהע ְֹב ִ ֥דים ָּב ֶ ֽהם׃‬ ‫י־א ִנ֣י יְ ָ ֗‬ ‫ִּכ ֲ‬
‫אכ ֵל֑ם וְ יָ ְׁש ֥בּו ָל ֶ ֖ב ַטח‬ ‫ּגֹוים וְ ַח ַּי֥ת ָה ָ ֖א ֶרץ ֣ל ֹא ת ֹ ְ‬ ‫‪ 28‬וְ לֹא־יִ ְהי֨ ּו ֥עֹוד ַּב ֙ז ַל ִ֔‬
‫וְ ֵ ֥אין ַמ ֲח ִ ֽריד׃ ‪ 29‬וַ ֲה ִקמ ִ ֹ֥תי ָל ֶ ֛הם ַמ ָ ּ֖טע ְל ֵ ׁ֑שם וְ ֽל ֹא־יִ ְהי֨ ּו ֜עֹוד ֲא ֻס ֵפ֤י ָר ָע ֙ב‬
‫יהם‬ ‫ֹלה ֶ ֖‬
‫הו֛ה ֱא ֵ‬ ‫ָּב ָ֔א ֶרץ וְ ֽל ֹא־יִ ְׂש ֥אּו ֖עֹוד ְּכ ִל ַ ּ֥מת ַהּגֹויִ ֽם׃ ‪ 30‬וְ יָ ְד ֗עּו ִ ּ֣כי ֲא ִנ֧י יְ ָ‬
‫אנ֛י ֥צ ֹאן‬ ‫הוה׃ ‪ 31‬וְ ַא ֵ ּ֥תן צ ֹ ִ‬ ‫ּמי ֵּב֣ית יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֔אל נְ ֻ ֖אם ֲאד ָֹנ֥י יְ ִ ֽ‬ ‫ִא ָ ּ֑תם וְ ֵ֗ה ָּמה ַע ִ ֙‬
‫הוה׃ פ‪ ‬‬ ‫יכם נְ ֻ ֖אם ֲאד ָֹנ֥י יְ ִ ֽ‬ ‫יתי ָא ָ ֣דם ַא ֶ ּ֑תם ֲאנִ ֙י ֱא ֹ֣ל ֵה ֶ֔‬ ‫ַמ ְר ִע ִ ֖‬
‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 3‬‬
‫)‪Haggai 1 (The Temple in Shambles‬‬
‫‪ּ 1‬ב ְׁש ַנ֤ת ְׁש ַּ֙תיִ ֙ם ְל ָד ְר ָי�֣וֶ ׁש ַה ֶּ֔מ ֶלְך ַּב ֙ח ֹ ֶד ׁ֙ש ַה ִּׁש ִּׁ֔שי ְּבי֥ ֹום ֶא ָ ֖חד ַל ֑חֹ ֶדׁש ָה ָ֨יה‬ ‫ִ‬
‫הּודה‬ ‫יאל֙ ַּפ ַ ֣חת יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ן־ׁש ַא ְל ִּת ֵ‬
‫ד־ח ַּג֣י ַהּנָ ִ֗ביא ֶאל־זְ ֻר ָּב ֶב֤ל ֶּב ְ‬ ‫הוה ְּביַ ַ‬ ‫ְד ַבר־יְ ָ ֜‬
‫הו֥ה ְצ ָב ֖אֹות‬ ‫מר׃ ‪ּ֥ 2‬כֹה ָא ַ ֛מר יְ ָ‬ ‫הֹוצ ָ ֛דק ַהּכ ֵ ֹ֥הן ַהּגָ ֖דֹול ֵלא ֽ ֹ‬ ‫הֹוׁש ַע ֶּבן־יְ ָ‬ ‫וְ ֶאל־יְ ֻ ֧‬
‫הו֖ה ְל ִה ָּבנֽ ֹות׃ פ‪ ‬‬ ‫ת־ּבית יְ ָ‬ ‫ת־ּב ֹא ֶע ֵ ֥‬ ‫מר ָה ָ ֤עם ַהּזֶ ֙ה ָ ֽא ְמ ֔רּו ֥ל ֹא ֶע ֛‬ ‫ֵלא ֑ ֹ‬
‫מר׃ ‪ַ 4‬ה ֵ ֤עת ָל ֶכ ֙ם ַא ֶּ֔תם ָל ֶ ׁ֖ש ֶבת‬ ‫ד־ח ַּג֥י ַהּנָ ִ ֖ביא ֵלא ֽ ֹ‬ ‫הוה ְּביַ ַ‬ ‫הי ְּד ַבר־יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫‪ 3‬ו יְ ִ ֙‬ ‫ַֽ‬
‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֑אֹות‬ ‫פּונ֑ים וְ ַה ַ ּ֥ביִ ת ַה ֶּז֖ה ָח ֵ ֽרב׃ ‪ 5‬וְ ַע ָּ֕תה ּ֥כֹה ָא ַ ֖מר יְ ָ‬ ‫ְּב ָב ֵּת ֶיכ֣ם ְס ִ‬
‫יכם׃ ‪ 6‬זְ ַר ְע ֶּ֨תם ַה ְר ֵּ֜בה וְ ָה ֵב֣א ְמ ֗ ָעט ָא ֤כֹול וְ ֵאין־‬ ‫ל־ּד ְר ֵכ ֶ ֽ‬
‫ִ ׂ֥שימּו ְל ַב ְב ֶכ֖ם ַע ַ‬
‫ין־ל ֣חֹם ֑לֹו וְ ַ֨ה ִּמ ְׂש ַּת ֵּ֔כר ִמ ְׂש ַּת ֵ ּ֖כר‬ ‫ין־ל ָׁש ְכ ָ ֔רה ָל ֖בֹוׁש וְ ֵא ְ‬ ‫ְל ָׂש ְב ָע ֙ה ָׁש ֣תֹו וְ ֵא ְ‬
‫ל־צ ֥רֹור נָ ֽקּוב׃ פ‪ ‬‬ ‫ֶא ְ‬
‫יכם׃ ‪ֲ 8‬ע ֥לּו ָה ָ ֛הר‬ ‫ל־ּד ְר ֵכ ֶ ֽ‬
‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֑אֹות ִ ׂ֥שימּו ְל ַב ְב ֶכ֖ם ַע ַ‬ ‫‪ּ֥ 7‬כֹה ָא ַ ֖מר יְ ָ‬
‫הוה׃‬ ‫ה־ּבֹו ואכבד (ק׳ וְ ֶא ָּכ ְב ָ ֖דה) ָא ַ ֥מר יְ ָ ֽ‬ ‫ּובנ֣ ּו ַה ָ ּ֑ביִ ת וְ ֶא ְר ֶצ ֥‬ ‫אתם ֵ ֖עץ ְ‬ ‫וַ ֲה ֵב ֶ ֥‬
‫אתם ַה ַ ּ֖ביִ ת וְ נָ ַ ֣פ ְח ִּתי ֑בֹו ַי ַ֣ען ֶ֗מה‬ ‫ל־ה ְר ֵּב ֙ה וְ ִה ֵּנ֣ה ִל ְמ ֔ ָעט וַ ֲה ֵב ֶ ֥‬ ‫‪ּ 9‬פ ֹ֤נה ֶא ַ‬ ‫ָ‬
‫יתֹו׃‬ ‫ר־הּוא ָח ֵ ֔רב וְ ַא ֶ ּ֥תם ָר ִ ֖צים ִ ֥איׁש ְל ֵב ֽ‬ ‫יתי ֲא ֶׁש ֣‬ ‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֔אֹות ַ֗י ַען ֵּב ִ ֙‬ ‫נְ ֻא ֙ם יְ ָ‬
‫יְבּולּה׃ ‪ 11‬וָ ֶא ְק ָ ֨רא‬ ‫יכם ָּכ ְל ֥אּו ָש ַ ֖מיִ ם ִמ ָ ּ֑טל וְ ָה ָ ֖א ֶרץ ָּכ ְל ָ ֥אה ָ ֽ‬ ‫ל־ּכ֣ן ֲע ֵל ֶ֔‬ ‫‪ 10‬ע ֵ‬ ‫ַ‬
‫ל־הּיִ ְצ ָ֔הר וְ ַ ֛על‬ ‫ל־ה ִּת ֣ירֹוׁש וְ ַע ַ‬ ‫ל־ה ָּדגָ ֙ן וְ ַע ַ‬ ‫ל־ה ָה ִ ֗רים וְ ַע ַ‬ ‫ל־ה ָ ֣א ֶרץ וְ ַע ֶ‬ ‫֜חֹ ֶרב ַע ָ‬
‫ל־יְג ַ֥יע ַּכ ָ ּֽפיִם׃‪ ‬ס ‪ ‬‬ ‫ל־ה ְּב ֵה ָ֔מה וְ ַ ֖על ָּכ ִ‬ ‫ל־ה ָא ָד ֙ם וְ ַע ַ‬ ‫ּתֹוציא ָה ֲא ָד ָ ֑מה וְ ַע ָ ֽ‬ ‫ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ִ ֖‬
‫הֹוצ ָד ֩ק ַהּכ ֵֹ֨הן ַהּגָ ֜דֹול‬ ‫יהֹוׁש ַע ֶּבן־יְ ָ‬ ‫ֻ֣‬ ‫יאל וִ‬ ‫ן־ׁש ְל ִּת ֵ֡‬‫‪ 12‬וַ ּיִ ְׁש ַ ֣מע זְ ֻר ָּב ֶב֣ל ׀ ֶ ּֽב ַ‬
‫ל־ּד ְב ֵר֙י ַח ַּג֣י ַהּנָ ִ֔ביא‬ ‫יהם וְ ַע ִ‬ ‫הו֣ה ֱא ֹֽל ֵה ֶ֔‬ ‫וְ ֣כֹל ׀ ְׁש ֵא ִ ֣רית ָה ֗ ָעם ְּבקֹול֙ יְ ָ‬
‫אמר‬ ‫הוה׃ ‪ַ 13‬וּ֠י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫יהם וַ ִ ּֽי ְיר ֥אּו ָה ָ ֖עם ִמ ְּפ ֵנ֥י יְ ָ ֽ‬ ‫ֹלה ֶ ֑‬‫הו֣ה ֱא ֵ‬ ‫ַּכ ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ְׁש ָל ֖חֹו יְ ָ‬
‫הוה׃‬ ‫מר ֲא ִנ֥י ִא ְּת ֶכ֖ם נְ ֻאם־יְ ָ ֽ‬ ‫הו֖ה ָל ָ ֣עם ֵלא ֑ ֹ‬ ‫הו֛ה ְּב ַמ ְל ֲא ֥כּות יְ ָ‬ ‫ַח ֞ ַּגי ַמ ְל ַ ֧אְך יְ ָ‬
‫ּוח‬‫ת־ר ַ ֙‬ ‫הּודה וְ ֶא ֙‬ ‫יאל ַּפ ַ ֣חת יְ ָ ֗‬ ‫ן־ׁש ְל ִּת ֵ֜‬ ‫ת־רּוח זְ ֻר ָּב ֶ֨בל ֶּב ַ‬ ‫ַ֩‬ ‫הוה ֶא‬ ‫‪ 14‬וַ ָּי ַ֣ער יְ ָ ֡‬
‫אּו‬
‫ת־ר ַּוח ּ֖כֹל ְׁש ֵא ִ ֣רית ָה ָ ֑עם וַ ּ֙יָב ֹ ֙‬ ‫הֹוצ ָד ֙ק ַהּכ ֵ ֹ֣הן ַהּגָ ֔דֹול ְ ֽו ֶא ֔‬ ‫הֹוׁש ַע ֶּבן־יְ ָ‬ ‫יְ ֻ ֤‬
‫יהם׃ פ‪ ‬‬ ‫ֹלה ֶ ֽ‬ ‫הו֥ה ְצ ָב ֖אֹות ֱא ֵ‬ ‫אכה ְּב ֵבית־יְ ָ‬ ‫וַ ּיַ ֲע ׂ֣שּו ְמ ָל ָ֔‬
‫‪ּ 15‬בי֨ ֹום ֶע ְׂש ִ ֧רים וְ ַא ְר ָּב ָ ֛עה ַל ֖חֹ ֶדׁש ַּב ִּׁש ִ ּׁ֑שי ִּב ְׁש ַנ֥ת ְׁש ַ ּ֖תיִם ְל ָד ְר ָ ֥י וֶ ׁש ַה ֶ ּֽמ ֶלְך׃‬ ‫ְ‬
‫)‪Zechariah 1 (Vision of Horsemen; the Temple Rebuilt‬‬
‫הוה ֶאל־זְ ַכ ְריָ ֙ה‬ ‫‪ּ 1‬ב ֙ח ֹ ֶד ׁ֙ש ַה ְּׁש ִמ ִ֔יני ִּב ְׁש ַנ֥ת ְׁש ַ ּ֖תיִ ם ְל ָד ְר ָי�֑וֶ ׁש ָה ָי֣ה ְד ַבר־יְ ָ ֗‬ ‫ַ‬
‫ֹות ֶיכ֖ם ָ ֽק ֶצף׃‬ ‫ל־א ֽב ֵ‬ ‫הו֛ה ַע ֲ‬ ‫‪ 2‬ק ַ ֧צף יְ ָ‬ ‫מר׃ ָ‬ ‫ן־ע ּ֥דֹו ַהּנָ ִ ֖ביא ֵלא ֽ ֹ‬ ‫ן־ּב ֶ֣ר ְכ ָ֔יה ֶּב ִ‬ ‫ֶּב ֶ‬
‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֑אֹות‬ ‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֔אֹות ׁ֣שּובּו ֵא ֔ ַלי נְ ֻ ֖אם יְ ָ‬ ‫‪ 3‬וְ ָא ַמ ְר ָ ּ֣ת ֲא ֵל ֶ֗הם ּ֤כֹה ָא ַמ ֙ר יְ ָ‬
‫ׁשר‬ ‫יכם ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ל־ּת ְהי֣ ּו ַכ ֲא ֽבֹ ֵת ֶ֡‬ ‫‪ 4‬א ִ‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫הו֥ה ְצ ָב ֽאֹות׃‬ ‫יכם ָא ַ ֖מר יְ ָ‬ ‫וְ ָא ׁ֣שּוב ֲא ֵל ֶ֔‬
‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֔אֹות‬ ‫מר ּ֤כֹה ָא ַמ ֙ר יְ ָ‬ ‫יאים ָה ִ ֽראׁש ִֹ֜נים ֵלא ֗ ֹ‬ ‫יה ֩ם ַהּנְ ִב ִ֨‬ ‫ּו־א ֵל ֶ‬ ‫ָק ְר ֽא ֲ‬
‫(ק׳‪ּ ‬ומ ֲע ְל ֵל ֶיכ֖ם) ָ ֽה ָר ִ ֑עים וְ ֥ל ֹא‬ ‫ַֽ‬ ‫ׁ֤שּובּו נָ ֙א ִמ ַּד ְר ֵכ ֶיכ֣ם ָה ָר ֔ ִעים ומעליליכם‬
‫ה־הם וְ ַ֨הּנְ ִב ִ֔אים‬ ‫ֹות ֶיכ֖ם ַאּיֵ ֵ ֑‬ ‫‪ 5‬א ֽב ֵ‬ ‫ֲ‬ ‫הוה׃‬ ‫א־ה ְק ִ ׁ֥שיבּו ֵא ַ ֖לי נְ ֻאם־יְ ָ ֽ‬ ‫ָׁש ְמ ֛עּו וְ ֽל ֹ ִ‬
‫יאים‬ ‫ת־ע ָב ַ ֣די ַהּנְ ִב ִ֔‬ ‫יתי ֶא ֲ‬ ‫‪ 6‬אְך ׀ ְּד ָב ַ ֣רי וְ ֻח ַ ּ֗קי ֲא ֶ ׁ֤שר ִצ֙ ִּו ִ ֙‬ ‫עֹול֖ם יִ ֽ ְחיֽ ּו׃ ַ ֣‬ ‫ַה ְל ָ‬
‫אֹות‬‫הו֤ה ְצ ָב ֙‬ ‫אמ ֗רּו ַּכ ֲא ֶׁ֨שר זָ ַ֜מם יְ ָ‬ ‫ֲה ֥לֹוא ִה ִ ּׂ֖שיגּו ֲאב ֵֹת ֶיכ֑ם וַ ּיָ ׁ֣שּובּו וַ ּי ֹ ְ‬
‫יֹום‬
‫‪ּ 7‬ב ֩‬ ‫ּוכ ַ ֣מ ֲע ָל ֔ ֵלינּו ֵ ּ֖כן ָע ָ ׂ֥שה ִא ָ ּֽתנּו׃ ס ‪ְ ‬‬ ‫ינּו ְ‬ ‫ַל ֲע ׂ֣שֹות ֔ ָלנּו ִּכ ְד ָר ֙ ֵכ ֙‬
‫י־ע ָ ׂ֥שר ֙ח ֹ ֶד ׁ֙ש הּוא־ ֣חֹ ֶדׁש ְׁש ָ֔בט ִּב ְׁש ַנ֥ת ְׁש ַ ּ֖תיִ ם‬ ‫ֶע ְׂש ִ ֨רים וְ ַא ְר ָּב ֜ ָעה ְל ַע ְׁש ֵ ּֽת ָ‬
‫ן־ע ּ֥דֹוא ַהּנָ ִ ֖ביא‬ ‫ן־ּב ֶר ְכ ָ֔יהּו ֶּב ִ‬ ‫הוה ֶאל־זְ ַכ ְריָ ֙ה ֶּב ֶ ֣‬ ‫ְל ָד ְר ָי�֑וֶ ׁש ָה ָי֣ה ְד ַבר־יְ ָ ֗‬
‫ל־סּוס ָא ֔ד ֹם וְ ֣הּוא ע ֵֹ֔מד‬ ‫יׁש ר ֵֹכ ֙ב ַע ֣‬ ‫ה־א ֙‬ ‫יתי ׀ ַה ֗ ַּליְ ָלה וְ ִהּנֵ ִ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ר ִ ֣א ִ‬ ‫מר׃ ָ‬ ‫ֵלא ֽ ֹ‬
‫ּול ָב ִנֽים׃‬ ‫סּוסים ֲא ֻד ִּ֔מים ְׂש ֻר ִ ּ֖קים ְ‬ ‫ׁשר ַּב ְּמ ֻצ ָל֑ה וְ ַא ֲח ָר ֙יו ִ ֣‬ ‫ֵ ּ֥בין ַה ֲה ַד ִ ּ֖סים ֲא ֶ ֣‬
‫אמר ֵא ֗ ַלי ַה ַּמ ְל ָא ְ֙ך ַהּד ֵ ֹ֣בר ִּ֔בי ֲא ִנ֥י ַא ְר ֶ ֖אּךָ‬ ‫ה־א ֶּלה ֲאד ִֹנ֑י וַ ּ֣י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫‪ 9‬וָ א ַ ֹ֖מר ָמ ֵ ֣‬
‫ׁשר‬ ‫אמר ֵ ֚א ֶּלה ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ין־ה ֲה ַד ִ ֖סים וַ ּי ֹ ַ ֑‬ ‫ה־ה ָּמה ֵ ֽא ֶּלה׃ ‪ 10‬וַ ַּ֗י ַען ָה ִ ֛איׁש ָהע ֵ ֹ֥מד ֵּב ַ‬ ‫ָמ ֵ ֥‬
‫הוה ָ ֽהע ֵֹמ ֙ד ֵּב֣ין‬ ‫ת־מ ְל ַ ֣אְך יְ ָ ֗‬ ‫‪ 11‬וּֽיַ ֲענ֞ ּו ֶא ַ‬ ‫ַ�‬ ‫הוה ְל ִה ְת ַה ֵּלְ֖ך ָּב ָ ֽא ֶרץ׃‬ ‫ָׁש ַל֣ח יְ ָ ֔‬
‫ל־ה ָ ֖א ֶרץ י ֶ ֹׁ֥ש ֶבת וְ ׁש ָ ֹֽק ֶטת׃‬ ‫אמ ֖רּו ִה ְת ַה ַּל ְ֣כנּו ָב ָ ֑א ֶרץ וְ ִה ֵּנ֥ה ָכ ָ‬ ‫ַה ֲה ַד ִּ֔סים וַ ּי ֹ ְ‬
‫א־ת ַר ֵ ֣חם‬ ‫ד־מ ַ֗תי ַא ָּת ֙ה ֽל ֹ ְ‬ ‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֔אֹות ַע ָ‬ ‫אמר֒ יְ ָ‬ ‫‪ 12‬וַ ַּי ַ֣ען ַמ ְל ַאְך־יְ הוָ ֮ה וַ ּי ֹ ַ‬
‫ׁשר זָ ֔ ַע ְמ ָּתה ֶז֖ה ִׁש ְב ִ ֥עים ָׁש ָנֽה׃ ‪ 13‬וַ ַּי ַ֣ען‬ ‫הּודה ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫רּוׁש ֔ ַל ִם וְ ֵ ֖את ָע ֵ ֣רי יְ ָ ֑‬ ‫ֶאת־יְ ָ‬
‫אמר‬ ‫טֹובים ְּד ָב ִ ֖רים נִ ֻח ִ ֽמים׃ ‪ 14‬וַ ּ֣י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ת־ה ַּמ ְל ָ ֛אְך ַהּד ֵ ֹ֥בר ִ ּ֖בי ְּד ָב ִ ֣רים ִ ֑‬ ‫הוה ֶא ַ‬ ‫יְ ָ ֗‬
‫֧אתי‬ ‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֑אֹות ִק ֵּנ ִ‬ ‫מר ּ֥כֹה ָא ַ ֖מר יְ ָ‬ ‫ֵא ֗ ַלי ַה ַּמ ְל ָא ְ֙ך ַהּד ֵ ֹ֣בר ִּ֔בי ְק ָ ֣רא ֵלא ֔ ֹ‬
‫ל־הּגֹויִ ֖ם‬ ‫דֹולה׃ ‪ 15‬ו ֶ ֤�ְק ֶצף ּגָ דֹול֙ ֲא ִנ֣י ק ֵֹ֔צף ַע ַ‬ ‫ּול ִצּי֖ ֹון ִקנְ ָ ֥אה גְ ָ ֽ‬ ‫ירּוׁש ַל֛םִ ְ‬ ‫ִל ָ‬
‫‪ 16‬ל ֵ֞כן ּֽכֹה־‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫ַה ַ ּֽׁש ֲאנַ ִּנ֑ים ֲא ֶ ׁ֤שר ֲאנִ ֙י ָק ַצ ְ֣פ ִּתי ְּמ ֔ ָעט וְ ֵ ֖ה ָּמה ָעזְ ֥רּו ְל ָר ָ ֽעה׃‬
‫הו֣ה‬ ‫יִּבנֶ ה ָּ֔בּה נְ ֻ ֖אם יְ ָ‬ ‫יתי ָ ֣‬ ‫ירּוׁש ַ ֙ל ִ ֙ם ְ ּֽב ַר ֲח ִ֔מים ֵּב ִ ֙‬ ‫הוה ַ ׁ֤ש ְב ִּתי ִל ָ‬ ‫ָא ַ ֣מר יְ ָ ֗‬
‫מר ּ֤כֹה‬ ‫‪ 17‬עֹוד ׀ ְק ָ ֣רא ֵלא ֗ ֹ‬ ‫֣‬ ‫רּוׁש ָ ֽלםִ׃‬
‫ְצ ָב ֑אֹות וקוה (ק׳‪ ‬ו ָ ֥�ְקו) יִ ּנָ ֶ ֖טה ַעל־יְ ָ‬
‫ת־צּי֔ ֹון‬‫עֹוד ֶא ִ‬ ‫הו֥ה ֙‬ ‫פּוצינָ ה ָע ַ ֖רי ִמ ּ֑טֹוב וְ נִ ַ֨חם יְ ָ‬ ‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֔אֹות ֛עֹוד ְּת ֶ ֥‬ ‫ָא ַמ ֙ר יְ ָ‬
‫ירּוׁש ָ ֽלםִ׃ ס‬ ‫ּוב ַ ֥חר ֖עֹוד ִּב ָ‬ ‫ָ‬
‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 3‬‬
‫)‪Malachi 1 (Election yet Failure to Maintain a Proper Cult‬‬
‫‪ 2‬א ַ ֤ה ְב ִּתי ֶא ְת ֶכ ֙ם ָא ַ ֣מר‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫הו֖ה ֶאל־יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֑אל ְּב ַי֖ד ַמ ְל ָא ִ ֽכי׃‬ ‫‪ 1‬מ ָ ּׂ֥שא ְד ַבר־יְ ָ‬ ‫ַ‬
‫הוה וָ א ַ ֹ֖הב‬ ‫לֹוא־אח ֵע ָ ׂ֤שו ְל ַי ֲֽעק ֹ֙ב נְ ֻאם־יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ָ֨‬ ‫הוה וַ ֲא ַמ ְר ֶ ּ֖תם ַּב ָ ּ֣מה ֲא ַה ְב ָ ּ֑תנּו ֲה‬ ‫יְ ָ ֔‬
‫ת־ה ָר ֙יו ְׁש ָמ ָ֔מה וְ ֶאת־נַ ֲח ָל ֖תֹו‬ ‫֑אתי וָ ָא ִ ׂ֤שים ֶא ָ‬ ‫ת־ע ָ ׂ֖שו ָׂש ֵנ ִ‬ ‫ֶ ֽאת־יַ ֲע ֽקֹב׃ ‪ 3‬וְ ֶא ֵ‬
‫ׁשּוב וְ נִ ְב ֶנ֣ה ֳח ָר ֔בֹות ּ֤כֹה‬ ‫אמר ֱא ֜דֹום ֻר ַּׁ֗ש ְׁשנּו וְ נָ ֙‬ ‫‪ּ 4‬כי־ת ֹ ַ֨‬ ‫ְל ַתּנ֥ ֹות ִמ ְד ָ ּֽבר׃ ִ ֽ‬
‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֔אֹות ֵ ֥ה ָּמה ְיִבנ֖ ּו וַ ֲא ִנ֣י ֶא ֱה ֑רֹוס וְ ָק ְר ֤אּו ָל ֶה ֙ם ּגְ ֣בּול ִר ְׁש ֔ ָעה‬ ‫ָא ַמ ֙ר יְ ָ‬
‫רּו‬
‫אמ ֙‬ ‫ד־עֹולם׃ ‪ 5‬וְ ֵעינֵ ֶיכ֖ם ִּת ְר ֶ ֑אינָ ה וְ ַא ֶ ּ֤תם ּֽת ֹ ְ‬ ‫ָֽ‬ ‫הו֖ה ַע‬ ‫וְ ָה ָ ֛עם ֲא ֶׁשר־זָ ַ ֥עם יְ ָ‬
‫ם־אב‬ ‫‪ּ 6‬בן יְ ַכ ֵ ּ֥בד ָ ֖אב וְ ֶע ֶ֣בד ֲאד ָֹנ֑יו וְ ִא ָ ֣‬ ‫הוה ֵמ ַ ֖על ִלגְ ֥בּול יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃ ֵ ֛‬ ‫יִ גְ ַ ּ֣דל יְ ָ ֔‬
‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֗אֹות‬ ‫מֹור ִ֜אי ָא ַ ֣מר ׀ יְ ָ‬ ‫דֹונ֣ים ָאנִ י֩ ַא ֵּ֨יה ָ‬ ‫ם־א ִ‬ ‫בֹודי וְ ִא ֲ‬ ‫ָ ֣אנִ י ַא ֵּי ֣ה ְכ ִ ֡‬
‫יׁשים‬ ‫‪ 7‬מּגִ ִ ֤‬
‫ַ‬ ‫ת־ׁש ֶ ֽמָך׃‬
‫ּבֹוז֣י ְׁש ִ֔מי וַ ֲא ַמ ְר ֶּ֕תם ַּב ֶ ּ֥מה ָב ִז֖ינּו ֶא ְ‬ ‫ים ֵ‬ ‫ָל ֶכ ֙ם ַה ּֽכֹ ֲהנִ ֙‬
‫הו֖ה‬ ‫חי ֶל ֶ֣חם ְמג ָֹ֔אל וַ ֲא ַמ ְר ֶ ּ֖תם ַּב ֶ ּ֣מה ֵג ַֽא ְלנ֑ ּוָך ֶּב ֱא ָמ ְר ֶ֕כם ֻׁש ְל ַ ֥חן יְ ָ‬ ‫ל־מזְ ְּב ִ ֙‬‫ַ ֽע ִ‬
‫י־תּגִ ׁ֨שּון ִעֵּו֤ר ִלזְ ּ֙ב ַֹ ֙ח ֵ ֣אין ָ ֔רע וְ ִ ֥כי ַת ִּג֛יׁשּו ִּפ ֵ ּ֥ס ַח וְ ח ֶֹל֖ה ֵ ֣אין‬ ‫נִ ְב ֶז֥ה ֽהּוא׃ ‪ 8‬וְ ִ ֽכ ַ‬
‫הו֥ה ְצ ָב ֽאֹות׃‬ ‫ָ ֑רע ַה ְק ִר ֵ֨יבהּו ָ֜נא ְל ֶפ ָח ֶ֗תָך ֲהּיִ ְר ְצ ָ֙ך ֚אֹו ֲהיִ ָ ּׂ֣שא ָפ ֶ֔ניָך ָא ַ ֖מר יְ ָ‬
‫יח ֵנ֑נּו ִמּיֶ ְד ֶכ ֙ם ָ ֣היְ ָתה ּ֔ז ֹאת ֲהיִ ָ ּׂ֤שא ִמ ֶּכ ֙ם ָּפ ִ֔נים‬ ‫י־אל ִ ֽו ָ‬ ‫ּלּו־נ֥א ְפנֵ ֵ ֖‬ ‫‪ 9‬וְ ַע ָ ּ֛תה ַח ָ‬
‫א־ת ִ ֥אירּו ִמזְ ְּב ִ ֖חי‬ ‫ם־ּב ֶכ ֙ם וְ יִ ְס ֹּ֣גר ְּד ָל ַ֔תיִ ם וְ ֽל ֹ ָ‬ ‫‪ 10‬מי גַ ָ‬ ‫ִ֤‬ ‫הו֥ה ְצ ָב ֽאֹות׃‬ ‫ָא ַ ֖מר יְ ָ‬
‫א־א ְר ֶ ֥צה ִמּיֶ ְד ֶ ֽכם׃‬ ‫ּומנְ ָ ֖חה ֽל ֹ ֶ‬ ‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֔אֹות ִ‬ ‫ין־לי ֵ֜ח ֶפץ ָּב ֶ֗כם ָא ַמ ֙ר יְ ָ‬ ‫ִח ָּנ֑ם ֵ ֽא ֨ ִ‬
‫ל־מ ֗קֹום ֻמ ְק ָ ֥טר‬ ‫ּוב ָכ ָ‬ ‫ּגֹוים ְ‬ ‫מי ַּב ִ֔‬ ‫בֹואֹו ּגָ ֤דֹול ְׁש ִ ֙‬ ‫ד־מ ֗‬ ‫ח־ׁש ֶמׁש וְ ַע ְ‬ ‫‪ּ 11‬כי ִמ ִּמזְ ַר ֶ֜‬ ‫ִ֣‬
‫הו֥ה ְצ ָב ֽאֹות׃‬ ‫ּגֹוים ָא ַ ֖מר יְ ָ‬ ‫מי ַּב ִ֔‬ ‫הֹורה ִ ּֽכי־גָ ֤דֹול ְׁש ִ ֙‬ ‫ּומנְ ָ ֣חה ְט ָ ֑‬ ‫ֻמ ָּגׁ֛ש ִל ְׁש ִ ֖מי ִ‬
‫אֹותֹו ֶּב ֱא ָמ ְר ֶ֗כם ֻׁש ְל ַ ֤חן ֲאד ֹנָ ֙י ְמג ָ ֹ֣אל ֔הּוא וְ נִ ֖יבֹו נִ ְב ֶז֥ה‬ ‫‪ 12‬וְ ַא ֶ ּ֖תם ְמ ַח ְּל ִ ֣לים ֑‬
‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֔אֹות‬ ‫אֹותֹו ָא ַמ ֙ר יְ ָ‬ ‫ָא ְכ ֽלֹו׃ ‪ 13‬וַ ֲא ַמ ְר ֶּת ֩ם ִה ֵּ֨נה ַמ ְּת ָל ָ֜אה וְ ִה ַּפ ְח ֶ ּ֣תם ֗‬
‫ת־ה ִּמנְ ָ ֑חה ַה ֶא ְר ֶ ֥צה‬ ‫אתם ֶא ַ‬ ‫חֹולה וַ ֲה ֵב ֶ ֖‬ ‫ת־ה ֔ ֶ‬
‫ת־ה ִּפ ֵּ֙ס ַ ֙ח וְ ֶא ַ ֣‬ ‫אתם ּגָ ז֗ ּול וְ ֶא ַ‬ ‫וַ ֲה ֵב ֶ ֣‬
‫נֹוכל וְ ֵיׁ֤ש ְּב ֶע ְד ֙רֹו זָ ָ֔כר‬ ‫הוה׃ ס ‪ 14 ‬וְ ָא ֣רּור ֵ֗‬ ‫אֹותּה ִמּיֶ ְד ֶכ֖ם ָא ַ ֥מר יְ ָ ֽ‬ ‫ָ֛‬
‫ּוׁש ִ ֖מי‬‫הו֣ה ְצ ָב ֔אֹות ְ‬ ‫וְ נ ֵ ֹ֛דר וְ ז ֵ ֹ֥ב ַח ָמ ְׁש ָ ֖חת ַ ֽלאד ָֹנ֑י ִּכי֩ ֶ֨מ ֶלְך ּגָ ֜דֹול ָ֗אנִ י ָא ַמ ֙ר יְ ָ‬
‫נֹורא ַבּגֹויִ ֽם׃‬ ‫ָ֥‬
‫‪Late Biblical Hebrew‬‬
‫)‪Esther 9 (Massacre in Susa and the Purim Festival‬‬
‫יֹום ּ֔בֹו ֲא ֶׁ֨שר‬ ‫לֹוׁשה ָע ָ ׂ֥שר ֙‬ ‫ח ֶדׁש ֲא ָ ֗דר ִּב ְׁש ָ֨‬ ‫ים ָע ָׂ֨שר ֜חֹ ֶדׁש הּוא־ ֣ ֹ‬ ‫‪ּ 1‬וב ְׁשנֵ ֩‬‫ִ‬
‫ים‬
‫הּוד ֙‬ ‫ֹיְבי ַהּיְ ִ‬ ‫ר־ה ֶ ּ֛מ ֶלְך וְ ָד ֖תֹו ְל ֵה ָע ׂ֑שֹות ַּבּי֗ ֹום ֲא ֶׁ֨שר ִׂש ְּב ֜רּו א ֵ ֤‬ ‫ִה ִּג ַ֧יע ְּד ַב ַ‬
‫יהם׃‬ ‫הּודים ֵ ֖ה ָּמה ְּבׂש ֹנְ ֵא ֶ ֽ‬ ‫ִל ְׁש ֣לֹוט ָּב ֶ֔הם וְ נַ ֲה ֣פֹוְך ֔הּוא ֲא ֶׁ֨שר יִ ְׁש ְל ֧טּו ַהּיְ ִ ֛‬
‫ינֹות ַה ֶ ּ֣מ ֶלְך ֳא ַח ְׁשוֵ ֔רֹוׁש ִל ְׁש ֹ֣ל ַח‬ ‫ל־מ ִד ֙‬ ‫יהם ְּב ָכ ְ‬ ‫הּודים ְּב ָע ֵר ֶ֗‬ ‫‪ 2‬נִ ְק ֲה ֨לּו ַהּיְ ִ ֜‬
‫יהם ִ ּֽכי־נָ ַ ֥פל ַּפ ְח ָ ּ֖דם ַעל־‬ ‫א־ע ַ ֣מד ִל ְפנֵ ֶ֔‬ ‫יׁש ל ֹ ָ‬ ‫ָ֔יד ִּב ְמ ַב ְק ֵ ׁ֖שי ָ ֽר ָע ָ ֑תם וְ ִא ֙‬
‫ל־ׂש ֵ ֨רי ַה ְּמ ִדינ֜ ֹות וְ ָה ֲא ַח ְׁש ַּד ְר ְּפ ִנ֣ים וְ ַה ַּפ ֗חֹות וְ ע ֵ ֹׂ֤שי‬ ‫ל־ה ַע ִ ּֽמים׃ ‪ 3‬וְ ָכ ָ‬ ‫ָּכ ָ‬
‫ד־מ ְר ֳּד ַ ֖כי‬ ‫הּודים ִ ּֽכי־נָ ַ ֥פל ַ ּֽפ ַח ָ‬ ‫ת־הּיְ ִ ֑‬
‫ׁשר ַל ֶּ֔מ ֶלְך ְמנַ ְּׂש ִ ֖אים ֶא ַ‬ ‫אכ ֙ה ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ַה ְּמ ָל ָ‬
‫ל־ה ְּמ ִדינ֑ ֹות‬ ‫הֹולְ֣ך ְּב ָכ ַ‬ ‫י־ג֤דֹול ָמ ְר ֳּד ַ ֙כי ְּב ֵב֣ית ַה ֶּ֔מ ֶלְך וְ ָׁש ְמ ֖עֹו ֵ‬ ‫‪ּ 4‬כ ָ‬ ‫יהם׃ ִ ֽ‬ ‫ֲע ֵל ֶ ֽ‬
‫הֹולְך וְ גָ ֽדֹול׃‪ ‬פ‪ ‬‬ ‫י־ה ִ ֥איׁש ָמ ְר ֳּד ַ ֖כי ֵ ֥‬ ‫ִ ּֽכ ָ‬
‫יהם‬ ‫ת־ח ֶרב וְ ֶ ֖ה ֶרג וְ ַא ְב ָ ֑דן וַ ַּי ֲֽע ׂ֥שּו ְבׂש ֹנְ ֵא ֶ ֖‬‫יהם ַמ ַּכ ֶ ֥‬ ‫א ֵיְב ֶ֔‬ ‫הּוד ֙ים ְּב ָכל־ ֣ ֹ‬ ‫‪ 5‬וַ ּיַ ּ֤כּו ַהּיְ ִ‬
‫הּוד ֙ים וְ ַא ֵּ֔בד ֲח ֵ ֥מׁש ֵמ ֖אֹות ִ ֽאיׁש׃‬ ‫ירה ָה ְרג֤ ּו ַהּיְ ִ‬ ‫ׁשּוׁשן ַה ִּב ָ ֗‬ ‫‪ּ 6‬וב ַ ֣‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫צֹונֽם׃‬‫ִּכ ְר ָ‬
‫ּפֹור ָתא‬ ‫‪ 7‬וְ ֵ ֧את ׀ ַּפ ְר ַׁשנְ ָ ּ֛ד ָתא וְ ֵ ֥את ׀ ַ ּֽד ְל ֖פֹון וְ ֵ ֥את ׀ ַא ְס ָ ּֽפ ָתא׃ ‪ 8‬וְ ֵ ֧את ׀ ָ ֛‬
‫יסי וְ ֵ ֥את‬ ‫יד ָתא׃ ‪ 9‬וְ ֵ ֤את ׀ ַּפ ְר ַ֙מ ְׁש ָּת ֙א וְ ֵ ֣את ׀ ֲא ִר ַ֔‬ ‫וְ ֵ ֥את ׀ ֲא ַד ְל ָי֖א וְ ֵ ֥את ׀ ֲא ִר ָ ֽ‬
‫הּודים‬ ‫ן־ה ְּמ ָ ֛ד ָתא צ ֵ ֹ֥רר ַהּיְ ִ ֖‬ ‫‪ 10‬ע ֶׂש ֶרת ְּב ֵ֨ני ָה ָ ֧מן ֶ ּֽב ַ‬ ‫ֲ֠‬ ‫׀ ֲא ִר ַ ֖די וְ ֵ ֥את ׀ וַ יְ ָז ָֽתא׃‬
‫רּוג֛ים‬ ‫‪ּ 11‬בּי֣ ֹום ַה ֗הּוא ָ ּ֣בא ִמ ְס ַ ּ֧פר ֽ ַה ֲה ִ‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫ּוב ִּב ָּ֔זה ֥ל ֹא ָׁש ְל ֖חּו ֶאת־יָ ָ ֽדם׃‬ ‫ָה ָ ֑רגּו ַ֨‬
‫אמר ַה ֶּ֜מ ֶלְך ְל ֶא ְס ֵ ּ֣תר‬ ‫ירה ִל ְפ ֵנ֥י ַה ֶ ּֽמ ֶלְך׃‪ ‬ס‪ 12 ‬וַ ּ֨י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ׁשּוׁשן ַה ִּב ָ ֖‬
‫ְּב ַ ֥‬
‫הּודים וְ ַא ֵּ֜בד ֲח ֵ ֧מׁש ֵמ ֣אֹות ִ֗איׁש וְ ֵא ֙ת‬ ‫ירה ָה ְרגּו֩ ַהּיְ ִ ֨‬ ‫ׁשּוׁשן ַה ִּב ָ ֡‬
‫ַה ַּמ ְל ָּ֗כה ְּב ַ ֣‬
‫ה־ּׁש ֵ ֽא ָל ֵת ְ֙ך וְ יִ ָּנ ֵ ֽ֣תן‬
‫ּומ ְ‬ ‫ֽי־ה ָ֔מן ִּב ְׁש ָ ֛אר ְמ ִדינ֥ ֹות ַה ֶ ּ֖מ ֶלְך ֶ ֣מה ָע ׂ֑שּו ַ‬ ‫ׂש ֶרת ְּב ֵנ ָ‬ ‫ֲע ֶ ֣‬
‫ל־ה ֶ ּ֣מ ֶלְך ֔טֹוב‬ ‫ם־ע ַ‬ ‫אמר ֶא ְס ֵּת ֙ר ִא ַ‬ ‫ה־ּב ָּק ָׁש ֵ ֥תְך ֖עֹוד וְ ֵת ָ ֽעׂש׃ ‪ 13‬וַ ּ֤ת ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ּומ ַ‬ ‫֔ ָלְך ַ‬
‫‪29‬‬
‫‪30‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 4‬‬
‫ׁשּוׁשן ַל ֲע ׂ֖שֹות ְּכ ָ ֣דת ַהּי֑ ֹום וְ ֵ ֛את ֲע ֶ ׂ֥ש ֶרת‬ ‫ׁשר ְּב ָ֔‬ ‫הּוד ֙ים ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ם־מ ָ֗חר ַלּיְ ִ‬ ‫יִ ּנָ ֵ ֣תן ּגַ ָ‬
‫אמר ַה ֶּ֙מ ֶל ְ֙ך ְל ֵ ֽה ָע ׂ֣שֹות ֵּ֔כן וַ ִּתּנָ ֵ ֥תן ָ ּ֖דת‬ ‫ל־ה ֵ ֽעץ׃ ‪ 14‬וַ ּ֤י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ֽי־ה ָ ֖מן יִ ְת ֥לּו ַע ָ‬ ‫ְּב ֵנ ָ‬
‫הּודים)‬ ‫(ק׳‪ ‬הּיְ ִ ֣‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫ֽי־ה ָ ֖מן ָּת ֽלּו׃ ‪ 15‬וַ ִּי ָֽ ּק ֲה ֞לּו היהודיים‬ ‫ׁשּוׁשן וְ ֵ ֛את ֲע ֶ ׂ֥ש ֶרת ְּב ֵנ ָ‬ ‫ְּב ָ ֑‬
‫ׁשּוׁשן‬
‫ׁשּוׁשן ַּ֠גם ְּבי֣ ֹום ַא ְר ָּב ָ ֤עה ָע ָׂש ֙ר ְל ֣חֹ ֶדׁש ֲא ָ ֔דר וַ ּֽי ַַה ְרג֣ ּו ְב ָ֔‬ ‫ר־ּב ָ֗‬ ‫ֲא ֶׁש ְ‬
‫הּודים‬ ‫‪ּ 16‬וׁש ָ ֣אר ַהּיְ ִ ֡‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫ּוב ִּב ָּ֔זה ֥ל ֹא ָׁש ְל ֖חּו ֶאת־יָ ָ ֽדם׃‬ ‫ְׁש ֹ֥לׁש ֵמ ֖אֹות ִ ֑איׁש ַ֨‬
‫יהם וְ ָהר ֹ֙ג‬ ‫א ֵיְב ֶ֔‬ ‫ֹוח ֵמ ֣ ֹ‬ ‫מד ַעל־נַ ְפ ָׁ֗שם וְ ֙נ ַ ֙‬ ‫ֲא ֶׁשר֩ ִּב ְמ ִדינ֨ ֹות ַה ֶּ֜מ ֶלְך נִ ְק ֲה ֣לּו ׀ וְ ָע ֣ ֹ‬
‫‪ּ 17‬ביֹום־‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫ּוב ִּב ָּ֔זה ֥ל ֹא ָ ֽׁש ְל ֖חּו ֶאת־יָ ָ ֽדם׃‬ ‫יהם ֲח ִמ ָ ּׁ֥שה וְ ִׁש ְב ִ ֖עים ָ ֑א ֶלף ַ֨‬ ‫ְּב ׂ֣ש ֹנְ ֵא ֶ֔‬
‫ֹלׁשה ָע ָ ׂ֖שר ְל ֣חֹ ֶדׁש ֲא ָ ֑דר וְ נ֗ ַֹוח ְּב ַא ְר ָּב ָ ֤עה ָע ָׂש ֙ר ּ֔בֹו וְ ָע ׂ֣ש ֹה א ֹ֔תֹו י֖ ֹום‬ ‫ְׁש ָ ֥‬
‫ׁשּוׁשן נִ ְק ֲה ֙לּו‬ ‫ר־ּב ָ֗‬ ‫הּודים) ֲא ֶׁש ְ‬ ‫ִמ ְׁש ֶ ּ֥תה וְ ִׂש ְמ ָ ֽחה׃ ‪ 18‬והיהודיים (ק׳‪ ‬וְ ַהּיְ ִ ֣‬
‫ּוב ַא ְר ָּב ָ ֥עה ָע ָ ׂ֖שר ּ֑בֹו וְ נ֗ ַֹוח ַּב ֲח ִמ ָ ּׁ֤שה ָע ָׂש ֙ר ּ֔בֹו וְ ָע ׂ֣ש ֹה‬ ‫ֹלׁשה ָע ָׂש ֙ר ּ֔בֹו ְ‬ ‫ִּב ְׁש ָ ֤‬
‫(ק׳‪ ‬ה ְּפ ָר ִ֗זים)‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫הּודים הפרוזים‬ ‫ל־ּכן ַהּיְ ִ ֣‬ ‫‪ 19‬ע ֵ֞‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫א ֹ֔תֹו י֖ ֹום ִמ ְׁש ֶ ּ֥תה וְ ִׂש ְמ ָ ֽחה׃‬
‫ת ע ִֹׂ֗שים ֠ ֵאת י֣ ֹום ַא ְר ָּב ָ ֤עה ָע ָׂש ֙ר ְל ֣חֹ ֶדׁש ֲא ָ ֔דר‬ ‫ים ְּב ָע ֵ ֣רי ַה ְּפ ָרזֹו ֒‬ ‫ַהּי ְֹׁש ִב ֮‬
‫ּומ ְׁש ֥ל ַֹוח ָמנ֖ ֹות ִ ֥איׁש ְל ֵר ֵ ֽעהּו׃ פ‬ ‫ּומ ְׁש ֶ ּ֖תה וְ י֣ ֹום ֑טֹוב ִ‬ ‫ִׂש ְמ ָ ֥חה ִ‬
‫הּודים‬ ‫ל־הּיְ ִ ֗‬ ‫ל־ּכ ַ‬ ‫ת־ה ְּד ָב ִ ֖רים ָה ֵ ֑א ֶּלה וַ ּיִ ְׁש ֨ ַלח ְס ָפ ִ ֜רים ֶא ָ‬ ‫ּתב ָמ ְר ֳּד ַ֔כי ֶא ַ‬ ‫‪ 20‬וַ ּיִ ְכ ֣ ֹ‬
‫‪ 21‬ל ַקּיֵ ֮ם‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫רֹובים וְ ָה ְרח ִ ֽ�ֹוקים׃‬ ‫ינֹות ַה ֶ ּ֣מ ֶלְך ֲא ַח ְׁשוֵ ֔רֹוׁש ַה ְּק ִ ֖‬ ‫ל־מ ִד ֙‬ ‫ֲא ֶׁש ֙ר ְּב ָכ ְ‬
‫ם ִל ְהי֣ ֹות ע ִֹׂ֗שים ֠ ֵאת י֣ ֹום ַא ְר ָּב ָ ֤עה ָע ָׂש ֙ר ְל ֣חֹ ֶדׁש ֲא ָ ֔דר וְ ֵ ֛את יֹום־‬ ‫יה ֒‬ ‫ֲע ֵל ֶ‬
‫הּוד ֙ים‬ ‫ר־נחּו ָב ֶ ֤הם ַהּיְ ִ‬ ‫‪ּ 22‬כּיָ ִ֗מים ֲא ֶׁש ָ֨‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫ל־ׁש ָנ֖ה וְ ָׁש ָנֽה׃‬ ‫ֲח ִמ ָ ּׁ֥שה ָע ָ ׂ֖שר ּ֑בֹו ְּב ָכ ָ‬
‫ּומ ֵ ֖א ֶבל ְלי֣ ֹום‬ ‫גֹון ְל ִׂש ְמ ָ֔חה ֵ‬ ‫יהם וְ ַה ֗חֹ ֶדׁש ֲא ֶׁשר֩ נֶ ְה ֨ ַּפְך ָל ֶ ֤הם ִמּיָ ֙‬ ‫ֹויְב ֶ֔‬ ‫ֵמ ֣א ֵ‬
‫נֹות ִ ֣איׁש ְל ֵר ֔ ֵעהּו‬ ‫ּומ ְׁש ֤ל ַֹוח ָמ ֙‬ ‫מי ִמ ְׁש ֶ ּ֣תה וְ ִׂש ְמ ָ֔חה ִ‬ ‫אֹותם יְ ֵ ֙‬‫ָ֗‬ ‫֑טֹוב ַל ֲע ׂ֣שֹות‬
‫ר־ה ֵ ֖חּלּו ַל ֲע ׂ֑שֹות וְ ֵ ֛את‬ ‫הּודים ֵ ֥את ֲא ֶׁש ֵ‬ ‫יֹונֽים׃ ‪ 23‬וְ ִק ֵּבל֙ ַהּיְ ִ ֔‬ ‫ּומ ָּתנ֖ ֹות ָ ֽל ֶא ְב ִ‬ ‫ַ‬
‫ן־ה ְּמ ָ ֜ד ָתא ָ ֽה ֲאגָ ֗ ִגי צ ֵֹר ֙ר ָּכל־‬ ‫‪ּ 24‬כי֩ ָה ָ֨מן ֶ ּֽב ַ‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫יהם׃‬ ‫ר־ּכ ַ ֥תב ָמ ְר ֳּד ַ ֖כי ֲא ֵל ֶ ֽ‬ ‫ֲא ֶׁש ָ‬
‫ּגֹורל ְל ֻה ָ ּ֖מם‬ ‫ּפּור ֣הּוא ַה ָ ֔‬ ‫הּודים ְל ַא ְּב ָ ֑דם וְ ִה ִ ּ֥פיל ֙‬ ‫ל־הּיְ ִ ֖‬ ‫הּודים ָח ַ ׁ֥שב ַע ַ‬ ‫ַהּיְ ִ ֔‬
‫ם־ה ֵּ֔ס ֶפר יָ ׁ֞שּוב ַמ ֲח ַׁש ְב ּ֧תֹו‬ ‫‪ּ 25‬ובב ָֹא ּ֮ה ִל ְפ ֵנ֣י ַה ֶּמ ֶלְך֒ ָא ַ ֣מר ִע ַ‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫ּוֽ ְל ַא ְּב ָ ֽדם׃‬
‫ת־ּב ָנ֖יו ַעל־‬ ‫אׁשֹו וְ ָת ֥לּו א ֹ֛תֹו וְ ֶא ָ‬ ‫הּודים ַעל־ר ֹ ֑‬ ‫ל־הּיְ ִ ֖‬ ‫ר־ח ַ ׁ֥שב ַע ַ‬ ‫ָה ָר ָ ֛עה ֲא ֶׁש ָ‬
‫ל־ּכן‬
‫ל־ׁשם ַה ּ֔פּור ַע ֵ֕‬ ‫ים ַע ֵ ֣‬ ‫פּור ֙‬ ‫ל־ּכן ָ ֽק ְראּו֩ ַלּיָ ִ֨מים ָה ֵ ֤א ֶּלה ִ‬ ‫‪ 26‬ע ֵ֡‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫ָה ֵ ֽעץ׃‬
‫יהם׃‬ ‫ּומה ִה ִּג ַ֖יע ֲא ֵל ֶ ֽ‬ ‫ל־ּכ ָכה ָ ֥‬ ‫ה־ר ֣אּו ַע ָ֔‬ ‫ּומ ָ‬ ‫ל־ּד ְב ֵ ֖רי ָה ִא ֶּג ֶ�֣רת ַה ּ֑ז ֹאת ָ ֽ‬ ‫ל־ּכ ִ‬ ‫ַע ָ‬
‫יהם ׀ וְ ַעל־זַ ְר ֜ ָעם וְ ֨ ַעל‬ ‫ים ׀ ֲע ֵל ֶ֨‬ ‫הּוד ֩‬
‫‪ 27‬קּיְ ֣מּו וקבל (ק׳ וְ ִק ְּב ֣לּו) ַהּיְ ִ‬ ‫ִ‬
‫יה ֙ם וְ ֣ל ֹא יַ ֲע ֔בֹור ִל ְהי֣ ֹות ע ִֹׂ֗שים ֵ ֣את ְׁש ֵנ֤י ַהּיָ ִמ ֙ים ָה ֵ֔א ֶּלה‬ ‫ל־הּנִ ְלִו֤ים ֲע ֵל ֶ‬ ‫ָּכ ַ‬
‫‪Late Biblical Hebrew‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬
‫ל־ׁש ָנ֖ה וְ ָׁש ָנֽה׃ ‪ 28‬וְ ַהּיָ ִ ֣מים ֠ ָה ֵא ֶּלה נִ זְ ָּכ ִ ֨רים וְ נַ ֲע ִׂ֜שים‬ ‫ִּכ ְכ ָת ָ ֖בם וְ ִכזְ ַמ ָּנ֑ם ְּב ָכ ָ‬
‫ימי‬‫ּומ ִד ָינ֖ה וְ ִ ֣עיר וָ ִ ֑עיר וִ ֵ֞‬ ‫ּומ ְׁש ָּפ ָ֔חה ְמ ִד ָינ֥ה ְ‬ ‫ל־ּדֹור וָ ֗דֹור ִמ ְׁש ָּפ ָח ֙ה ִ‬ ‫ְּב ָכ ֣‬
‫הּודים וְ זִ ְכ ָ ֖רם לֹא־יָ ֥סּוף ִמּזַ ְר ָ ֽעם׃ ס‬ ‫רּו ִמ ּ֣תֹוְך ַהּיְ ִ ֔‬ ‫ּפּורים ָה ֵ֗א ֶּלה ֤ל ֹא ַי ַֽע ְב ֙‬ ‫ַה ִ ֣‬
‫ּת ֶקף‬ ‫ת־ּכל־ ֑ ֹ‬
‫הּודי ֶא ָ‬ ‫ּומ ְר ֳּד ַ ֥כי ַהּיְ ִ ֖‬
‫יחיִ ל ָ‬‫ת־א ִב ַ ֛‬
‫‪ 29‬ו ִּ֠ת ְכּתֹב ֶא ְס ֵּ֨תר ַה ַּמ ְל ָ ּ֧כה ַב ֲ‬ ‫ַ‬
‫ל־ּכל־‬ ‫ּפּורים ַה ּ֖ז ֹאת ַה ֵּׁש ִנֽית׃ ‪ 30‬וַ ּיִ ְׁש ֨ ַלח ְס ָפ ִ ֜רים ֶא ָ‬ ‫ְל ַק ֵּ֗ים ֵ ֣את ִא ֶּג ֶ�֧רת ַה ִ ֛‬
‫ּומ ָא ֙ה ְמ ִד ָ֔ינה ַמ ְל ֖כּות ֲא ַח ְׁשוֵ ֑רֹוׁש ִּד ְב ֵ ֥רי‬ ‫ל־ׁש ַבע וְ ֶע ְׂש ִ ֤רים ֵ‬ ‫הּודים ֶא ֶ֨‬ ‫ַהּיְ ִ ֗‬
‫יהם ַּכ ֲא ֶׁשר֩ ִק ַּ֨ים‬ ‫‪ 31‬ל ַק ֵּ֡ים ֵאת־יְ ֵמי֩ ַה ֻּפ ִ ֨רים ָה ֵ֜א ֶּלה ִּבזְ ַמּנֵ ֶ֗‬‫ְ‬ ‫ָׁש ֖לֹום וֶ ֱא ֶ ֽמת׃‬
‫הּוד֙י וְ ֶא ְס ֵ ּ֣תר ַה ַּמ ְל ָּ֔כה וְ ַכ ֲא ֶ ׁ֛שר ִקּיְ ֥מּו ַעל־נַ ְפ ָ ׁ֖שם וְ ַעל־‬ ‫יהם ָמ ְר ֳּד ַכ֤י ַהּיְ ִ‬ ‫ֲע ֵל ֶ֜‬
‫‪ּ 32‬ומ ֲא ַ ֣מר ֶא ְס ֵּ֔תר ִק ַּ֕ים ִּד ְב ֵ ֥רי ַה ֻּפ ִ ֖רים‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫זַ ְר ָ ֑עם ִּד ְב ֵ ֥רי ַהּצ ֹ֖מֹות וְ זַ ֲע ָק ָ ֽתם׃‬
‫ָה ֵ ֑א ֶּלה וְ נִ ְכ ָ ּ֖תב ַּב ֵ ּֽס ֶפר׃ פ‬
‫)‪Daniel 1 (Daniel and Friends in Nebuchadnezzar’s Court‬‬
‫אּצר ֶ ֽמ ֶלְך־‬ ‫בּוכ ְדנֶ ַ ֧‬ ‫הּודה ָ ּ֣בא נְ ַ‬ ‫‪ּ 1‬ב ְׁש ַנ֣ת ָׁש ֔לֹוׁש ְל ַמ ְל ֖כּות יְ הֹוי� ִ ָ֣קים ֶ ֽמ ֶלְך־יְ ָ ֑‬ ‫ִ‬
‫הּודה‬ ‫יה׃ ‪ 2‬וַ ּיִ ֵּתן֩ ֲאד ָֹ֨ני ְּביָ ֜דֹו ֶאת־יְ הֹוי� ִ ָ֣קים ֶ ֽמ ֶלְך־יְ ָ ֗‬ ‫רּוׁש ַל֖םִ וַ ָּי ַ֥צר ָע ֶ ֽל ָ‬ ‫ָּב ֶב֛ל יְ ָ‬
‫ת־ה ֵּכ ִ ֣לים‬‫ֹלהיו וְ ֶא ַ‬ ‫ץ־ׁשנְ ָ ֖ער ֵּב֣ית ֱא ָ ֑‬‫יאם ֶ ֽא ֶר ִ‬ ‫ֹלהים וַ ִיְב ֵ ֥‬ ‫ית־ה ֱא ִ֔‬
‫ּומ ְק ָצ ֙ת ְּכ ֵל֣י ֵב ָ ֽ‬ ‫ִ‬
‫יסיו ְל ָה ִ֞ביא‬ ‫אמר ַה ֶּ֔מ ֶלְך ְל ַא ְׁש ְּפ ַנ֖ז ַ ֣רב ָס ִר ָ ֑‬ ‫ֹלהיו׃ ‪ 3‬וַ ּ֣י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫אֹוצר ֱא ָ ֽ‬ ‫ֵה ִ֔ביא ֵ ּ֖בית ַ ֥‬
‫ׁשר ֵ ֽאין־‬ ‫ן־ה ַּפ ְר ְּת ִ ֽמים׃ ‪ 4‬יְ ָל ִ ֣דים ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ּומ ַ ֽ‬ ‫לּוכה ִ‬ ‫ּומ ֶּז ַ�֥רע ַה ְּמ ָ ֖‬ ‫ִמ ְּב ֵנ֧י יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֛אל ִ‬
‫ל־ח ְכ ָ֗מה וְ ֹ֤י ְד ֵעי‬ ‫ילים ְּב ָכ ָ‬ ‫ּומ ְׂש ִּכ ִ ֣‬
‫טֹובי ַמ ְר ֶ֜אה ַ‬ ‫(ק׳‪ ‬מּום) וְ ֵ֨‬‫֩‬ ‫ָּב ֶ ֣הם ָּכל־מאום‬
‫מד ְּב ֵה ַיכ֣ל ַה ֶ ּ֑מ ֶלְך ּוֽ ֲל ַל ְּמ ָ ֥דם ֵ ֖ס ֶפר‬ ‫ּומ ִב ֵינ֣י ַמ ָ ּ֔דע וַ ֲא ֶׁש ֙ר ּ֣כֹ ַח ָּב ֶ֔הם ַל ֲע ֖ ֹ‬ ‫ַ ֙ד ַע ֙ת ְ‬
‫ת־ּבג ַה ֶּ֙מ ֶל ְ֙ך‬ ‫יֹומֹו ִמ ַּפ ַ ֤‬ ‫ּול ׁ֥שֹון ַּכ ְׂש ִ ּֽדים׃ ‪ 5‬וַ יְ ַמן֩ ָל ֶ֨הם ַה ֶּ֜מ ֶלְך ְּד ַבר־י֣ ֹום ְּב ֗‬ ‫ְ‬
‫ּומ ְק ָצ ָ֔תם ַי ַֽע ְמ ֖דּו ִל ְפ ֵנ֥י ַה ֶ ּֽמ ֶלְך׃‬ ‫ּומ ֵּי ֣ין ִמ ְׁש ָּ֔תיו ּוֽ ְלגַ ְּד ָל֖ם ָׁש ִנ֣ים ָׁש ֑לֹוׁש ִ֨‬ ‫ִ‬
‫יׁש ֵ ֖אל וַ ֲעזַ ְר ָיֽה׃ ‪ 7‬וַ ָּי ֶׂ֧שם‬ ‫הּודה ָּדנִ ֵ ּי ֣אל ֲחנַ נְ ָ֔יה ִ ֽמ ָ‬ ‫‪ 6‬וַ יְ ִ ֥הי ָב ֶ ֖הם ִמ ְּב ֵנ֣י יְ ָ ֑‬
‫אּצר וְ ַ ֽל ֲחנַ נְ יָ ֙ה ַׁש ְד ַ ֔רְך‬ ‫יסים ֵׁש ֑מֹות וַ ָּ֨י ֶׂשם ְל ָ ֽדנִ ֵּ֜יאל ֵּב ְ֣ל ְט ַׁש ַ֗‬ ‫ָל ֶ ֛הם ַ ׂ֥שר ַה ָּס ִר ִ ֖‬
‫ל־ל ּ֔בֹו ֲא ֶ ׁ֧שר‬ ‫יׁשְך וְ ַל ֲעזַ ְר ָי֖ה ֲע ֵ ֥בד נְ גֽ ֹו׃ ‪ 8‬וַ ָּי ֶׂ֤שם ָּדנִ ּיֵ אל֙ ַע ִ‬ ‫יׁש ֵ ֣אל ֵמ ַ֔‬ ‫ּול ִ ֽמ ָ‬ ‫ְ‬
‫יסים ֲא ֶ ׁ֖שר‬ ‫ּוב ֵי ֣ין ִמ ְׁש ָ ּ֑תיו וַ ַיְב ֵּק ׁ֙ש ִמ ַ ּׂ֣שר ַה ָּס ִר ִ֔‬ ‫ֽל ֹא־יִ ְתּגָ ַ ֛אל ְּב ַפ ְת ַ ּ֥בג ַה ֶ ּ֖מ ֶלְך ְ‬
‫ת־ּדנִ ֵּ֔יאל ְל ֶ ֖ח ֶסד ּוֽ ְל ַר ֲח ִ ֑מים ִל ְפ ֵנ֖י ַ ׂ֥שר‬ ‫ים ֶא ָ ֣‬ ‫ֹלה ֙‬
‫֥ל ֹא יִ ְתּגָ ָ ֽאל׃ ‪ 9‬וַ ּיִ ֵ ּ֤תן ָ ֽה ֱא ִ‬
‫ת־אד ִֹנ֣י‬ ‫ים ְל ָ ֣דנִ ֵּ֔יאל יָ ֵ ֤רא ֲאנִ ֙י ֶא ֲ‬ ‫יס ֙‬ ‫אמר ַ ׂ֤שר ַה ָּס ִר ִ‬ ‫יסים׃ ‪ 10‬וַ ּ֜י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ַה ָּס ִר ִ ֽ‬
‫ת־מ ְׁש ֵּת ֶיכ֑ם ֲא ֶׁ֡שר ָל ָּמ ֩ה יִ ְר ֶ֨אה ֶאת־‬ ‫ת־מ ֲא ַכ ְל ֶכ֖ם וְ ֶא ִ‬ ‫ׁשר ִמ ָּ֔נה ֶא ַ‬ ‫ַה ֶּ֔מ ֶלְך ֲא ֶ ֣‬
‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 4‬‬
‫אׁשי ַל ֶ ּֽמ ֶלְך׃‬ ‫ּיַב ֶ ּ֥תם ֶאת־ר ֹ ִ ֖‬ ‫ׁשר ְּכ ִ ֽג ְיל ֶ֔כם וְ ִח ְ‬ ‫ים ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ן־היְ ָל ִד ֙‬
‫יכם ֹֽז ֲע ֗ ִפים ִמ ַ‬ ‫ְּפנֵ ֶ֜‬
‫ל־ּדנִ ֵ ּי ֣אל‬ ‫יסים ַע ָ‬ ‫ל־ה ֶּמ ְל ַ ֑צר ֲא ֶ ׁ֤שר ִמּנָ ֙ה ַ ׂ֣שר ַה ָ ּֽס ִר ִ֔‬ ‫אמר ָּדנִ ֵ ּי֖אל ֶא ַ‬ ‫‪ 11‬וַ ּ֥י ֹ ֶ‬
‫נּו־לנּו‬
‫ת־ע ָב ֶ ֖דיָך יָ ִ ֣מים ֲע ָׂש ָ ֑רה וְ יִ ְּת ֜ ָ‬ ‫ס־נ֥א ֶא ֲ‬ ‫יׁש ֵ ֖אל וַ ֲעזַ ְר ָיֽה׃ ‪ 12‬נַ ָ‬ ‫ֲחנַ נְ ָ֔יה ִ ֽמ ָ‬
‫ּומ ְר ֵא ֙ה‬ ‫ּומיִ ם וְ נִ ְׁש ֶ ּֽתה׃ ‪ 13‬וְ יֵ ָר ֤אּו ְל ָפנֶ֙ ֙יָך ַמ ְר ֵ֔אינּו ַ‬ ‫אכ ָל֖ה ַ ֥‬ ‫ן־הּזֵ ר ִ ֹ֛עים וְ נ ֹ ְ‬ ‫ִמ ַ‬
‫ם־ע ָב ֶ ֽדיָך׃‬ ‫ׁשר ִּת ְר ֵ֔אה ֲע ֵ ׂ֖שה ִע ֲ‬ ‫א ְכ ֔ ִלים ֵ ֖את ַּפ ְת ַ ּ֣בג ַה ֶ ּ֑מ ֶלְך וְ ַכ ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ַהיְ ָל ִ ֔דים ָה ֣ ֹ‬
‫‪ּ 15‬ומ ְק ָצ ֙ת יָ ִ ֣מים‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫‪ 14‬וַ ּיִ ְׁש ַ ֥מע ָל ֶ ֖הם ַל ָּד ָ ֣בר ַה ֶּז֑ה וַ יְ נַ ֵ ּ֖סם יָ ִ ֥מים ֲע ָׂש ָ ֽרה׃‬
‫א ְכ ֔ ִלים‬ ‫ל־היְ ָל ִ ֔דים ָה ֣ ֹ‬
‫ן־ּכ ַ‬ ‫יאי ָּב ָ ׂ֑שר ִמ ָ‬ ‫ּוב ִר ֵ ֖‬
‫יה ֙ם ֔טֹוב ְ‬ ‫ֲע ָׂש ָ ֔רה נִ ְר ָ ֤אה ַמ ְר ֵא ֶ‬
‫יהם‬ ‫ת־ּפ ְת ָּב ֔ ָגם וְ ֵי֖ין ִמ ְׁש ֵּת ֶ ֑‬ ‫ֵ ֖את ַּפ ְת ַ ּ֥בג ַה ֶ ּֽמ ֶלְך׃ ‪ 16‬וַ יְ ִ ֣הי ַה ֶּמ ְל ַ֗צר נ ֵֹׂש ֙א ֶא ַ‬
‫ֹלהים‬ ‫וְ נ ֵ ֹ֥תן ָל ֶ ֖הם זֵ ְרע ִֹנֽים׃ ‪ 17‬וְ ַהיְ ָל ִ ֤דים ָה ֵ֙א ֶּל ֙ה ַא ְר ַּב ְע ָּ֔תם נָ ַ֨תן ָל ֶ ֧הם ָ ֽה ֱא ִ ֛‬
‫ֹלמֹות׃‬ ‫ל־חז֖ ֹון וַ ֲח ֽ‬‫ל־ס ֶפר וְ ָח ְכ ָ ֑מה וְ ָדנִ ֵ ּי ֣אל ֵה ִ֔בין ְּב ָכ ָ‬ ‫ַמ ָ ּ֥דע וְ ַה ְׂש ֵּכ֖ל ְּב ָכ ֵ ֣‬
‫יסים‬ ‫יא ֙ם ַ ׂ֣שר ַה ָּס ִר ִ֔‬‫יאם וַ ִיְב ֵ‬ ‫ר־א ַ ֥מר ַה ֶ ּ֖מ ֶלְך ַל ֲה ִב ָ ֑‬ ‫‪ּ 18‬ול ִמ ְק ָצ ֙ת ַהּיָ ִ֔מים ֲא ֶׁש ָ‬‫ְ‬
‫ִל ְפ ֵנ֖י נְ ֻב ַכ ְדנֶ ַ ּֽצר׃ ‪ 19‬וַ יְ ַד ֵּב֣ר ִא ָּת ֮ם ַה ֶּמ ֶלְך֒ וְ ֤ל ֹא נִ ְמ ָצ ֙א ִמ ֻּכ ֔ ָּלם ְּכ ָדנִ ֵ ּי ֣אל‬
‫יׁש ֵ ֖אל וַ ֲעזַ ְר ָי֑ה וַ ַּי ַֽע ְמ ֖דּו ִל ְפ ֵנ֥י ַה ֶ ּֽמ ֶלְך׃ ‪ 20‬וְ ֗כֹל ְּד ַב ֙ר ָח ְכ ַ ֣מת‬ ‫ֲחנַ נְ ָ֔יה ִ ֽמ ָ‬
‫ל־ה ַח ְר ֻט ִּמ ֙ים‬ ‫ר־ּב ֵ ּ֥קׁש ֵמ ֶ ֖הם ַה ֶ ּ֑מ ֶלְך ַוּֽיִ ְמ ָצ ֵ֞אם ֶע ֶׂ֣שר יָ ֗דֹות ַ ֤על ָּכ ַ ֽ‬ ‫ִּב ָ֔ינה ֲא ֶׁש ִ‬
‫ד־ׁש ַנ֥ת ַא ַ ֖חת ְל ֥כ ֶֹורׁש‬ ‫הי ָ ּֽדנִ ֵּ֔יאל ַע ְ‬ ‫‪ 21‬וֽיְ ִ ֙‬
‫ַ‬ ‫כּותֹו׃‬
‫ל־מ ְל ֽ‬ ‫ָ ֽה ַא ָּׁש ֔ ִפים ֲא ֶ ׁ֖שר ְּב ָכ ַ‬
‫ַה ֶ ּֽמ ֶלְך׃ פ‬
‫‪Nehemiah 2 (Nehemiah’s Commission to Rebuild Jerusalem’s Wall,‬‬

‫ ‬ ‫)‪and the Defeat of Opposition‬‬
‫יסן ְׁש ַנ֥ת ֶע ְׂש ִ ֛רים ְל ַא ְר ַּת ְח ַ ׁ֥ש ְס ְּתא ַה ֶ ּ֖מ ֶלְך ַי�֣יִ ן ְל ָפ ָנ֑יו‬ ‫‪ 1‬וַ יְ ִ ֣הי ׀ ְּב ֣חֹ ֶדׁש נִ ָ֗‬
‫אמר֩ ֨ ִלי ַה ֶּ֜מ ֶלְך‬ ‫֥יתי ַ ֖רע ְל ָפ ָנֽיו׃ ‪ 2‬וַ ּי ֹ ֶ‬ ‫א־היִ ִ‬
‫ת־ה יִ ֙ן וָ ֶא ְּת ָנ֣ה ַל ֶּ֔מ ֶלְך וְ ל ֹ ָ‬
‫וָ ֶא ָ ּׂ֤שא ֶא ַ ּיַ֙‬
‫ירא‬ ‫י־אם ֣ר ֹ ַ ֽע ֵל֑ב וָ ִא ָ ֖‬ ‫חֹולה ֵ ֣אין ֶ֔זה ִּכ ִ ֖‬ ‫ֶ֔‬ ‫ַמ ּ֣ד ַּוע ׀ ָּפ ֶנ֣יָך ָר ֗ ִעים וְ ַא ָּת ֙ה ֵ ֽאינְ ָך֣‬
‫עֹול֣ם יִ ְח ֶי֑ה ַמ ּ֜ד ַּוע לֹא־יֵ ְר ֣עּו ָפ ַ֗ני‬ ‫אד׃ ‪ 3‬וָ א ַ ֹ֣מר ַל ֶּ֔מ ֶלְך ַה ֶ ּ֖מ ֶלְך ְל ָ‬ ‫ַה ְר ֵ ּ֥בה ְמ ֽ ֹ‬
‫יה ֻא ְּכ ֥לּו ָב ֵ ֽאׁש׃‪ ‬ס‬ ‫ּוׁש ָע ֶ ֖ר ָ‬
‫ֹתי ֲח ֵר ָ֔בה ְ‬ ‫ית־ק ְב ֤רֹות ֲאב ַ ֙‬ ‫ֲא ֶׁ֨שר ָה ֜ ִעיר ֵּב ִ‬
‫ֹלהי‬‫ל־א ֵ ֖‬ ‫ה־ּז֖ה ַא ָ ּ֣תה ְמ ַב ֵ ּ֑קׁש ָ ֽו ֶא ְת ַּפ ֔ ֵּלל ֶא ֱ‬ ‫ל־מ ֶ‬ ‫אמר ִל֙י ַה ֶּ֔מ ֶלְך ַע ַ‬ ‫‪ 4‬וַ ּ֤י ֹ ֶ‬
‫יטב ַע ְב ְּדָך֖ ְל ָפ ֶנ֑יָך‬ ‫ל־ה ֶ ּ֣מ ֶלְך ֔טֹוב וְ ִאם־יִ ַ ֥‬ ‫ם־ע ַ‬ ‫ַה ָּׁש ָ ֽמיִ ם׃ ‪ 5‬וָ א ַ ֹ֣מר ַל ֶּ֔מ ֶלְך ִא ַ‬
‫אמר֩‬ ‫ל־עיר ִק ְב ֥רֹות ֲאב ַ ֹ֖תי וְ ֶא ְב ֶנּֽנָ ה׃ ‪ 6‬וַ ּי ֹ ֶ‬ ‫הּודה ֶא ִ ֛‬ ‫ֲא ֶ ׁ֧שר ִּת ְׁש ָל ֵ ֣חנִ י ֶאל־יְ ָ ֗‬
‫ּומ ַ ֣תי ָּת ׁ֑שּוב‬ ‫ד־מ ַ ֛תי יִ ְה ֶי֥ה ַ ֽמ ֲה ָל ֲכָך֖ ָ‬ ‫יֹוׁש ֶבת ֶא ְצ ֗לֹו ַע ָ‬ ‫֨ ִלי ַה ֶּ֜מ ֶלְך וְ ַה ֵּׁש ַג֣ל ׀ ֶ ֣‬
‫ם־על־‬ ‫אֹומ ֮ר ַל ֶּמ ֶלְך֒ ִא ַ‬ ‫ֽי־ה ֶּ֙מ ֶל ְ֙ך וַ ּיִ ְׁש ָל ֵ֔חנִ י ָ ֽו ֶא ְּת ָנ֥ה ֖לֹו זְ ָ ֽמן׃ ‪ 7‬וָ ַ‬ ‫יטב ִל ְפ ֵנ ַ‬ ‫וַ ּיִ ַ ֤‬
‫ירּונִ י ַ ֥עד‬ ‫ל־ּפ ֲחו֖ ֹות ֵע ֶ֣בר ַהּנָ ָ ֑הר ֲא ֶׁש ֙ר יַ ֲע ִב ֔‬ ‫נּו־לי ַ ֽע ַ‬ ‫רֹות יִ ְּת ֔ ִ‬ ‫ַה ֶ ּ֣מ ֶלְך ֔טֹוב ִאּגְ ֙‬
‫ׁשר ַל ֶּ֗מ ֶלְך‬ ‫ל־א ָס ֩ף ׁש ֵֹ֨מר ַה ַּפ ְר ֵ ּ֜דס ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫הּודה׃ ‪ 8‬וְ ִא ֡ ֶּג ֶרת ֶא ָ‬ ‫ר־א ֖בֹוא ֶאל־יְ ָ ֽ‬ ‫ֲא ֶׁש ָ‬
‫חֹומת‬ ‫ּול ַ ֣‬ ‫ר־ל ַּ֙ביִ ֙ת ְ‬ ‫ירה ֲא ֶׁש ַ‬ ‫ת־ׁש ֲע ֵ ֨רי ַה ִּב ָ ֤‬ ‫ן־לי ֵע ִ֡צים ֠ ְל ָקרֹות ֶא ַ‬ ‫ׁשר יִ ֶּת ִ ֣‬ ‫ֲא ֶ ֣‬
‫ּטֹובה ָע ָ ֽלי׃‬ ‫ֹלהי ַה ָ ֥‬ ‫ד־א ַ ֖‬ ‫ן־לי ַה ֶּ֔מ ֶלְך ְּכיַ ֱ‬ ‫ר־א ֣בֹוא ֵא ָל֑יו וַ ּיִ ֶּת ִ ֣‬ ‫ָה ֔ ִעיר וְ ַל ַ ּ֖ביִ ת ֲא ֶׁש ָ‬
‫וֹות ֵע ֶ֣בר ַהּנָ ָ֔הר וָ ֶא ְּת ָנ֣ה ָל ֶ֔הם ֵ ֖את ִאּגְ ֣רֹות ַה ֶ ּ֑מ ֶלְך‬ ‫ל־ּפ ֲח ֙‬ ‫‪ 9‬ו ָא ֗בֹוא ֶ ֽא ַ ֽ‬ ‫ָֽ‬
‫ּופ ָר ִ ֽׁשים׃ פ‬ ‫ּמי ַה ֶּ֔מ ֶלְך ָ ׂ֥ש ֵרי ַ ֖חיִ ל ָ‬ ‫וַ ּיִ ְׁש ַל֤ח ִע ִ ֙‬
‫ֹובּיָ ֙ה ָה ֶע ֶ֣בד ָ ֽה ַעּמ ִֹ֔ני וַ ֵּי ַ�֥רע ָל ֶ ֖הם ָר ָע֣ה גְ ד ָֹל֑ה‬ ‫‪ 10‬וַ ּיִ ְׁש ַ֞מע ַסנְ ַב ַּל֣ט ַהחֹר ִֹ֗ני וְ ֽט ִ‬
‫רּוׁש ָל֑םִ‬ ‫טֹובה ִל ְב ֵנ֥י יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃ ‪ 11‬וָ ָא ֖בֹוא ֶאל־יְ ָ‬ ‫ר־ּבא ָא ָ ֔דם ְל ַב ֵ ּ֥קׁש ָ ֖‬ ‫ֲא ֶׁש ָ ֥‬
‫ֹלׁשה׃ ‪ 12‬וָ ָא ֣קּום ׀ ֗ ַליְ ָלה ֲאנִ ֮י וַ ֲאנָ ִ ׁ֣שים ׀ ְמ ַע ֮ט ִע ִּמי֒‬ ‫י־ׁשם יָ ִ ֥מים ְׁש ָ ֽ‬ ‫וָ ֱא ִה ָ ֖‬
‫ּוב ֵה ָמ ֙ה‬ ‫ירּוׁש ָל֑םִ ְ‬ ‫ל־ל ִּ֔בי ַל ֲע ׂ֖שֹות ִל ָ‬ ‫ֹלהי נ ֵ ֹ֣תן ֶא ִ‬ ‫א־ה ַ ּ֣ג ְ ד ִּתי ְל ָא ָ ֔דם ָ֗מה ֱא ַ ֙‬ ‫וְ ל ֹ ִ‬
‫ם־ה ְּב ֵה ָ֔מה ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ֲא ִנ֖י ר ֵ ֹ֥כב ָ ּֽבּה׃ ‪ 13‬וָ ֵא ְצ ָ֨אה ְב ַ ֽׁש ַער־‬ ‫ֵ ֣אין ִע ִּ֔מי ִ ּ֚כי ִא ַ‬
‫מת‬ ‫ל־ׁש ַער ָה ַא ְׁש ֑ ֹּפת וָ ֱא ִ֨הי ׂש ֵֹ֜בר ְּבחֹו ֤ ֹ‬ ‫ל־ּפנֵ ֙י ֵע֣ין ַה ַּת ִּ֔נין וְ ֶא ַ ֖‬ ‫ַה ֜ ַּגיא ֗ ַליְ ָלה וְ ֶא ְ‬
‫יה ֻא ְּכ ֥לּו ָב ֵ ֽאׁש׃‬ ‫ּוׁש ָע ֶ ֖ר ָ‬ ‫רּוצים) ְ‬ ‫(ק׳‪ ‬הם ׀ ְּפ ִ֔‬ ‫ֵ֣‬ ‫רּוׁש ַ ֙ל ִ ֙ם ֲא ֶׁשר־המפרוצים‬ ‫יְ ָ‬
‫ין־מ ֥קֹום ַל ְּב ֵה ָ ֖מה‬ ‫ל־ּב ֵר ַ ֖כת ַה ֶ ּ֑מ ֶלְך וְ ֵא ָ‬ ‫ל־ׁש ַער ָה ֔ ַעיִ ן וְ ֶא ְ‬ ‫‪ 14‬וָ ֶ ֽא ֱעב ֹ֙ר ֶא ַ ֣‬
‫חֹומה וָ ָא ׁ֗שּוב‬ ‫ַל ֲע ֥בֹר ַּת ְח ָ ּֽתי׃ ‪ 15‬וָ ֱא ִ֨הי ע ֶֹל֤ה ַבּנַ֙ ַחל֙ ֔ ַליְ ָלה וָ ֱא ִ ֥הי ׂש ֵ ֹ֖בר ַּב ָ ֑‬
‫ּומה‬ ‫עּו ָ ֣אנָ ה ָה ֔ ַל ְכ ִּתי ָ ֖‬ ‫וָ ָא ֛בֹוא ְּב ַ ׁ֥ש ַער ַה ַּג֖יְ א וָ ָא ֽׁשּוב׃ ‪ 16‬וְ ַה ְּסגָ ִ֗נים ֤ל ֹא יָ ְד ֙‬
‫אכה‬ ‫ּול ֶת ֙ר ע ֵ ֹׂ֣שה ַה ְּמ ָל ָ֔‬ ‫הּודים וְ ַלּכ ֲֹה ִ֜נים וְ ַלח ִ ֹ֣רים וְ ַל ְּסגָ ִ֗נים ְ יֶ֙‬ ‫ֲא ִנ֣י ע ֶ ֹׂ֑שה וְ ַלּיְ ִ ֨‬
‫ׁשר ֲא ַנ ְ֣חנּו‬ ‫אֹומר ֲא ֵל ֶ֗הם ַא ֶ ּ֤תם ר ִֹא ֙ים ָה ָר ָע ֙ה ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫ד־ּכן ֥ל ֹא ִה ַּג ְֽד ִּתי׃ ‪ 17‬וָ ַ ֣‬ ‫ַע ֵ ֖‬
‫ת־חֹומת‬ ‫ַ֣‬ ‫יה נִ ְּצ ֣תּו ָב ֵ ֑אׁש ְל ֗כּו וְ נִ ְבנֶ ֙ה ֶא‬ ‫ּוׁש ָע ֶ ֖ר ָ‬
‫רּוׁש ַ ֙ל ִ ֙ם ֲח ֵר ָ֔בה ְ‬ ‫ָ֔בּה ֲא ֶ ׁ֤שר יְ ָ‬
‫ֹלהי ֲא ֶׁשר־‬ ‫ת־י֣ד ֱא ַ֗‬ ‫רּוׁש ֔ ַל ִם וְ לֹא־נִ ְה ֶי֥ה ֖עֹוד ֶח ְר ָ ּֽפה׃ ‪ 18‬וָ ַא ֨ ִּגיד ָל ֶ֜הם ֶא ַ‬ ‫יְ ָ‬
‫ּוב ִ֔נינּו‬ ‫רּו נָ ֣קּום ָ‬ ‫אמ ֙‬ ‫ר־לי וַ ּֽי ֹ ְ‬ ‫ׁשר ָ ֽא ַמ ִ ֑‬ ‫ף־ּד ְב ֵ ֥רי ַה ֶ ּ֖מ ֶלְך ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫טֹובה ָע ֔ ַלי וְ ַא ִ‬ ‫יא ָ ֣‬ ‫ִה ֙‬
‫ּטֹובה׃ פ‬ ‫יהם ַל ָ ֽ‬ ‫וַ יְ ַחּזְ ֥קּו יְ ֵד ֶ ֖‬
‫ּמֹוני וְ גֶ֙ ֶׁש ֙ם ָ ֽה ַע ְר ִ֔בי‬ ‫חר ִֹ֜ני וְ ט ִֹב ָּי֣ה ׀ ָה ֶע ֶ֣בד ָ ֽה ַע ִ֗‬ ‫‪ 19‬וַ ּיִ ְׁש ַמ ֩ע ַסנְ ַב ֨ ַּלט ַה ֹ‬
‫ׁשר ַא ֶ ּ֣תם ע ִֹׂ֔שים‬ ‫ה־ה ָּד ָ ֤בר ַהּזֶ ֙ה ֲא ֶ ֣‬ ‫אמ ֗רּו ָ ֽמ ַ‬ ‫ּיִבז֖ ּו ָע ֵל֑ינּו וַ ּי ֹ ְ‬ ‫וַ ּיַ ְל ִ ֣עגּו ֔ ָלנּו וַ ְ‬
‫ֹלהי‬
‫אֹומר ָל ֶה ֙ם ֱא ֵ ֣‬ ‫אֹותם ָּד ָ֗בר וָ ַ ֤‬ ‫ָ֜‬ ‫ַה ַ ֥על ַה ֶ ּ֖מ ֶלְך ַא ֶ ּ֥תם מ ְֹר ִ ֽדים׃ ‪ 20‬וָ ָא ִׁ֨שיב‬
‫ין־ח ֶלק‬ ‫ּוב ִנ֑ינּו וְ ָל ֶ֗כם ֵ ֽא ֵ ֧‬ ‫יח ֔ ָלנּו וַ ֲא ַנ ְ֥חנּו ֲע ָב ָ ֖דיו נָ ֣קּום ָ‬ ‫ַה ָּׁש ַ֔מיִ ם ֚הּוא יַ ְצ ִ ֣ל ַ ֽ‬
‫ירּוׁש ָֽל ִם׃‬
‫ּוצ �ד ָ ָ֛קה וְ זִ ָּכ ֖רֹון ִּב ָ‬ ‫ְ‬
‫‪34‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 4‬‬
‫)‪1 Chronicles 21 (David’s Unsanctioned Census‬‬
‫אמר‬ ‫ת־ּד ִ ֔ויד ִל ְמנ֖ ֹות ֶאת־יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃ ‪ 2‬וַ ּ֨י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫מד ָׂש ָ ֖טן ַעל־יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֑אל וַ ּיָ֙ ֶס ֙ת ֶא ָ‬ ‫‪ 1‬וַ ַּי ֲֽע ֥ ֹ‬
‫רּו ֶאת־יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֔אל ִמ ְּב ֵ ֥אר ֶ ׁ֖ש ַבע‬ ‫ל־ׂש ֵ ֣רי ָה ֔ ָעם ְל ֗כּו ִס ְפ ֙‬ ‫ל־יֹוא ֙ב וְ ֶא ָ‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫ָּדִו֤יד ֶא‬
‫הוה‬ ‫יֹוס ֩ף יְ ָ ֨‬ ‫יֹואב ֵ‬ ‫אמר ָ֗‬ ‫ת־מ ְס ָּפ ָ ֽרם׃ ‪ 3‬וַ ּ֣י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ד־ּדן וְ ָה ִ ֣ביאּו ֵא ֔ ַלי וְ ֵא ְד ָ ֖עה ֶא ִ‬ ‫וְ ַע ָ ֑‬
‫ל־ע ּ֤מֹו ׀ ָּכ ֵה ֙ם ֵמ ָ ֣אה ְפ ָע ִ֔מים ֲהל ֹ ֙א ֲאד ִֹנ֣י ַה ֶּ֔מ ֶלְך ֻּכ ָ ּ֥לם ַלאד ִֹנ֖י ַל ֲע ָב ִ ֑דים‬ ‫ַע ַ‬
‫ר־ה ֶ ּ֖מ ֶלְך‬ ‫‪ּ 4‬וד ַב ַ‬‫ְ‬ ‫את ֲאד ִֹ֔ני ָל ָּ֛מה יִ ְה ֶי֥ה ְל ַא ְׁש ָ ֖מה ְליִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃‬ ‫ָל ָּ֣מה ַיְב ֵ ּ֥קׁש ז ֹ ֙‬
‫רּוׁש ָֽל ִם׃ ‪ 5‬וַ ּיִ ֵ ּ֥תן‬ ‫יֹואב וַ ּיִ ְת ַה ֵּל ְ֙ך ְּב ָכל־יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֔אל וַ ּ֖יָב ֹא יְ ָ‬ ‫ל־יֹואב וַ ּיֵ ֵצ֣א ָ֗‬ ‫ָ֑‬ ‫ָח ַז֣ק ַע‬
‫ים‬‫ל־ּדִו֑יד וַ יְ ִ ֣הי ָ ֽכל־יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֡אל ֶ ֣א ֶלף ֲא ָל ִפ ֩‬ ‫ד־ה ָ ֖עם ֶא ָ‬ ‫ת־מ ְס ַ ּ֥פר ִמ ְפ ַק ָ‬ ‫יֹואב ֶא ִ‬ ‫ָ֛‬
‫יהּודה ַא ְר ַּב ֩ע ֵמ ֨אֹות וְ ִׁש ְב ִ ֥עים ֶ ֛א ֶלף ִ ֖איׁש‬ ‫יׁש ׁ֣ש ֹ ֵ ֽלף ֶ֔ח ֶרב ִ ֽו ָ ֕‬ ‫ּומ ָ֨אה ֶ ֤א ֶלף ִא ֙‬ ‫ֵ‬
‫ר־ה ֶ ּ֖מ ֶלְך ֶאת־‬ ‫תֹוכ֑ם ִ ּֽכי־נִ ְת ַ ֥עב ְּד ַב ַ‬ ‫ּובנְ יָ ִ֔מן ֥ל ֹא �פ ַ ָ֖קד ְּב ָ‬ ‫ׁ֥ש ֹ ֵ ֽלף ָ ֽח ֶרב׃ ‪ 6‬וְ ֵלוִ ֙י ִ‬
‫ל־ה ָּד ָ ֖בר ַה ֶּז֑ה וַ ַּיְ֖ך ֶאת־יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֽאל׃ פ‬ ‫ֹלהים ַע ַ‬ ‫יֹואב׃ ‪ 7‬וַ ּיֵ֙ ַר ֙ע ְּב ֵע ֵינ֣י ָה ֱא ִ֔‬ ‫ָֽ‬
‫ת־ה ָּד ָ ֣בר‬ ‫יתי ֶא ַ‬ ‫אד ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ָע ִ ׂ֖ש ִ‬ ‫אתי ְמ ֔ ֹ‬ ‫ֹלהים ָח ָ ֣ט ִ ֽ‬ ‫ל־ה ֱא ִ֔‬‫אמר ָּדוִ ֙יד ֶא ָ ֣‬ ‫‪ 8‬וַ ּ֤י ֹ ֶ‬
‫אד׃ פ‬ ‫ת־עו֣ ֹון ַע ְב ְּד ָ֔ך ִ ּ֥כי נִ ְס ַּכ ְ֖ל ִּתי ְמ ֽ ֹ‬ ‫ַה ֶּז֑ה וְ ַע ָּ֗תה ַ ֽה ֲע ֶבר־נָ ֙א ֶא ֲ‬
‫ל־ּד ִ ֜ויד‬ ‫‪ 10‬לְך֩ וְ ִד ַּב ְר ָּ֨ת ֶא ָ‬ ‫ֵ‬ ‫מר׃‬ ‫ל־ּגד ח ֵֹז֥ה ָדִ ֖ויד ֵלא ֽ ֹ‬ ‫‪ 9‬וַ יְ ַד ֵ ּ֤בר יְ הוָ ֙ה ֶא ֔ ָ‬
‫ר־לָך֛ ַא ַ ֥חת ֵמ ֵ ֖הּנָ ה‬ ‫הוה ָׁש ֕לֹוׁש ֲא ִנ֖י נ ֶ ֹ֣טה ָע ֶל֑יָך ְּב ַח ְ‬ ‫מר ּ֚כֹה ָא ַ ֣מר יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ֵלא ֗ ֹ‬
‫הו֖ה ַק ֶּבל־‬ ‫ה־א ַ ֥מר יְ ָ‬ ‫אמר ֛לֹו ּֽכֹ ָ‬ ‫ל־ּדִו֑יד וַ ּ֥י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ה־ּלְך׃ ‪ 11‬וַ ָּי֥בֹא ָג֖ד ֶא ָ‬ ‫וְ ֶ ֽא ֱע ֶׂש ָ ֽ‬
‫יָך‬‫י־צ ֶר ֮‬ ‫ֹלׁשה ֳח ָד ִׁ֜שים נִ ְס ֶ ּ֥פה ִמ ְּפנֵ ָ‬ ‫ם־ׁש ָ֨‬ ‫ם־ׁש ֨לֹוׁש ָׁש ִ֜נים ָר ֗ ָעב וְ ִא ְ‬ ‫‪ 12‬א ָ‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫ָ ֽלְך׃‬
‫הו֤ה וְ ֶ ֙ד ֶב ֙ר ָּב ָ֔א ֶרץ‬ ‫ם־ׁש ֹ֣ל ֶׁשת ָי ִ֠מים ֶ ֣ח ֶרב יְ ָ‬ ‫ת וְ ִא ְ‬ ‫אֹויְבָ֣ך ׀ ְל ַמ ֶּׂשגֶ ֒‬ ‫ֶ‬ ‫וְ ֶ ֣ח ֶרב‬
‫ה־א ִ ׁ֥שיב ֶאת־‬ ‫הוה ַמ ְׁש ִ ֖חית ְּב ָכל־ּגְ ֣בּול יִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֑אל וְ ַע ָ ּ֣תה ְר ֵ֔אה ָ ֽמ ָ‬ ‫ּומ ְל ַ ֣אְך יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ַ‬
‫ׁש ְֹל ִ ֖חי ָּד ָ ֽבר׃ פ‬
‫י־ר ִ ּ֤בים‬ ‫הוה ִ ּֽכ ַ‬ ‫ה־ּנ֣א ְביַ ד־יְ ָ ֗‬ ‫אד ֶא ְּפ ָל ָ‬ ‫ר־לי ְמ ֑ ֹ‬ ‫ל־ּג֖ד ַצ ִ ֣‬ ‫אמר ָּדִו֛יד ֶא ָ‬ ‫‪ 13‬וַ ּ֧י ֹ ֶ‬
‫הו֛ה ֶ ּ֖ד ֶבר ְּביִ ְׂש ָר ֵ ֑אל וַ ּיִ ּפֹל֙‬ ‫ל־א ֽ ֹּפל׃ ‪ 14‬וַ ּיִ ֵ ּ֧תן יְ ָ‬ ‫ד־א ָ ֖דם ַא ֶ‬ ‫ּוביַ ָ‬ ‫אד ְ‬ ‫ַר ֲח ָמ ֙יו ְמ ֔ ֹ‬
‫ירּוׁש ַל ֮םִ‬‫ֹלהים ׀ ַמ ְל ָ ֥אְך ׀ ִ ֽל ָ‬ ‫ִמּיִ ְׂש ָר ֵ֔אל ִׁש ְב ִ ֥עים ֶ ֖א ֶלף ִ ֽאיׁש׃ ‪ 15‬וַ ּיִ ְׁש ַל ֩ח ָה ֱא ִ֨‬
‫אמר ַל ַּמ ְל ָ ֤אְך‬ ‫ל־ה ָר ֔ ָעה וַ ּ֨י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ּוכ ַה ְׁש ִ֗חית ָר ָ ֤אה יְ הוָ ֙ה וַ ּיִ ָּנ ֶ֣חם ַע ֽ ָ‬ ‫ּה ְ‬ ‫ית ֒‬ ‫ְל ַה ְׁש ִח ָ‬
‫ּומ ְל ַ ֤אְך יְ הוָ ֙ה ע ֵֹ֔מד ִעם־ ֹּ֖ג ֶרן ָא ְר ָנ�֥ן‬ ‫ַה ַּמ ְׁש ִח ֙ית ַ ֔רב ַע ָ ּ֖תה ֶ ֣ה ֶרף יָ ֶ ֑דָך ַ‬
‫ת־מ ְל ַ ֤אְך יְ הוָ ֙ה‬ ‫ת־ע ָ֗יניו וַ ַּ֞י ְרא ֶא ַ‬ ‫‪ 16‬וַ ּיִ ָּׂ֨שא ָד ִ ֜ויד ֶא ֵ‬ ‫יְבּוסי׃ ס‬ ‫ַה ִ ֽ‬
‫רּוׁש ָל֑םִ‬ ‫טּוי֖ה ַעל־יְ ָ‬ ‫לּופ ֙ה ְּביָ ֔דֹו נְ ָ‬ ‫ע ֵֹ֗מד ֵּב֤ין ָה ָ֙א ֶר ֙ץ ֵּוב֣ין ַה ָּׁש ַ֔מיִ ם וְ ַח ְר ּ֤בֹו ְׁש ָ‬
‫אמר ָּדִו֣יד ֶ ֽאל־‬ ‫יהם׃ ‪ 17‬וַ ּ֣י ֹ ֶ‬ ‫ל־ּפנֵ ֶ ֽ‬
‫וַ ּיִ ֨ ֹּפל ָּדִ ֧ויד וְ ַהּזְ ֵק ִנ֛ים ְמ ֻכ ִ ּ֥סים ַּב ַּׂש ִ ּ֖קים ַע ְ‬
‫אתי וְ ָה ֵ ֣ר ַע‬‫ר־ח ָ֙ט ִ ֙‬ ‫י־הּוא ֲא ֶׁש ָ‬ ‫ֹלהים ֲהל ֹ ֩א ֲא ִ֨ני ָא ַ֜מ ְר ִּתי ִל ְמנ֣ ֹות ָּב ֗ ָעם וַ ֲאנִ ֤‬ ‫ָה ֱא ִ֡‬
‫ּוב ֵב֣ית‬ ‫ֹלהי ְּת ִ֨הי ָנ֤א ָ �י ְֽד ָ֙ך ִ ּ֚בי ְ‬ ‫הו֣ה ֱא ַ֗‬ ‫ֹותי וְ ֵ ֥א ֶּלה ַה ּ֖צ ֹאן ֶ ֣מה ָע ׂ֑שּו יְ ָ‬ ‫ֲה ֵר ֔ע ִ‬
‫ל־ּג֖ד‬‫הו֛ה ָא ַ ֥מר ֶא ָ‬ ‫‪ּ 18‬ומ ְל ַ ֧אְך יְ ָ‬
‫ַ‬ ‫ָא ִ֔בי ּוֽ ְב ַע ְּמָך֖ ֥ל ֹא ְל ַמּגֵ ָ ֽפה׃ ס‬
‫יהוה ְּב ֹ֖ג ֶרן ָא ְר ָנ֥ן ַה ֻיְב ִ ֽסי׃‬ ‫מר ְל ָדִו֑יד ִ ּ֣כי ׀ יַ ֲע ֶל֣ה ָד ִ ֗ויד ְל �ה ִ ָ֤קים ִמזְ ֵּ֙ב ַ ֙ח ַל ָ ֔‬ ‫ֵלא ֣ ֹ‬
‫הוה׃ ‪ 20‬וַ ָּי ָׁ֣שב ָא ְר ָ֗נן וַ ּיַ ְר ֙א‬ ‫ר־ּגד ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר ִּד ֶ ּ֖בר ְּב ֵ ׁ֥שם יְ ָ ֽ‬ ‫‪ 19‬וַ ַּי ַ֤על ָּדוִ ֙יד ִּב ְד ַב ֔ ָ‬
‫ת־ה ַּמ ְל ָ֔אְך וְ ַא ְר ַ ּ֧ב ַעת ָּב ָנ֛יו ִע ּ֖מֹו ִ ֽמ ְת ַח ְּב ִ ֑אים וְ ָא ְר ָנ֖ן ָ ּ֥דׁש ִח ִ ּֽטים׃ ‪ 21‬וַ ּ֥יָב ֹא‬ ‫ֶא ַ‬
‫ן־ה ּ֔ג ֹ ֶרן וַ ּיִ ְׁש ַ ּ֧תחּו‬
‫ת־ּד ִ ֔ויד וַ ּיֵ ֵצ ֙א ִמ ַ‬ ‫ד־א ְר ָנ�֑ן וַ ֵּיַּב֤ט ָא ְרנָ ֙ן וַ ַּי ְ�֣רא ֶא ָ‬ ‫ָדִ ֖ויד ַע ָ‬
‫ה־ּל֙י ְמ ֣קֹום ַה ּ֔ג ֹ ֶרן‬ ‫ל־א ְר ָ֗נן ְּתנָ ִ‬ ‫אמר ָּד ִ ֜ויד ֶא ָ‬ ‫ְל ָדִו֛יד ַא ַ ּ֖פיִ ם ָ ֽא ְר ָצה׃ ‪ 22‬וַ ּ֨י ֹ ֶ‬
‫יהו֑ה ְּב ֶכ ֶ֤סף ָמ ֵל ֙א ְּת ֵנ֣הּו ֔ ִלי וְ ֵת ָע ַ ֥צר ַה ַּמּגֵ ָ ֖פה ֵמ ַ ֥על‬ ‫ה־ּבֹו ִמזְ ֵ ּ֖ב ַח ַל ָ‬ ‫וְ ֶא ְבנֶ ֥‬
‫ח־לְך וְ ַי ַ֛עׂש ֲאד ִֹנ֥י ַה ֶ ּ֖מ ֶלְך ַה ּ֣טֹוב‬ ‫ל־ּדוִ ֙יד ַ ֽק ֔ ָ‬ ‫אמר ָא ְר ָ ֤נ ן ֶא ָ‬ ‫ָה ָ ֽעם׃ ‪ 23‬וַ ּ֨י ֹ ֶ‬
‫ּמֹור ִּג֧ים ָל ֵע ִ ֛צים וְ ַה ִח ִ ּ֥טים ַל ִּמנְ ָ ֖חה‬ ‫ְּב ֵע ָינ֑יו ְר ֵא ֩ה נָ ַ֨ת ִּתי ַה ָּב ָ ֜קר ָ ֽלע ֹ֗לֹות וְ ַה ִ‬
‫י־ק ֹ֥נה ֶא ְק ֶנ֖ה ְּב ֶכ ֶ֣סף‬ ‫אמר ַה ֶ ּ֤מ ֶלְך ָּדוִ ֙יד ְל ָא ְר ָ֔נן ֕ל ֹא ִ ּֽכ ָ‬ ‫ַה ּ֥כֹל נָ ָ ֽת ִּתי׃ ‪ 24‬וַ ּ֨י ֹ ֶ‬
‫עֹול֖ה ִח ָּנֽם׃ ‪ 25‬וַ ּיִ ֵ ּ֥תן ָּדִו֛יד‬ ‫יהוה וְ ַה ֲע ֥לֹות ָ‬ ‫ר־ל ָ֙ך ַל ָ ֔‬ ‫א־א ָ ּׂ֤שא ֲא ֶׁש ְ‬ ‫ָמ ֵל֑א ֠ ִּכי ל ֹ ֶ‬
‫�ְקל ֵ ׁ֥שׁש ֵמ ֽאֹות׃ ‪ 26‬וַ ֶּיִבן֩ ָׁ֨שם ָּדִו֤יד ִמזְ ֵּ֙ב ַ ֙ח‬ ‫ְל ָא ְר ָנ֖ן ַּב ָּמ ֑קֹום ִׁש ְק ֵל֣י זָ ָ֔הב ִמׁש ָ ֖‬
‫ן־ה ָּׁש ַ֔מיִ ם‬‫הוה וַ ַּי ֲֽע ֵנ֤הּו ָב ֵא ׁ֙ש ִמ ַ‬ ‫ּוׁש ָל ִ ֑מים וַ ּיִ ְק ָר ֙א ֶאל־יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫יהוה וַ ַּי ַ֥על ע ֹ֖לֹות ְ‬ ‫ַל ָ ֔‬
‫ַ ֖על ִמזְ ַ ּ֥בח ָהע ָ ֹֽלה׃ פ‬
‫‪ּ 28‬ב ֵע֣ת ַה ִ֔היא‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫אמר יְ הוָ ֙ה ַל ַּמ ְל ָ֔אְך וַ ָּי ֶׁ֥שב ַח ְר ּ֖בֹו ֶאל־נְ ָד ָנּֽה׃‬ ‫‪ 27‬וַ ּ֤י ֹ ֶ‬
‫‪ּ 29‬ומ ְׁש ַּכ֣ן‬
‫ִ‬ ‫יְבּוסי וַ ּיִ זְ ַ ּ֖בח ָ ֽׁשם׃‬‫הוה ְּב ֹ֖ג ֶרן ָא ְר ָנ֣ן ַה ִ ֑‬ ‫י־ע ָנ֣הּו יְ ָ ֔‬ ‫ִּב ְר ֤אֹות ָּדוִ ֙יד ִּכ ָ‬
‫עֹול֖ה ָּב ֵע֣ת ַה ִ ֑היא ַּב ָּב ָ ֖מה‬ ‫ּומזְ ַ ּ֥בח ָה ָ‬ ‫ר־ע ָׂ֨שה מ ֶ ֹׁ֧שה ַב ִּמ ְד ָ ּ֛בר ִ‬ ‫ְ֠יהוָ ה ֲא ֶׁש ָ‬
‫ֹלהים ִ ּ֣כי נִ ְב ֔ ַעת ִמ ְּפ ֵ֕ני‬ ‫ְּבגִ ְב ֽעֹון׃ ‪ 30‬וְ לֹא־יָ ֥כֹל ָּדִו֛יד ָל ֶל ֶ֥כת ְל ָפ ָנ֖יו ִל ְד ֣ר ֹׁש ֱא ִ ֑‬
‫הוה׃ ס‬ ‫ֶ ֖ח ֶרב ַמ ְל ַ ֥אְך יְ ָ ֽ‬
Chapter 5
Epigraphic Hebrew
Gezer Calendar (tenth century BCE)
‫ירחו אסף | ירחו ז‬ .1

‫רע | ירחו לקש‬ .2
‫ירח עצד פשת‬ .3
‫ירח קצר שערם‬ .4
‫ירח קצר וכל‬ .5
‫ירחו זמר‬ .6
‫ירח קץ‬ .7
]‫ אבי[ו‬.8
Ajrud Epistolary Exercise Pithos B (3.6)

(early eighth century BCE)
‫אמר‬ .1
‫אמריו א‬ .2
֯‫אדני‬.‫מר ל‬ .3
.‫ את‬.‫הש ֯לם‬
֯ .4
‫ לי‬.‫ברכתך‬ .5
Authors’ note: All editorial and diacritical symbols used in these readings follow stan-
dard epigraphic practice (see Aḥituv 2008: 14–15).
36
‫הוה תמן‬ .6
‫ יב‬.‫ולאשרתה‬ .7
‫רך וישמרך‬ .8
‫ אדנ‬.‫ויהי עם‬ .9
?‫י [עד עלם‬ .10
Ajrud 3.1 Blessing (early eighth century BCE])
.‫ וליועשה ול[——] ברכת‬.֯‫ ליהלי‬.‫ אמר‬.‫]רע המ[ל]ך‬-[‫ א‬.‫ אמר‬.1

‫אתכם‬
‫ ולאשרתה‬.‫ שמרן‬.‫ ליהוה‬.2
Samaria Ostracon Receipt 10 (early eighth century BCE)
‫ מ‬.‫ התשעת‬.‫בשת‬ .1
‫ לאדנע‬.‫יצת‬ .2
.‫ ין‬.‫ נבל‬.‫ם‬ .3
| .‫ישן‬ .4
Samaria Ostracon Receipt 18 (early eighth century BCE)
‫ מחצרת‬.‫ העשרת‬.‫ בשת‬.1

.‫ שמן‬.‫ נבל‬.‫ לגדיו‬.2
.‫ רחץ‬.3
Siloam Tunnel Inscription (late eighth century BCE)
.‫ החצבם‬.‫ מנפם‬.[‫ בעוד‬.‫ הנקבה‬.‫ דבר‬.‫ היה‬.‫ וזה‬.‫] הנקבה‬.‫ דבר‬.1

].‫את‬
‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 5‬‬
‫‪ .2‬הגרזן‪ .‬אש‪ .‬אל‪ .‬רעו‪ .‬ובעוד‪ .‬שלש‪ .‬אמת‪ .‬לה[נקב נשמ]ע‪ .‬קל‪.‬‬
‫אש‪ .‬ק‬
‫‪ .3‬ר]א‪ .‬אל‪ .‬רעו‪ .‬כי הית‪ .‬זדה‪ .‬בצר‪ .‬מימן[‪ ].‬ומש[מא]ל‪ .‬ובים‪ .‬ה‬
‫‪ .4‬נקבה‪ .‬הכו‪ .‬החצבם‪ .‬אש‪ .‬לקרת‪ .‬רעו‪ .‬גרזן‪ .‬על [ג]רזן‪ .‬וילכו‬
‫‪ .5‬המים‪ .‬מן‪ .‬המוצא‪ .‬אל‪ .‬הברכה‪ .‬במאתי[ם‪ .‬ו] אלף‪ .‬אמה‪ .‬ומ[א‬
‫‪ .6‬ת‪ .‬אמה היה‪ .‬גבה‪ .‬הצר‪ .‬על‪ .‬ראש‪ .‬החצב[ם‬
‫)‪Silwan 2 Mortuary Text (early seventh century BCE‬‬
‫‪ .1‬זאת [קברת שבנ]יהו אשר על הבית‪ .‬אין פה כסף‪ .‬וזהב‬

‫‪[ .2‬כי] אם [עצמתו] ועצ[מ]ת אמתה א[ת]ה‪ .‬ארור האדם‪ .‬אשר‬
‫‪ .3‬יפתח את זאת‬
‫)‪Yavneh Yam (Meṣad Ḥashavyahu) Letter (late seventh century BCE‬‬
‫ישמע אדני‪ .‬השר‬ ‫‪.1‬‬

‫את דבר עבדה‪ .‬עבדך‬ ‫‪.2‬‬
‫קצר‪ .‬היה‪ .‬עבדך‪ .‬בח‬ ‫‪.3‬‬
‫צר אסם‪ .‬ויקצר עבדך‬ ‫‪.4‬‬
‫ויכל ואסם כימם‪ .‬לפני שב‬ ‫‪.5‬‬
‫ת כאשר כל [ע]בדך את קצר וא‬ ‫‪.6‬‬
‫סם כימם ויבא הושעיהו בן שב‬ ‫‪.7‬‬
‫י‪ .‬ויקח‪ .‬את בגד עבדך כאשר כלת‬ ‫‪.8‬‬
‫את קצרי זה ימם לקח את בגד עבדך‬ ‫‪.9‬‬
‫וכל אחי‪ .‬יענו‪ .‬לי‪ .‬הקצרם אתי בחם‪.‬‬ ‫‪.10‬‬
‫[ה]ש[מש] אחי‪ .‬יענו‪ .‬לי אמן נקתי‪ .‬מא‬ ‫‪.11‬‬
‫[שם‪ .‬ועת ישב נא את] בגדי ואמלא‪ .‬לשר להש‬ ‫‪.12‬‬
‫[ב את בגד] עב[דך ותת]ן אלו‪ .‬רח‬ ‫‪.13‬‬
‫[מם והש]בת את [בגד ע]בדך ולא תדהמנ‬ ‫‪.14‬‬
‫[י ‪. . .‬‬ ‫‪.15‬‬
‫‪Epigraphic Hebrew‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬
‫)‪Ketef Hinnom Amulet 2 (late seventh–early sixth BCE‬‬
‫̇ה‪/‬ו̇ ̇ב ̇ר ̇ך ̇ה‬ ‫‪.1‬‬

‫א] ליהו̇ [ה‬ ‫‪.2‬‬
‫̇ה ̇עזר ו̇‬ ‫‪.3‬‬
‫̇ה ̇גער ̇ב‬ ‫‪.4‬‬
‫יברך‬
‫̇‬ ‫ר]ע‬
‫̇‬ ‫‪.5‬‬
‫י̇ הוה י̇‬ ‫‪.6‬‬
‫̇שמרך‬ ‫‪.7‬‬
‫י̇ אר יה‬ ‫‪.8‬‬
‫ו]ה פניו̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫‪.9‬‬
‫אל]יך ו̇ י̇‬ ‫‪.10‬‬
‫̇שם לך ש‬ ‫‪.11‬‬
‫ל]ם [‬‫̇‬ ‫‪.12‬‬
‫)‪Arad Letter 4 (early sixth century BCE‬‬
‫‪ .1‬אל אלישב תן לכתים ש‬

‫‪ .2‬מן ‪ /‬חתם ושלחנו ו‬
‫‪ .3‬יין ב \\ תן להם‪.‬‬
‫אל‪ .‬אלישב‪ .‬וע‬ ‫‪.1‬‬

‫ת‪ .‬נתן‪ .‬לכתים‬ ‫‪.2‬‬
‫לעשרי ב \ לחד‬
‫̇‬ ‫‪.3‬‬
‫עד הששה‬‫ש‪̇ .‬‬ ‫‪.4‬‬
‫לחדש ב \ ‪[ ///‬ו‬ ‫‪.5‬‬
‫כתבתה לפניך‪ .‬ב‬ ‫‪.6‬‬
‫‪40‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 5‬‬
‫‪ .7‬שנים לחדש‪ .‬בעש‬

‫ושמן ח‬
‫‪ .8‬רי ̇‬
‫‪[ .9‬תם ושלחנו]‬
‫ )‪(Only a few words are legible on the Obverse.‬‬ ‫‪Reverse‬‬

‫מערד ‪ )?(50‬ומקינ̇‬ ‫‪.12‬‬
‫ה‪ .‬ושלחתם‪ .‬אתם‪ .‬רמת ̇נג[ב בי‬ ‫‪.13‬‬
‫ד‪ .‬מלכיהו בן קרבאור‪ .‬והב‬ ‫‪.14‬‬
‫קידם‪ .‬על יד אלישע בן ירמי‬ ‫‪.15‬‬
‫הו‪ .‬ברמת נגב‪ .‬פן‪ .‬יקרה‪ .‬את ה‬ ‫‪.16‬‬
‫אתכם‬
‫̇‬ ‫עיר‪ .‬דבר‪ .‬ודבר המלך‬ ‫‪.17‬‬
‫בנבשכם‪ .‬הנה שלחתי להעיד‬ ‫‪.18‬‬
‫בכם‪ .‬הים‪ .‬האנשם‪ .‬את אליש‬ ‫‪.19‬‬
‫ע‪ .‬פן‪ .‬תבא‪ .‬אדם‪ .‬שמה‬ ‫‪.20‬‬
‫)‪Lachish Letter 3 (early sixth century BCE‬‬
‫‪ Obverse‬‬
‫עבדך‪ .‬הושעיהו‪ .‬שלח‪ .‬ל‬ ‫‪.1‬‬
‫לאדני יאו̇ ש‪ .‬ישמע‪.‬‬‫הגד ̇‬
‫̇‬ ‫‪.2‬‬
‫י̇ הו̇ ה ̇א ̇ת אדני שמעת‪ .‬שלם‬ ‫‪.3‬‬
‫טב[‪ ].‬ועת‪ .‬הפקח‬ ‫ושמעת ̇‬ ‫‪.4‬‬
‫נא את ̇אז̇ ן̇ [‪ ].‬עבדך‪ .‬לספר‪ .‬אשר‪.‬‬ ‫‪.5‬‬
‫שלחתה‪̇ .‬אל עבדך‪ .‬אמש‪ .‬כי‪ .‬לב‬ ‫‪.6‬‬
‫עבדך ̇דוה‪ .‬מאז‪ .‬שלחך‪ .‬אל עבד‬ ‫‪.7‬‬
‫ך[‪ ].‬וכיאמר‪ .‬אדני‪ .‬לא ידעתה‪.‬‬ ‫‪.8‬‬
‫קרא‪ .‬ספר חיהוה‪ .‬אם‪ .‬נסה‪ .‬א‬ ‫‪.9‬‬
‫‪Epigraphic Hebrew‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬
‫יש‪ .‬לקרא לי‪ .‬ספר‪ .‬לנצח‪ .‬וגם‪.‬‬ ‫‪.10‬‬

‫כל ספר‪ .‬אשר יבא‪ .‬אלי‪ .‬אם‪.‬‬ ‫‪.11‬‬
‫קראתי‪ .‬אתה ועו̇ ̇ד אתננהו‬ ‫‪.12‬‬
‫אל‪ .‬מאומה ולעבדך‪ .‬הגד‪.‬‬ ‫‪.13‬‬
‫לאמר‪ .‬ירד שר‪ .‬הצבא‪.‬‬ ‫‪.14‬‬
‫כניהו בן אלנתן לבא‪.‬‬ ‫‪.15‬‬
‫מצרימה‪ .‬ואת‬ ‫‪.16‬‬
‫‪ Reverse‬‬
‫הודויהו בן אחיהו ו‬ ‫‪.17‬‬
‫אנשו שלח לקחת‪ .‬מזה‪.‬‬ ‫‪.18‬‬
‫וספר‪ .‬טביהו עבד‪ .‬המלך‪ .‬הבא‬ ‫‪.19‬‬
‫אל‪ .‬שלם‪ .‬בן ידע‪ .‬מאת‪ .‬הנבא‪ .‬לאמ‬ ‫‪.20‬‬
‫ר‪ .‬השמר‪ .‬שלחה‪ .‬ע⟨ב⟩דך‪ .‬אל‪ .‬אדני‪.‬‬ ‫‪.21‬‬
‫‪ Obverse‬‬
‫ישמע‪ .‬יהו[ה את אדנ]י עת כים‪.‬‬ ‫‪.1‬‬
‫שמעת טב‪ .‬ועת ככל אשר שלח אדני‬ ‫‪.2‬‬
‫כן‪ .‬עשה עבדך כתבתי על הדלת ככל‪.‬‬ ‫‪.3‬‬
‫שלח[ת א]לי‪ .‬וכי שלח א‬
‫̇‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫‪.4‬‬
‫דני‪ .‬על דבר בית הרפד אין שם א‬ ‫‪.5‬‬
‫דם וסמכיהו לקחה‪ .‬שמעיהו ו‬ ‫‪.6‬‬
‫יעלהו‪ .‬העירה ועבדך‪ .‬איננ‬ ‫‪.7‬‬
‫י[‪ ].‬שלח שמה אתה עו[ד הים]‬ ‫‪.8‬‬
‫‪ Reverse‬‬
‫‪ .9‬כי אם‪ .‬בתסבת הבקר [?‬
‫‪ .10‬וידע כי אל‪ .‬משאת לכש‪ .‬נח‬
‫‪ .11‬נו שמרם ככל האתת אשר נתן‬
‫‪42‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 5‬‬
‫‪ .12‬אדני‪ .‬כי לא נראה את עז‬

‫‪ .13‬קה‬
‫אל אדני יאוש‪ .‬ירא יהוה א‬ ‫‪.1‬‬

‫ת אדני את העת הזה‪ .‬שלם מי‬ ‫‪.2‬‬
‫עבדך כלב כי‪ .‬שלח אדני א[ת ספ]‬ ‫‪.3‬‬
‫ר המלך [ואת] ספרי השר[ם לאמ]‬ ‫‪.4‬‬
‫ר קרא נא והנה‪ .‬דברי‪ .‬ה[שרם]‬ ‫‪.5‬‬
‫לא טבם לרפת ידיך [ולהש]‬ ‫‪.6‬‬
‫קט ידי הא[נשם] ידע[‬ ‫‪.7‬‬
‫] אנכ[י] אדני הלא תכ‬ ‫‪.8‬‬
‫תב אל[יהם] לא[מר למ]ה תעשו‪.‬‬ ‫‪.9‬‬
‫כזאת א[ ] שלם ו[ ] הל‬ ‫‪.10‬‬
‫מלך [ ]ו[ ]ד[‬ ‫‪.11‬‬
‫] א[ ] חי‪ .‬יהוה אלה‬ ‫‪.12‬‬
‫יך כ[י מ]אז קרא עב‬ ‫‪.13‬‬
‫דך את הספרם לא היה‬ ‫‪.14‬‬
‫לעב[דך שלם(?)‬ ‫‪.15‬‬
Chapter 6
Ben Sira
[Text samples begin on next page.]
43
‫)‪Ben Sira 10:14–31 (On Pride and Honor‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬
‫‪MS B, corrections,‬‬
‫‪marginal readings‬‬ ‫‪MS B, main text‬‬ ‫‪MS A‬‬
‫כסא גאים הפך אלהים‬ ‫‪14a‬‬

‫וישב עניים תחתם‬ ‫‪14b‬‬
‫עקבת גוים טמטם אלהים‬ ‫‪16a‬‬
‫ושרשם עד ארץ קעקע‬ ‫‪16b‬‬
‫‏(ו){י}סחם מארץ ויתשם‬ ‫‪17a‬‬
‫וישבֹת מארץ זכרם‬ ‫‪17b‬‬
‫לא נאוה לאנוש זדון‬ ‫‪18a‬‬
‫ועזות אף לילוד אשה‬ ‫‪18b‬‬
‫זרע נקלה מה זרע לאנוש‬ ‫זרע נכבד מה זרע לאנוש‬ ‫‪19a‬‬

‫זרע נקלה עובר מצוה‬ ‫זרע נקלה עובר מצוה‬ ‫‪19b‬‬
‫בין אחים ראשם נכבד‬ ‫בין אחים ראשם נכבד‬ ‫‪20a‬‬
‫וירא אלהים נכבד ממנו‬ ‫וירא אלהים בע]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪20b‬‬
‫גר זר נכרי ורש‬ ‫גר וזד נכרי ורש‬ ‫‪22a‬‬
‫ביר׳‬ ‫תפארתם יראת ייי‬ ‫תפארתם י[רא]ת אלהים‬ ‫‪22b‬‬
‫אין לבזות דל משכיל‬ ‫אין לבזות דל מ[שכי]ל‬ ‫‪23a‬‬
‫ואין לכבד [כ]ל איש חמס‬ ‫ואין לכבד [כ]ל איש [ח]כם‬ ‫‪23b‬‬
‫‏שר שופט ומושל נכבדו‬ ‫‏[‪ ]. . .‬מושל ושופט נכבדו‬ ‫‪24a‬‬
‫וא[ין ‪[. . . . . .‬‬ ‫[אי]ן גדול מ[י]רא אלהים‬ ‫‪24b‬‬
‫עבד משכיל חביב כנפש‬ ‫‪25a‬‬
‫‪MS B, corrections,‬‬
‫‪marginal readings‬‬ ‫‪MS B, main text‬‬ ‫‪MS A‬‬
‫עבד משכיל חביב כנפש‬ ‫עבד משכיל הורם יעבדוהו‬ ‫עבד משכיל הורם‬
‫עבד משכיל חביב כנפש‬
‫]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪25b‬‬
‫וגבר מ]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫וג]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫ועבד[‪]. . .‬ס[‪. . .‬ל]א יתאונן‬
‫]‪[. . .‬רכך‬ ‫אל תתחכם לעשות חפצך‬ ‫אל תתחכם לעבד חפצך‬ ‫‪26a‬‬
‫ואל תתכב[ד ‪]. . .‬‬ ‫ואל [‪].‬תכ[‪. . .‬במו]עד צרכך‬ ‫‪26b‬‬
‫טוב עובד ויותר הון‬ ‫טוב עובד ויותר הון‬ ‫‪27a‬‬
‫ממתכב[ד ‪]. . .‬‬ ‫מ[מת]כבד [ו]חס[ר] מתן‬ ‫‪27b‬‬
‫בני בענוה כבד נפשך‬ ‫בני בענוה כבד נפשך‬ ‫‪28a‬‬
‫ותן לה טעם כיוצ[א ‪]. . .‬‬ ‫ויתן לך ט[עם] כיוצא בהם‬ ‫‪28b‬‬
‫‪Ben Sira‬‬
‫בני מרשיע נפשו מי יצדיקנו‬ ‫מרשיע נפשו מי יצדיקנו‬ ‫‪29a‬‬

‫ומי יכבד [‪]. . .‬‬ ‫ומי יכבד מקלה נפשו‬ ‫‪29b‬‬
‫דל נכבד בגלל שכלו‬ ‫יש דל נכבד בגלל שכלו‬ ‫‪30a‬‬
‫ויש איש עשיר נכבד בגלל[‪]. . .‬‬ ‫ויש נכבד בגלל עשרו‬ ‫‪30b‬‬
‫הנכבד בעיניו בעשרו איככה‬ ‫נכבד בעשרו איככה‬ ‫‪31a‬‬
‫ונקלה בעשרו בעיניו איככה‬ ‫ונקלה בעיניו איככה‬ ‫‪31b‬‬
‫המתכבד בדלותו‬ ‫[המ]תכבד בדלותו‬ ‫‪31c‬‬
‫בעשרו מתכבד יתר‬ ‫בעשרו מתכבד יתר‬ ‫‪31d‬‬
‫‪31e‬‬
‫‪45‬‬
‫והנקלה בעשרו‬ ‫והנקלה בעשרו‬

‫בדלותו נקלה יותר‬ ‫בדלותו נקלה יותר‬ ‫‪31f‬‬
‫‪46‬‬
‫)‪Ben Sira 41:1–7 (Masada Scroll and Genizah MS B) (On Death‬‬
‫‪Ms B,‬‬
‫‪corrections,‬‬ ‫‪Ms B,‬‬
‫‪marginal readings‬‬ ‫‪main text‬‬ ‫‪Masada‬‬
‫הוי‬ ‫חיים למות מה [מ]ר יברך‬ ‫ה[‪ ]..‬ל[‪ . . .‬ז]כרך‬ ‫‪1a‬‬

‫לאיש שוקט על מכונתו‬ ‫ׄלאיש שקט על מכונתו‬ ‫‪1b‬‬
‫איש שליו ומצליח בכל‬ ‫[‪]....‬שלו ומצליח בכל‬ ‫‪1c‬‬
‫ועוד ב[ו ח]יל לקבל תענוג‬ ‫עוד בו כח לקבל תענוג‬ ‫‪1d‬‬
‫חוק חזק חוקו‬ ‫האח למות כי טוב חקיך‬ ‫[ה]ע למות מה טוב [‪]. . .‬‬ ‫‪2a‬‬
‫לאיש אונים וחסר עצמה‬ ‫[ל]אין אוינים וחסר עצמה‬ ‫‪2b‬‬
‫ונוקש‬ ‫איש כושל ינקש בכל‬ ‫איש כשל {ונוקש} ב[כל]‬ ‫‪2c‬‬
‫איש כושל ונוקש בכל‬
‫איש נוקש ומושל בכל‬
‫אפס המראה ואבד תקוה‬ ‫סרב ואבד תקוה‬ ‫‪ 2d‬אפס המרה ואבוד תקוה‬
‫אפס המראה ואבד תקוה‬
‫אל תפחד ממות חוקיך‬ ‫אל תפחד ממות חקך‬ ‫‪3a‬‬
‫ז[כו]ר כי ראשנים ואחרנים עמך‬ ‫זכר קדמון ואחרון עמך‬ ‫‪3b‬‬
‫זה חלק כל בשר מאל‬ ‫זה קץ כל [‪]. . .‬‬ ‫‪4a‬‬
‫ומה תמאס בתורת עלי[ון]‬ ‫[‪ ]. . .‬עליו[ן]‬ ‫‪4b‬‬
‫‪Ms B,‬‬
‫‪corrections,‬‬ ‫‪Ms B,‬‬
‫‪marginal readings‬‬ ‫‪main text‬‬ ‫‪Masada‬‬
‫לאלף שנים מאה ועשר‬ ‫‪ 4c‬לעשר מאה ו[אל]ף שנים‬

‫אין‬ ‫איש תוכחות בש[או]ל חיים‬ ‫‪]. . .[ 4d‬‬
‫ערים‬ ‫כי‬ ‫נין נמאס דבר רעים‬ ‫‪ 5a‬נין נמאס ת[ולד]ות רעים‬
‫כן נמאס דבת ערים‬
‫[‪ . . .‬ר]שע‬ ‫ונכד אויל [‪ . . .‬רש]ע‬ ‫‪5b‬‬
‫מבין ערל‬ ‫מבן עול ממשלת רע‬ ‫[מבן עו]ל תאבד ממש[ל]ה‬ ‫‪6a‬‬
‫רישם‬ ‫[‪]. . .‬זרע[ו]‬ ‫[‪ ]. . .‬תמי[ד] חרפה‬ ‫‪6b‬‬
‫‪Ben Sira‬‬
‫י]לד‬
‫֯‬ ‫יקוב[‬
‫֯‬ ‫אב רשע‬ ‫[‪ ]. . .‬יקב ילד‬ ‫‪7a‬‬
‫כי [בג]לל[ו ‪]. . .‬‬ ‫[כי ב]גללו היו בוז‬ ‫‪7b‬‬
‫‪47‬‬
Chapter 7
The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls
1QIsa a 36:1–22 (XXVIII 28–XXX 4) (The Rabshakeh in Jerusalem)

1
‫ ויהי בארבע עשרה שנה למלכ חזקיה עלה‬Isa 36:1 XXVIII 28

‫סנחריב מלכ אשור על כול ערי יהודה‬
‫ וישלח מלך אשור‬Isa 36:2 vacat ‫‏הבצורות ויתפושם‬ 29
‫את רב שקה מלכיש ירושלים אל המלך‬
‫‏חזקיה בחיל כבד מאודה ויעמוד בתעלת הברכה‬ 30
‫העליונה במסלת שדי כובס‬
‫‏ ויצא אליו אליקים בן חלקיה אשר על הבי̇ ת‬Isa 36:3‫‏‬ XXIX 1
‫הסופר‬
̇ ‫ושובנא‬
‫‏ויואמר אליהמה רב‬ Isa 36:4
‫ויואח בן אספ המזכיר‬ ̇ 2
‫שקה אמורו נא‬
‫‏אל חזקיה ׄמ ׄל ׄך יׄ ׄהוׄ ׄד ׄה כוה אמר המלך הגדול מלכ‬ 3
‫אשור מה‬
‫ ‏אמרתה‬Isa 36:5 ‫הבטחון הזה אשר אתה בטחתה בו‬ 4
‫אכ דבר שפתים‬
Author’s note :Unless otherwise noted, the following texts and readings are based upon
those found in DJD. Also, with the exception of those explained in n. 7 (on the Cop-
per Scroll), editorial symbols and diacritical symbols follow standard practice among
scholars of the DSS.
1. This scribal paragraphos occurs six times in the second part of the Isaiah scroll.
48
‫‪The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬
‫‏עצה וגבורא למלחמה עתה על מיא בטחתה כיא‬ ‫‪5‬‬

‫מרדתה ביא ‪ Isa 36:6‬‏הנה‬
‫בטחתה על משענת הקנה הרצוצ הזה על מצרים‬ ‫‪6‬‬
‫אשר יסמך‬
‫‏‏איש עליו ובא בכפו ונקבה כן פרעוה מלכ מצרים‬ ‫‪7‬‬
‫לכול הבוטחים‬
‫‏עליו ‪ Isa 36:7‬‏וכיא תואמרו אלי על יהוה אלוהינו‬ ‫‪8‬‬
‫בטחנו הלוא הואה אשר‬
‫‏הסיר חזקיה את במותיו ואת מזבחותיו ויואמר‬ ‫‪9‬‬
‫ליהודה ולירושלים‬
‫‏ועתה‬ ‫‪Isa 36:8‬‬
‫‏‏לפני המזבח הזה תשתחוו̇ ׄביׄ ׄרוׄ ׄש ׄליׄ ׄם‬ ‫‪10‬‬
‫התערבונא את אדוני‬
‫‏המלך אשור ואתנה לכה אלפים סוסים אמ תוכל‬ ‫‪11‬‬
‫לתת לכה רוכבים‬
‫‏‏עליהמה ‪ Isa 36:9‬‏ואיכה תשיב את פני פחת אחד‬ ‫‪12‬‬
‫מעבדי אדוני הקטנים‬
‫‏‏ותבטח לכם על מצרים לרכב ולפרשים ‪ Isa 36:10‬‏ועתה‬ ‫‪13‬‬
‫המבלעדי יהוה עליתי‬
‫‏על הארץ הזואת להשחיתה יהוה אמר אלי עלה אל‬ ‫‪14‬‬
‫הארץ הזות‬
‫‏ויואמרו אליו אליקים ושובנא‬ ‫̇‬ ‫‪Isa 36:11‬‬
‫‏להשחיתה‬ ‫‪15‬‬
‫ויואח דברנא עמ עבדיך‬
‫‏ארמית כיא שומעים אנחנו ואל תדבר את הדברים‬ ‫‪ 16‬עמנו‬
‫האלה באוז̇ ני‬
‫‏ויואמר רב‬ ‫‪Isa 36:12‬‬
‫‏האנשים היושבים על החומה‬ ‫‪17‬‬
‫שקה האליכמה ועל‬
‫‏אדוניכמה שלחני אדוני לדבר את הדברים האלה‬ ‫‪18‬‬
‫הלוא על האנשים‬
‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 7‬‬
‫החומה לאכול את חריהמה ולשתות‬ ‫‏היושבים על ̇‬ ‫‪19‬‬

‫את שיניהמה‬
‫‏ויעמו̇ ד רב השקה ויקרא‬
‫̇‬ ‫‪Isa 36:13‬‬
‫‏‏עמכמה ‪vacat‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬
‫בקול גדול יהודית ויואמר‬
‫‏שמעו את דברי המלך הגדול מלך אשור ‪ Isa 36:14‬‏כוה‬ ‫‪21‬‬
‫אמר מלך אשור אל ישא‬
‫‪Isa 36:15‬‬
‫‏לכמה יחזקיה כיא לוא יוכל להציל אתכמה‬ ‫‪22‬‬
‫‏ואל יבטח אתכמה חוזקיה‬
‫‏אל יהוה לאמור הצל יצילנו יהוה ולוא תנתן העיר‬ ‫‪23‬‬
‫הזואת ביד‬
‫‏אל תשמעו אל חוזקיה‬ ‫‪Isa 36:16‬‬
‫‏‏מלך אשור ‪vacat‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬
‫כיא כוה אמר מלך אשור עשו אתי‬
‫‏ברכה וצאו אלי ואכולו איש את גפנו ואיש את‬ ‫‪25‬‬
‫תנתו ושתו איש מי‬
‫‏‏בורו ‪ Isa 36:17‬‏עד בואי ולקחתי אתכמה אל ארצ‬ ‫‪26‬‬
‫כארצכמה אל ארץ דגן‬
‫וכרמים ‪ Isa 36:18 vacat‬‏פן̇ יסית‬ ‫‏ותירוש ארץ לחם ̇‬ ‫‪27‬‬
‫אתכמה חוזקיה לאמור‬
‫‏‏יהוה יצילנו ההצילו֯ ֯אלוהי הגואים איש ארצו מיד‬ ‫‪28‬‬
‫מלך אשור‬
‫‏‪ Isa 36:19‬‏איה אלוהי חמת וארפד איה אלוהי ̇ספרי̇ ים‬ ‫‪29‬‬
‫וכיא ההצילו את‬
‫מיא בכול אלוהי הארצות האלה‬ ‫‪Isa 36:20‬‬
‫‏‏שומרון מידי‬ ‫‪30‬‬
‫אשר הצילו את ארצם‬
‫‪Isa 36:21‬‬
‫‏מידי כיא יציל יהוה את ירושלים מידי‬ ‫‪XXX 1‬‬
‫‏והחרישו ולוא ענו אותוה דבר כיא מצות‬
‫‏‏המלך היה לאמור לוא תענוהו ‪vacat‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬
‫‏‪ Isa 36:22‬ויבוא אליקים בן חלקיה אשר על הבית‬ ‫‪3‬‬

‫ושובנא הסופר ויואח בן אסף המזכיר אל‬
‫‏חוזקיה קרועי בגדים ויגידו לוא את דברי רב שקה‬ ‫‪4‬‬
‫)]‪4QTob e (4Q200) 2 (Tob 4:4–9) (// 4Q196 9–10 [Aramaic‬‬

‫)‪ (Tobit’s Testament‬‬
‫ ]ר ֯צו֯ נ֯‏[ה ו‏]אל ת[וגה רוחה ‏ ‪[ Tob 4:4‬‬ ‫֯‬ ‫[‬ ‫‪1‬‬
‫במעי֯‏[ה‏‬ [‬ ‫֯‬ ‫‏[ ]וסבול אותכה‬ ‫‪2‬‬
‫ז]כ ֯ר[ ]‏‬ ‫‪ Tob 4:5 vacat‬וכול ימיכה בני לאלהים הי֯ [ה ֯‬ ‫‪3‬‬
‫‬[ ]מאמרו֯‏ ‪ vacat‬אמת הי̇ ֯ה[ עושה כ]ו̇ ל ימי ֯ח[ייכה ]‏‬ ‫֯‬ ‫‪4‬‬
‫‪Tob 4:7‬‬
‫‬‏[בדרכ]י֯ שקר‏ ‪ Tob 4:6‬כי בעשות ֯ה[אמת‏ יה]י֯ ה עמך‏‬ ‫‪5‬‬
‫◦[ [‬
‫]צ ̇דקות ואל תס[תר‬‬ ‫‏[ ]ו֯ ̇כארך ידכה בני היה[ עושה‏ ̇‬ ‫‪6‬‬
‫‬‬פניך מן כול]‬
‫אם יהיה‬ ‫‪Tob 4:8‬‬
‫יס[תרו פני אלהי]ם֯‏‬ ‫ממ ֯כה לוא ֯‬
‫[ע]נ֯ ו̇ אף ֯‬ ‫‪7‬‬
‫לכה בנ‏[י רוב כרוב היה]‬‬‬
‫[עוש]ה ממנו ̇צ ֯ד[קו]ת֯‏ [ ‪‬ vacat‬‏] אם יהיה לך מעט‬ ‫֯‬ ‫‪8‬‬
‫כמעט[‏ [‬‫֯‬
‫‬‏[ בעש]ו֯ ֯ת ֯ך צדקה֯‏ ‪ Tob 4:9‬שימה ֯טו֯ ֯בה֯‏‬ ‫‪9‬‬
‫] [‬
‫‪52‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 7‬‬
‫)‪4QTob e (4Q200) 4 (Tob 10:7–9‬‬

‫)‪ (Tobit’s Wish to Return to His Parents‬‬
‫‬‏‬
‫ארבע[ת] עשר ימי‏ [החתנה]‬‬‬ ‫֯‬ ‫‪[ Tob 10:7‬וכאשר] שלמו להמה‬ ‫‪1‬‬
‫֯אשר נ̇ שבע רעואל לעשות לשרה בתו בא‏ [אליו]‬‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬
‫אשר[ אבי איננו]‬‬‬ ‫֯‬ ‫֯טו֯ [ב]י֯ ה ואמור לו שלחני כבר אני יודע‬ ‫‪3‬‬
‫ועתה‬
‫[מאמין ו‏]אף אמי איננה מאמנת אשר תראנ̇‏[י] ̇עוד‬ ‫‪4‬‬
‫מבקש‬‬‬
‫֯‬
‫‏]כה אבי אשר תשלחני֯ ו֯ ̇הלכתי אל אבי כבר‬‬‬ ‫[אני אות ֯‬ ‫‪5‬‬
‫א[י]כ ֯כ ̇ה ̇עז֯ ֯בתים‏ ‪ Tob 10:8‬ו̇ יומר רעואל לטוביה בני‬‬‬
‫֯‬ ‫֯ספרתי לך‬ ‫‪6‬‬
‫וה[מה]‬‬‬ ‫אב[יכ]ה ̇‬
‫֯‬ ‫אשלח מלאכים אל טובי‬
‫֯‬ ‫̇חך אתי ואני‬ ‫‪7‬‬
‫[ ‏‪] Tob 10:9‬ל֯‏[ ]ל֯‏[ ]‬‬ ‬‏‬ ‫‪8‬‬
‫‪4QTob e (4Q200) 6 (Tob 12:20–13:4) (//4QpapTob a ar‬‬

‫)‪[4Q196] 17 i 1–5, in Aramaic) (Raphael, Tobit, and Tobias‬‬
‫‪top margin‬‬
‫‪ [ Tob 12:20‬כתבו את כול‏ ]המעשה הזה והעלהו ?‪vacat‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫‬‏‪‬‬‬‬] [ Tob 12:21‬‬
‫[ולוא עוד ראו] ֯א[ו]תו‏ ‪ Tob 12:22‬והיו המה תומהים מברכים‬ ‫‪2‬‬
‫ו֯ [מהללים את אלהים]‬‬‬
‫איכה נ֯ ראה֯‏‬
‫֯‬ ‫מע]שו֯ הגדול ותומהים‬
‫֯‬ ‫[ ומודים אותו על‬ ‫‪3‬‬
‫[להמה מלאך]‬‬‬
‫[ אלהים‏] ‪ Tob 13:1‬בכן דבר טובי וכתוב תהלה‬ ‫‪4‬‬
‫בתשבוח ̇ת ו֯ ֯א[מור]‬‬‬
‫֯‬
‫‪Tob 13:2‬‬
‫]חי אשר לכול העולמים היאה מלכותו‏‬ ‫[ברוך אלהים‏ ֯‬ ‫‪5‬‬
‫הואה[ מכה]‬‬‬
‫֯‬ ‫אשר‬
‫והוא]ה מרחם מוריד עד שאולה תחתיה והואה‬ ‫֯‬ ‫[ ‬ ‫‪6‬‬

‫מתהו֯ [ם]‬‬‬‫̇‬ ‫מעלה‬
‫ג]דו֯ ל[ה‏] ומה אשר יפצה מידו‏ ‪ Tob 13:3 vacat‬הודו‬ ‫[ ֯‬ ‫‪7‬‬
‫לו בני ישר[אל לפני]‬‬‬
‫ספר[ו את‬ ‫֯‬ ‫אתמה נדחים בהמה‏ ‪ Tob 13:4‬ושמה‬ ‫̇‬ ‫[הגוים] אשר‬ ‫‪8‬‬
‫גודלו ורוממו]‬‬‬
‫ניכ[מה] ו̇ הוא אלה[יכמה]‬‬‬
‫[אותו לפני כו]ל חי כיא הוא אדו ̇‬ ‫‪9‬‬
‫[ לכו]ל̇‏ [עולמים‏ ]‬‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬
‫‪11QT a (11Q19) LII 3–21 2‬‬

‫)‪ (Forbidden and Prescribed Cultic Practices‬‬
‫‏]ת עליה‬ ‫להשתחו̇ [ו ֯‬

‫̇‬ ‫[לו]א תעשה לכה בכול ארצכה‬
‫֯‬ ‫[מ]שכית‏‬
‫̇‬ ‫‪3‬‬
‫ולוא‬‬‬
‫בח ̇לי̇ שור ושה אשר יהיה בו כול מום רע כי תועבה‬‫תז̇ ̇‬ ‫‪4‬‬
‫המה‬‬‬
‫לי ולוא תזבח לי שור ושה ועז והמה מלאות כי תועבה המה‬ ‫‪5‬‬
‫לי‬‬‬
‫ושור ושה אותו ואת בנו לוא תזבח ביום אחד ולוא תכה אם‬‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬
‫על בנים‏ ‪ vacat‬כול הבכור אשר יולד בבקריכה ובצואנכה‬‬‬‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬
‫הזכרים תקדיש לי לוא תעבוד בבכור שורכה ולוא תגוז בכור‬‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬
‫צואנכה לפני תואכלנו שנה בשנה במקום אשר אבחר ואם‬ ‫‪9‬‬
‫יהיה‬‬‬
‫‪2. Text from Yigael Yadin, The Temple Scroll (3 vols.; Jerusalem: The Israel Explo-‬‬
‫‪ration Society and the Shrine of the Book, 1983). See also Elisha Qimron, The Temple‬‬
‫‪Scroll: A Critical Edition with Extensive Reconstructions (Judean Desert Studies; Beer-‬‬
‫‪sheva: Ben-Gurion University of the Negev / Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society,‬‬
‫‪1996).‬‬
‫‪54‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 7‬‬
‫בו מום פסח או עור או כול מום רע לוא תזבחנו לי‬ ‫‪10‬‬
‫בשעריכה‬‬‬
‫כצבי וכאיל רק הדם לוא‬ ‫תואכלנו הטמא והטהר בכה יחדיו ֯‬ ‫‪11‬‬
‫תואכל‬‬‬
‫על הארץ תשופכנו כמים וכסיתו בעפר ולוא תחסום שור על‬ ‫‪12‬‬
‫דישו‬‬‬
‫ולוא תחרוש בשור ובחמור יחדיו לוא תזבח שור ושה ועז‬ ‫‪13‬‬
‫טהורים‬‬‬
‫בכול שעריכה קרוב למקדשי דרך שלושת ימים כי אם בתוך‬‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬
‫מקדשי תזבחנו לעשות אותו עולה או זבח שלמים ואכלתה‬‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬
‫ושמחתה לפני במקום אשר אבחר לשום שמי עליו וכול‬ ‫‪16‬‬
‫הבהמה‬‬‬
‫הטהורה אשר יש בה מום בשעריכה תואכלנה רחוק‬ ‫‪17‬‬
‫ממקדשי‬‬‬
‫סביב שלושים רס לוא תזבח‏ ‪ vacat‬קרוב למקדשי כי בשר‬ ‫‪18‬‬
‫פגול‬‬‬‬‬
‫הוא לוא תואכל בשר שור‏ ושה‏ ועז בתוך עירי אשר אנוכי‬ ‫‪19‬‬
‫מקדש‬‬‬
‫לשום שמי בתוכה אשר לוא יבוא לתוך מקדשי וזבחו שמה‬‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬
‫וזרקו את דמו על יסוד מזבח העולה ואת חלבו יקטירו‬‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬
‫‪11QPs a (11Q5) XXVIII 3–12 (David’s Victory over Goliath‬‬

‫)‪ and His Appointment as Anointed Leader‬‬
‫קטן הייתי מןאחי וצעיר מבני‬ ‫הללו יה לדויד בן ישי‬

‫‪Ps 151:1‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬
‫אבי וישימני‬‬‬
‫רועה לצונו ומושל בגדיותיו ‪ Ps 151:2‬ידי עשו עוגב ואצבעותי‬ ‫‪4‬‬
‫כנור‬‬‬
‫ואשימה ליהוה כבוד אמרתי אני בנפשי ‪ Ps 151:3‬ההרים לוא‬ ‫‪5‬‬
‫יעידו‬‬‬
‫מעשי‬‬‬
‫֯‬ ‫לו והגבעות לוא יגידו עלו֯ העצים את דברי֯ והצואן את‬ ‫‪6‬‬
‫‪ Ps 151:4‬כי מי יגיד ומי ידבר ומי יספר את מעשי֯ אדון הכול‬ ‫‪7‬‬
‫ראה‏ {ו֯‏}אלוה‬‬‬
‫הכול הוא שמע והוא האזין ‪ Ps 151:5‬שלח נביאו למושחני את‬ ‫‪8‬‬
‫שמואל‬‬‬
‫‪Ps 151:6‬‬
‫לגדלני יצאו אחי לקראתו יפי התור ויפי המראה‬ ‫‪9‬‬
‫הגבהים בקומתם‬‬‬
‫וישלח‬ ‫‪Ps 151:7‬‬
‫היפים בשערם לוא בחר יהוה אלוהים בם‬ ‫‪10‬‬
‫ויקחני‬‬‬
‫ומושל‬
‫מאחר הצואן וימשחני בשמן הקודש וישימני נגיד לעמו‬ ‫‪11‬‬
‫בבני‬‬‬
‫בריתו‏ ‪vacat‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬
‫‪56‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 7‬‬
‫)‪11QPs a (11Q5) XXI 11–17 3 (= Sir 51:13–20‬‬

‫)‪ (The Quest for Wisdom‬‬
‫באה לי‬ ‫‪Sir 51:14‬‬

‫‪ Sir 51:13‬אני נער בטרם תעותי ובקשתיה‬ ‫‪11‬‬
‫בתרה ועד‬‬‬
‫סופה אדורשנה ‪ Sir 51:15‬גם גרע נץ בבשול ענבים ישמחו לב‬‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬
‫דרכה רגלי במישור כי מנעורי ידעתיה ‪ Sir 51:16‬הטיתי כמעט‬‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬
‫אוזני והרבה מצאתי לקח ‪ Sir 51:17‬ועלה היתה לי למלמדי אתן‬‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬
‫‪Sir 51:19‬‬
‫הודו ‪ Sir 51:18‬זמותי ואשחקה קנאתי בטוב ולוא אשוב‬ ‫‪15‬‬
‫חריתי‬‬‬
‫הש[י]בותי טר(ד)תי נפשי בה וברומיה‬
‫֯‬ ‫נפשי בה ופני לוא‬ ‫‪16‬‬
‫לוא‬‬‬
‫כפי‬ ‫‪Sir 51:20‬‬
‫פת ֯ח[ה‏ בי]אתה ובמערמיה אתבונן‬
‫אשלה ידי ֯‬ ‫‪17‬‬
‫הברותי אל‏יה‬‬‬
‫)‪1QH a X 22–32 (Thanksgiving Hymn for Divine Protection‬‬
‫אודכ ֯ה ֯א ֯דו֯ ני כי שמתה נפשי בצרור החיים‬

‫֯‬ ‫‪ vacat‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬
‫[י]א עריצים בקשו נפשי‬
‫ותשוך בעדי מכול מוקשי שחת ֯כ ֯‬ ‫‪23‬‬
‫בתומכי‬‬‬
‫בבריתךה והמה סוד שוא לעדת ֯ב ֯ליעל לא ידעו כיא מאתכה‬ ‫‪24‬‬
‫מעמדי‬‬‬
‫והמה מאתכה גרו‬‬‬‫ובחסדיכה תושיע נפשי כיא מאתכה מצעדי ֯‬ ‫‪25‬‬
‫על נפשי בעבור הכבדכה במשפט רשעים והגבירכה בי נגד בני‬‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬
‫‪3. These readings are based upon the study of Émile Puech, “La sagesse dans les‬‬
‫‪béatitudes de Ben Sira: étude du texte de Si 51,13–30 et de Si 14,20–15,10,” in The‬‬
‫‪Texts and Versions of the Book of Ben Sira: Transmission and Interpretation (ed. Jean-‬‬
‫‪Sébastien Rey and Jan Joosten; Supplements to the Journal for the Study of Judaism‬‬
‫‪150; Leiden: Brill, 2011) 297–329.‬‬
‫‪ 27‬אדם כיא בחסדכה עמדי ואני אמרתי חנו עלי גבורים סבבום‬
‫בכל‬‬‬
‫‪4‬‬
‫‪ 28‬כלי מלחמותם ויפרו חצים לאין מרפא ולהוב חנית באש ‬
‫אוכלת עצים‬‬‬
‫‪ 29‬וכהמון מים רבים שאון קולם נפץ ו֯ זרם להשחית רבים‬
‫למזורות יבקעו‬‬‬
‫‪ 30‬אפעה ושוא בהתרומם גליהם ואני במוס לבי כמים ותחזק‬
‫נפשי בבריתך‬‬‬
‫‪ 31‬והם רשת פרשו לי תלכוד רגלם ופחים טמנו לנפשי נפלו בם‬
‫‪ vacat‬ורגלי עמדה במישור‬‬‬
‫‬‬‬)‪(last two words in margin‬‬
‫‪ 32‬מקהלם אברכה שמכה ‏ ‪vacat‬‬
‫‪ 4‬‬
‫)‪1QH a XI 20–37 (// 4QpapH f [4Q432] 6 1–6 // 4QH b [4Q428] 5 1–7‬‬

‫)‪ (Thanksgiving Hymn for Mortal Rescue‬‬
‫‪ vacat‬אודכה אדוני כי פדיתה נפשי משחת ומשאול אבדון‬‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬

‫העליתני לרום עולם ואתהלכה במישור לאין חקר ואדעה כיא‬ ‫‪21‬‬
‫יש מקוה לאשר‬‬‬
‫יצרתה מעפר לסוד עולם ורוח נעוה טהרתה מפשע רב‬ ‫‪22‬‬
‫להתיצב במעמד עם‬‬‬
‫ביח ֯ד עם עדת בני שמים ותפל לאיש‬ ‫צבא קדושים ולבוא ֯‬ ‫‪23‬‬
‫גורל עולם עם רוחות‬‬‬
‫דעת להלל שמכה ביחד רנ֯ ֯ה ולספר נפלאותיכה לנגד כול‬ ‫‪24‬‬
‫מעשיכה ואני יצר‬‬‬
‫‪.‬כאש ‪4. Alternatively,‬‬
‫‪58‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 7‬‬
‫‪‬ 25‬החמר מה אני מגבל במים ולמי נחשבתי ומה כוח לי כיא‬
‫התיצבתי בגבול רשעה‬‬‬
‫ותגור נפש אביון עם מהומות רבה והוות‬ ‫֯‬ ‫‪ 26‬ועם חלכאים בגורל‬
‫מדהבה עם מצעדי‬‬‬
‫‪ 27‬בהפתח כל פחי שחת ויפרשו כול מצודות רשעה ומכמרת‬
‫חלכאים על פני מים‬‬‬
‫‪ 28‬בהתעופף כול חצי שחת לאין השב ויורו ‪ 5‬לאין תקוה בנפול‬
‫‪ 5‬‬
‫קו על משפט וגורל אף‬‬‬
‫‪ 29‬על נעזבים ומתך חמה על נעלמים וקץ חרון לכול בליעל‬
‫וחבלי מות אפפו לאין פלט‬‬‬
‫‪ 30‬וילכו נחלי בליעל על כול אגפי רום ֯באש אוכלת בכול‬
‫שנאביהם להתם כול עץ לח‬‬‬
‫‪ 31‬ויבש מפלגיהם ותשוט בשביבי להוב עד אפס כול שותיהם‬
‫באושי חמר תאוכל‬‬‬
‫‪ 32‬וברקיע יבשה יסודי הרים לשרפה ושורשי חלמיש לנחלי זפת‬
‫ותאוכל עד תהום‬‬‬
‫‪ 33‬רבה ויבקעו לאבדון נ֯ חלי בליעל ויהמו מחשבי תהום בהמון‬
‫גורשי ר פ ש וארץ‬‬‬
‫‪ 34‬תצרח על ההווה הנ֯ ֯היה בתבל וכול מחשביה יריעו ויתהוללו‬
‫כול אשר עליה‬‬‬
‫[ו]לה כיא ירעם אל בהמון כוחו ויהם זבול‬ ‫‪ 35‬ויתמוגגו בהווה ֯ג ֯ד ֯‬
‫קודשו באמת‬‬‬
‫‪ 36‬כבודו וצבא השמים יתנו קולם ו֯ יתמוגגו וירעדו אושי ֯עולם‬
‫ב‬
‫ומלחמת גבורי‬‬‬
‫‪ 37‬שמים תשוט בתבל ולא תשוב עד כלה ונחרצה לעד ואפס‬
‫כמוה‏ ‪vacat‬‬
‫‪.‬ויפרו ‪5. Alternatively,‬‬
‫‪CD I 1–II 1 (T-S 10 K 6 // 4QD a [4Q266] 2 i–ii // 4QD c [4Q268] 1) 6‬‬

‫‪ (Retrospective on Human Rebelliousness, Divine Guidance,‬‬
‫)‪ yet a Rejected Covenant‬‬
‫‪ vacat‬ועתה שמעו כל יודעי צדק ובינו במעשי‬‬ ‬‬ ‫‪I1‬‬

‫אל כי ריב לו עם כל בשר ומשפט יעשה בכל מנאציו‬‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬
‫כי במועלם אשר עזבוהו הסתיר פניו מישראל וממקדשו‬‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬
‫‬ו̇ יתנם לחרב ובזכרו ברית ראשנים השאיר שאירית‬‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬
‫לישראל ולא נתנם לכלה ובקץ חרון שנים שלוש מאות‬‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬
‫ותשעים לתיתו אותם ביד נבוכדנאצר מלך בבל‬‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬
‫פקדם ויצמח מישראל ומאהרן שורש מטעת לירוש‬‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬
‫את ארצו ולדשן בטוב אדמתו ויבינו בעונם וידעו כי‬‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬
‫אנשים אשימים הם ויהיו כעורים וכימגששים דרך‬‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬
‫שנים עשרים ויבן ֵאל ֶאל מעשיהם כי בלב שלם דרשוהו‬‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬
‫ויקם להם מורה צדק להדריכם בדרך לבו‏ ‪ vacat‬ויודע‬‬‬‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬
‫לדורות אחרונים את אשר עשה בדור אחרון בעדת בוגדים‬‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬
‫הם סרי דרך היא העת אשר היה כתוב עליה כפרה סורירה‬‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬
‫כן סרר ישרל‍א בעמוד איש הלצון אשר הטיף לישראל‬‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬
‫מימי כזב ויתעם בתוהו לא דרך להשח גבהות עולם ולסור‬‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬
‫מנתיבות צדק ולסיע גבול אשר גבלו ראשנים בנחלתם למען‬‬ ‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬
‫הדבק בהם את אלות בריתו להסגירם לחרב נקמת נקם‬‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬
‫במ ַה ַתלות ויצפו‬‬‬ ‫ברית בעבור אשר דרשו בחלקות ויבחרו ַ‬ ‫‪18‬‬
‫לפרצות ויבחרו בטוב הצואר ויצדיקו רשע וירשיעו צדיק‬‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬
‫‪6. The transcription we present here is the text from the Cairo Genizah edited by‬‬
‫‪S. Schechter, Documents of Jewish Sectaries, vol. 1: Fragments of a Zadokite Work‬‬
‫‪(Cambridge: University Press, 1910). For the Qumran parallels, see Qumran Cave 4.‬‬
‫‪XIII. The Damascus Document (4Q266–273) (by J. M. Baumgarten on the basis of tran-‬‬
‫‪scriptions by J. T. Milik; Oxford: Clarendon, 1996). The fragmentary Qumran parallels‬‬
‫‪present a few orthographic and textual variations. For a composite text with critical ap-‬‬
‫‪ [The Dead Sea Scrolls:‬מגילות מדבר יהודה׃ החבורים העבריים ‪paratus, see now Qimron,‬‬
‫‪The Hebrew Writings]. Volume One (Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi, 2010) 1–58.‬‬
‫‪60‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 7‬‬
‫‪ 20‬ויעבירו ברית ויפירו חוק וַ יָ גודו על נפש צדיק ובכל הולכי‬‬‬

‫‪ 21‬תמים תעבה נפשם וירדפום לחרב וַ יָ ִסיסו לריב עם ויחר אף‬‬‬
‫‪ II 1‬אל בעדתם להשם את כל המונם ומעשיהם לנדה לפניו‬
‫‪4QMMT a (4Q394) 8 iv 2–12 (// 4Q396 1–2 ii 3–iii 2 //‬‬

‫)]‪4Q397 6–13 1–4) (= 4QMMT B 52–62 [the composite text‬‬
‫)‪ (Miscellaneous Prohibitions in the Temple‬‬
‫[ו֯ א]ף על החרשים שלוא שמעו חוק‏ [ומ]שפט וטהרה ולא‬‬ ‬‏‬ ‫‪2‬‬
‫שמע לוא‬‬‬ ‫֯‬ ‫[ש]מעו משפטי ישראל ̇כי שלוא ̇ר ̇אה ולוא‬ ‫‪3‬‬
‫לטה[ר]ת ̇המקדש‏ ‪vacat‬‬ ‫֯‬ ‫באי֯ ̇מ‬ ‫[י]דע לעשות והמה ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫‪4‬‬
‫אומר[ים‏] ֯שהמ שאין בהמ‬‬ ‬‏‬ ‫̇‬ ‫אנחנ֯ ו֯‬‫̇‬ ‫‏]אף על המוצקות‬ ‫[ו ֯‬ ‫‪5‬‬
‫[ט]הרה ואף המוצקות ̇אינ֯ מ ̇מ ֯ב ֯די̇ לות בין הטמא‬‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬
‫כהמ‬‬ ‬‏‬
‫וה ֯מ ֯קבל ̇מהמה ̇‬ ‫המוצקות ֯‬ ‫̇‬ ‫‏]טהור כי לחת‬ ‫[ל ̇‬ ‫‪7‬‬
‫[ו]דש כלבימ שהם‬‬‬ ‫לחה אחת ואין ֯ל ̇ה ̇בי̇ למחני ̇ה ֯ק ֯‬ ‫‪8‬‬
‫‏]הבשר עליהם כי‬‬‬ ‫המ ̇ק[דש ו ֯‬ ‫[ע]צ ̇מות ̇‬ ‫֯‬ ‫א‏ו֯ כלימ ֯מקצת‏‬ ‫‪9‬‬
‫הק ̇דש ו̇ ̇היא המקו̇ ם֯‬‬‬ ‫היאה םחנה ̇‬ ‫֯‬ ‫ירושלים‬
‫̇‬ ‫‪10‬‬
‫היא ̇ראש‬‬ ‬‬ ‫רושלימ ̇‬ ‫שבטי̇‏ [ישראל כי]‏ י̇ ̇‬ ‫שבחר בו̇ ֯מ ̇כל ֯‬ ‫‪11‬‬
‫̇ם[חנות ישראל ‪‬‬. . .‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬
3QCopper Scroll (3Q15) XI 2–15 7

(Locations and Inventories of Hidden Treasure)
‬‬‫מתחת פןת האסטאנ הדו(ר)ומית‬ 2

‬‬‫בקבר צדוק תחת עמוד האכסדרנ‬ 3
‬‬‫כלר(י) דמע סוח דמע‏ סנה בתכן אצלמ‬ 4
‬‬‫בהכסח ראש הסלע הצופא מערב‬ 5
‬‬‫נגד גנת צדוק תחת המסמא ה‬ 6
‬‬}‫גדולא שבשולו הו חרמ‏ {ב(ק)‏‬ 7
‬‬3 3 ‫בקבר שתחת הסכין ככ‬ 8
‬‬‫טה(ור)(?) ירחו‬/‫בקבר בני העמ [[ש]]טח‬ 9
‬‬‫אר(?) דמע סוח‬/‫בו כלי דמע א[[ר]]ז‬ 10
‬‬‫ בתכן אצלן‬vacat 11
‬‬‫האשר(ו)חין באשוח‬/‫בבית‏ א‬ 12
‬‬‫בבואתך לימומית‬ 13
‬‬‫שלו כלי דמע(?) [[א(?)]]לאה‏ דמע סירא‬ 14
vacat ‫בתכן אץלן‏‬ 15
7. Text from Émile Puech in Jean-Michel Poffet, Émile Puech, Daniel Brizemeure,
and N. Lacoudre, Le Rouleau de cuivre de la grotte 3 de Qumrân (3Q15): Expertise –
Restauration – Epigraphie (2 vols.; Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 55;
Leiden: Brill / École biblique et archéologique française de Jérusalem, 2006). This
reading selection also employs several special symbols: ( ), for a correction of an en-
graving error (e.g., in line 4, )‫ כלר(י‬indicates that ‫ ר‬miswritten for ‫]] [[ ;)י‬, for editors’
corrections of letters missing in the original; and /, for suggested alternative readings.
Chapter 8
Hebrew in Greek and Latin Transcriptions
Greek Transcriptions
Psalm 30 (Thanksgiving Hymn for Recovery from Sickness)
Hebrew
Verse Secunda Equivalent Tiberian
1 μαζμωρ ‫ִמזְ מֹור‬
σιρ ‫ִׁשיר־‬
οννεχαθ ‫ָחּנְ ַכת‬ ‫ֲחנֻ ַּכת‬
αββαιθ ‫ַה ַּביִ ת‬
λδαυειδ ‫ְל ָדוִ ד‬
2 ερωμεμεχ ‫רֹומ ְמָך‬
ִ ‫ֲא‬
χι ‫ִּכי‬
δελλιθανη ‫יתנִ י‬
ָ ‫ִד ִּל‬
ουλω ‫וְ לֹא־‬
Author’s Note: These Greek readings, which are based on a reexamination of the Am-
brosiana palimpsest of the Hexapla, employ the following conventions:
* = suggested emendation of the Greek form
( ) = attested Greek form
- = illegible letter.
Further, when the Hexapla differs significantly from the Tiberian, two Hebrew forms
are presented: a vocalized form corresponding to the transcription (Hebrew equivalent)
and the form attested in the MT (Tiberian).
62
Hebrew
σεμεθ ‫ִׂש ַּמ ְח ָּת‬
οϊεββαϊ ‫א ַֹיְבי‬
λι ‫ִלי‬
4 εελιθ ‫ית‬ ָ ‫ֶה ֱע ִל‬
*μεσσωλ (μεσσω) ?‫ִמ ְּׁשאֹול‬ ‫ן־ׁשאֹול‬ ְ ‫ִמ‬
νεφσι ‫נַ ְפ ִׁשי‬
ϊθανι ‫יתנִ י‬ ַ ִ‫ִחּי‬
μεϊωρδη ?‫ּיֹור ֵדי‬
ְ ‫ִמ‬ ‫מיורדי־‬
‫ִמּיָ ְר ִדי־‬
βωρ ‫בֹור‬
5 ζαμμέρου ‫זַ ְּמרּו‬
*ασιδαυ (ασιλαυ) ‫ֲח ִס ָידיו‬
ουωδου ‫וְ הֹודּו‬
*λζεχρ (αζεχρ) ‫ְלזֵ ֶכר‬
*κοδσω (κοδεω) ‫ָק ְדׁשֹו‬
6 χι ‫ִּכי‬
ρεγε ‫ֶרגַ ע‬
βααφφω ‫ְּב ַאּפֹו‬
αϊϊμ ‫ַחּיִ ים‬
βαρσωνω ‫ִּב ְרצֹונֹו‬
βααρβ ‫ָּב ֶע ֶרב‬
ιαλιν ‫יָ ִלין‬
βεχι ‫ֶּב ִכי‬
7 ουανι ‫וַ ֲאנִ י‬
αμαρθι ‫ָא ַמ ְר ִּתי‬
βσαλουι ‫ְּב ַׁש ְלוִ י‬
64 Chapter 8
Hebrew
βαλ ‫ַּבל־‬
εμματ ‫ֶא ָּמט‬ ‫ֶאּמֹוט‬
λωλαμ ‫עֹולם‬ ָ ‫ְל‬
8 βαρσωναχ ‫ִּב ְרצֹונְ ָך‬
εεμεδεθ ‫ֶה ֱע ַמ ְד ָּתה‬
λααραρι ‫ְל ַה ְר ִרי‬
οζ ‫עֹז‬
εσθερθα ‫ִה ְס ַּת ְר ָּת‬
φαναχ ‫ָפנֶ יָך‬
αϊθι ‫יתי‬ִ ִ‫ָהי‬
νεβαλ ‫נִ ְב ָהל‬
9 ηλαχ ‫ֵא ֶליָך‬
εκρα ‫ֶא ְק ָרא‬
ουελ ‫וְ ֶאל־‬
αδωναϊ ‫ֲאד ֹנָ י‬
εθανναν ‫ֶא ְת ַחּנָ ן‬
10 μεββεσε ‫ה־ּב ַצע‬ ֶ ‫ַמ‬
βδαμὶ ‫ְּב ָד ִמי‬
βρεδεθι ‫ְּב ִר ְד ִּתי‬
ελ ‫ֶאל־‬
σααθ ‫ָׁש ַחת‬
αϊωδέχχα ָ‫יֹודּך‬
ֶ ‫ֲה‬ ‫יֹודָך‬ ְ ‫ֲה‬
άφαρ ‫ָע ָפר‬
*αϊεγγιδ (αϊεγγιθι) ‫ֲהיַ ּגִ יד‬
εμεθθαχ ‫ֲא ִמ ֶּתָך‬
Hebrew
11 σμα ‫ְׁש ַמע־‬
ουαννηνί ‫וְ ָחּנֵ נִ י‬
αϊη ‫ֱהיֵ ה‬
ωζηρ ‫עֹזֵ ר‬
λι ‫ִלי‬
12 αφαχθ ‫ָה ַפ ְכ ָּת‬
λμαωλ ‫ְל ָמחֹול‬
λι ‫ִלי‬
φέθεθα ‫ִּפ ַּת ְח ָּת‬
σεκκι ‫ַׂש ִּקי‬
ουεθαζερηνι ‫וַ ְּת ַאּזְ ֵרנִ י‬
σεμα ‫ִׂש ְמ ָחה‬
13 λαμαν ‫ְל ַמ ַען‬
ιζαμμερεχ ‫יְ זַ ֶּמ ְרָך‬
χαβωδ ‫ָכבֹוד‬
ουλω ‫וְ לֹא‬
ιαδομ ‫יָ ד ֹם‬ ‫יִ ּד ֹם‬
ελωαϊ ‫ֹלהי‬ַ ‫ֱא‬
λωλαμ ‫עֹולם‬ ָ ‫ְל‬
ωδεχ ָ‫אֹודּך‬
ֶ
66 Chapter 8
Psalm 46 (Divine Protection against Military Incursions and Havoc)
Hebrew
1 λαμανασση ‫ַל ְמנַ ֵּצ ַח‬
*λβνηκορ (αβνηκορ) ‫ִל ְבנֵ י־ק ַֹרח‬
αλ. ‫ַעל‬
αλμωθ ‫ַע ְלמֹות‬ ‫ֲע ָלמֹות‬
σιρ ‫ִׁשיר‬
2 ελωεὶμ ‫ֹלהים‬ ִ ‫ֱא‬
λανου ‫ָלנּו‬
μασε. ‫ַמ ֲח ֶסה‬
ουοζ ‫וָ עֹז‬
έζρ ‫ֵעזֶ ר‬ ‫ֶעזְ ָרה‬
βσαρωθ ‫ְב ָצרֹות‬
νεμσα. ‫נִ ְמ ָצא‬
μωδ ‫ְמאֹד‬
3 αλ. ‫ַעל‬
χεν. ‫ֵּכן‬
λω. ‫לֹא‬
νιρα ‫נִ ָירא‬
βααμιρ ‫ְּב ָה ִמיר‬
ααρς ‫ָה ָא ֶרץ‬ ‫ָא ֶרץ‬
ουβαμωτ ‫ּובמֹוט‬ ְ
αριμ ‫ָה ִרים‬
βλεβ ‫ְּב ֵלב‬
ιαμιμ ‫יַּמים‬ִ
4 ιεεμου ‫יֶ ֱהמּו‬
Hebrew
ιεμρου ‫יֶ ְח ְמרּו‬
μημαυ ‫ימיו‬ ָ ‫ֵמ‬
ιεράσου ‫יִ ְר ֲעׁשּו‬
αριμ ‫ָה ִרים‬
βγηουαθω ‫ְּבגֵ וָ תֹו‬ ‫ְּבגַ ֲאוָ תֹו‬
σελ ‫ֶס ָלה‬
5 νααρ ‫נָ ָהר‬
φλαγαυ ‫ְּפ ָלגָ יו‬
ιεσμου ?‫יִ ְׂש ְמחּו‬ ‫יְ ַׂש ְּמחּו‬
ιρ. ‫ִעיר‬
ελωειμ ‫ֹלהים‬ ִ ‫ֱא‬
κοδς ‫ק ֶֹדׁש‬ ‫ְקד ֹׁש‬
μσ‘χνη ‫ִמ ְׁש ְּכנֵ י‬
ελιων ‫ֶע ְליֹון‬
6 ελωεὶμ ‫ֹלהים‬ ִ ‫ֱא‬
βκερβα ‫ְּב ִק ְר ָּבּה‬
βαλ ‫ַּבל־‬
*θεμματ? (θεμμου) ?‫ִּת ַּמט‬ ‫ִּתּמֹוט‬
ουεζρα ‫וְ ֶעזְ ָרּה‬ ‫יַ ְעזְ ֶר ָה‬
ελωείμ ‫ֹלהים‬ ִ ‫ֱא‬
λφνωθ ‫ִל ְפנֹות‬
βοκρ ‫ּב ֶֹקר‬
7 αμου ‫ָהמּו‬
γωιμ ‫גֹויִ ם‬
μάτου ‫ָמטּו‬
68 Chapter 8
Hebrew
*μαμλαχωθ ‫ַמ ְמ ָלכֹות‬
(μαλλαχωθ)
ναθαν ‫נָ ַתן‬
βκωλω ‫ְּבקֹולֹו‬
θαμωγ ‫ָּתמּוג‬
αρς ‫ָא ֶרץ‬
8 σαβαωθ ‫ְצ ָבאֹות‬
εμμανου ‫ִע ָּמנּו‬
μισγαβ ‫ִמ ְׂשּגָ ב‬
ελωὴ ‫ֹלהי‬
ֵ ‫ֱא‬
ιακὼβ ‫יַ ֲעקֹב‬
9 λχου ‫ְלכּו‬
εζου ‫ֲחזּו‬
μαφαλὼθ ‫ִמ ְפ ֲעלֹות‬
εσερ. ‫ֲא ֶׁשר‬
σαμ ‫ָׂשם‬
σιμωθ ?‫ִׂשימֹות‬ ‫ַׁשּמֹות‬
βααρς ‫ָּב ָא ֶרץ‬
10 μισβιθ ‫ַמ ְׁש ִּבית‬
μαλαμὼθ ‫ִמ ְל ָחמֹות‬
αδ. ‫ַעד‬
κασὲ ‫ְק ֵצה‬
ααρς ‫ָה ָא ֶרץ‬
κασθ ‫ֶק ֶׁשת‬
Hebrew
?ισαββερ ? (ι- - -βηρ) ‫יְ ַׁש ֵּבר‬
*ουκεσσες (ουκ-σσες) ‫וְ ִק ֵּצץ‬
ανίθ ‫ֲחנִ ית‬
αγαλὼθ ‫ֲעגָ לֹות‬
ισροφ ‫יִ ְׂשר ֹף‬
βαες ‫ָּב ֵאׁש‬
11 αρφου ‫ַה ְרּפּו‬
ουαδου ‫ְּודעּו‬
χι. ‫ִּכי‬
ανωχι. ‫ׂנכי‬ ִ ‫ָא‬
ελωεὶμ. ‫ֹלהים‬ ִ ‫ֱא‬
αρουμ ‫ָארּום‬
βααρς ‫ָּב ָא ֶרץ‬
12 σαβαὼθ ‫ְצ ָבאֹות‬
εμμανου ‫ִע ָּמנּו‬
μισγαβ ‫ִמ ְׂשּגָ ב‬
- - - -κ- - ‫ֹלהי יַ ֲעקֹב‬ ֵ ‫ֱא‬
70 Chapter 8
Latin Transcriptions
Gen 14:18–20 (Melchizedek and Abraham)
18 umelchisedech melech salem hosi lehem uaiain uhu cohen lehel helion:
19 uaibarcheu uaiomer baruch abram lehel helion cone samaim uares:
20 ubaruch hel helion eser maggen sarach biadach uaiethen lo maaser
mecchol
‫הֹוציא ֶל ֶ֣חם וָ ָ ֑י יִ ן וְ ֥הּוא כ ֵ ֹ֖הן ְל ֵ ֥אל ֶע ְליֽ ֹון׃‬ ֖ ִ ‫י־צ ֶד ֙ק ֶ ֣מ ֶלְך ָׁש ֔ ֵלם‬ ֶ ֙ ‫ּומ ְל ִּכ‬
ַ 18
‫אמר ָּב ֤רּוְך ַא ְב ָר ֙ם ְל ֵ ֣אל ֶע ְלי֔ ֹון ק ֵֹנ֖ה ָׁש ַ ֥מיִ ם וָ ָ ֽא ֶרץ׃‬ ֑ ַ ֹ ‫ַיְב ְר ֵ ֖כהּו וַ ּי‬
ָ ‫ ֽו‬19
‫ן־לֹו ַמ ֲע ֵ ׂ֖שר ִמ ּֽכֹל׃‬ ֥ ‫ר־מ ֵּג�֥ן ָצ ֶ ֖ריָך ְּביָ ֶ ֑דָך וַ ּיִ ֶּת‬
ִ ‫רּוְך ֵ ֣אל ֶע ְלי֔ ֹון ֲא ֶׁש‬ ֙ ‫ּוב‬ ָ 20
Isa 2:22 (Injunction)
hedalu lachem men aadam eser nesama baaphpho chi bama nesab hu
‫י־ב ֶ ּ֥מה נֶ ְח ָ ׁ֖שב ֽהּוא׃‬

ַ ‫ן־ה ָא ָ ֔דם ֲא ֶ ׁ֥שר נְ ָׁש ָ ֖מה ְּב ַא ּ֑פֹו ִ ּֽכ‬
֣ ָ ‫ִח ְד ֤לּו ָל ֶכ ֙ם ִמ‬
Chapter 9
Samaritan Tradition
[Text specimens begin on p. 72.]
Author’s note: Unlike the MT, manuscripts of the Samaritan Pentateuch are not divided
into chapters and verses. Following conventional practice, however, chapter and verse
numbers are added here to align this text with the medieval division of the Tiberian
text. In Samaritan manuscripts, the only mark dividing the text is the ‫ קצה‬qiṣṣa (pl. ‫קצין‬
qiṣṣin), represented here as :—. In the transcribed version, the qiṣṣa is represented by *.
The Samaritan text presented here is taken from Tal and Florentin 2010, which is a
transcription of MS Shekhem 6.
71
‫‪72‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 9‬‬
‫)‪Exodus 14 (Crossing of the Red Sea‬‬
‫‪ 1‬וידבר יהוה אל משה לאמר ‪ 2‬דבר אל בני ישראל וישובו ויחנו‬

‫לפני פי החירת בין מגדל ובין הים לפני בעל צפון נכחו תחנו על‬
‫הים ‪ 3‬ואמר פרעה לבני ישראל נבכים הם בארץ סגר עליהם‬
‫המדבר ‪ 4‬והחזקתי את לב פרעה ורדף אחריהם ואכבדה בפרעה‬
‫ובכל חילו וידעו מצרים כי אני יהוה ויעשו כן ‪ 5‬ויגד למלך מצרים‬
‫כי ברח העם ויהפך לב פרעה ועבדיו על העם ויאמרו מה זאת‬
‫עשינו כי שלחנו את ישראל מעבדנו ‪ 6‬ויאסר את רכבו ואת עמו‬
‫לקח עמו ‪ 7‬ויקח שש מאות רכב בחור וכל רכב מצרים ושלישים‬
‫על כלו ‪ 8‬ויחזק יהוה את לב פרעה מלך מצרים וירדף אחרי בני‬
‫ישראל ובני ישראל יוצאים ביד רמה ‪ 9‬וירדפו מצרים אחריהם‬
‫וישגו אתם חנים על הים כל סוס רכב פרעה ופרשיו וחיליו על פי‬
‫החירת לפני בעל צפון [‪ ]10‬ופרעה הקריב‪—: .‬‬
‫וישאו בני ישראל את עיניהם ויראו והנה מצרים נסעים אחריהם‬
‫וייראו מאד ויצעקו בני ישראל אל יהוה ‪ 11‬ויאמרו אל משה‬
‫המבלי אין קברים במצרים לקחתנו למות במדבר מה זאת עשית‬
‫לנו להוציאנו ממצרים ‪ 12‬הלא זה הדבר אשר דברנו אליך במצרים‬
‫לאמר חדל נא ממנו ונעבדה את מצרים כי טוב לנו עבד את‬
‫מצרים ממותנו במדבר ‪ 13‬ויאמר משה אל העם אל תיראו התיצבו‬
‫וראו את ישועת יהוה אשר יעשה לכם היום כי כאשר ראיתם את‬
‫מצרים היום לא תוסיפון לראותם עוד עד עולם ‪ 14‬יהוה ילחם לכם‬
‫ואתם תחרישון ‪—:‬‬
‫‪ 15‬ויאמר יהוה אל משה מה תצעק אלי דבר אל בני ישראל ויסעו‬
‫‪ 16‬ואתה הרם את מטך ונטה את ידך על הים ובקעהו ויבאו בני‬
‫ישראל בתוך הים ביבשה ‪ 17‬ואני הנני מחזיק את לב מצרים ויבאו‬
‫אחריהם ואכבדה בפרעה ובכל חילו ברכבו ובפרשיו ‪ 18‬וידעו כל‬
‫מצרים כי אני יהוה בהכבדי בפרעה ובכל חילו ברכבו ובפרשיו‪—:‬‬
Exodus 14 1
[1] wyēddabər šēmå al mūši līmor. [2] dabbər al bā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl

wyēšūbu wyā̊nnu alfā̊ni fī ā̊ˀīråt bin magdål wbin ayyåm alfā̊ni bāl
ṣā̊fon nēkāˀu tā̊nu ˤal ayyåm. [3] wā̊mår fā̊ru albā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl nēbīkəm
imma bā̊rəṣ sēgər ˤālīyyimma ammadbår. [4] wā̊zziqti it lab fā̊ru
wrā̊dåf ā̊ˀūrīyyimma wikkā̊bēda bā̊fā̊ru wafkal īlu wyiddāˀu miṣrəm
kī ā̊ni šēmå wyāššu kan. [5] wyiggåd almā̊lək miṣrəm kī bā̊rå ˤām
wiyyā̊fåk lab fā̊ru wā̊bā̊do ˤal ˤām wyā̊ˀūmēru mā̊ zēˀot ˤaššīnu kī
šallānu it yišrā̊ˀəl miyyā̊bådnu. [6] wyā̊sår it rikbu wit ˤammu lēqa
immu. [7] wyiqqa šaš mā̊ˀot rēkəb būr wkal rēkəb miṣrəm wšēlīšəm
ˤal kallu. [8] wyā̊zzəq šēmå it lab fā̊ru mā̊lək miṣrəm wyirdåf ā̊ˀūri
bā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl wbā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl yūṣā̊ˀəm abyəd rā̊må. [9] wyirdā̊fu
miṣrəm ā̊ˀūrīyyimma wyaššīgu ūtimma ānəm ˤal ayyåm kal sos rēkəb
fā̊ru wfårrā̊šo wīlu ˤal fī ā̊ˀīråt alfā̊ni bāl ṣā̊fon. [10] wfā̊ru aqrəb *
wyiššāˀu bā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl it īnīyyimma wyērēˀu wēnna miṣrəm nāsāˀəm
ā̊ˀūrīyyimma wyīrāˀu mēˀod wyēṣā̊ˀēqu bā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl al šēmå.
[11] wyā̊ˀūmēru al muši ā̊mibbā̊li īn qā̊bā̊rəm bā̊miṣrəm lēqāttā̊nu al-
mot bammadbår mā̊ zēʾot ʿaššītå lā̊nu lūṣiyyā̊nu mimmiṣrəm. [12] ā̊'lū
zē addēbår ēšår dabbirnu īlək bā̊miṣrəm līmor ēdål nā mimmā̊nu
wnābbā̊da it miṣrəm kī ṭob lā̊nu ˤābod it miṣrəm mimmūtā̊nu
bammadbår. [13] wyā̊ˀūmər mūši al ˀām al tīrāˀu ittīṣā̊bu wrēˀu it
yēšuwwåt šēmå ešår yēšši lā̊kimma ayyom kī kā̊ˀēšår rā̊ˀītimma
it miṣrəm ayyom lā̊ tūsīfon alrā̊ˀūtimma ūd ˤad ūlåm. [14] šēmå
yēlāˀəm lā̊kimma wattimma tā̊rrīšon. *
[15] wyā̊ˀūmər šēmå al mūši mā̊ tēṣā̊ˀəq īli dabbər al bā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl
wyissāˀu. [16] wåttå ēråm it måṭṭåk wnēṭå it yēdåk ˤal ayyåm
wbā̊qā̊ˀēˀu wyābāˀu bā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl aftok ayyåm abyåbbā̊ša. [17] wā̊ni
innā̊ni mā̊zzəq it lab miṣrəm wyābāˀu ā̊ˀūrīyyimma wikkā̊bēda
bā̊fā̊ru wafkal īlu abrikbu wbā̊fårrā̊šo. [18] wyiddāˀu kal miṣrəm kī
ā̊ni šēmå bēkkā̊bēdi bā̊fā̊ru wafkal īlu abrikbu wbā̊fårrā̊šo.
1. The oral reading tradition presented here follows Ben-Ḥayyim 1977. For the di-
vision into verses and chapters, see the author’s note. Qiṣṣin are marked by an asterisk.
‫‪74‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 9‬‬
‫‪ 19‬ויסע מלאך האלהים ההלך לפני מחנה ישראל וילך מאחריהם‬

‫ויסע עמוד הענן מפניהם ויעמד מאחריהם ‪ 20‬ויבא בין מחנה‬
‫מצרים ובין מחנה ישראל ויהי הענן החשך ויאר את הלילה ולא‬
‫קרב זה אל זה כל הלילה ‪ 21‬ויט משה את ידו על הים ויולך יהוה‬
‫את הים ברוח קדים עזה כל הלילה וישם את הים לחרבה ויבקעו‬
‫המים ‪ 22‬ויבאו בני ישראל בתוך הים ביבשה והמים להם חומה‬
‫מימינם ומשמאלם ‪ 23‬וירדפו מצרים ויבאו אחריהם כל סוס פרעה‬
‫רכבו ופרשיו אל תוך הים ‪ 24‬ויהי באשמרת הבקר וישקף יהוה על‬
‫מחנה מצרים בעמוד אש וענן ויחם את מחנה מצרים ‪ 25‬ויאסר‬
‫את אפן מרכבתו וינחגהו בכבודות ויאמרו מצרים אנוסה מפני‬
‫ישראל כי יהוה הנלחם להם במצרים ‪—:‬‬
‫‪ 26‬ויאמר יהוה אל משה נטה את ידך על הים וישובו המים על‬
‫מצרים על רכבו ועל פרשיו ‪ 27‬ויט משה את ידו על הים וישב‬
‫הים לפנות הבקר לאיתנו ומצרים נסעים לקראתו וינער יהוה את‬
‫מצרים תוך הים ‪ 28‬וישבו המים ויכסו את הרכב ואת הפרשים‬
‫לכל חיל פרעה הבאים אחריהם בים לא נשאר בהם עד אחד‬
‫‪ 29‬ובני ישראל הלכו ביבשה בתוך הים והמים להם חומה מימינם‬
‫ומשמאלם ‪ 30‬ויושיע יהוה ביום ההוא את ישראל מיד מצרים‬
‫וירא ישראל את מצרים מת על שפת הים ‪ 31‬וירא ישראל את‬
‫היד הגדלה אשר עשה יהוה במצרים וייראו העם את יהוה ויאמנו‬
‫ביהוה ובמשה עבדו ‪—:‬‬
‫)‪Exodus 15 (The Song of the Sea‬‬
‫‪ 1‬אז ישר משה ובני ישראל את השירה הזאת ליהוה ויאמרו לאמר‬
‫כי גוי גאה‬ ‫אשירו ליהוה‬
‫רמה בים‬ ‫סוס ורכבו‬
‫ויהי לי לישועה‬ ‫‪ 2‬עזי וזמרתיה‬
‫אלהי אבי וארוממנהו‬ ‫זה אלי ואנוהו‬
[19] wyissa mā̊'lā̊k ā̊ˀēluwwəm ā̊:lək alfā̊ni mā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl wyā̊låk

miyyā̊ˀūrīyyimma wyissa ˤammod ˤā̊:nån miffā̊nīyyimma wyā̊mmåd
miyyā̊ˀūrīyyimma. [20] wyāba bin mā̊ni miṣrəm wbin mā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl
wyā̊ˀi ˤā̊:nån ā̊šək wyā̊ˀər it allīla wlā̊ qā̊råb zē al zē kal allīla.
[21] wyåṭ mūši it yēdu ˤal ayyåm wyūlək šēmå it ayyåm ab'rū
qiddəm ˤazza kal allīla wyā̊šəm it ayyåm lā̊rēba wyibbā̊qā̊ˀu amməm.
[22] wyābāˀu bā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl aftok ayyåm abyåbbā̊ša wamməm lēmma
ūma miyyammīnimma wmiššēmā̊limma. [23] wyirdā̊fu miṣrəm
wyābāˀu ā̊ˀūrīyyimma kal sos fā̊ru rikbu wfårrā̊šo al tok ayyåm.
[24] wyā̊ˀi bēšmā̊rət abbēqar wyišqåf šēmå ˤal mā̊ni miṣrəm bam-
mod aš wā̊nån wyā̊ˀəm it mā̊ni miṣrəm. [25] wyā̊sår it ā̊fən markåbtu
wyēnāˀēgēˀu bakkā̊būdot wyā̊ˀūmēru miṣrəm ā̊nūsa miffā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl
kī šēmå annillāˀəm lēmma bā̊miṣrəm. *
[26] wyā̊ˀūmər šēmå al mūši nēṭå it yēdåk ˤal ayyåm wyēšūbu amməm
ˤal miṣrəm ˤal rikbu wal fårrā̊šo. [27] wyā̊ṭ mūši it yēdu ˤal ayyåm
wyā̊šåb ayyåm lifnot abbēqar lītā̊nu wmiṣrəm nā̊sāˀəm alqērā̊ttu
wyā̊'nā̊r šēmå it miṣrəm tok ayyåm. [28] wyā̊šā̊bu amməm wyēkassu
it arrēkəb wit affårrā̊šəm alkal īl fā̊ru abbāˀəm ā̊ˀūrīyyimma bayyåm
lā̊ niš'šā̊r bēmma ˤad ˤād. [29] wbā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl ā̊lā̊ku abyåbbā̊ša aftok
ayyåm wamməm lēmma ūma miyyammīnimma wmiššēmā̊limma.
[30] wyū'šī šēmå bayyom ā̊'ˀū it yišrā̊ˀəl miyyəd miṣrəm wyēre
yišrā̊ʾəl it miṣrəm mat ˤal ašfåt ayyåm. [31] wyēre yišrā̊ˀəl it ayyəd
aggā̊dalla ešår ˤāša šēmå bā̊miṣrəm wyīrāˀu ˤām at šēmå wyā̊mēnu
afšēmå wbā̊mūši ˤabdu. *
Exodus 15
[1] az yā̊šår mūši wbā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl it aššīra azzēˀot alšēmå wyā̊ˀūmēru

līmor ā̊šīru alšēma kī guwwi gā̊: sos wrikbu rā̊må bayyåm.
[2] ˤazzi wzimrā̊ti wyā̊ˀi lī alyēšuw'wā zē īli wēnā̊bēˀu ēluwwi ā̊bi
wērūmēminnēˀu.
‫‪76‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 9‬‬
‫יהוה שמו‬ ‫‪ 3‬יהוה גיבור במלחמה‬

‫וחיליו ירא בים‬ ‫‪ 4‬מרכבת פרעה‬
‫טבעו בים סוף‬ ‫ומבחר שלישיו‬
‫ירדו במצלות כמו אבן‬ ‫‪ 5‬תהומות יכסמו‬
‫נאדרי בכח‬ ‫‪ 6‬ימינך יהוה‬
‫תרעץ אויב‬ ‫ימינך יהוה‬
‫תהרס קמיך‬ ‫‪ 7‬וברב גאוניך‬
‫יאכלמו כקש‬ ‫תשלח חרונך‬
‫נערמו מים‬ ‫‪ 8‬וברוח אפך‬
‫קפאו תהומת בלב ים‬ ‫נצבו כמו נד נזלים‬
‫ארדף אשיג‬ ‫‪ 9‬אמר אויב‬
‫תמלאמו נפשי‬ ‫אחלק שלל‬
‫תורישמו ידי‬ ‫אריק חרבי‬
‫כסמו ים‬ ‫‪ 10‬נשבת ברוחך‬
‫במים אדירים‬ ‫צללו כעופרת‬
‫באילים יהוה‬ ‫‪ 11‬מי כמוך‬
‫נאדרי בקדש‬ ‫מי כמוך‬
‫עשה פלאה‬ ‫נורא תהלת‬
‫תבלעמו הארץ‬ ‫‪ 12‬נטית ימינך‬
‫עם זה גאלת‬ ‫‪ 13‬נחית בחסדך‬
‫אל נוה קדשך‬ ‫נחלת בעזך‬
‫וירגזו‬ ‫‪ 14‬שמעו עמים‬
‫ישבי פלשת‬ ‫חיל אחז‬
‫אלופי אדום‬ ‫‪ 15‬אז נבהלו‬
‫יאחזמו רעד‬ ‫אילי מואב‬
‫ישבי כנען‬ ‫נמגו כל‬
‫אימה ופחד‬ ‫‪ 16‬תפל עליהם‬
‫ידמאו כאבן‬ ‫ובגדול זרועך‬
[3] šēmå gibbor bammā̊lāmma šēmå šēmu. [4] markā̊båt fā̊ru

wīlo yā̊rå bayyåm wmē'bār šēlīšo ṭā̊bāˀu abyåm sof. [5] tū:mot
yēkassiyyā̊:mu yā̊rā̊du bammā̊ṣā̊lot kā̊mu ā̊bən. [6] yammīnā̊k šēmå
nā̊:dā̊ri bakku yammīnā̊k šēmå tērāˀəṣ uyyåb. [7] wabråb gā̊ˀūnåk
tērråṣ qāmək tēšalla ˤārūnåk yā̊ˀūkēlā̊:mū kaqqåš. [8] wab'rū abbåk
niyyā̊rā̊mu mem nā̊ṣā̊bu kā̊mu nad nā̊:zēləm qāfāˀu tū:mot abləb
yåm. [9] ā̊mår uyyåb irdåf aššəg ēllåq šēlål timlā:mu nafši ā̊rəq
arbi tūrišmu yēdi. [10] naššibtå abruwwåk kassā̊:mu yåm ṣā̊lā̊lu
kā̊ˀūfā̊rət bā̊məm ā̊dīrəm. [11] mī kā̊mok bā̊ˀīləm šēmå mī kā̊mok
nā̊:dā̊ri baqqā̊dəš nūra tēllåt ˤāši fā̊liyyå. [12] nā̊ṭītå yammīnåk
tiblā:mu ā̊:rəṣ. [13] nā̊ˀītå bisdåk ˤam zē gā̊ˀiltå nā̊ˀiltå bazzåk al nā̊be
qā̊dēšåk. [14] šāmāˀu ˀamməm wyirraggā̊zu īl ˤāˀəz yūšēbi falšət.
[15] az nibbā̊:lu ā̊lūfi ēdom īli muwwåb yāzzā̊mu rēd nēmēgu kal
yūšēbi kā̊'nān. [16] tibbål ʿālīyyimma īma wfā̊d wafgā̊dol zā̊ruwwåk
yiddā̊mu kā̊:bən
‫‪78‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 9‬‬
‫עמך יהוה‬ ‫עד יעבר‬

‫עם זה קנית‬ ‫עד יעבר‬
‫בהר נחלתך‬ ‫‪ 17‬תביאמו ותטעמו‬
‫פעלת יהוה מקדש‪.‬‬ ‫מכון לשבתך‬
‫‪ 18‬יהוה ימלך עולם ועוד‬ ‫יהוה כוננו ידך‬
‫‪ 19‬כי בא סוס פרעה ברכבו ובפרשיו בים וישב יהוה עליהם‬
‫את מי הים ובני ישראל הלכו ביבשה בתוך הים ‪ 20‬ותקח מרים‬
‫הנביאה אחות אהרן את התף בידה ותצאנה כל הנשים אחריה‬
‫בתפים ובמחלות ‪ 21‬ותען להם מרים שירו ליהוה כי גוי גאה סוס‬
‫ורכבו רמה בים ‪—:‬‬
‫‪ 22‬ויסע משה את ישראל מים סוף ויוציאהו אל מדבר שור וילכו‬
‫דרך שלשת ימים במדבר ולא מצאו מים ‪ 23‬ויבאו מרתה ולא יכלו‬
‫לשתות מים ממרה כי מרים הם על כן קרא שמה מרה ‪ 24‬וילן‬
‫העם על משה לאמר מה נשתה ‪ 25‬ויצעק משה אל יהוה ויראהו‬
‫יהוה עץ וישלך אל המים וימתקו המים שם שם לו חק ומשפט‬
‫ושם נסהו ‪ 26‬ויאמר אם שמע תשמע לקול יהוה אלהיך והישר‬
‫בעיניו תעשה והאזנת למצותיו ושמרת כל חקיו כל המחלה אשר‬
‫שמתי במצרים לא אשים עליך כי אני יהוה רפאך ‪—:‬‬
‫‪ 27‬ויבאו אילים ובאילים שתים עשרה עינות מים ושבעים תמרים‬
‫ויחנו שם על המים‬
‫‪Exodus 20 1 (The Ten Commandments, Moses as Permanent‬‬

‫)‪ Intermediary, and the Construction of Altars‬‬
‫‪ 1‬וידבר אלהים את כל הדברים האלה לאמר ‪ 2‬אנכי יהוה אלהיך‬

‫אשר הוצאתיך מארץ מצרים מבית עבדים‪ .‬א לא יהיה לך אלהים‬
‫‪1. In this chapter (and its parallel, Deut 5), raised Hebrew numerals indicate the Sa-‬‬
‫‪maritan division of the Decalogue, which differs in part from that of the MT; they do not‬‬
‫‪occur in MS Shekhem 6 but are found in other manuscripts. Raised Hebrew numerals in‬‬
‫‪square brackets indicate an addition in the SP vis-à-vis the Tiberian text.‬‬
ˤad yā̊bbår ˤammåk šēmå ˤad yā̊bbår ˤam zē qānītå. [17] tibyā̊:mu
wtiṭṭā̊:mu bår nā̊:lā̊tåk mā̊kon alšibtåk fāˀiltå maqdåš šēmå kūnēnu
yēdåk. [18] šēmå yimlåk ūlåm wād.
[19] kī bā sos fā̊ru abrikbu wbā̊fårrā̊šo bayyåm wyīšəb šēmå

ˤālīyyimma it mī ayyåm wbā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl ā̊lā̊ku abyåbbā̊šå aftok ayyåm.
[20] wtiqqa maryåm annēbiyyå ˤāˀot ā̊rron it attåf abyēda wtā̊ṣā̊ˀinna
kal ā̊ˀinšəm ā̊ˀūriyya aftabbəm wbā̊mā̊:lot. [21] wtān lēmma maryåm
šīru alšēmå kī guwwi gā̊: sos wrikbu rā̊må bayyåm. *
[22] wyassa mūši it yišrā̊ˀəl miyyåm sof wyūyṣiyyēˀu al madbår

šor wyā̊lā̊ku dērək šēlā̊šåt yā̊məm bammadbår wlā̊ mā̊ṣā̊ˀu mem.
[23] wyābāˀu mirta wlā̊ yā̊kā̊lu lištot mem mimmirra kī marrəm imma
ˤal kan qā̊rå šēma mirra. [24] wyillån ˤām ˤal mūši līmor mā̊ ništi.
[25] wyēṣā̊ˀəq mūši al šēmå wyarriyyēˀu šēmå eṣ wyašlək al amməm
wyimmā̊tēqu amməm šamma šåm lū åq wmašfåṭ wšamma nåssā̊ˀēˀu.
[26] wyā̊ˀūmər am šāma tišma alqol šēmå ēluwwåk wayyā̊šår bīno
tēšši wā̊:zintå almēṣā̊būto wšā̊mårtå kal aqqo kal ammā̊:la ēšår šamti
bā̊miṣrəm lā̊ ā̊šəm ˤālək kī ā̊ni šēmå rē'fāk. *
[27] wyābāˀu īləm wbīləm šittəm ˤā̊šā̊rå īnot mem wšā̊'bīm tā̊mērəm
wyā̊nnu šamma ˤal amməm.
Exodus 20
[1] wyēdabbər ēluwwəm it kal addēbā̊rəm ā̊ˀilla līmor. [2] ā̊nā̊ki

šēmå ēluwwåk ēšår ūṣā̊ttək miyyā̊rəṣ miṣrəm mibbət ˤā̊bā̊dəm. [3] lā̊
yēyyi låk ēluwwəm
‫‪80‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 9‬‬
‫אחרים על פני ‪ 3‬לא תעשה לך פסל וכל תמונה אשר בשמים ממעל‬
‫ואשר בארץ מתחת ואשר במים מתחת לארץ ‪ 4‬לא תשתחוי להם‬
‫ולא תעבדם כי אנכי יהוה אלהיך אל קנא פקד עון אבות על בנים‬
‫ועל שלישים ועל רביעים לשנאי ‪ 5‬ועשה חסד לאלפים לאהבי‬
‫ולשמרי מצותי ‪ 6‬ב לא תשא את שם יהוה אלהיך לשוא כי לא‬
‫ינקה יהוה את אשר ישא את שמו לשוא ‪—:‬‬
‫‪ 7‬ג שמור את יום השבת לקדשהו ‪ 8‬ששת ימים תעבד ועשית‬
‫כל מלאכתך ‪ 9‬ויום השביעי שבת ליהוה אלהיך לא תעשה בו כל‬
‫מלאכה אתה ובנך ובתך עבדך ואמתך בהמתך וגרך אשר בשעריך‬
‫‪ 10‬כי ששת ימים עשה יהוה את השמים ואת הארץ ואת הים ואת‬
‫כל אשר בם וינח ביום השביעי על כן ברך יהוה את יום השבת‬
‫ויקדשהו ‪—:‬‬
‫‪ 11‬ד כבד את אביך ואת אמך למען יאריכון ימיך על האדמה אשר‬
‫יהוה אלהיך נתן לך ‪ 12‬ה לא תרצח ו לא תנאף ז לא תגנב ח לא‬
‫תענה ברעך עד שקר ‪ 13‬ט לא תחמד בית רעך ולא תחמד אשת‬
‫רעך שדהו עבדו ואמתו שורו וחמורו וכל אשר לרעך ‪—:‬‬
‫‪[13‬א] והיה כי יביאך יהוה אלהיך אל ארץ הכנעני אשר אתה בא‬
‫שמה לרשתה והקמת לך אבנים גדלות ושדת אתם בשיד [‪[13‬ב]]‬
‫וכתבת על האבנים את כל דברי התורה הזאת ‪[13‬ג] והיה בעברכם‬
‫את הירדן תקימו את האבנים האלה אשר אנכי מצוה אתכם היום‬
‫בהר גריזים ‪[13‬ד] י ובנית שם מזבח ליהוה אלהיך מזבח אבנים לא‬
‫תניף עליהם ברזל [‪[13‬ה]] אבנים שלמות תבנה את מזבח יהוה‬
‫אלהיך‪ .‬והעלית עליו עלות ליהוה אלהיך [‪[13‬ו]] וזבחת שלמים‬
‫ואכלת שם ושמחת לפני יהוה אלהיך‪ .‬ההר ההוא בעבר הירדן‬
‫אחרי דרך מבוא השמש בארץ הכנעני הישב בערבה מול הגלגל‬
‫אצל אלון מורא מול שכם ‪—:‬‬
‫‪ 14‬וכל העם שמע את הקולות ואת קול השופר וראים את הלפידים‬
‫ואת ההר עשן ויראו כל העם וינעו ויעמדו מרחק ‪ 15‬ויאמרו אל‬
ā̊ˀērəm ˤal fā̊ni. [4] lā̊ tēšši låk afsəl wkal tēmūna ēšår baššā̊məm
mimmiyyal wēšår bā̊rəṣ mit'tēt wēšår bamməm mit'tēt lā̊rəṣ. [5] lā̊
tištā̊bbi lēmma wlā̊ tā̊bbā̊dimma kī ā̊nā̊ki šēmå ēluwwåk il qā̊nå
fūqəd ūn ā̊bot ˤal bā̊nəm ˤal šēlīšā̊ˀəm wal rēbiyyā̊ˀəm alšannāˀi.
[6] wāši ēsəd lā̊lā̊fəm lā̊ˀēbi walšā̊mēri mēṣā̊būti. [7] lā̊ tišša it šam
šēmå ēluwwåk alšu kī lā̊ yēnaqqi šēmå it ēšår yišša it šēmu alšu. *
[8] šēmor it yom aššåbbåt alqā̊dēšēˀu. [9] šiššåt yā̊məm tēbbåd

waššītå kal mā̊låktåk. [10] wyom aššē'bī šåbbåt alšēmå ēluwwåk
lā̊ tēšši bū kal mā̊lā̊ka åttå wbēnåk wbittåk ˤåbdåk wā̊mā̊tåk bīmtåk
wgīråk ēšår afšā̊rək. [11] kī šiššåt yā̊məm ˤāša šēmå it aššā̊məm wit
ā̊:rəṣ it ayyåm wit kal ēšår bimma wyanna bayyom aššē'bī ˤal kan
barrək šēmå it yom aššåbbåt wyēqaddēšēˀu. *
[12] kēbåd it ā̊bək wit immåk al'mān yā̊rrīkon yā̊mək ˤal ā̊:dā̊må ēšår
šēmå ēluwwåk nā̊tån låk. [13] lā̊ tirṣå lā̊ tēnāˀəf lā̊ tignåb lā̊ tānna
ab'rēk id ašqår. [14] lā̊ tēmmåd bit rēk wlā̊ tēmmåd iššåt rēk šā̊dēˀu
ˤabdu wā̊mā̊tu šūru wēmūru wkal ēšår al'rēk. *
[141] wēyya kī yībiyyåk šēmå ēluwwåk al ā̊rəṣ akkā̊nānni ēšår åttå

bā šamma alrišta wīqimtå låk ā̊bā̊nəm gā̊dallot wšā̊dā̊tå ūtimma af-
siyyåd wkā̊tåbtå ˤal ā̊bā̊nəm it kal dēbā̊ri attūra azzēˀot. [142] wēyya
bā̊bbårkimma it ayyårdån tīqīmu it ā̊:bā̊nəm ā̊ʾilla ēšår ā̊nā̊ki
amṣā̊bi itkimma ayyom bā̊rgā̊rīzəm. [143] wbā̊nītå šamma mazba
alšēmå ēluwwåk mazba ā̊bā̊nəm lā̊ tīnəf ˤālīyyimma barzəl ā̊bā̊nəm
šalmot tibni it mazba šēmå ēluwwåk. [144] wāllītå ˤālo ˤālot alšēmå
ēluwwåk wzēbāttå šēlamməm wā̊kåltå šamma wšā̊mā̊ttå alfā̊ni šēmå
ēluwwåk. [145] ā̊r ā̊'ˀū bēbår ayyårdån ā̊ˀūri dērək mā̊'bū aššīməš
bā̊rəṣ akkā̊nānni ayyēšəb bā̊rā̊bå mol aggålgål ēṣəl ā̊lon mūra mol
aškəm. *
[15] wkal ˤām šāma it aqqūlot wit qol aššūfår wrā̊ˀəm it allabbīdəm
wit ā̊r ˤāšən wyērēˀu kal ˤām wyannāˀu wyā̊mmā̊du mir'rā̊q.
[151] wyā̊ˀūmēru al
‫‪82‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 9‬‬
‫משה הן הראנו יהוה אלהינו את כבודו ואת גדלו ואת קולו שמענו‬
‫מתוך האש‪ .‬היום הזה ראינו כי ידבר אלהים את האדם וחי‪ .‬ועתה‬
‫למה נמות כי תאכלנו האש הגדלה הזאת‪ .‬אם יספים אנחנו לשמע‬
‫את קול יהוה אלהינו עוד ומתנו‪ .‬כי מי כל בשר אשר שמע קול‬
‫אלהים חיים מדבר מתוך האש כמונו ויחי‪ .‬קרב אתה ושמע את‬
‫כל אשר יאמר יהוה אלהינו ואתה תדבר אלינו את כל אשר ידבר‬
‫יהוה אלהינו אליך ושמענו ועשינו‪ .‬ואל ידבר עמנו האלהים פן נמות‬
‫‪ 16‬ויאמר משה אל העם אל תיראו כי לבעבור נסות אתכם בא‬
‫האלהים בעבור תהיה יראתו על פניכם לבלתי תחטאו ‪ 17‬ויעמד‬
‫העם מרחק ומשה נגש אל הערפל אשר שם האלהים ‪—:‬‬
‫‪[17‬א] וידבר יהוה אל משה לאמר שמעתי את קול דברי העם הזה‬
‫אשר דברו אליך היטיבו כל אשר דברו ‪[17‬ב] מי יתן והיה לבבם‬
‫זה להם ליראה אתי ולשמר את מצותי כל הימים למען ייטב להם‬
‫ולבניהם לעולם ‪[17‬ג] נביא אקים להם מקרב אחיהם כמוך ונתתי‬
‫דברי בפיו ודבר אליהם את כל אשר אצונו ‪[17‬ד] והיה האיש אשר‬
‫לא ישמע אל דבריו אשר ידבר בשמי אנכי אדרש מעמו [‪[17‬ה]]‬
‫אך הנביא אשר יזיד לדבר דבר בשמי את אשר לא צויתיו לדבר‬
‫ואשר ידבר בשם אלהים אחרים ומת הנביא ההוא ‪[17‬ו] וכי תאמר‬
‫בלבבך איך נודע את הדבר אשר לא דברו יהוה [‪[ 17‬ז]] אשר‬
‫ידבר הנביא בשם יהוה לא יהיה הדבר ולא יבוא הוא הדבר אשר‬
‫לא דברו יהוה בזידון דברו הנביא לא תגור ממנו ‪[17‬ח] לך אמר‬
‫להם שובו לכם לאהליכם [‪[17‬ט]] ואתה פה עמד עמדי ואדברה‬
‫אליך את כל המצוה החקים והמשפטים אשר תלמדם ועשו בארץ‬
‫אשר אנכי נתן להם לרשתה ‪—:‬‬
‫‪ 18‬וידבר יהוה אל משה לאמר דבר אל בני ישראל אתם ראיתם‬
‫כי מן השמים דברתי עמכם ‪ 19‬לא תעשו אתי אלהי כסף ואלהי‬
‫זהב לא תעשו לכם ‪ 20‬מזבח אדמה תעשה לי וזבחת עליו את‬
‫עלתיך ואת שלמיך מצאנך ומבקרך במקום אשר אזכרתי את שמי‬
mūši an arrā̊nu šēmå ēluwwīnu it kā̊būdu wit gådlu wit qūlu šāmānnu
mittok ā̊ˀəš. [152] ayyom azzer rā̊ˀīnu kī yēddabər ēluwwəm at ā̊dåm
wī. [153] wātta lēmå nēmot kī tā̊ˀūkēlā̊nu ā̊ˀəš aggā̊dalla azzēˀot.
[154] am yūsīfəm ā̊nā̊nnu lišma it qol šēmå ēluwwīnu ūd wmatnu.
[155] kī mī kal bā̊šår ēšår šāma qol ēluwwəm ˤayyəm amdabbər mit-
tok ā̊ˀəš kā̊mūnu wyī. [156] qēråb åttå wšēma it kal ēšår yā̊ˀūmər šēmå
ēluwwīnu wåttå tēdabbər īlīnu it kal ēšår yēdabbər šēmå ēluwwīnu
īlək wšāmānnu waššīnu. [16] wal yēdabbər immā̊nu ā̊ˀēluwwəm
fan nēmot. [17] wyā̊ˀūmər mūši al ˤām al tīrāˀu kī albēbor nassot
itkimma bā ā̊ˀēluwwəm wbēbor tēyyi yā̊rā̊ttu ˤal fā̊nīkimma albilti
tēṭṭā̊ˀu. [18] wyā̊mmåd ˤām mir'rā̊q wmūši nā̊gåš al ˤārfəl ēšår šamma
ā̊ˀēluwwəm. *
[181] wyēdabbər šēmå al mūši līmor šāmātti it qol dēbā̊ri ˤām azze ēšår
dabbēru īlək īṭību kal ēšår dabbēru. [182] mī yittən wēyya lēbā̊bimma
zē lēmma alyā̊'rā̊ itti wlišmår it mēṣā̊būti kal ayyā̊məm al'mān yīṭåb
lēmma walbā̊nīyyimma lūlåm. [183] nēbi ā̊qəm lēmma miqqērəb
ˤāyyimma kā̊mok wnā̊tåtti dēbā̊ri bā̊fiyyu wdabbər īlīyimma it kal
ēšår ēṣā̊binnu. [184] wēyya ā̊'ˀīš ēšår lā̊ yišma al dēbā̊ro ēšår yēdabbər
afšēmi ā̊nā̊ki idråš miyyimmu ak annēbi ēšår yazzəd aldabbər dēbår
afšēmi it ēšår lā ṣā̊bītiyyu aldabbər wēšår yēdabbər afšam ēluwwəm
ā̊ˀērəm wmat annēbi ā̊'ˀū. [185] wkī tā̊ˀūmər ablēbā̊båk ik nūda it
addēbār ēšår lā̊ dabbēru šēmå ēšår yēdabbər annēbi afšam šēmå lā̊
yēyyi addēbår wlā̊ yā̊'bū ū addēbår ēšår lā̊ dabbēru šēmå afzīdon
dabbēru annēbi lā̊ tēgor mimminnu. [186] lik ēmår lēmma šūbu
lā̊kimma lā̊ˀūlīkimma wåttå fā ēmåd immā̊di wēdabbēra īlək it kal
ammēṣā̊ba ā̊qqəm wammašfā̊ṭəm ēšår tēlammēdimma wāšu bā̊rəṣ
ēšår ā̊nā̊ki nā̊tən lēmma alrišta. *
[19] wyēdabbər šēmå al mūši līmor dabbər al bā̊ni yišrā̊ˀəl attimma

rā̊ˀītimma kī man aššā̊məm dabbirti immā̊kimma. [20] lā̊ tēššu itti
ēluwwi kā̊səf wēluwwi zā̊b lā̊ tēššu lā̊kimma. [21] mazba ā̊dā̊må
tēšši lī wzēbāttå ˤālo it ˤālūtək wit šēlammək miṣṣēˀūnåk wmib-
båqråk wbammā̊qom ēšår ēzā̊kårti it šēmi
‫‪84‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 9‬‬
‫שמה אבוא אליך וברכתיך ‪ 21‬ואם מזבח אבנים תעשה לי לא‬

‫תבנה אתהן גזית כי חרבך הנפת עליו ותחללהו [‪ ]22‬ולא תעלה‬
‫במעלות על מזבחי אשר לא תגלה ערותך אליו ‪—:‬‬
‫‪Numbers 23 (Balaam’s First and Second Oracles) 2‬‬
‫‪ 1‬ויאמר בלעם אל בלק עשה לי בזה שבעה מזבחות והכן לי בזה‬

‫שבעה פרים ושבעה אילים ‪ 2‬ויעש בלק כאשר דבר בלעם ויעל‬
‫בלק ובלעם פר ואיל במזבח ‪ 3‬ויאמר בלעם אל בלק התיצב על‬
‫עלתיך ואלכה אולי יקרא אלהים לקראתי ודבר מה יריאני והגדתי‬
‫לך וילך שפי ‪ 4‬וימצא מלאך אלהים את בלעם ויאמר אליו את‬
‫שבעת המזבחת ערכתי ואעלה פר ואיל במזבח ‪ 5‬וישם מלאך‬
‫יהוה דבר בפי בלעם ויאמר שוב אל בלק וכה תדבר ‪ 6‬וישב אליו‬
‫והנה נצב על עלתיו הוא וכל שרי מואב ‪—:‬‬
‫‪ 7‬וישא משלו ויאמר מארם ינחני בלק מלך מואב מהררי קדם‬
‫לכה ארה לי יעקב ולכה זעמה ישראל ‪ 8‬מה אקב לא קבו אל ומה‬
‫אזעם לא זעמו יהוה ‪ 9‬כי מראש צורים אראנו ומגבעות אשורנו הן‬
‫עם לבדד ישכן ובגוים לא יתחשב ‪ 10‬מעפר יעקב ומספר מרבעת‬
‫ישראל תמות נפשי מות ישרים ותהי אחריתי כמהו‪—:‬‬
‫‪ 11‬ויאמר בלק אל בלעם מה עשית לי לקב איבי לקחתיך והנה‬
‫ברכת ברוך ‪ 12‬ויען ויאמר הלוא את אשר ישים יהוה בפיי אתו‬
‫אשמר לדבר ‪ 13‬ויאמר אליו בלק לך נא אתי אל מקום אחר «‪» ‬‬
‫תראנו משם אפס קצהו תראה וכלו לא תראה וקבנו לי משם‬
‫‪ 14‬ויקחהו שדה צפים אל ראש הפסגה ויבן שבעה מזבחות ויעל‬
‫פר ואיל במזבח ‪ 15‬ויאמר אל בלק התיצב «‪ » ‬על עלתיך ואנכי‬
‫אקרא כה ‪ 16‬ויקרא מלאך יהוה אל בלעם וישם דבר בפיו ויאמר‬
‫שוב אל בלק וכה תדבר ‪ 17‬ויבא אליו והנה נצב על עלתיו ושרי‬
‫מואב אתו ויאמר אליו בלק מה דבר יהוה ‪—:‬‬
‫‪2. « » in the follow selection indicates an addition in the MT.‬‬
šamma ā̊'bū īlək wbarriktək. [22] wam mazba ā̊bā̊nəm tēšši lī lā̊ tibni
ūtīyyinna gizzət kī årbåk īniftå ˤālo wtāllēlēˀu lā̊ tā̊:la bā̊mālot ˤal
maz'bī ēšår lā̊ tiggā̊li irbā̊tåk īlo. *
Numbers 23
[1] wyā̊ˀūmər bā̊'lām al bā̊låq ēši lī afze šā̊'bā mazbāˀot wīkən lī

afze šā̊'bā farrəm wšā̊'bā īləm. [2] wyāš bā̊låq kā̊ˀēšår dabbər bā̊'lām
wyālli bā̊låq wbā̊'lām får wīl bammazba. [3] wyā̊ˀūmər bā̊'lām al
bā̊låq ittīṣåb ˤal ˤālūtək wēlā̊ka ūli yiqqāri ēluwwəm alqērā̊tti wdabbər
mā̊ yarriyyā̊ni wā̊ggitti låk wyā̊låk ašfi. [4] wyimṣå mā̊'lā̊k ēluwwəm
it bā̊'lā:m wyā̊ˀūmər īlo it šā̊'bā:t ammazbāˀot ˤarrikti wālli får wīl
bammazba. [5] wyā̊šəm mā̊'lā̊k šēmå dēbår bā̊fi bā̊'lām wyā̊ˀūmər
šob al bā̊låq wkā tēdabbər. [6] wyā̊šåb īlo wēnna nēṣəb ˤal ˤālūto ū
wkal šā̊ri muwwåb. *
[7] wyišša mā̊šā̊lu wyā̊ˀūmər miyyā̊råm yā̊nā̊ni bā̊låq mā̊lək muw-

wåb miyyā̊rā̊ri qēdəm līka ā̊rå lī yā̊:qob wlīka zā̊må yišrā̊ˀəl. [8] mā̊
aqqåb lā̊ qā̊bu el wmā̊ ē'zām lā̊ zā:mu šēmå. [9] kī mirrēˀoš ṣūrəm
ērēˀinnu wmiggā̊bāˀot ā̊šūrinnu an ˤam albā̊dåd yiškån wbagguwwəm
lā̊ yētā̊ššåb. [10] mī ˤā̊får yā̊:qob wmī sā̊fər mirrē'bāt yišrā̊ˀəl tēmot
nafši mot yā̊šīrəm wtā̊ˀi ā̊ˀērīti kā̊mēˀu. *
[11] wyā̊ˀūmər bā̊låq al bā̊'lām mā̊ ˤaššītå lī alqåb iyyā̊bi lēqāttək
wēnna barriktå birrok. [12] wyān wyā̊ˀūmər ā̊'lū it ēšår yā̊šəm šēmå
bā̊fiyyi ūtu išmår aldabbər. [13] wyā̊ˀūmər īlo bā̊låq lik nā itti al
mā̊qom ā̊ˀər tērēˀinnu miššamma ā̊fəs qiṣṣā̊ˀēˀu tērēˀi wkallu lā̊ tērēˀi
wqā̊binnu lī miššamma. [14] wyiqqāˀēˀu šā̊di ṣabbəm al rēˀoš affasga
wyibni šā̊'bā mazbāˀot wyālli får wīl bammazba. [15] wyā̊ˀūmər al
bā̊låq ittīṣåb ˤal ˤālūtək wā̊nā̊ki iqra kā. [16] wiyqra mā̊'lā̊k šēmå al
bā̊'lām wyā̊šəm dēbår bā̊fiyyu wyā̊ˀūmər šob al bā̊låq wkā tēdabbər.
[17] wyāba īlo wēnna nēṣəb ˤal ˤālūto wšā̊ri muwwåb ittu wyā̊ˀūmər
īlo bā̊låq mā̊ dabbər šēmå. *
‫‪86‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 9‬‬
‫‪ 18‬וישא משלו ויאמר קום בלק ושמעה האזינה עדי בנו צפור‬
‫‪ 19‬לא איש אל ויכזב ובן אדם ויתנחם ההוא אמר ולא יעשה‬
‫דבר ולא יקימנה ‪ 20‬הן לברך לקחתי אברך ולא אשיבנה ‪ 21‬לא‬
‫אביט עון ביעקב ולא ראה עמל בישראל יהוה אלהיו עמו ותרועת‬
‫מלך בו ‪ 22‬אל מוציאם ממצרים כתועפת ראם לו ‪ 23‬כי לא נחש‬
‫ביעקב ולא קסם בישראל כעת יאמר ליעקב ולישראל מה פעל‬
‫אל ‪ 24‬הן עם כלביה יקום וכאריה יתנשא לא ישכב עד יאכל טרף‬
‫ודם חללים ישתה ‪—:‬‬
‫‪ 25‬ויאמר בלק אל בלעם גם קב לא תקבנו וגם ברוך לא תברכנו‬
‫‪ 26‬ויען בלעם ויאמר אל בלק הלוא דברתי אליך לאמר כל הדבר‬
‫אשר ידבר האלהים אתו אעשה ‪ 27‬ויאמר בלק אל בלעם לך נא‬
‫אקחך אל מקום אחר אולי יישר בעיני האלהים וקבתו לי משם‬
‫‪ 28‬ויקח בלק את בלעם ראש הפעור הנשקף על פני הישמון‬
‫‪ 29‬ויאמר בלעם אל בלק בנה לי בזה שבעה מזבחות והכן לי בזה‬
‫שבעה פרים ושבעה אילים ‪ 30‬ויעש בלק כאשר דבר בלעם ויעל‬
‫פר ואיל על המזבח‬
‫)‪Numbers 24 (Balaam’s Third and Fourth Oracles‬‬
‫‪ 1‬וירא בלעם כי טוב בעיני יהוה לברך את ישראל ולא הלך כפעם‬
‫בפעם לקראת הנחשים וישת אל המדבר פניו ‪ 2‬וישא בלעם את‬
‫עיניו וירא את ישראל שכן לשבטיו ותהי עליו רוח אלהים ‪—:‬‬
‫‪ 3‬וישא משלו ויאמר נאם בלעם בנו בעור ונאם הגבר שתם העין‬
‫‪ » « 4‬אשר מחזה שדי יחזה נפל וגלוי עין ‪ 5‬מה טבו אהליך‬
‫יעקב ומשכנתיך ישראל ‪ 6‬כנחלים נטוים כגנות עלי נהר כאהלים‬
‫נטה יהוה כארזים עלי מים ‪ 7‬יזל מים מדליו וזרעו במים רבים‬
‫וירום מגוג מלכו ותתנשא מלכותו ‪ 8‬אל נחהו ממצרים כתועפת‬
‫ראם לו יאכל גוים צריו ועצמתיהם יגרם וחציו ימחץ ‪ 9‬כרע שכב‬
[18] wyišša mā̊šā̊lu wyā̊ˀūmər qom bā̊låq wšē'mā ā̊:zīna ˤādi bēnu
ṣibbor. [19] lā̊ īš el wyēkazzəb wban ā̊dåm wyit'nām ā̊'ˀū ā̊mår
wlā̊ yēšši dabbər wlā̊ yīqīminna. [20] an albarrək lēqātti ēbarrək
wlā̊ īšībinna. [21] lā̊ åbbəṭ ūn abyā̊:qob wlā̊ rā̊ˀi ˤā̊mål abyišrā̊ˀəl
šēmå ēluwwiyyu immu wtirruwwåt mā̊lək bū. [22] il mūṣīyyimma
mimmiṣrəm kā̊tuwwēfot rā̊m lū. [23] kī lā̊ nāˀəš abyā̊:qob wlā̊
qåssåm abyišrā̊ˀəl kā̊ˀət iyyā̊mər alyā̊:qob walyišrā̊ˀəl mā̊ fāˀəl el.
[24] an ˤam kallibyå yēqom wkā̊ryå yitnašša lā̊ yiškåb ˤad yā̊ˀūkəl
ṭā̊rəf wdåm ēlā̊ləm yišti. *
[25] wyā̊ˀūmər bā̊låq al bā̊'lām gam qåb lā̊ tiqqā̊binnu wgam bir-
rok lā̊ tēbarrēkinnu. [26] wyān bā̊'lām wyā̊ˀūmər al bā̊låq ā̊'lū dab-
birti īlək līmor kal addēbår ēšår yēdabbər ā̊ˀēluwwəm ūtu ēšši. [27]
wyā̊ˀūmər bā̊låq al bā̊'lām lik nā iq'qāk al mā̊qom ā̊ˀər ūli yīšår bīni
ā̊ˀēluwwəm wqā̊bittu lī miššamma. [28] wyiqqa bā̊låq it bā̊'lām rēˀoš
af'fūr annišqåf ˤal fā̊ni ayyā̊šīmon. [29] wyā̊ˀūmər bā̊'lām al bā̊låq
bēni lī afze šā̊'bā mazbāˀot wīkən lī afze šā̊'bā farrəm wšā̊'bā īləm.
[30] wyāš bā̊låq kā̊ˀēšår dabbər bā̊'lām wyālli får wīl ˤal ammazba.
Numbers 24
[1] wyēre bā̊'lām kī ṭob bīni šēmå albarrək it yišrā̊ˀəl wlā̊ ā̊lək kā̊'fām
bā̊'fām alqē'rā̊t annāˀēšəm wyiššåt al ammadbår fā̊no. [2] wyišša
bā̊'lām it īno wyēre it yišrā̊ˀəl šēkən alšā̊bā̊ṭo wtā̊ˀi ˤālo rū ēluwwəm. *
[3] wyišša mā̊šā̊lu wyā̊ˀūmər nā̊m bā̊'lām bēnu būr wnā̊m aggā̊bår
šā̊tåm ā̊'ˀīn. [4] ēšår mā̊zzi šiddi yā̊zzi nēfəl wgā̊lo īn. [5] mā̊ ṭā̊bu
ā̊ˀūlək yā̊:qob wmaškā̊nūtək yišrā̊ˀəl. [6] kā̊nēlləm nā̊ṭuwwi kā̊gannot
ˤāli nā̊r kā̊ˀūləm nā̊ṭå šēmå kā̊rēzəm ˀāli mem. [7] yizzål mem mid-
dalyo wzērāˀu bā̊məm råbbəm wyērom mā̊gog malku wtitnašša
mā̊lā̊kūtu. [8] il nā̊ˀēˀu mimmiṣrəm kā̊tuwwēfot rā̊m lū yā̊ˀūkəl
guwwəm ṣårro wā̊ṣā̊mūtīyyimma yēgarrəm wiṣṣo yēmāˀəṣ. [9] kā̊rå
šēkəb
‫‪88‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 9‬‬
‫כאריה וכלביה מי יקימנו מברכיך ברוך וארריך ארור ‪ 10‬ויחר אף‬

‫בלק אל בלעם ויספק את כפיו‪—: .‬‬
‫ויאמר בלק אל בלעם לקב איבי קראתי לך והנה ברכת ברוך זה‬
‫שלש רגלים ‪ 11‬ועתה ברח לך אל מקומך אמרתי כבד אכבדך‬
‫והנה מנעך יהוה מכבוד ‪ 12‬ויאמר בלעם אל בלק הלוא גם אל‬
‫מלאכיך אשר שלחת אלי דברתי לאמר ‪ 13‬אם יתן לי בלק מלוא‬
‫ביתו כסף או זהב לא אוכל אעבר את פי יהוה לעשות טובה‬
‫או רעה מלבי אשר ידבר יהוה אלי אתו אדברה ‪ 14‬ועתה הנני‬
‫הלך לעמי לך ואעיצך את אשר יעשה העם הזה לעמך באחרית‬
‫הימים‪—: ‬‬
‫‪ 15‬וישא משלו ויאמר נאם בלעם בנו בעור ונאם הגבר שתם‬
‫העין ‪ 16‬נאם שמע אמרי אל וידע דעת עליון מחזה שדה יחזה‬
‫נפל וגלוי עינים ‪ 17‬אראנו ולא עתה אשורנו ולא קרוב דרך כוכב‬
‫מיעקב וקם שבט מישראל מחץ פתי מואב וקדקד כל בני שת‬
‫‪ 18‬והיה אדום ירשה והיה ירשה עשו איביו וישראל עשה חיל‬
‫‪ 19‬וירד מיעקב והאביד שריד מעיר ‪ 20‬וירא את עמלק וישא‬
‫משלו ויאמר ראשית גוים עמלק ואחריתו עד יאבד ‪ 21‬וירא את‬
‫הקיני וישא משלו ויאמר איתן מושבך ושים בסלע קנך ‪ 22‬כי אם‬
‫יהיה לבער קין עד מה אשור תושבך ‪ 23‬וישא משלו ויאמר אי מי‬
‫יהיה משמו‪ .‬אל יוציאם מיד כתים ‪ 24‬יענו אשור ויענו עבר וגם‬
‫הוא עד יאבד ‪ 25‬ויקם בלעם וילך וישב למקומו וגם בלק הלך‬
‫לדרכו ‪—:‬‬
kā̊ryå wkallibyå mī yīqīminnu ambarrēkək bā̊rok wā̊rērək ā̊ror. [10]

wyā̊r af bā̊låq al bā̊'lām wyisfåq it kabbo *
wyā̊ˀūmər bā̊låq al bā̊'lām alqåb iyyā̊bi qā̊rā̊tti låk wēnna barriktå bir-
rok zē šēlåš argā̊ləm. [11] wātta bēra låk al mā̊qūmåk ā̊mårti kā̊bəd
ēkā̊bēdåk wēnna mā̊'nāk šēmå mikkā̊bod. [12] wyā̊ˀūmər bā̊'lām al
bā̊låq ā̊'lū gam al mā̊lā̊kkək ēšår šallattå īli dabbirti līmor. [13] am
yittən lī bā̊låq mē'lū bītu kā̊səf ū zā̊b lā̊ ūkål lēbbår it fī šēmå lāššot
ṭūba ū rā: millibbi ēšår yēdabbər šēmå īli ūtu ēdabbēra. [14] wātta
innā̊ni ā̊lək lammi lik wāˀīṣåk it ēšår yēšši ˤām azze lammåk bā̊ˀērət
ayyā̊məm. *
[15] wyišša mā̊šā̊lu wyā̊ˀūmər nā̊m bā̊'lām bēnu būr wnā̊m aggā̊bår
šā̊tåm ā̊'ˀīn. [16] nā̊m šāma ā̊mēri el wyidda dāt illiyyon mā̊zzi šiddi
yā̊zzi nēfəl wgā̊lo īnəm. [17] ērēˀinnu wlā̊ ˤatta ā̊šūrinnu wlā̊ qārob
dā̊råk kūkåb miyyā̊:qob wqåm šā̊båṭ miyyišrā̊ˀəl wmāˀəṣ fā̊ti muw-
wåb wqådqåd kal bā̊ni šåt. [18] wēyya ēdom yā̊rišša wēyya yā̊rišša
īšåb iyyā̊bo wyišrā̊ˀəl ˤāši īl. [19] wyardi miyyā̊:qob wā̊bbəd šā̊rəd
mīr. [20] wyēre it ˤā̊mā̊ləq wyišša mā̊šā̊lu wyā̊ˀūmər rā̊šət guwwəm
ˤā̊mā̊ləq wā̊ˀērītu ˀad yā̊bbåd. [21] wyēre it aqqīni wyišša mā̊šā̊lu
wyā̊ˀūmər ītån mūšā̊båk wšim bassīla qinnåk. [22] kī am yēyyi al'bār
qen ˤad mā̊šor tūšā̊båk. [23] wyišša mā̊šā̊lu wyā̊ˀūmər uwwi mī yēyyi
miššēmu. il yūṣiyyimma miyyəd kittəm. [24] yānnu ā̊šor wyānnu
ēbår wgam ū ˤad yā̊bbåd. [25] wyā̊qåm bā̊'lām wyā̊låk wyā̊šåb al
mā̊qūmu wgam bā̊låq ā̊låk aldirku. *
‫‪Babylonian Tradition‬‬
‫‪Deut 9:15–11:16 (Old Babylonian, simple vocalization [Yeivin 1973:‬‬

‫‪ 1.107–12]) (Deuteronomic Retrospective on‬‬
‫)‪ Events in Exodus and Numbers‬‬
‫ארּדד מּהן הּבהּבר והּבהּבר בּועּדר בּבאּגש וּהשּטניֵ לוֻ חּות הּגבריִ ת על‬ ‫אפּדן ּבו ּד‬
‫‪ּ 9:15‬בו ּד‬
‫אלּמהיֵ כּגם עּגׂשיִ תּגם לּיכּגם עּדגּגל‬ ‫ארּגא והּהנּדה חטּבאתּגם ליהוה ּד‬ ‫שּטתיֵ ּבידּבי‪ּ 16 :‬בו ּד‬
‫ּהתפּוׂש‬
‫תכּגם‪ּ 17 :‬בוא ֶ‬ ‫א ּט‬
‫סכּבה סּגרתּגם מּגהּדר מן הּגדּגרּגך אשר צּהוּבה יהוה ּד‬ ‫מּג ּד‬
‫אשּג ּטברּדם לעיֵ ניֵ כּגם‪ּ 18 :‬בואּהתנּגפּגל‬ ‫מעּגל שּטתיֵ ּבידּבי ּבו ּד‬
‫בּהשּטניֵ הּגלּנחּות ּבואּגשלּלכּדם ּד‬
‫אכּגלתיִ ומּגים‬ ‫לחּגם לא ּב‬ ‫שנּבה אּגרבּבעיִם יוֱ ם ואּגרבּבעיִם ַלילה ַ‬ ‫לּלפניֵ יהוה ּבכרּהא ּו‬
‫לּמא שּבתיִ תי על כל חּגטאּגתכּגם אשר חּטטּבאתּגם לעּגשוֱ ת הּברּגעּג בּטעיֵ ניֵ יהוה‬
‫להּגכּטעיִ סוֱ ‪ 19 :‬כי ּביגּורּטתיִ מפניֵ הּבאף והחּדמּבה אשּגר קצף יהוה עליֵ כּגם‬
‫אלּכי גּגם בּגפּגעּגם הּגהוא‪ 20 :‬וּהבאּגהרּון‬ ‫תכּגם וּגיּהשּטמ[ע] יהוה ּד‬ ‫א ּט‬‫להּגשּטמיִ ד ּד‬
‫ּגלל גּגם ּטבעּגד אּגהרּון בּבעּגת הּגהוֻ א‪:‬‬ ‫מאּוד להּגשּטמיִ דוֱ ּבואּהתפ ַ‬ ‫תאּגנּגף יהוה ּט‬ ‫הּה ּט‬
‫‪ 21‬ואת חּגטאתכּגם אשר עּגׂשיִ תּגם אּדת הּגעּדגּגל לּיקּגחתיִ ּבואּהשרּוף אּותוֱ‬
‫בּבאּגש ּבוא ֶּהכּותּב אּותוֱ טּבחוֱ ן היֵ ֵטב עּגד אשּגר דּגק ַלעּבפר ּבואּגשלּלך את עּגפּבר[ו‬
‫תאּגוּבה‬‫אל הנ]חּגל היּורד מן הּבהּבר‪ 22 :‬וּהבתּגבעּדרּבה וּהבמּגסּבה וּהבקּג ּטברּות הּג ּט‬
‫מּגקּטצּהפיִ ם הייתּגם א ּֽדת יהוה‪ 23 :‬ו ּטבשּגלּמח יהוה אתכּגם מּהקּבדּדש [ברנ]ע‬
‫אמּור עּגלו וּהרּטשוֻ את הּבאּברּגץ אשר נּבתּגתי לּיכּגם וּגתּגמּטרוֻ את פי יהוה‬ ‫ל ּד‬
‫אלּמהיֵ כּגם ולא הּגאּגמּגנתּגם לוֱ ולּמא שּטמּגעּגתּגם ּטבקּולוֱ ‪ 24 :‬מּגמּטריִ ם הּטייִ תּגם עּהם‬ ‫ּד‬
‫תכּגם‪ּ 25 :‬בואּהתנּגפּגל לּהפניֵ יהוה את אּגרּטבּבעיִ ם היוֱ ם‬ ‫א ּט‬‫יהוה מּהיוֱ ם דּגעּגתיִ ּד‬
‫‪.‬ובּהשלּמח ‪1. Corrected from‬‬
‫‪90‬‬
‫‪Babylonian Tradition‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬
‫תכּגם‪:‬‬ ‫ואת אּגרבּבעיִ ם הּגלילה אשר הּהתנּגפּבלתיִ כיִ אּבמּגר יהוה להּגשּטמיִ ד א ּט‬
‫תךּב אשּגר‬ ‫מךּב ונּגחּטלּי ּט‬ ‫ּגלל אל יהוה ּבואּומּגר אדּונּבי יהוה אל תּגשחּדת עּג ּט‬ ‫תפ ַ‬ ‫‪ּ 26‬בואּה ּט‬
‫ּזדלךּב אשּגר הוֱ צּדאתּב מּהמּהצרּגים ביּבד חּט ּבזקּבה‪ 27 :‬זּטכּור לעּגבּבדיך‬ ‫פּבדיִ ת ּטבג ַ‬
‫תפּדן אל קּטשיִ הּבעּבם ַהזּגה ואּהל רּהשּטעוֱ‬ ‫לאּגב ּברהּבם ליּהצחּבק וּהליעּגקּוב אּגל ּד‬
‫ּולת‬ ‫אתּבנו מּהשּבם מּהבליִ יּטכ ַ‬ ‫ואּהל חּגטּבאתוֱ ‪ 28 :‬פּגן יאּומּטרוֻ הּבאּברּגץ אשר הוֱ צּט ּד‬
‫יהוה ַלהביִ אּבם אל הּבאּברּגץ אשר דּהבּגר ָלהּגם ומּהׂשּהנאּבתוֱ אוֱ תּבם הוֱ ציִ אּבם‬
‫אתּב ּטבכּוחּטךּב הגּגדּול‬ ‫מךּב ונּגחּטלּיתּגךּב אשר הוֱ צ ּד‬ ‫ַלהמּהתם בּגמּגדבּבר‪ 29 :‬והּגם עּג ּט‬
‫ובּהזרּועּגךּב הּג ּטנטּזויּבה‪:‬‬
‫‪ 10:1‬בּבעּגת הּגהוִ א אּבמּגר יהוה אּדלי פּטסּול ּסלךּב שניֵ לוֻ חּות אבּבניִ ם‬
‫כּברּהאשּונים ועּגלּךה אּדליַ הּבהּברּבה ועשיִ ת לך אּגרוֱ ן עּדץ‪ 2 :‬ואּהכתּוב על הּגלּנחּות‬
‫מתּבם‬ ‫את הּגדבּברים אשר הּביו על הּגלּנחּות הּברּהאשּונים אשּגר שּהבּגרתּב ושּג ּט‬
‫ּבראשּונים‬ ‫בּבאּברוֱ ן‪ּ 3 :‬בואּגעּגש אּגרוֱ ן עּגציֵ שּהטיִ ם ּבואּהפסּול שניֵ לּנחּות אּגבּבניִ ם כ ִ‬
‫ּבראשוֱ ן‬ ‫ּבואּגעּגל הּבהּברה ושּטניֵ הּגלּנחּות ביּבדיִ ‪ 4 :‬ויּהכתּוב על הּגלּנחּות ּטכמּגכתּגב ה ִ‬
‫אּדת עּגׂשּגרּגת הּגדבּברים אשר דּהבּגר יהוה אליֵ כּגם בּבהּבר מּהתוֱ ך הּבאּגש בּטיוֱ ם‬
‫ארּדד מן הּבהּבר ּבואּבׂשּהם את הּגלּנחּות‬ ‫אפּדן ּבו ּד‬ ‫אלּיי‪ּ 5 :‬בו ּד‬ ‫הּגקּבהּבל וּגיּהתנּדם יהוה ּד‬
‫בּבאּברוֱ ן אשר עּבשיִ תיִ וּגיּההיוֻ שּבם כאּגשּגר צּהוּגני יהוה‪ 6 :‬וּהבניֵ יּהשראּדל נּבסּטעוֻ‬
‫סרּבה שּבם מּדת אּגהרּון וּגיּהקּבבּגר שּבם וּגיכּגהּדן אלעּבזּבר בנוֱ‬ ‫ארּות בניֵ יעּגקּבן מוֱ ּד‬ ‫מּהב ּד‬
‫מיּהם‪:‬‬ ‫ארּגץ ּגנחּטליֵ ּב‬ ‫בתּבה ּג‬ ‫ט ּב‬
‫הגּזד ּוגדּבה ומן הּגג[דגדה] ּזי ּט‬ ‫תּגחתּביו‪ 7 :‬משּבם ּבנסּטעוֻ ּג‬
‫‪ 8‬בּבעּגת הּגהוִ א הּהבדיל יהוה את שּגבּגט הּגלּךויִ ָלשאּדת את אּגרוֱ ן בּטריִ ת‬
‫ּגזה‪ 9 :‬על כּדן‬ ‫יהוה לעּגמּוד לּלפניֵ יהוה לשּברּטתוֱ וּהלבּברּדך בּהשמוֱ עד הּגיוֱ ם ה ַ‬
‫לּמא הּביּבה ללּךויִ חּדלק ונּגחלּיה עּהם אּגחיו יהוה הוֻ א נּגחלּכתוֱ כאּגשּגר דּהבּגר‬
‫אלּמהיּגךּב לו‪ 10 :‬ואנּוכי עּבמּגדתיִ בּבהּבר כיּבמיִ ם הּברּהאשּוניִ ם אּגרבּבעיִ ם‬ ‫יהוה ּד‬
‫יוֱ ם ואּגרבּבעיִ ם ָלילּיה וּגישמּגע יהוה אּדליַ גּגם בּגפּגעּגם הּגהוִ א לּמא אּבבּבה יהוה‬
‫הּגשּטחיִ תּגךּב‪ 11 :‬ויּואמּגר יהוה אּדלי קוֻ ם לּךך [למס]ע לּלפניֵ הּבעּבם וְ ּביבּואוֻ‬
‫וּטייִ רשוֻ את [הא]רּגץ אשר נּהשבּגעתיִ לאּגבּותּבם לתּדת לּיהּגם‪ 12 :‬ועּגתה‬
‫אלּמהיּגךּב‬ ‫מעּהמּבך כיִ אם ליּהראּבה את יהוה ּד‬ ‫אלּמהיַ ךּב שּואּדל ּד‬ ‫יּהש ּבראּדל מּבה יהוה ּד‬
‫אלּמהיַ ךּב בּטכל לבּב ּטבךּב‬ ‫לכ ַת ּטבכּול דּט ּברכּביו וּהלאּגהבּבה אּותוֱ וּהלעבּוד אּדת יהוה ּד‬ ‫ָל ַ‬
‫וּה ּטבכּול נּגפּטשּגךּב‪ 13 :‬לּלשמּור את מּגצּטוּות יהוה ואת חּזקּותּביו אשר אּבנּוכי‬
‫מצּגוּטך הּגיוֱ ם לטוֱ ב לך‪ 14 :‬הן ליהוה אּדלהיך השּבמּגים וּהשּטמיֵ השּבמים‬ ‫ּט‬
‫‪92‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 10‬‬
‫הּבאּברּגץ וכל אשר בּבה‪ 15 :‬רּגק באּגבּותיַ ךּב חּבשּגק יהוה לאּגהּטבּבה אוֱ תּבם‬
‫ּגזה‪ 16 :‬ומּגלתּגם אּדת‬ ‫וּגי ּטבחּגר בזּגרּטעּבם אּגחריֵ הּגם בּבכּגם מּהכּול הּבעּגמיִ ם כּגיוֱ ם ה ַ‬
‫אלּמהיֵ כּגם הוֻ א‬ ‫עּזרלּכת לבּגבכּגם ועּזרפּטכּגם לּמא תּגקּטשוֻ עוֱ ד‪ 17 :‬כי יהוה ּד‬
‫אלּמהיִ ם ואּגדּוניֵ הּבאּגדּוניִ ם הּבאּדל הּגגּבדּול הּגגּהבּור והּגנוֱ רּבא אשר לּמא‬ ‫אלּמהיֵ הּב ּד‬
‫ּד‬
‫יּהשּבא פּבנים ולּמא יּהקּגח שּוחּגד‪ 18 :‬עּושה מּגשפּגט יּבתוֱ ם ואּגלמּבנּבה ואּוהּדב גּדר‬
‫מלּיה‪ 19 :‬ואּגהּגבתּגם אּדת הגר כי גּדרים הייתם באּגרץ‬ ‫ָלתּדת לו ַלחם ושּה ּט‬
‫אלּמהיַ ךּב תיִ רּבא אּותוֱ תעּגבּוד ובוֱ תּהדבּבק ובּהשמוֱ‬ ‫מּהצּט ּבריּהם‪ 20 :‬אּדת יהוה ּד‬
‫תךּב את הּגגדּולּמת‬ ‫תךּב וּטהוֻ א אלּמהיַ ךּב אשר עשה אּה ּט‬ ‫תּהשּבבּדע‪ 21 :‬הוֻ א תהּהלּי ּט‬
‫אלּכה אשר רּבאו עיֵ ניַ ךּב‪ 22 :‬בשּגבעיִ ם נּגפּגש ּבירּטדוֻ אבּותיַ ךּב‬ ‫ואת הּגנוֱ ּבראּות הּב ּד‬
‫אלּמהיַ ךּב ככוֱ כּטביֵ הּגשּבמּגים ָלרּוב‪:‬‬
‫מךּב יהוה ּד‬ ‫מּהצרּבימה ועּגתּבה ׂשּב ּט‬
‫ומשפּבטּביו‬ ‫אלּמהיַ ךּב ושּבמּגרתּב מּגשמּגרתוֱ וחּזקּותיו ַ‬ ‫‪ 11:1‬ואּבהּגבתּב אּדת יהוה ּד‬
‫ומּגצוּותּביו כּול היּבמיִ ם‪ 2 :‬וידעתּגם היוֱ ם כיִ לּמא אּדת בניֵ כּגם אשּגר לא‬
‫ּבידּטעוֻ ואשּגר לּמא רּבאוֻ את מוֻ סּגר יהוה אלּמהיֵ כּגם את גּזדלוֱ את יּבדוֱ‬
‫מעּגשּביו אשר עּבשּבה‬ ‫הּגח ּבזקּבה וּהזרּועוֱ הּג ּטנטּזויּבה‪ 3 :‬ואת אּותּותיו ואת ּט‬
‫בתוֱ ך מצריָ ם לפרעּוה מלך מצריָ ם וּהלכל אּגרצוֱ ‪ 4 :‬ואשּגר עּבש[ה]‬
‫לחיֵ ל מּהצריָ ם לּססוֻ סּביו וּהלרּהכבוֱ אשר הּדציִ ף את מיֵ יּגם סוֻ ף על פּטניֵ הּגם‬
‫ּגזה‪ 5 :‬ואשּגר עּבשּבה ָלכּגם‬ ‫ברּזדפּבם אּגחּטריֵ כּגם ויאּגבדּדם יהוה עד הּגיוֱ ם ה ַ‬
‫ּגזה‪ 6 :‬ואּגשּגר עּבשּבה ל ּבדתּבן ולאּגביִ רּבם‬ ‫בּגמּגדבּבר עד בּואּגכּגם עּגד הּגמּבקוֱ ם ה ַ‬
‫ּהבלעּדם ואת‬ ‫בניֵ אּדליִ אּבב בן רּטאוֻ בּדן אשר פּבצתּבה הּבאּברּגץ את פיִ הּב וּגת ָ‬
‫בּבתיֵ הּגם ואת אּזהליֵ הּגם ואת כל הּגיּהקוֻ ם אשּגר ברּהגּטליֵ הּגם ּטבקּגרּגב כל‬
‫יּהש ּבראּדל‪ 7 :‬כי עיניֵ כּגם הּברּואּות את כל מעּגשה יהוה הּגגּבדּול אשר עּבשּבה‪:‬‬
‫‪ 8‬וּהשמּגרתּגם את כל המצוּבה אשּגר אּבנּוכי מצּגוּטך הּגיוֱ ם למּגעּגן תּהחּהזקוֻ‬
‫ובּבאּטתּגם וירּהשתּגם את הּבאּברּגץ אשר אּגתּגם עּובּטריִ ם שּבמּבה לרּהשתּבה‪:‬‬
‫‪ 9‬וּהלמּגעּגן תאּגריִ כוֻ ימים על הּבאּגדמּבה אשר נּהשבּגע יהוה לאּגבּותיֵ כּגם‬
‫ָלתּדת ָלהּגם וּהלזּגרעּבם אּגרּגץ ּבזבּגת חּבלּיב וּהדּטבּגש‪ 10 :‬כי הּבאּברּגץ אשּגר אתּבה‬
‫בּבא שּבמּבה לרּהשתּבה לא ּטכאּגרּגץ מּהצריַ ם הוִ א אשר יּהצּבאתּגם מּהשּבם אשּגר‬
‫תּהזרּגע את זּגרעּגךּב והּהשּטקיִ תּב ּטברּהגּטלךּב ּטכגּגן היּברק‪ 11 :‬והּבאּברּגץ אשר אּגתּגם‬
‫עּוברים שמה לרּהשּטתּבה אּגרץ הּבריִ ם וּהבקּבעּות למטּגר הּגשּבמּגיּהם תּהשּטתּגה‬
‫אלּמהיך‬ ‫אלּמהיַ ךּב דּורּדש אּותּבה תּבמיִ ד עיֵ ניֵ יהוה ּד‬ ‫מּגיּלם‪ 12 :‬אּגרּגץ אשר יהוה ּד‬
‫ּביה אם שּבמּוע תשמעוֻ‬ ‫מרּדשיִ ת הּגשּגנּבה ועּגד אּגחריִ ת שּבנּבה‪ 13 :‬וה ָ‬ ‫בּבה ּד‬
‫אלּמהיֵ כּגם‬ ‫תכּגם היוֱ ם לאּגהבּבה אּדת יהוה ּד‬ ‫א ּט‬‫ּגוה ּד‬
‫מצ ַ‬ ‫אּהל מּגצוּותּגי אשר אּבנּוכי ּט‬
‫מטּגר אּגרצכם בעּהתוֱ‬ ‫וּהלעּזבדוֱ ּטבכּול לבּג ּטבכּגם וּה ּטבכּול נּגפשּטכּגם‪ 14 :‬ונּבתּגתיִ ּט‬
‫יוֱ רה ומּגלקוֱ ש ואּבסּגפתּב דגּבנּגךּב ותיִ רּושּטךּב ויּהצהּברּגךּב‪ 15 :‬ונּבתּגתיִ עּגשּגב ּטבׂשּבדּטךּב‬
‫מתּגךּב ואּבכּגלתּב ושּבבּבעּגתּב‪ 16 :‬הּהשּבמּטרו לכּגם פּגן יּהפּטתּגה לבּג ּטבכּגם וסּגרתּגם‬ ‫לּלבהּה ּט‬
‫ועּגבּגדתּגם אלּמהיִ ם אחּדריִ ם והּהשתּגחויתּגם ָלהּגם‪:‬‬
‫ ‪Joel 2:26–4:21 (Old Babylonian, simple vocalization [Yeivin 1973:‬‬

‫;‪ 3.140–41]) (Restoration of Judah; Cosmic Reversal‬‬
‫)‪ Jerusalem and Judah Saved; Nations Judged‬‬
‫‪ ]. . .[ 2:26‬את שּדם יהוה אלהיכם אשר עּבשה עמכם להּגפליִ א ולא‬
‫יּדבוֱ שו עּגמי לעולם‪ 27 :‬וּטיּהדעּגתּגם כי בקּגרּגב ישראל אּבני ואּגני יהוה‬
‫אלהיכם ואיֵ ן עוד ולא יּדבּושו עמי לעולם‪:‬‬
‫‪ 3:1‬והיה אחרי כן אּהשפּוך את רוחי על כל בשר ונּהבאו בניכם‬
‫ובנוֱ תיֵ כם זּהקניֵ כם חלּממוֱ ת יּהחלמוֻ ן בּגחוֻ ריֵ כם חּהזיּונוֱ ת יראו‪ 2 :‬וגם על‬
‫הּבעּגבּבדים ועל הּגשפּבחות בימים ההמה אּהשפוֱ ך את רוחי‪ 3 :‬ונּבתּגתי‬
‫ּהמרוֱ ת עּבשּבן‪ 4 :‬השּגמש יּדהּבפּגך‬‫מוֱ פתים בּגשמים ובּבארץ דּבם וּבאש ות ֽ‬
‫ַלחּושּגך וה ָּגירּדח לדּבם לפני בוֱ א יום יהוה הּגגדול והּגנוֱ רא‪ 5 :‬והיה כל‬
‫ּבלט כי בהּגר ציון ובירושלם תהיה פליֵ טה‬ ‫אשר יּהקרּבא בשּדם יהוה ימ ַ‬
‫כאשר אּבמר יהוה ובּגׂשריִ דיִ ם אשר יהוה קּורּדא‪:‬‬
‫‪ 4:1‬כי הנה בּגימים ההמה ובּבעת ההיא אשר אּבשוב את שבות יהודה‬
‫וירושלים‪ 2 :‬וקּהבּגצתי את כל הגוֱ ים והוֱ רּגדתים אל עּדמּגק יהושּבפט‬
‫ונּהשפּגטתי עּהמם שם על עּגמי ונחלתי ישראל אשר פּהזרו בּגגויִ ם ואת‬
‫ארצי חלקו‪ 3 :‬ואל עּגמי יּגדו גוֱ רּבל וּגיתנו ה ַּגילד בּגזוֱ נה וה ַּגילדה מּבכרו‬
‫פלשּגת הגמוֱ ל‬ ‫בּגיין וּגישתו‪ 4 :‬וגם מּבה אּגתּגם לי צּור וצידון וכל גלילוֱ ת ָ‬
‫עלי ואם גּומלים אּגתם עּבלי קּגל מהּדרה אּבשיִב גמּזלכּגם‬ ‫אּגתּגם משּגלמים ַ‬
‫ברּואשּטכם‪ 5 :‬אשר כּגספי וזהּבבי לקּגחתּגם ומּגחמּגדּגי הּגטובים הּטבּדאתּגם‬
‫להיֵ כליכם‪ 6 :‬ובני יהודה ובני ירושלים מכּגרתּגם לבני הּגיוּבנים למען‬
‫‪94‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 10‬‬
‫הּגרחיִ קּבם מעל גבוֻ לם‪ 7 :‬הנּגני מּטעיִ רם מן הּגמקום אשר מכּגרתּגם‬
‫בראשכּגם‪ 8 :‬ומּבכּגרתי את בניֵ כם ואת‬ ‫ֱ‬ ‫אתם שמה וּגהשּהבּותי ּטגמּזלכם‬
‫בנוֱ תיֵ כם ביּגד בני יהודה וּהמכּברוֻ ם לּלשבּבאים אל גוי רחוֱ ק כי יהוה‬
‫דּהבּגר‪ 9 :‬קּהראו זאת בּגגוים קּגדשו מלחמה העירו הּגגּהבורים יּהגּטשו יּגעּגלו‬
‫כל אנשיֵ המלחמה‪ 10 :‬כּותו א ֶּהתיֵ כם ַלחרּבבות ומּגזמרּותיֵ כם לּלרמּבחים‬
‫הּגחּגליּש יאּומּגר גּהבוֱ ר אּבני‪ 11 :‬עוֻ ׁשוֻ ּבובּואו כל הגוים מסביב ונּהקבּבצו‬
‫שמה הנחּגת יהוה גּהבוֱ ריַ ך‪ 12 :‬יּדעוֱ רו וּהיעּגלו הגוים אל עּדמּגק יהושפט‬
‫כי שּבם אּהשּגב לּלשפּוט את כל הגוים מּהסביב‪ 13 :‬שּהלחו ַמגֶ ָל כי בּבשּגל‬
‫קּבציר בּואו רּטדוֻ כי מּבלאּבה גּגת הּדׁשיִ קו הּגיקּבבים כי רּגבּבה ּברעּבתּבם‪14 :‬‬
‫הּגמוֱ נים הּגמוֱ נים בעּדמּגק הּגחּברוֻ ץ כי קּברוֱ ב יום יהוה בעּדמּגק הּגחּברוֻ ץ‪:‬‬
‫וכוֱ ֽכבים אּבספו נֻ גהּבם‪ 16 :‬ויהוה מציון ישאּבג‬ ‫‪ 15‬שּגמש וּטירּדח קּבדּברו ֽ‬
‫ומירושלים יתּדן קוֱ לו ו ּברעּבשו שמים וּבארץ ויהוה מּגחסּגה לעּגמו ומּבעוֱ ז‬
‫לבני ישראל‪ 17 :‬וּגיּלדעּגתּגם כי אני יהוה אלהיכם שּוכּדן בּטציון הּגר קּזדשי‬
‫והּביתה ירושלים קּודּגש וזּברים לא יעּגבו בה עוד‪ 18 :‬והיה ביום ההוא‬
‫יּהטפו הּגהּברים עּבסיס והּגגבּבעות ֵת ַלכנה חּבלּיב וכל אפיִ קיֵ יהודה יּדלכו‬
‫מּבים וּהמעּגיּין מביֵ ת יהוה יּהצּדא והּהשקּבה את נּגחּגל הּגשּהטים‪ 19 :‬מצרים‬
‫לשמּבמה תהיּגה ואּדדום למדבּגר שמּבמה תהיּגה מּדחמּגס בני יהודה אשר‬
‫תשּגב וירושלים לדור‬ ‫שּבפכו דּבם נּבקי בארצּבם‪ 20 :‬ויהודה לעולם ּד‬
‫וּבדוֱ ר‪ 21 :‬וּהנקיֵ תי דמם לא נּהקיֵ תי ויהוה שּוכּדן בציון‪:‬‬
‫ ‪Amos 1:1–11 (Old Babylonian, simple vocalization [Yeivin 1973:‬‬

‫ ‬ ‫)‪3.141]) (Oracles against Four Nations‬‬
‫‪ 1‬דברי עּבמוֱ ס אשר היה בּגנּוקדים מּהתקוֱ ע אשר חּבזה על ישראל‬

‫ביִ מיֵ עזיה מלך יהודה וּהבימיֵ ירבעם בן יואש מלך ישראל שנּבתּגים‬
‫לפני הּברּבעש‪ 2 :‬ויאמר יהוה מציון ישאּבג ומירושלים יתּדן קולו ואּבבלו‬
‫נאוֱ ת הּברּועים וְ ּביבּגש ראּוש הכרמּגל‪ 3 :‬כה אמר יהוה על שלשה‬
‫פּהשעיֵ דּגמּגשק ועל ארבעה לא אשיבּגנו על דוֻ שּבם בּגחרּהצוֱ ת הּגברזל‬
‫את הּגגּהלעד‪ 4 :‬ושּהלּכחתי אש בבית חזאּדל ואּבכלה אּגרמנוֱ ת בן הּטדּבד‪:‬‬
‫‪ 5‬ושּבבּגרתי בּטריִ ח דּגמּגשק והּהכרּגתי יוֱ שּדב מּהבּהקעּגת ָאוּגן ותוֱ מּדך שּבבט‬
‫מבית עּגדן וגּבלו עם אּגרּגם קיִ רּבה אמר יהוה‪ 6 :‬כה אמר יהוה על‬
‫שלשה פשעיֵ עּגזה ועל ארבעה לא אשיבּגנו על הּגגלוֱ תּבם גּבלוֻ ת שּטלּךמּבה‬
‫להּגסגיִ ר לאּדדום‪ 7 :‬ושּהלּכחתי אש בחוֱ מּות עּגזה ואּבכלה אּגרמנוֱ תּגיה‪:‬‬
‫‪ 8‬והּהכרּגתי יוֱ שּדב מּדאשדוד ותוֱ מּדך שּגבט מּדאשקלון וּגהשּהבּותי ידיִ על‬
‫עקרון ואּבבּטדו שאּדרית פלשתים אמר אדני יהוה‪ 9 :‬כה אמר יהוה‬
‫על שלשה פשעיֵ צּור ועל ארבעה לא אשיבּגנו על הּגסגיִ רּבם גּבלוֻ ת‬
‫שלּךמה לאּדדום ולא זּבכרו ברית אּגחים‪ 10 :‬ושּהלחתי אש בחוֱ מּות צּור‬
‫ואּבכלה ארמנוֱ תיה‪ 11 :‬כה אמר יהוה על שלשה פשעיֵ [‪]. . .‬‬
‫‪Mic 2:3–3:9 (Old Babylonian, simple vocalization [Yeivin 1973:‬‬

‫ ‬ ‫‪3.142]) (Judgments against Oppression, Greed,‬‬
‫ ‬ ‫)‪False Comfort, and Failed Leadership‬‬
‫‪ ]. . .[ 3‬צּגוארּותיֵ כם ולא תּדלכו דוֻ מּבה כי עת רּבעה היא‪ 4 :‬ביום ההוא‬
‫ישּבא עליֵ כם מּבשּבל ונּבהּבה נּטהיִ נּההיּבה אּבמּגר שּבדוֱ ד נשּגדוֻ נוֻ חּדלק עמי‬
‫יּבמיִ ר איֵ ך יּבמיִ ש לי לשוֱ בּדב שּבדּדנו יחּבלּךק‪ 5 :‬לכן לא יהיה לךּב מּגשליִ ך‬
‫חּגבּגל בּטגוֱ רּבל בּהקהּגל יהוה ‪ 6‬אל תּגטיִ פו יּגטיִ פוֻ ן לא יּגטּהפו ָלאּדלה לא‬
‫ּגלליו‬‫יסּגג כלּלמוֱ ת‪ 7 :‬הּגאּבמּזר בית יעקב הּגקּבצּגר רוח יהוה אם אלה מע ָ‬
‫הלוא דבּברּגי ייֵ טיִבו עם הּגיּישּבר הּולּךך‪ 8 :‬וּטאּהתמוֻ ל עמי לאויֵב יקוֱ מּדם‬
‫מעּוברים בּגטּגח שוֻ ביֵ מלחמה‪ 9 :‬נּטשיֵ עמי‬ ‫ׂשלמה אּגדּגר תּגפשטוֻ ן ּד‬‫מּהמוֻ ל ַ‬
‫ּולליּגהּב תּהקחו הּטדּבריִ לעוֱ לם‪ 10 :‬קוֻ מוֻ‬‫תגּברשוֻ ן מביֵ ת תעּגנּזגיה מעל ע ָ‬
‫מאּבה תחּגבּבל וחּגבּגל נמרּבץ‪ 11 :‬לוֻ‬‫וּהלכו כי לא זאת הּגמנוחה ּטבעּגבוֻ ר טּב ּט‬
‫ולשּדכּבר והיה מּהטיִ ף העם‬ ‫איש הּולּךך רוח ּבושּגקּגר כּהזּדב אּגטיִ ף לךּב ַליין ַ‬
‫אקּגבּדץ שאּדריִ ת ישראל יּגחד‬ ‫אסּוף יעקב כּזלּיך קּגבּדץ ּד‬ ‫א ּד‬
‫הזה‪ 12 :‬אּבסּוף ּד‬
‫כצאן בּזצרּבה כעּגדּגר בתוך הּגדּבברו תהיִ מּגנה מּדאדם‪ 13 :‬עּבלּיה‬ ‫ֱ‬ ‫אשיִ מּגנו‬
‫הּגפּורּדץ לפניהם פּברצו וּגיעּגבּורו שּגעּגר וּגיּךצאו בו וּגיעּגבּור מלכם לפניהם‬
‫ויהוה בראּושּבם‪:‬‬
‫‪.‬נשּגדיֵ נוֻ ‪2. Corrected from‬‬

‫‪96‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 10‬‬
‫‪ּ 3:1‬בואּומּגר שּהמעו נא רּבאשיֵ יעקב וקציִ ניֵ בית ישראל הלוא לכם‬
‫ָלדּגעת את המשפּבט‪ 2 :‬שּונאיֵ טוֱ ב ואּוהביֵ ּברעּבה גּוזליֵ עוֱ רּבם מּדעליהם‬
‫מעּגליהם‬ ‫וּהשּטארּבם מעל עּגצמוֱ תּבם‪ 3 :‬ואשר אּבכלו שּטאּדר עּגמי ועוֱ רּבם ּד‬
‫הּהפשיטו ואת עּגצמּותיֵ הם פּהצּדחו ופּברׂשו כאשר בּגסיִ ר וּהכבּבשר בתוך‬
‫קּגלּיחת‪ 4 :‬אז יּהזעּגקו על יהוה ולא יעּגנּגה אותם וְ יּגסתּדר פניו מהם‬
‫בעת ההיא כאשר הּדרּדעו מעּגלליֵ הם‪ 5 :‬כה אמר יהוה על ה ּטנבּהאים‬
‫הּגמּגתעים את עמי הּגנּוׁשכים בשּהניֵ הם וקּבראו שלום ואשר לא יתּדן‬
‫מחּבזוֱ ן וחּבׁשכּבה‬ ‫על פיהם וקּהדשו עליו מלחּבמה‪ 6 :‬לכן ַלילה לכם ּד‬
‫לכם מּהקסּום ובּבאּבה הּגשּגמש על הנביאים וקּבדּגר עליהם היום‪ 7 :‬ובּושו‬
‫הּגחּוזים וחּבפרו הּגקּוסמים ועּבטו על שּבפּבם כּזלם כי אין מעּגנּדה אלהים‪8 :‬‬
‫ואוֻ לּים אנכי מּבלּךאתי כּוח את רוח יהוה ומשפּבט וגבוֻ רה להּגגיד ִליעקב‬
‫פּהשעו ולישראל חּגטּבאתו‪ 9 :‬שּהמעו נא זאת רּבאשיֵ בית יעקב וּהקציִ ניֵ‬
‫בית ישראל הּגמתּגעּגבים משפּבט ואת כל [‪]. . .‬‬
‫‪Job 3:1–5:19 (Old Babylonian, simple vocalization [Yeivin 1973:‬‬

‫)‪ 5.19–21]) (Job’s Complaint and Eliphaz’s Response‬‬
‫‪ 3:1‬אחריֵ [כן] פּבתּגח אּהיוֱ ב את פיִ הוֻ וּגיקּגלּךל את יוֱ מו‪:‬‬

‫‪ 2‬וּגיען אּהיוֱ ב ויאּומּגר‪:‬‬
‫והלילה אּבמּגר הּורּבה גּבבּגר‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬יּואבּגד יוֱ ם אּה ּבולּכד בוֱ‬
‫[אל ידרשהו] אּדלוֱ ה מּהמּבעּגל‬ ‫‪ 4‬הּגיוֱ ם הּגהוֻ א יּההיִ חּושּגך‬
‫‪ 5‬יּה ּטגאּבלהוֻ חּושּגך וצּהלמּבוּכת‬ ‫ואּגל תוֱ פּגע עּבליו ּטנהּברּבה‪:‬‬
‫ּהמריִ ֽריֵ יוֱ ם‪:‬‬ ‫יּהבּגעּגתּזהוֻ כ ֽ‬ ‫תּהשכּון עליו עּגנּבנּבה‬
‫אל יּגח ֶּגד ביִ מיֵ שּבנּבה‬ ‫‪ 6‬הּגליּגלּיה הּגהוֻ א יקּבחהוֻ אּופּגל‬
‫הנה הליּגלּיה הּגהוֻ א יּההיִ גּגלמוֻ ד‬
‫‪7‬‬ ‫ּטבמּגספּגר ירּבחיִ ם אּגל ּביבּוא‪:‬‬
‫‪ 8‬יּהקבּזהוֻ אּורריֵ יוֱ ם‬ ‫אּגל תבוֱ א רּטנּבנּבה בוֱ ‪:‬‬
‫ּהשפוֱ‬
‫‪ 9‬יחּהׁשּטכוֻ כוֱ כביֵ נ ֶ‬ ‫הּבע ּֽגתיִ דיִ ם עּורּגר לּלו ּביתּבן‪:‬‬
‫ואּגל יּהרּטאּגה ּטבעּגפּטעּגפיֵ שּבחּגר‪:‬‬ ‫יקו ְלאוֱ ר ּבואּגיּהן‬
‫סתּדר עּבמּבל מּדעיֵ נּבי‪:‬‬ ‫וַ יּג ּט‬ ‫‪ 10‬כי לא ָסגּגר דּגלתיֵ בּגטניִ‬
‫מּהבּגטּגן ּביצּבאתיִ וּטאּה ּטג ּבועּג‪:‬‬ ‫מרּגחּגם אּבמוֻ ת‬ ‫‪ 11‬למה לא ּד‬
‫ומּגה ׁשּבדּגיּלם כי איִ נּבק‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 12‬מדוֻ ע קּהדמוֻ ניִ בּהרכּביּהם‬
‫ּבישּגנתיִ אּבז יּבנוֻ ח ליִ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 13‬כי עּגתּבה שּבכּגבתי וּטאּהשקוֱ ט‬
‫הּגבּוניִ ם חּזרּבבוֱ ת ָל[מו]‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 14‬עּהם מלּיכיִ ם וּטיּועּגציֵ אּברּגץ‬
‫ממּגלאיִ ם בּבתיֵ הּגם [כסף]‪:‬‬ ‫הּג ּט‬ ‫‪ 15‬אוֱ עּהם שּבריִ ם ּבזהּבב להם‬
‫כּטעוֱ לליִ ם לּמא רּבאוֻ [אור]‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 16‬אוֱ ּטכנּגפּגל טּבמוֻ ן לא אּההיּגה‬
‫ושּבם יּבנוֻ חוֻ יּהגיִ עיֵ [כח]‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 17‬שּבם רשּבעים חּבדּטלוֻ רּוגּגז‬
‫לא שּבמּטעוֻ קוֱ ל [נגש]‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 18‬יּגחד אּגסיִ ריִ ם שּטאּגנּבנוֻ‬
‫וּטעּגבּגד חּזפ[שי מאדניו]‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬קּבטּבן וגדוֱ ל שּבם הוֻ א‬
‫וחּגיים למּבריֵ נּבפּגש‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 20‬לּימּבה [יתן לעמל] אוֱ ר‬
‫וּטיּהחּגפּטרּזהוֻ מּהמּגטמוֱ ניִ ם‪:‬‬ ‫‪[ 21‬המחכים] ְלמּבוּכת וּטאיֵ נּגנוֻ‬
‫יּבׂשיׂשוֻ כי יּהמּהצאוֻ קּבבּגר‪:‬‬ ‫‪[ 22‬השמח]ים אּדליֵ גֽ יִ ל‬
‫‪ 23‬לגבּגר אשר דּהרכוֱ [נסתרה] וַ ּביסּדך אּדלוֱ ה ּטבעּגדוֱ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ 24‬כי לפניֵ לּכחמיִ אּג ּטנחּבתיִ תּבבּוא וַ י ֶּהת ּֽטכוֻ כּגמּגים שּטאּגגּותּבי‪:‬‬
‫ואּגשר ּביגּורתיִ ּביבּוא ליִ ‪:‬‬ ‫אתּביּדניִ‬ ‫‪ 25‬כי פּבחּוד פּבחּגדתיִ וּגי ּד‬
‫ולא נּבחתי וּגיּיבּוא רּוגּגז‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬לא שּבלּכותיִ ולא שּבקּגטּטתיִ‬
‫‪ 4:1‬וּגיען אּדליִ פּגז הּגתיֵ מּבניִ ויאמר‪:‬‬
‫וּטעּגצּור ּטבמּהליִ ן מיִ יוֻ כּבל‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬הּגנּהסּבה ּבדבּבר [אליך תל]אה‬
‫תחּגזּדק‪:‬‬ ‫ו ּבידּגיּלם רּבפות ּט‬ ‫‪ 3‬הּהנּדה יּהסּגרתּב רּגביִ ם‬
‫תאּגמּדץ‪:‬‬ ‫ובּהרכּגיּלם ֶכּורעוֱ ת ּט‬ ‫‪ 4‬כוֱ שּדל יּהקיִ מוֻ ן מּהלּכיךּב‬
‫תּהגּגע עּבדּגיךּב ותּהבּבהּגל‪:‬‬ ‫תלּכא‬ ‫אלּכיךּב וּג ּד‬ ‫‪ 5‬כי עּגתּבה תּבבוֱ א ּד‬
‫תךּב וּטתּום [דרכיך]‪:‬‬ ‫תּגקּבו ּט‬ ‫תךּב כּהסלּיתּגךּב‬ ‫‪ 6‬הלּמא יּהראּב ּט‬
‫ואיֵ פּוה ישּבריִ ם [נכחדו]‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 7‬זּטכּור נּבא מי הוֻ א נּבקיִ אּבבּבד‬
‫וזּורעיֵ ע ֶּבמּבל יּהקצרהו‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬כאּגשּגר רּבאיִ תיִ חּורּטשיֵ ָאוּגן‬
‫ומּדרוֻ ח אּגפוֱ י ּֽהכלוֻ ‪:‬‬ ‫יאבּדדוֻ‬ ‫‪ 9‬מנשמּגת אּדלוֱ ה ֱ‬
‫‪[ 10‬ש]אּגגּגת אּגריֵ ה וקוֱ ל שּבחּגל וּטשּהניֵ כפיִ ריִ ם נּהתּבעוֻ ‪:‬‬
‫‪98‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 10‬‬
‫ובניֵ לּיביִ א יּהתפּברּבדוֻ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪[ 11‬ליש] אּובּדד מּהבליִ טּברּגף‬

‫וּגתּהקּגח אּזזניִ שּגמּגץ מּגנּטהוֻ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪[ 12‬ואלי] דבּבר יּה ּזגנּבב‬
‫בּהנפּול תּגרדּדמּבה על אנּבשיִ ם‪:‬‬ ‫מחּהזיּונוֱ ת ָלילּיה‬ ‫‪[ 13‬בשע]פיִ ם ּד‬
‫ורּוב עּגצמוֱ תּגי הּהפּטחיִ ד‪:‬‬ ‫‪[ 14‬פחד ק] ּבראּגני וּהרעּבדּבה‬
‫תסּגמּגר ׂשערּגת [בשרי]‪:‬‬ ‫ּט‬ ‫‪[ 15‬ורוח על פ]נּגי יחּטלּמף‬
‫תמוֻ נּבה ְלנּגגּגד עיֵ נּבי‬ ‫‪[ 16‬יעמד ולא] אּגכיִ ר מּגראּדהוֻ‬
‫מאּדלוֱ ה יּהצּטדּבק‬ ‫‪ 17‬הּגאּדנוֱ ש ּד‬ ‫[דממה וקול אש]מּבעּג‪:‬‬
‫מעּושּדהוֻ יּהטּטהּגר גּבבּגר‪:‬‬ ‫אּהם ּד‬ ‫‪ 18‬הּדן בעּגבּבדּביו לא יאּגמ[ין]‬
‫‪ 19‬אּגף שּוכניֵ בּבתיֵ חּומּג[ר]‬ ‫וּהבמּגלאּבכּביו יּבשיִ ם תּזהלּיה‪:‬‬
‫יּהדּגכאוֻ ם לפניֵ עּב[ש]‪:‬‬ ‫אשר ּטבעּבפּבר יּהסוֱ דּבם‬
‫מּהבּטליִ מּדׂשיִ ם ָלנצּגח יאב[דו]‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 20‬מּהבּוקּגר לּיעּגרב י ֶּזכּכתוֻ‬
‫יּבמוֻ תוֻ ולא בחּזכמּבה‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 21‬הלּמא נּהסּגע יּהתרּבם בּבם‬
‫ואּהל מיִ מּהקדּושיִ ם תּהפּטנּגה‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 5:1‬קּטרּבא נּבא הּטיּךש עוֱ נּגךּב‬
‫ופּותּגה תּבמיִ ת קּהנאּבה‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬כיִ ְלאּהויִ ל יּההּטרּוג כּבעּגש‬
‫וּבאקב נוהו פּהתאּום‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬אני רּבאיִ תי אּהויל מּגשּטריִ ש‬
‫וְ יּהדּגכ[או בש]ער ואיֵ ן מּהציִ ל‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬יּהרּגחּטקוֻ בּבניו מּהיּושּטעּג‬
‫ואּדל מצּהנים יקּבחּדהוֻ‬ ‫‪ 5‬אשר קציִ רוֱ ּברעּדב יאּוכּגל‬
‫מעּבפּבר ָאוּגן‬ ‫‪ 6‬כי לא יּדצּדא ּד‬ ‫יּהשּבאּגף (ק׳ ושּבאּגף) צּגמיִ ם חיּדלּים‪:‬‬
‫‪ 7‬כיִ אּבדּבם ְלע ּֽבמּבל יוֻ לּיד‬ ‫מאּג ּבדמּבה לא יּהצּטמּגח ע ֶּבמּבל‪:‬‬ ‫ו ּד‬
‫‪ 8‬אוֻ לּים אּגניִ אּהדרּוש אּהל אּדל‬ ‫ובניֵ רּגשּגף יּגגביִ הוֻ עוֻ ף‪:‬‬
‫‪ 9‬עּושּגה גדּולוֱ ת וּטאיֵ ן חּדקּגר‬ ‫אלּמהים אּבׂשיִ ם דּה ּטברּבתיִ ‪:‬‬ ‫ואּהל ּד‬
‫‪ 10‬הּגנּותּדן מּבטּבר על פניֵ אּברּגץ‬ ‫נּהפּטלּיאוֱ ת עּגד איֵ ן מּגספּבר‪:‬‬
‫‪ 11‬לּיׂשוֻ ם שּטפּבליִ ם ּסלמּברוֱ ם‬ ‫ושּולּךח מּגים על פניֵ חוֻ צוֱ ת‪:‬‬
‫מפּגר מּגחשּטבוֱ ת עּגרוֻ מיִ ם‬ ‫‪ּ 12‬ד‬ ‫וקּודּטריִ ם ׂשּבגּטבוֻ יּושּטעּג‪:‬‬
‫‪ּ 13‬מלכּדד חכּבמיִ ם ּטבעּזרמּבם‬ ‫תשּהיּיה‪:‬‬ ‫תעּגׂשּגנּבה ידיֵ הּגם ּז‬ ‫ולא ּט‬
‫‪ 14‬יוֱ מּבם יּהפּגגּטשוֻ [חשך]‬ ‫מהּברּבה‪:‬‬ ‫ועּגצּגת נפתּבליִ ם נּה ּט‬
‫מחּגרּגב מּהפ[יהם]‬ ‫‪ 15‬וַ יּושּגע ּד‬ ‫וּטכּגלּכילה יּהמּגשּטשו בּגצּזה ּבריּלם‪:‬‬
‫וּגתהיִ ַלדּבל תּגק[וה]‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ומיּגד חּבזּבק אּהביוֱ ן‪:‬‬

‫הנּדה אּגשריֵ אּדנוֱ ש יוֱ [כחנו אלוה]‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ּהיה‪:‬‬
‫ועּולּיתּבה קּבפּטצּבה פ ָ‬
‫כי הוֻ א יּגכ[איב ויחבש]‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫מאּבס‪:‬‬
‫ומוֻ סּגר שּגדּגי אּגל תּה ּט‬
‫ּטבשּדש [צרות יצילך]‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫מחּגץ ו ּבידּבו תּהרּטפּגינּבה‪:‬‬
‫יּה ּט‬
‫‪Ruth 2:9–17 (Old Babylonian, complex vocalization [Yeivin 1973:‬‬

‫)‪ 5.285]) (Boaz and Ruth in the Field‬‬
‫‪ ]. . .[ 9‬הּרנעּבריִ ם ּזבּפלתיִ נּקגעּדך וצּגמּדת וּטהּבלּככ[ת] אּצל הּרכּדליִ ם וּטשּבתיִ ְת‬
‫תפּול על ָפנ ָּגיה וּרתּצשתּגחו אּברצּבה וּרתּואמּפר‬ ‫מאּפשּגר יּצשאּפבוֻ ן הּרנעּבריִ ם‪ 10 :‬וּר ּש‬ ‫ּד‬
‫ּשיה‪ּ 11 :‬העּפן בּועּפז‬ ‫ֵאלּייו מּרדוֻ ע מּבצּבאתּצי חּדן ּטבעּדינּגיך ּזהּרכיִ רּדניּצ וּטאּבנּוכיִ נּקכר ָ‬
‫את חּפמוֱ תּדך אּגחּפר[י מ]וֱ ת‬ ‫וּריּואמּפר לּיה הּתגּדד הּתגּגד ליִ כל אשּגר עּבשיִ ת ְ‬
‫תלּסכי אּצל עּבם אשּגר‬ ‫אמּדך וּטאּגרּפץ מוֱ ֿהדתּדך וּר ּד‬ ‫איִ שּדך וּרתּגעּפזּוביִ אּבביך ו ּש‬
‫לא ּבידּגעּטת תּטמוֱ ל שּצלשוֱ ם‪ 12 :‬יּטשּרלּךם יהוה פּקעלּךך וּצתּטהיִ מּפשכּורתּדך‬
‫מעּהם יהוה אװלּמהיֵ ישראל אשר בּבאת [לחסות] תּגחּפת ּטכנּבפּביו‪:‬‬ ‫שלמּבה ּד‬
‫ּגרת עּפל לּכב‬ ‫‪ 13‬וּרתּואמּפר [אמצא] חּדן בּטעיֵ נּגיָך אּפדּוניִ [כי נחמתני] וּטכיִ דּשב ָ‬
‫שּצפחּבתּגָך וּטאּבנּוכיִ לא אּצהיּגה ּטכאּגחּגת שּצפחּותּגיָך‪ 14 :‬וּריּמאמּפר לה בּועּפז ּזעּגת‬
‫מצּגד‬ ‫תשּדב ּש‬ ‫פתּדך בּגחמץ וּר ּד‬ ‫הּבאּוכּפל גּושּצי הּפלּמם וּטאּבכּגלּסת מּצן הּר ּכלחּפם וּטטּבבּגלּסת ּש‬
‫הּרקּוצּטריִ ם ּוצבּוט לּיה קּבליִ וּרתּואכּפל וּרתּצשבּגע וּרתּותּגר‪ 15 :‬וּרתּבקּום ּזּטקּגט ּפויּסצּגו‬
‫בּועּפז את ּטנעּברּביו לּךאמּור גּגם ביֵ ן הּבעּומּבריִ ם תּטּיקּגט ולא תּפכּטליִ מוֻ ָה‪16 :‬‬
‫וּטגּגם שּול תּבשּולו לּיה מּצן הּרצבּבתיִ ם וּגעּפזּפ ּטבתּגם וּכקּטטּבה ולא תּצגעּפרוֻ בּבה‪17 :‬‬
‫[ות]לקּוט בּרשּבדּגה עּפד הּבעּברּפב [ותחבט את א]שּפר ּכקּדטּבה [‪]. . .‬‬
Chapter 11
Karaite Transcriptions of Biblical Hebrew
T-S Ar.52.242 8–11 (Manuscript 1) (Num 31:54–32:22)

(Settling Transjordan)
8 recto (Num 31:54–32:2)
.1
.2
.3
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
8 verso (Num 32:2–5)
.1
.2
100
.3
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
.9
9 recto (Num 32:5–9)
.1
.2
.3
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
.9
102 Chapter 11
9 verso (Num 32:9–11)
.1
.2
.3
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
10 recto (Num 32:11–13)
.1
.2
.3
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
10 verso (Num 32:13–16)
.1
.2
.3
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
.9
11 verso (Num 32:17–19)
.1
.2
.3
.4
.5
.6
.7
104 Chapter 11
.8
.9
11 recto (Num 32:19–22)
.1
.2
.3
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
T-S Ar.39.350 1–2 (Manuscript 3) (1 Sam 3:6–17)

(Samuel, Eli, and God’s Call)
1 verso (1 Sam 3:1–5)
.1
.2
.3
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
.9
2 recto (1 Sam 3:6–11)
.1
.2
.3
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
.9
.10
2 verso (1 Sam 3:11–17)
.1
.2
106 Chapter 11
.3
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
.9
.10
T-S Ar.52.172 (Manuscript 9) (1 Sam 18:15–24)

(Saul’s Victory, Disobedience, and Rejection)
recto (1 Sam 18:15–19)
.1
.2
.3
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
.9
.10
.11
verso (1 Sam 18:20–24)
.1
.2
.3
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
.9
.10
.11
108 Chapter 11
T-S Ar.52.172, 1 verso; T-S AS 176.397 2 verso (Ezek 16:51–54)
.1
.2
.3
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
T-S Ar.34.333
2 recto (Ezek 16:54–59)
.1
.1a
.2
.3
.4
.5
.6
.7
.8
2 verso (Ezek 16:59–17:1)
.1
.2
.3
.3a
.4
.5
.5a
.6
.6a
.7
.8
.9
.9a
Chapter 12
Palestinian Tradition
Psalms Scroll
(P300 [MS Cambridge Taylor-Schechter 20.54])
Psalm 37 (Acrostic about Righteousness Rewarded and
Wickness Punished)
]‫בע ַשן [כלו‬ַ ‫ כלו‬ ַ ‫כיק]ר ַכרים‬ ַ ‫ כי ישרים יאבדו ואיבי יהוה‬. . .[ 20
‫ וצד]יק חונן נותן‬ ‫[לוה רשע ולא ישלם‬ 21
‫יכרתו‬ ַ ‫ומ ֱקלליו‬
ֶ ]‫ ארץ‬ ‫[כ]י ֶמברכיו ייר[שו‬ 22
‫יחפץ‬
ַ ‫ ודרכו‬ ַ ]‫צע ֵדי [גבר כוננו‬ ַ ‫מיהוה ַמ‬ 23
‫סומך יַדו‬ֵ ]‫ [כי יהוה‬ ‫ֱטל‬ַ ‫יפל לא י‬
ֱ ‫כי‬ 24
‫ַקנתי ו[לא ראיתי צדי]ק נֵעזַב‬ַ ‫ַער ַהייתי גם ז‬ ַ‫נ‬ 25
‫לחם‬ ֵ ‫וזרעו ֶמ ַב ֵקש‬
‫ברכה‬ָ ‫ וזרעו ִל‬ ‫ומלוֵה‬
ַ ‫כל ַהיום חונֵן‬ 26
‫ וישכן לעולם‬ ‫ועשה טוב‬ ְֵ ‫סור ֶמרע‬ 27
‫שמרו‬
ַ ‫שפט ולא יַעזֱב את ַחסידיו לעולם ִנ‬ ַ ‫כי יהוה אהב ִמ‬ 28
‫כר ָת‬
ַ ‫ֶרע ַרשעים ִנ‬ ַ ‫וז‬
‫ וישכנו ַל ַעד ַעליה‬ ‫צדיקים יירשו אַ רץ‬ 29
‫דבר ִמשפט‬ ֶ ‫ ולשונו ֶת‬ ‫כמה‬
ָ ‫פי ַצדיק יהגֶה ֱח‬ 30
Author’s note: In addition to the standard editorial symbols, the following convention is
also used: || = supralinear addition.
1. The vocalization with pataḥ in the first syllable is common in the Babylonian
vocalization (Yeivin 1985: 1011) and in Palestinian vocalized piyyuṭim: e.g., ‫זבח‬ ֶ ‫‘ ַמ‬al-
tar’ (in a quote from Gen 32:20), ‫נהגַך‬
ָ ‫‘ ַמ‬your custom’, and ‫שכנַיו‬
ַ ‫‘ ַמ‬his dwellings’ (Mur-
tonen 1958: ‫טו‬, ‫טז‬, ‫)יח‬,
110
‫‪Palestinian Tradition‬‬ ‫‪111‬‬
‫אשוריו‬
‫ַ‬ ‫מעד‬
‫ לא ִת ַ‬ ‫תורת ֶאלוהיו ֶב ִלבו‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫‪31‬‬
‫ ומב ֵקש ַלהמיתו‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫צופה ַרשע ַלצדיק‬ ‫ֵ‬ ‫‪32‬‬
‫ַרשיענו ֶב ִה ַשפטו‬
‫ֶ‬ ‫ ולא י‬ ‫יעזבנו בידו‬
‫ֶ‬ ‫יהוה לא‬ ‫‪33‬‬
‫ ‬ ‫כרת ֶרשעים ִתראה‬ ‫בה ִ‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫‪34‬‬
‫אזרח ַרענַן‬‫תע ֵרה ֶכ ַ‬‫ ומ ַ‬
‫ִ‬ ‫ראיתי ַרשע ַעריץ‬ ‫‪35‬‬
‫קשהו ולא ִנמצא‬ ‫ וא ַב ֶ‬
‫ֶ‬ ‫ַעבר והנה ֶא|י|ננו‬ ‫וי ֱ‬ ‫‪36‬‬
‫ כי אחרית לאיש שלום‬ ‫ַשר‬
‫וראה י ַ‬‫ֶש ַמר תם ֵ‬ ‫‪37‬‬
‫כר ָתה‬‫ אחרית ֶרשעים ִנ ַ‬ ‫יחדו‬
‫שמדו ַ‬ ‫ופשעים ִנ ֶ‬ ‫ֱ‬ ‫‪38‬‬
‫בעת ַצ ָרה‬ ‫ מעוזַם ֶ‬‫ַ‬ ‫ותשועת ַצד[יקי]ם מיהוה‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫‪39‬‬
‫ כי ַחסו בו‬ ‫ֱש ֶעם‬
‫יפלטם ֶמרשעים וי ִ‬
‫ֵ‬ ‫ויפלטם‬
‫ֵ‬ ‫ויעזרם יהוה‬
‫ֶ‬ ‫‪40‬‬
‫)‪Psalm 38 (Plea for Healing and Deliverance from Sin‬‬
‫מזמור לדוד להזכיר‬

‫מתך תי ֵ‬
‫ָסרני‬ ‫ וב ַח ָ‬
‫ַ‬ ‫צפ ָך תוכיחני‬
‫[יהוה] אל ֶב ַק ֵ‬ ‫‪2‬‬
‫ַד ָך‬
‫ ותנחת ַעל ִי י ֵ‬
‫ַ‬ ‫[כי ִח ֵציך נחתו ב]י‬ ‫‪3‬‬
‫עצ ַמי ִמפני [חטאתי]‬ ‫ַ]עמ ָך אין ַשלום ַב ַ‬
‫[אין מתם בבשרי מפני ז ֵ‬ ‫‪4‬‬
‫ כבד יכבדו [ממני]‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫[כי עונתי עברו ראשי ֶכמ]שא‬ ‫‪5‬‬
‫ מפ]ני ִאוֱלתי‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫[הבאישו נמקו חבורותי‬ ‫‪6‬‬
‫ כל היום קדר] ַהלכתי‬ ‫[נעויתי שחתי עד מאד‬ ‫‪7‬‬
‫ ואין מתם בבשרי]‬ ‫[כי כסלי מלאו נקלה‬ ‫‪8‬‬
‫)‪Psalm 39 (Complaint about Human Brevity and Punishment‬‬
‫ וכאבי נֶעכר‬‫ֶ‬ ‫[‪ ]. . .‬החשיתי ִמטוב‬ ‫‪3‬‬

‫ דברתי ִבלשוני‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫בער ֶאש‬
‫ַחם ִלבי ֶב ִקרבי ַבהגיגי ִת ַ‬ ‫‪4‬‬
‫דעה ֶמה ַח ֵדל אני‬
‫ א ָ‬
‫ֶ‬ ‫ַמי מה היא‬
‫ומ ַדת י ַ‬
‫הודיעני יהוה [קצ]י ִ‬ ‫‪5‬‬
‫ַמי‬
‫ַתתה י ַ‬
‫טפחות נ ָ‬‫הנה ַ‬ ‫‪6‬‬
‫‪2. The vowel over the aleph looks like a ḥireq.‬‬
‫‪112‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 12‬‬
‫גד ָך [אַ ]ך כל ֶה ֵבל כל אדם ִנ ַצב סלה‬

‫וחלדי כאין ִנ ֵ‬ ‫ַ‬
‫ספם‬
‫ַדע ִמי ֱא ַ‬‫יצבר ולא י ַ‬ ‫יתה ֵלך איש אַ ך ֶהבל ַ‬
‫יהמיון ֱ‬ ‫בצלם ַ‬ ‫‪ 7‬אך ֵ‬
‫ תוחלתי ֶל ָך היא‬
‫ַ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ועתה מה קויתי אדני‬
‫ימני‬‫ַבל אל ֶת ְש ֶ‬‫רפת נ ַ‬‫ ח ַ‬ ‫ֶ‬ ‫‪ 9‬מכל ֶפ ַש ַעי ִהצילני‬
‫ית‬
‫ כי אתה ַע ְש ָ‬ ‫‪ 10‬נֶאלמתי לא אפתח פי‬
‫ַדך אני ַכליתי‬ ‫גרת י ָ‬ ‫ מ ִת ַ‬
‫ִ‬ ‫גע ָך‬
‫‪ַ 11‬ה ַסר ֶמעלי ִנ ֵ‬
‫ות ַמס ַכ ַעש ַחמודו‬
‫יסרת איש ַ‬ ‫תוכחות על עוֱן ַ‬ ‫‪ֶ 12‬ב ַ‬
‫ איך ֶה ֵבל כל אדם סלה‬ ‫ֶ‬
‫חרש‬ ‫מעתי אל ֶת ַ‬ ‫ אל ִד ַ‬ ‫ֱעתי האזינה‬
‫מעה ֶת ִפלתי יהוה ושו ַ‬ ‫‪ִ 13‬ש ָ‬
‫ תושב ֶככל אבותי‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫כי גֶר אנכי ִע ַמך‬
‫ואינֵני‬
‫ בט ֵרם ֶא ֶלך ֶ‬
‫ֶ‬ ‫ואבליגה‬
‫ָ‬ ‫‪ַ 14‬השע ִממני‬
‫‪Psalm 40 (Thanksgiving for God’s Past Rewards, and‬‬

‫ ‬ ‫)‪Hope for Future Relief‬‬
‫למנצח לדוד מזמור‬

‫ועתי‬ ‫וישמע ֱש ַ‬‫ַ‬ ‫ ויט ֶאלי‬ ‫‪ֱ 2‬קוֱה קויתי יהוה‬
‫אשורי‬
‫ַ‬ ‫גלי כונֵן‬
‫ויקם על ֶסלע ַר ַ‬ ‫ויעלני ִמבור ַשאון ִמטיט ַהיַון ַ‬ ‫‪ֶ 3‬‬
‫‪ 4‬ויתן ֶבפי שיר ַח ַדש תהילה לאלהינו‬
‫ויבטחו ביהוה‬ ‫ֻ‬ ‫וייראו‬
‫ יראו ַרבים ַ‬
‫וש ֵטי ַכזַב‬‫רהבים ַ‬ ‫בטחו ולא ַפ ָנה אל ַ‬ ‫הגבר אשר ְשם יהוה ִמ ַ‬ ‫‪ 5‬אשרי ֵ‬
‫חשבתיך אלינו‬ ‫ֵ‬ ‫ומ‬ ‫ָ‬
‫פלאתיך ַ‬ ‫ית אתה יהוה ֶאלהי ִנ‬ ‫‪ַ 6‬רבות ַע ְש ָ‬
‫ספר‬ ‫ואד ֵב ָרה ַעצמו ִמ ֵ‬ ‫אגידה ַ‬‫ָ‬ ‫ליך ‬ ‫אין ַע ֱרך ֶא ָ‬
‫וחט ָאה לא ַש ָ‬
‫אלת‬ ‫רית לי עולה ַ‬ ‫צת ֱאזנַים ַכ ָ‬
‫נחה לא ַח ַפ ָ‬ ‫ומ ָ‬‫‪ 7‬זֶבח ִ‬
‫מגלת ֶספר ַכתוב ַע ַלי‬ ‫ ב ִ‬
‫ִ‬ ‫‪[ 8‬אז] אמרתי ִהנֵה ַבאתי‬
‫ ותורתך ֶבתוך ֶמ ַעי‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫צונך ֶא ֱלהי [חפצתי]‬‫‪ 9‬לעשות ֶר ָ‬
‫עת‬
‫ַד ָ‬ ‫‪ִ 10‬ב ְַשרתי ֶצ ֵדק ֶבקהל רב [הנה] ְש ַפתי לא ֶאכלא יהוה אתה י ַ‬
‫אמרתי‬ ‫תך ַ‬ ‫שוע ָ‬
‫ות ַ‬ ‫ַתך ֶ‬‫תך לא ִכסיתי בתוך ֶלבבי [א]מונ ָ‬ ‫דק ָ‬‫‪ִ 11‬צ ַ‬
‫ואמתך תמיד יצרוני‬ ‫סד ָך ִ‬‫לא ִכ ַחדתי ַח ֵ‬
‫‪Psalms Codex‬‬
‫)]‪(P 310 [MS Cambridge Taylor-Schechter 12.195‬‬
‫)‪Psalm 51:21 (Plea for Extrication from Sin and Guilt‬‬
‫בחי ֶצ ֵדק [עו]לה וכליל אז יעלו על [מזבחך פרים]‬

‫תחפץ ִז ֵ‬
‫ֱ‬ ‫‪[ 21‬א]ז‬
‫‪Psalm 52 (Indictment of Faithless Scheming, and Hope for‬‬

‫ ‬ ‫)‪Faithful Trust in God‬‬
‫למנצח משכיל לדוד‬

‫‪[ 2‬בבוא ד]ואג האדומי ויַגד לשאול ויאמר לו‬
‫ בא דוד ֶאל ֶבית ֶא[חימלך]‬
‫ ח ֵֻסד ֶאל כל ה[יום]‬ ‫ֶ‬ ‫‪[ 3‬מ]ה תתהלל ֶברעה [הג]בור‬
‫ כתער ֶמ ֻל ַטש ֱעשה ֶר[מיה]‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫תחשב לשונך‬ ‫ֱ‬ ‫‪ 4‬הווֱת‬
‫ שקר ִמ ְד ֶבר ֶצ ֵדק ֶסלה‬ ‫‪ָ 5‬אהבת ָרע מטוב‬
‫רמה‬‫ לשוֱן ִמ ַ‬
‫ֶ‬ ‫דברי ֶב ַלע‬
‫‪ 6‬אהבת כל ֶ‬
‫ֶצח יחתך וי[סחך] ֶמ ֱאהל‬ ‫‪ 7‬גם אל יִתצ‪ָ ‬לנ ַ‬
‫ ושרשך ֶמארץ חיים סלה‬ ‫ֶ‬
‫ ועליו [ישחקו]‬ ‫ִיראו צדיקים וִייראֻו‬
‫‪8‬ו ֻ‬
‫מעוזֱו‬
‫ישיִם אלהים ֻ‬ ‫‪ִ 9‬הנה הגבר לא ְ‬
‫ָעז ַבה[ותו]‬‫ וַיבטח ֶב ֱרב ֱעשרֱו י ֱ‬
‫‪ 10‬ואני כזַית רענַן ֶב ֵבית אלהים ָב ַטחתי ֶבחסד אלהים ֱעולם [ועד]‬
‫ידיך ‬
‫חס ֵ‬
‫ ואקוה שמך כי טוב ֶנגֵד ִ‬ ‫ודך לעולם כי ָע ְש ָ‬
‫ית‬ ‫‪ֱ 11‬א ָ‬
‫)‪Psalm [53] 3 (Indictment of Godless Behavior‬‬
‫למנצח על מחלת משכיל לדוד‬

‫‪ָ 2‬אמר נבל ֶב ֱ‬
‫לבו ֶאין אלהים ִה ֲש ִחיתֻו וִהתעיבֻו ַעוֲל ֶאין ֱע ֵשה טוֱב‬
‫‪ 3‬אלהים משמים ִה ֲש ִקיף על בני אדם‬
‫‪ does not appear in this manuscript.‬בנ ‪3. Contra Kahle (1930: 83), the numeral‬‬
‫‪114‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 12‬‬
‫ִלראוֱת ֶהיֵש ָמ ְש ִכיל ֱד ֶרש את אלהים‬

‫ אין ָגם ֶא ַחד‬
‫ֶ‬ ‫נאלחו ֶאין ֱעשה טוב]‬ ‫ֲ‬ ‫‪ֻ 4‬כ ֱלו [סג יחדו‬
‫‪[ 5‬הלא ידעו פעלי און אכלי עמי אכל]ו ֶלחם אלהים לא ק[ראו]‬
‫ כי אלהים פזר] עצמות ֱח ָנך‬ ‫‪[ 6‬שם פחדו פחד לא היה פחד‬
‫ ה ִבי[שתה כי אלהים מאסם]‬ ‫ֶ‬
‫)‪Psalm 54:9 (Plea for Help against Enemies‬‬
‫אתה ֶע ִיני‬
‫יבי ָר ַ‬
‫ וכא ַ‬
‫ֱ‬ ‫צילני‬
‫‪[ 9‬כי מכל צרה] ִה ִ‬
‫)‪Psalm 55 (Plea for Relief against Friends-Turned-Enemies‬‬
‫למנצח בנגינות משכיל לדוד‬

‫תע ַלם מת[חנתי]‬ ‫ ואל ִת ֲ‬ ‫ילתי‬ ‫‪[ 2‬האז]ינַה אלהים ֶת ִפ ָ‬
‫יחי ואַ ִהימה‬ ‫ אריד ֶב ְש ִ‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫ַענני‬
‫יבה לי ו ִ‬ ‫[הק]ש ַ‬
‫ִ‬ ‫‪3‬‬
‫ִשטמוני‬ ‫‪[ 4‬מק]ול ֱאויֶב ִמפנֶי ָע ַקת ָרשע כי י ִָמיט[ו על]י ָאוֲן וֶבאַ ף י ְ‬
‫פלו ָע ַלי‬ ‫ וֶאימוֱת ַמ‪‬ת ָנ ֻ‬ ‫רבי‬
‫בק ִ‬ ‫‪[ 5‬לבי] י ִָחיל ִ‬
‫לצוֻת‬ ‫ [ותכ]ס ִני ַפ ְ‬
‫ֶ‬ ‫ָבא ‪‬י‬ ‫רעד י ֱ‬ ‫‪ 6‬יִר[אה] ָו ַ‬
‫וא ֲש ֱכ ָנה‬‫ופה ֶ‬ ‫ אע ַ‬
‫ֻ‬ ‫‪ָ 7‬ו ֱא ַמר ִמי יִתן ְלי ֶא ֵבר ָכ ְיֱונַה‬
‫מדבר ֶסלה‬ ‫ א ִלין ַב ַ‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫רחיק נֶ‪‬ד‬ ‫‪[ 8‬הנה] ָא ִ‬
‫ מ ֻרוח ֱס ַעה ִמ ָס ַער‬ ‫ֶ‬ ‫פלט ִלי‬ ‫[אח]ישה ִמ ַ‬
‫ַ‬ ‫‪9‬‬
‫ֶריב ָב ִעיר‬ ‫ראיתי ָח ַמס ו ִ‬ ‫ כי ִ‬ ‫‪[ 10‬בל]ע ָאדני ַפ ְַלג ֶל ֱשונם‬
‫רבה‬ ‫וע ָמל ֶב ִק ַ‬ ‫ ָו ֲאון ַ‬ ‫ומ ֶתיה‬
‫ֶסבב ָה ָעל ֱח ֱ‬ ‫יומם ולילה י ֻ‬ ‫‪ָ 11‬‬
‫רמה‬ ‫ומ ַ‬ ‫רח ַבה ֱתך ִ‬ ‫ָמיש ֶמ ֱ‬ ‫ וֶלא י ֵ‬ ‫רבה‬
‫בק ְַ‬‫‪ַ 12‬ה‪‬ת ִ‬
‫וא ַס ֶתר ִממני‬ ‫גדיל ֶ‬ ‫נאי ָע ַלי ִה ִ‬
‫מש ִ‬
‫ֶאשא לא ְַ‬‫רפני ו ְַ‬ ‫ֶח ֶ‬ ‫‪ 13‬כי לא ֶאויֵב י ָ‬
‫ֻד ִעי‬‫ומי ָ‬
‫ אלופי ֶ‬
‫ִ‬ ‫ערכי‬
‫‪ 14‬ואתה ֶאנֱוש ֶכ ִ‬
‫ֶש‬
‫ ב‪‬ית אלהים נֶ‪‬לך ֶב ָרג ֲ‬ ‫ֶ‬ ‫מתיק ֱסוד‬ ‫ַח ַדו ָנ ִ‬ ‫‪ 15‬אשר י ֲ‬
‫ֻורם ֶב ָקר[בם]‬ ‫שאול [חיים] כי ָר ֱעות ִבמג ַ‬ ‫ימו יֶרדו ֱ‬ ‫ָ‪‬ימוֲת ָע ֶל ֱ‬‫‪ 16‬י ָ‬
‫‪[ 17‬אני אל אלהים אקרא ויהוה יושיעני]‬
‫[שיחה]‬ ‫הריִם ָא ְ‬ ‫ַצ ָ‬‫וב ֶקר ו ַ‬ ‫‪[ 18‬ערב] ֱ‬
‫)‪(MS Cambridge Taylor-Schechter 12.196‬‬
‫)‪Psalm 69 (Plea for Divine Relief in Mortal Danger‬‬
‫ֻושה‬‫ברה ִל ִבי ואַ נ ָ‬ ‫רפה ַש ָ‬ ‫‪ֶ 21‬ח ָ‬

‫אתי‬
‫ַחמים ול[א] ָמ ַצ ִ‬ ‫ולמנ ִ‬ ‫ואַ קוֵה ָלנֻוד ואין ָ‬
‫ַשק ִוני ֱח ֶמ[ץ]‬ ‫צמ ִאי י ֻ‬ ‫ ול ַ‬‫ִ‬ ‫ותי ֱראש‬ ‫‪ 22‬ויתנֻו ֶב ֲב ֻר ִ‬
‫ומים ֶל ֱמוק[ש]‬ ‫ ול ֲש ֱל ִ‬
‫ִ‬ ‫ֶיהם ֶל ַפח‬ ‫לחנַם ִלפנ ֵ‬ ‫ֶהי ֻש ָ‬ ‫‪ 23‬י ִ‬
‫תניהם ָתמיד ָהמ[עד]‬ ‫ ומ ֵ‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫ראות‬ ‫‪ֶ 24‬תחכנַה ֶעינֵיהם ֶמ ֱ‬
‫ֶחרון אך יָ‪‬יגֵם‬ ‫ ו ֱ‬ ‫ַעמ‪‬‬‫שפך עליהם ז ֶ‬ ‫‪ֱ 25‬‬
‫ֱושב‬‫ֶהי י ֶ‬ ‫יהם ָאל י ִ‬ ‫הל ֵ‬ ‫ בא ֶ‬‫ָ‬ ‫ֶש[מה]‬ ‫ירתם נ ֲ‬ ‫‪ֶ 26‬ת ִהי ְִט ָ‬
‫יס ֶפ ֻרו‬
‫מכאו[ב] ֶח ָל ֵליך ָ‬ ‫ֱ‬ ‫ ואל‬
‫ֶ‬ ‫ית ָר ַד ֻפו‬
‫‪ 27‬כי אתה אשר ִה ִכ ָ‬
‫דקת ָך‬
‫בצ ֶ‬ ‫יבאו ִ‬ ‫ ואל ֱ‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫‪ֶ 28‬תנַה ָעוֲן על ֶעֱונַם‬
‫ ועם צדיקים ָאל י ִָכ ֵת ֻבו‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫מס ֵפר חיים‬ ‫‪ 29‬י ִָמ ֻחו ֶ‬
‫גב ִני‬
‫תש ֶ‬‫ֶשועת‪ ‬אלהים ְ‬ ‫ י ֻ‬ ‫ואב‬ ‫וכ ֵ‬
‫אני ָע ִני ֱ‬ ‫‪ָ 30‬ו ִ‬
‫ַדלנֻו בתו[דה]‬ ‫ ואג ֶ‬‫ֶ‬ ‫ללה ‪‬ם אלהים ֶב‪‬יר‬ ‫‪ֶ 31‬א ָה ַ‬
‫פריס‬ ‫ומ ִ‬ ‫ מקרין ַ‬ ‫יטב ליהוה ִמ‪‬ור ַפר‬ ‫ות ַ‬‫‪ִ 32‬‬
‫ִחי ֶלבבכ[ם]‬ ‫רשי אלהים וי ִ‬ ‫ ד ֶ‬ ‫ֱ‬ ‫ִיש ָמ ֻחו‬
‫‪ָ 33‬ר ֻאו ענ‪‬ים ו ְ‬
‫יריו לא ָבז[ה]‬ ‫ ואת ָא ִס ַ‬ ‫‪ 34‬כי שמע אל אביונים יהוה‬
‫ יָ‪‬ים וכל ֱרמש בם‬ ‫וארץ‬‫ֶה‪‬לוהו ָשמים ָ‬ ‫‪ 35‬י ָ‬
‫ִיירשו[ה]‬ ‫ָשבו ‪‬ם ו ֵ‬ ‫ִיבנה ָע ֶרי יהודה ִוי ֻ‬ ‫ֱושיע ציון ו ֲ‬ ‫‪ 36‬כי אלהים י ִ‬
‫ִשכנֻו [בה]‬ ‫ֱאהבי ֲשמו י ֲ‬ ‫ ו ֶ‬ ‫ִנח ֻלוה‬‫עב ַדיו י ָ‬ ‫‪ 37‬וֶזרע ָ‬
‫)‪Psalm 70 (Urgent Plea for Divine Protection‬‬
‫למנצח לדוד להזכיר‬

‫ושה‬ ‫עזרתי ֻח ָ‬
‫ִ‬ ‫ יהוה ֶל‬ ‫ילני‬
‫לה ִצ ֶ‬
‫אלהים ָ‬ ‫‪2‬‬
‫פצי רעתי‬ ‫למו ַח ֶ‬‫ִסגֲו ָא ֱחור וי ִָכ ֻ‬
‫ י ֱ‬ ‫ָחפרו ֶמבקשי נפשי‬
‫ֶב ֻשו ִוי ֻ‬ ‫יֱ‬ ‫‪3‬‬
‫ האמרים ֶהאַ ח ֶהאַ ח‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫ָשובו על ֶע ֵקב [בשתם]‬ ‫יֻ‬ ‫‪4‬‬
‫מבקש[יך]‬‫מחו ב‪ ‬כל ַ‬‫ִיש ֻ‬ ‫ישו ו ְ‬
‫ָש ְ‬
‫י ְִ‬ ‫‪5‬‬
‫ועתך‬
‫הבי ֶת ֻש ֶ‬‫ִגדל אלהים ֱא ֶ‬ ‫ ויֱאמרו ָת ִמיד י ַ‬
‫‪116‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 12‬‬
‫עני וא[ביון] אלהים ֻחושה ִלי‬

‫‪ 6‬וַאני ִ‬
‫ֻמפלטי אתה יהוה אַ ל ת[אחר]‬
‫ִ‬ ‫זרי ו‬‫ ע ִ‬
‫ֶ‬
‫)‪Psalm 71 (Plea for Continued Protection and Health in Old Age‬‬
‫ושה לעולם‬ ‫ב‪ ‬יהוה חסיתי ָאל ֶא ֱב ַ‬

‫ [הטה] אלי אזנך והושי[עני]‬ ‫‪ 4‬בצדקת[ך תציל]ני ותפלטני‬
‫ורי‬‫נע ַ‬
‫בט ִחי ִמ ֻ‬ ‫ יהוה ִמ ַ‬ ‫ֲתי ָאדנַי‬ ‫‪[ 5‬כי] אתה ִתקו ִ‬
‫הלתי ָת ִמיד‬ ‫מעי ִא ִמי ָאתה גֱו ִזי ב‪ִ ‬ת ָ‬ ‫מב ֵטן ִמ ֶ‬ ‫כתי ֶ‬ ‫סמ ִ‬‫‪[ 6‬על]יך ִנ ַ‬
‫מחסי ֱעז‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫ ואתה‬ ‫ייתי ֶל ָרבים‬ ‫[כמ]ופת ָה ִ‬‫ֶ‬ ‫‪7‬‬
‫רת ָך‬
‫פא ֶ‬ ‫ כל ָהיֱום ִת ָ‬ ‫הל ֶת ָך‬ ‫ימלא ‪‬י ִת ָ‬ ‫‪ֶ 8‬‬
‫ [ככ]לות כחי ָאל ָת ַע ֶ‬
‫זב ִני‬ ‫ֱ‬ ‫לעת ִזקנַה‬ ‫יכ ִני ֵ‬ ‫‪ָ 9‬אל ָת ֲש ִל ֶ‬
‫ֶחדו‬
‫ֱועצו י ַ‬ ‫ֱשמרי נפשי נ ֻ‬ ‫ ו ֶ‬ ‫ויבי לי‬ ‫‪ִ 10‬כי ָאמרו ֱא ַ‬
‫פשוֻהו כי ֶאין ָמ ִציל‬ ‫ֲת ְ‬ ‫דפו ו ִ‬‫ ר ֻ‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫[ל]אמר אלהים ָעזָ ֱבו‬ ‫ֱ‬ ‫‪11‬‬
‫עזרתי ֻחושה‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫ אלהי ֶל‬ ‫מני‬
‫רחק ִמ ִ‬ ‫‪ 12‬אלהים ָאל ִת ַ‬
‫קשי ָר ַע ִתי ‬ ‫מב ֶ‬‫וכ ִל ַמה ַ‬ ‫רפה ֶ‬ ‫ָעטו ֶח ַ‬ ‫ י ֻ‬ ‫ִכלו ְֱשטנֶי ָנפשי‬ ‫]שו י ֻ‬ ‫[יב ֻ‬
‫‪ֱ 13‬‬
‫פתי ָעל ֱכל ֶת ִהלת‪‬‬ ‫וס ִ‬ ‫ וה ַ‬
‫ֱ‬ ‫ַחל‬ ‫‪ 14‬ואני ָתמיד ָאי ֶ‬
‫ כי לא ידעתי ֶס ֱפ ֱרות‬ ‫וע ֶת‪‬‬‫צדק ֶת ָך כל היום ֶת ֻש ָ‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫יס ֶפר‬‫‪[ 15‬פי] ַ‬
‫לב ְֶד ָך‬
‫זכיר ִצדקת‪ַ ‬‬ ‫ א ִ‬‫ָ‬ ‫גברות ָאדנַי יהוה‬ ‫[א]בוא ִב ֱ‬ ‫ֱ‬ ‫‪16‬‬
‫יך‬‫פלא ֶת ָ‬
‫ֶעד ֶהנה ָא ִגיד ִנ ֱ‬ ‫ ו ַ‬ ‫ורי‬
‫נע ַ‬‫דת ִני ִמ ֻ‬ ‫‪[ 17‬א]להים ִל ַמ ָ‬
‫אלהים ָאל ָת ֶ‬
‫עזב ִני‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫יבה‬ ‫ֶש ַ‬ ‫‪[ 18‬וג]ם ָעד ִזקנה ו ְ‬
‫ור ֶת ָך‬‫ֶב ָ‬‫ָבוא ג ֻ‬‫ֶרוע‪ֶ ‬ל ֲדוֱר [לכ]ל י ֱ‬ ‫ עד ָא ִגיד ז ֱ‬ ‫ָ‬
‫וצדקת‪ ‬אלהים עד ָמ ֱרום‬ ‫‪ִ 19‬‬
‫ית [גד]לות אלהים ִמי ֲכמוֱך‬ ‫ אשר ָע ִש ָ‬
‫תח ִינו‬
‫רבות [ורעות] ָת ֻשוב ַ‬ ‫יתני ָצ ֱרות ֱ‬ ‫רא ִ‬ ‫‪ 20‬אשר ִה ִ‬
‫על ִנו‬‫תהמות ַהארץ ָת ֻשוב ָת ֶ‬ ‫ ומ ֱ‬ ‫ִ‬
‫ַחמ ִני‬
‫ותסב ֶתנ ֶ‬ ‫ג]ד ָל ִתי ֱ‬ ‫‪[ 21‬תרב ֻ‬
‫בכלי נֶבל ָא ִמת‪ ‬אלהי‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫ודך‬
‫אני ֱא ֲ‬ ‫‪ָ 22‬גם ִ‬
‫ [אזמר]ה ל‪ֶ ‬ב ִכנֱור ֶק ֱדוש יִשראל‬
‫ית‬
‫ַמרה ָלך ונפשי אשר ְפ ִד ָ‬ ‫[תרנ]נה ְש ַפ ָתי כי אז ָ‬
‫ָ‬ ‫‪23‬‬
‫דק ֶת ָך‬
‫ל]ש ִוני כל ָהיום ֶתה ֵגה ִצ ָ‬
‫‪[ 24‬גם ֱ‬
‫קשי ָר ַע ִתי‬
‫פרו ֶמ ַב ֶ‬
‫ כי ֱב ֻשו כי ָח ֱ‬
‫)‪Psalm 72 (Prayer for Royal Success, Longevity, and Blessing‬‬
‫לשלמה‬
‫ וצדקתך ֶל ֵבן ֶמלך‬ ‫שפט ָ‬
‫יך ֶל ֲמלך ֶתן‬ ‫[אלה]ים ִמ ֶ‬ ‫‪1‬‬
‫ ועניֵך במשפט‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫[ידין] עמ‪ֶ ‬ב ֶ‬
‫צדק‬ ‫‪2‬‬
‫ֶב ֱעות [בצדקה]‬
‫ִש ֻאו הרי[ם שלום] ָלעם וג ַ‬‫יְ‬ ‫‪3‬‬
‫ושק‬‫לבנֶי א[ביון וידכא] ֱע ֶ‬
‫[ישפט עניי עם יושיע] ֶ‬ ‫‪4‬‬
‫)‪Serugin (shorthand‬‬
‫)]‪(P 40 [MS Cambridge Taylor-Schechter A43.1‬‬
‫)”‪Isaiah 53 (The “Suffering Servant‬‬
‫‪ָ 4‬א ֵכן ָח ָנ ֵב ֶס ָב ַנ ֻנ ָנ ֻג ֻמ ֵכ ה ֻע ֶנ‬

‫‪‬רת ִנ ָפ‪-‬‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫‪ 5‬והוֻא ֱח ָל ִמ ָש ֻד ָכ ַס מ‬
‫‪ֻ 6‬כלנו ַכ ִע א ָפ ִנ י א ו‬
‫ֶא ָל ל ַת‬ ‫‪ִ 7‬נגַש ַנ ֶנ ל ַכ ַל ָב ֵח נ ֱג נ ְ‬
‫ֶס ֵח כ ַז ֶפ ֶנ‬ ‫מע ֶצר ָפ ֻל ָק א‪-‬ר י ֱ‬ ‫‪ֱ 8‬‬
‫‪ 9‬ויתן ע ִק ֱר א‪-‬ש ֶב ֱמ ָת ע ל‪ -‬ל ִמ‬
‫ֶר ֵח ָל‬ ‫א‪-‬ש ָש ֶא ז ַ‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ויי ֵפ ַדא ֶה ֶח‬
‫מעמל ש ָב ת ד ד ַע ִד ָל ַו ֱנ ֱב‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫‪11‬‬
‫‪ 12‬לכן אַ ֶל‪ -‬ב א‪-‬מ ת ש ַל ָמ ֱ‬
‫א‪-‬פ ִע ִנ ָנ ֻה ֵח‪ַ -‬ל י ִַג ֶה ֶע ָרה‬
‫‪118‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 12‬‬
‫)‪Isaiah 54 (Reassurance of a Rebuilt Jerusalem‬‬
‫‪ָ 1‬רני ר ל י ָָל ִפח ַצ ָח כ‪-‬ב מ נ ֻע ָל‬

‫‪ַ 2‬הרחיבי‪ָ -‬אל ו ִִר ַת יַט ‪ַ ‬ה ָת ַר ו ֱ‬
‫ִד ַת‬
‫ֱש‬
‫ֶש ְֱמ י ִ‬
‫‪ 3‬כ‪-‬י ִָמ ֱמ ִת ֱר ֵע ָר ר נ ַ‬
‫א‪-‬ת ָכמ כ ל ַת ִפ כ ֱב ַע ֻל ַמ ָכ ֶח ַפ אַ נ ַ‬
‫ֻת ל ִת‬ ‫‪ 4‬אל‪-‬א כ‪-‬ל ִ‬
‫‪ 5‬כי ֱב ַל ֱע ַש י א ֵל ֶק ה ר ָק ֵר‬
‫ַצ ַב ֶק ָר ָא א ֻער כ ָמ ֵא ַמ ָה‬ ‫‪ 6‬כי‪ -‬זֻב ו ֻ‬
‫ברגע ֱט ַע ִת ַר ִמ ִל אַ ֵצ‬ ‫‪ֶ 7‬‬
‫‪ 8‬בשצף ק ִה ַת ַנ ר ֵמ ח ל ִר ִת ַמ ֵל‬
‫ְע‪-‬‬
‫‪ 9‬כי‪-‬מ נ ש ב ב נ ע ע‪ -‬כ ַב ִמ ְק ֱצ ִמג ָ‬
‫ָמ ע ֶט ֲנ ד ֵת מ מ ֻמ מ ַר ֵמ ָת ֻמ‬ ‫‪ 10‬כי ר י ֻ‬
‫ִס ִת ַב‬ ‫ֻח נ כ ִב ֻפ ָב ַנ י ְַ‬ ‫‪ַ 11‬ע ִניָיה ֱס ל נ ָ‬
‫נ‪-‬ח‬
‫כ‪-‬ל ֵ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ושמתי ְַכ ֱֲכ ַת ַר ֶא ָד ֵ‬
‫וכל‪-‬ב ַנ ִל ַר ֶשל ָנ‬
‫ָ‬ ‫‪13‬‬
‫צדקה ִת ֱכ ָנ ַר ע כ‪-‬ל ָר ת כ ַר ָל‬ ‫‪ִ 14‬ב ָ‬
‫מ‪-‬ג ִא ָת‬‫‪ 15‬הן ֱג ג א ֱא ָ‬
‫ֱפ ֶפ ָח ִצ ִל כ ָר ִת ַח ֵב ֶב ֵא‬ ‫‪ִ 16‬ה ֵן ן נֵה כ ָר נ ֵ‬
‫כ‪-‬ל ֻק‪ִ -‬א ָת ַלפ ז ל י ת ִאת‬ ‫כל‪-‬ל ַצ ַל ָל ָ‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫‪17‬‬
‫‪Isaiah 55 (Invitation to Repent, Leave Babylonia,‬‬

‫ ‬ ‫)‪and Return to Zion‬‬
‫ֶכ ר ל‪-‬כ ל‬ ‫הוי ֵמ כ ַל ש ל ָכ ִש ֻר ו ֱ‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫ִעכ ָש ע ַל ִא ֶו ַנ ַב‬ ‫למה ִת ס ו ַ‬ ‫‪2‬‬
‫ואת כ ַח‪‬‬ ‫ַהטו כ ִשע ֶ‬ ‫‪3‬‬
‫הן ֵע מ ָנ ִג ֵו‬ ‫‪4‬‬
‫הן ד ג ֻע ָך ָך מ ֶה ָך ד א ֵפאַ ָר‬ ‫‪5‬‬
‫ִדרשו ָמ ֱא ֶק ָר ֻא‬ ‫‪6‬‬
‫ַב‬‫ִר א‪-‬ה כ‪-‬י ֶ‬ ‫ִש י ו ַ‬‫‪ 7‬יַעזב ש ִא ָא ַמ ו ֱ‬

‫‪ 8‬כי ַת ל כ ָכ א ‪‬‬
‫‪ 9‬כי‪-‬ה ַמ כ ַכ ֲכ ַת‬
‫‪ 10‬כי ש יֵר ל מ מ כ א‪ָ -‬דה ִה ָחה ָנ ז ַל ח ָל ֱא ֵכ‬
‫ל‪-‬ש ַל כ א‪-‬ש ִל ש‬ ‫‪ 11‬כן ִר ש ֵי ֻ‬
‫כי‪-‬ח ֵת ֵצ ל ע כ כ‪-‬צ ד ָכ‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫‪12‬‬
‫ֶתן ִס ַפ ַד ָי י ֱא ָכ‬‫ַצ ֱר ו ַ‬
‫‪ַ 13‬תחת נ ֻ‬
‫‪Isaiah 56 (Oracles about Community Cohesion under God,‬‬

‫ ‬ ‫)‪and Failed Leadership‬‬
‫‪ 1‬כה ִשר פ ַו כ‪ -‬ת ת ָג‬

‫‪ 2‬אַ שרי נ ַי ב‪-‬ד ַי ִז מ ב ֵמ ַח ְל ֵמ ָר‬
‫א‪-‬מ ַה נ ֵע ָי‬ ‫‪ 3‬ואל‪ -‬כ ָו י ֵד י ַל ַע ַע ַ‬
‫‪ 4‬כי‪ -‬כ ס ֻר ַת ָבר ָפ ַמ ִק‬
‫‪ 5‬ונתתי ה ת ַת ָי ָו ט ל ש ָכ‬
‫‪ 6‬ובני כ ִו י ב י ַל כ‪ -‬ב ֵמ ַמ ִק‬
‫והביאתים א‪ -‬ש ִש ִת ֵה ֵה ת ב‪-‬ל ָק כ‪-‬‬ ‫ֱ‬ ‫‪7‬‬
‫נאם ב א ע אַ ֵב ל ֶל ִנ ָב‬ ‫‪ֻ 8‬‬
‫‪ 9‬כל ַח ָת ֱכ ֱת ַב ָי‬
‫‪ֱ 10‬צ ָפו ל ָד ל ִא ְל ל יֻל ִל ְֱב ֱה ֱש ֱא ָל ֻנ‬
‫‪ 11‬והכלבים ַע נ ָי ָש ה ע ל ָה ל א ע ִמ ָק‬
‫אתיו ַי ִנ י ז ד יֶ‬‫‪ָ 12‬‬
‫;‪Isaiah 57 (Punishment of Threats to the Community‬‬

‫)‪ the Penitent Faithful Abide in Peace‬‬
‫ֵא ָס‬
‫‪ 1‬הצדיק ָב א ָש ש‪ -‬פ כ‪ -‬נ ע ַס נ ֶ‬
‫‪ 2‬יבוא ל ֻנ ֱהל ֱכ‬
‫‪120‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 12‬‬
‫ַת ֶנ‬
‫‪ 3‬ואתם ִק ֵה ז ָנ ֵא ו ִ‬
‫‪ 4‬על‪-‬מ ָנ ע‪-‬מ ח ַת ָל ל ת יִ‪-‬‬
‫ֵחמים ָב ַת ֱש ד ַב ַת ֲפ‬ ‫‪ַ 5‬הנ ָ‬
‫בח ְלקי‪-‬נ ֶח ֵק ֵה ֵה ֵל ג‪ַ -‬פ נ ֶה ִל ַה ֵא‬ ‫‪ַ 6‬‬
‫ֶש ַש ֵב ג‪-‬ש ִל ֱב זָ‬ ‫‪ 7‬על‪ -‬ו ָ‬
‫‪ 8‬ואַ ַחר ֶד ְמ ֻז ש כ ִאת ָג וַל ַח ֵב ָר ָל ַה ב ָי ִז‬
‫ַפ ע‪-‬‬ ‫ַת ֻשרי מ ַב ַת ִב ִר ֻק ֶת ַש ַר ע‪ -‬ו ִ‬ ‫‪9‬וָ‬
‫ברב ֵכ ָי ַג ל ַמ ָא ַי ֵד ָצ ע‪-‬כ ָח ִל‬ ‫‪ֱ 10‬‬
‫ע‪-‬ל נ ַמ ְֶש ת‬ ‫‪ 11‬ואת‪-‬מ אַ וַת ַכ ֵז ת ַכ ל ַש ְ‬
‫‪ 12‬אני ִג ֵת א‪-‬ש ל ִע ֻל‬
‫ִר ַה‬‫בזעקך ֻל ִק ֻב ַצ ל ַק ָ|ה| ַה ֱח ֶס ב ַח ו ַ‬ ‫ֵ‬ ‫‪13‬‬
‫וא ַמר ֱס ְל ַפ ָד ָה ִר ֱש ִמ‬ ‫‪ָ 14‬‬
‫א‪-‬ד ָכ ַפ ַהֱי ַהֱי‬ ‫‪ 15‬כי מ ָר ָש ֱש ַע ר ד ַ‬
‫ַט ָש ֱמ‬ ‫כ‪-‬ר ַנ י ֱֲ‬
‫‪ 16‬כי ל ִר ל ָל ֶא ֱצ ֻ‬
‫‪ַ 17‬בעוֱן ִבע ַצ אַ ֵכ ַה ֵת ו י ֱש ָב‬
‫ַח וַל ִנ ֻח ִמ ל ַל ֵב‬ ‫‪ֶ 18‬ד ָרכיו א ו ו ֵ‬
‫‪ֱ 19‬בורא ָת ָש ֱח ֱר ַמ י ָפ ָל ָר ַל ָק‬
‫‪ 20‬והרשעים ַכ ָי ִנ ָרש כ ַה ֵק ָכ ַויִש ֶרש ָו‬
‫‪ 21‬אין ל ַמ [ל]‬
‫‪Tiberian-Palestinian Tradition‬‬
‫)‪Judges 5 (The Song of Deborah‬‬
‫מר׃ ‬‬ ‫ּוב ָר ֿק ֶבן ֲא ִבי ֿנ ֹ ָעם ָבּיֹום ָההּוא ֶּל ֿא ֿ ֹ‬ ‫‪ 1‬וַ ָת ָּשר ְדב ָֹרֿה ָ‬
‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל ְב ִה ְתּנָ ֵדֿב ָעם ָב ְרֿכּו יְ הוָ ה׃ ‬‬ ‫‪ִ 2‬ב ְפר ְֹע ְפ ָרעֹוֿת ְביִ ָ‬
‫‪ִ 3‬ש ְֿמעּו ְמ ֿ ָל ִכים ַה ֲא ִֿזינֿ ּו ר ְֹֿז ֿ ִנים ַאנֿ ִֹכי ַליְ הוָ ה ָא ֿנ ֹ ִכי ָא ִֿש ָירֿה ֲאזָ ֵמר‬
‫ַליְ הוָ ה ֱא ֿל ֹ ֵהי יִ ְֿש ָר ֵא ֿל׃ ‬‬
‫‪‬דֿה ֱאֿדֹום ֶא ֶר ֿץ ָר ָע ָֿשֿה גַ ם‬ ‫‪ 4‬יְ הוָ ה ְב ֶֿצ ּֿא ְת ָֿך ִמ ֶש ִעיר ְב ַֿצ ְע ְד ָֿך ִמ ֶ‬
‫ָש ָֿמיִ ם נָ ָֿטֿפּו גַ ם ָע ִבים נָ ְֿטֿפּו ָמיִ ם׃ ‬‬
‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל׃ ‬‬
‫‪ַ 5‬ה ִרים ּנַ ְֿז ֿלּו ִמ ְפ ֿ ֵני יְ הוָ ה ּזֵ ֿה ִס ֿ ָיני ִמ ְפ ֿ ֵני יְ הוָ ה ֱא ֿל ֹ ֵהי יִ ָ‬
‫ימי ָֿי ֶע ֿל ָח ְד ֿלּו ֳא ָרחֹוֿת וְ ה ֿ ְֹל ֵכי נְ ִתיֿבֹוֿת ֶֿי ֿ ְלֿכּו‬ ‫ימי ָש ְֿמגָ ר ֶבן ֲע ֿ ָנֿת ִב ֶֿ‬ ‫‪ִ 6‬ב ֵֿ‬
‫ֳא ָרחֹות ֲע ַק ֿ ְל ָּקּלֹות׃ ‬‬
‫ֿבֹורה ָּש ָק ְֿמ ִתי ֶאם‬ ‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל ָח ֶדּלּו ָעד ָּש ָק ְמ ִתי ְד ָ‬ ‫‪ָ 7‬ח ְד ֿלּו ְפ ָר ֿז ֹן ְב ִֿי ָ‬
‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל׃ ‬‬ ‫ְביִ ָ‬
‫‪ְ 8‬יִב ָחר ֱא ֿל ֹ ִהים ֲח ָד ִֿשים ָאזֿ ָל ֶחם ְֿש ָע ִרים ָמגֶ ן ִאם יֶ ָר ֶאֿה וַ ר ָֹֿמ ְח‬
‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל׃ ‬‬‫ְב ָא ְר ָב ִעים ֶא ֿ ֶל ֿף ְב ִֿי ָ‬
‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל ָה ִמ ְתּנָ ְד ִבים ָב ָעם ָב ְרֿכּו יְ הוָ ה׃ ‬‬ ‫חֹוק ֵ ֿקי יִ ָ‬‫‪ִ 9‬ל ִבי ֿ ְל ְֿ‬
‫‪ 10‬ר ְֹכ ֵבי ֲאתֹנֿ ֹוֿת ְצחֹורֹוֿת ֿי ֹ ְֿש ֹ ֵבי ַע ֿל ִמ ִדין וְ ה ֿ ְֹל ֶכי ַע ֿל ֶ־ד ֶר ְֿך ‪‬יחּו׃ ‬‬
‫‪Author’s note: All readings have been collated against photographs (Sperber 1956) and‬‬
‫‪transcriptions (Sperber 1969). Any deviations from the latter are deliberate corrections.‬‬
‫‪A few points of detail require some comment.‬‬
‫‪1. It is very hard to decide on the basis of the photograph whether the vowel sign‬‬
‫‪beneath the ʿayin is a pataḥ (with Sperber 1969: 30) or a qameṣ.‬‬
‫‪121‬‬
‫‪122‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 13‬‬
‫ּקֹול ְמ ָח ְֿצ ִֿצים ֶבין ָּמ ְֿש ָא ִבים ָשם ְֿי ָתּנּו ִצ ְדּקֹוֿת יְ הוָ ה ִצ ְדּקֹוֿת‬ ‫‪ִ 11‬מ ֿ‬
‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל ָאזֿ ָֿי ְרֿדּו ָּל ְֿש ָע ִרים ָעם יְ הוָ ה׃ ‬‬ ‫ִפ ְרזֿ ֹונֿ ֹו ְב ִֿי ָ‬
‫ּוּש ֶבֿה ֶש ְב ְֿי ָֿך‬ ‫עּורי ָד ְב ִרי ִשיר ּקּום ָב ָרק ְֿ‬ ‫עּורי ִ‬ ‫ֿבֹורֿה ִ‬ ‫עּורי ְד ָ‬ ‫עּורי ִ‬ ‫‪ִ 12‬‬
‫ֶבן ֲא ִבינֿ ָֹעם׃ ‬‬
‫ּבֹורים׃ ‬‬
‫‪‬ריֿד ְל ָא ִד ִירים ָעם יְ הוָ ה ְֿי ָרֿד ִלי ַבגִ ִ‬ ‫‪ָ 13‬אזֿ ְֿי ָרֿד ִ‬
‫‪ִ 14‬מנִ י ֶא ְפ ָריִ ם ֳש ְר ָשם ַב ֲע ָֿמ ֿ ֶל ֿק ֲא ֲח ֶריָך ִב ֿ ְנ ָֿי ִֿמין ַב ֲע ָֿמ ֶמ ֿיָך ִמנִ י ָמ ִכיר‬
‫סֹופר׃ ‬‬
‫ֿבּולן מ ְֹש ִכים ְב ֶּש ֶב ֿט ֶ‬ ‫ּומ ְֿז ֿ ֻ‬‫ָֿי ְרֿדּו ְמח ְֹֿק ִֿקים ִֿ‬
‫‪‬שכר ֵכן ָב ָר ֿק ָב ֶע ֶֿמ ֿק ֻש ָל ְח‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫שכר ִעם ְדב ָֹרֿה וְ יִ‬ ‫‪‬ריֿ ְביִ ָש ָ‬ ‫‪ 15‬וְ ָ‬
‫ֿדֹולים ִח ְק ֵקי ֵלֿב׃ ‬‬ ‫אּובן גְ ֿ ִ‬ ‫ְב ָרגְ ָליוְ ִב ְפ ָּלּגֹוֿת ְר ֶ‬
‫‪ַ 16‬ל ָמֿה יָ ָֿש ְב ָת ֶבין ַה ִמ ְֿש ְפ ָת ִֿים ִל ְֿשמ ַֹע ְֿש ִר ֿקֹוֿת ֲע ֲד ִרים ִל ְפ ָּלּגֹות‬
‫ֿדֹולים ִח ְק ֶרי ֶּלֿב׃ ‬‬ ‫אּובן גְ ֿ ִ‬ ‫ְר ֶ‬
‫חֹוף‬
‫‪ 17‬גִ ֿ ְל ָעֿד ְב ֶע ֶבר ָהיָ ְר ֵדן ָש ֵכן וְ ָדן ָל ָמֿה יָ ֿגּור ֳא ֿ ִנּיֹוֿת ָא ֶּֿשר ָֿי ָּשֿב ֿ ְל ֿ‬
‫ָֿי ִמים וְ ַע ֿל ִמ ְפ ָר ָֿציוְ יִ ְֿשּכֹון׃ ‬‬
‫‪‬דֿה׃ ‬‬ ‫רֹומי ֶ‬ ‫ֿבּולן ָעם ֶח ֶר ֿף ּנָ ְפּׁשֹו ַּל ֿמּות וְ ֿ ַנ ְפ ָת ֿ ִלי ַע ֿל ְֿמ ֶֿ‬ ‫‪ְֿ 18‬ז ֿ ֻ‬
‫‪ָ 19‬ב ִאּו ְמ ֿ ָל ִכים נִ ֿ ְל ָח ֿמּו ָאזֿ נִ ֿ ְל ֲח ֿמּו ָּמ ֿ ְל ֵכי ְכ ֿ ָנ ָען ְב ַת ֲענָ ְֿך ַע ֿל ֵמי ְֿמגִ ּדֹו‬
‫ֶב ַֿצ ְע ֶכ ֶֿס ֿף לֹא ָל ָקחּו׃ ‬‬
‫יס ָרא׃ ‬‬ ‫ם־ס ְֿ‬
‫ֹּלתם נִ ְל ֲח ֿמּו ִע ִ‬ ‫ּכֹוכ ִבים ִמ ְֿמ ִס ָ‬ ‫ן־ש ָֿמיִ ם נִ ֿ ְל ָח ֿמּו ָה ָ‬ ‫‪ִ 20‬מ ָ‬
‫ֿדּומים ּנָ ָח ֿל ִקישֹּׁון ִת ְד ְר ִכי ּנָ ְפ ִשי עֹזֿ ׃ ‬‬ ‫יּשֹון גְ ָר ָפם נָ ָח ֿל ְקּ ִֿ‬ ‫‪ּ 21‬נָ ָח ֿל ִק ֿ‬
‫ּסּוס ִמ ַד ֲהרֹוֿת ָד ֲהרֹוֿת ָא ִב ָיריוְ ׃ ‬‬ ‫‪ָ 22‬אזֿ ָה ֿ ְל ֿמּו ִע ְֿק ֵבי ֿ‬
‫יה ִכי ֿל ֹא ָבאּו‬ ‫‪ּ 23‬אֹרּו ֶּמרֹוזֿ ָא ָֿמר ָמ ֿ ְל ָא ְֿך יְ הוָ ה אֹרו ָארֹור יֿ ְֹֿש ֵב ָ‬
‫ּבֹורים׃ ‬‬ ‫ֿ ְל ֶע ְֿז ָרת יְ הוָ ה ֿ ְל ֶע ְֿז ָרת יְ הוָ ה ַבגִ ִ‬
‫‪ְ 24‬תב ָֹר ְֿך ִמנָ ִֿשים יַ ֶע ֿל ֶא ֶֿשֿת ֶח ֶבר ָה ֶק ֿ ִיני ִמנָ ִֿשים ָבא ֶֹה ֿל ְתב ָֹר ְֿך׃ ‬‬
‫‪ָ 25‬מיִ ם ַש ָא ֿל ָח ָלֿב ּנַ ָת ֿ ָנה ְב ֶֿס ֶפל ָא ִד ִירים ֵה ְֿק ִר ָיבֿה ֶח ְֿמ ָאֿה׃ ‬‬
‫יס ָרא‬ ‫ימ ֿ ָינ ִה ֿ ְל ָה ֿ ְל ֿמּוֿת ֲע ֶֿמ ֿ ִלים וְ ָה ֿ ְל ַֿמֿה ִס ְֿ‬
‫‪ַֿ 26‬י ָד ִה ָּליָ ֶתֿד ִת ְֿש ָּל ֲח ֿ ָנֿה וִ ִֿ‬
‫ּומ ֲח ַֿצֿה וְ ָח ֿ ְל ָפֿה ַר ָקֿתֹו׃ ‬‬ ‫ַּמ ֲח ָ ֿקֿה ר ֹ ֿא ּֿשֹו ָ‬
‫‪2. No vowel sign can be identified beneath the reš, pace Sperber’s reading as qameṣ‬‬
‫‪(1969: 30).‬‬
‫‪3. Only one dot of the vowel sign beneath the bet is clearly visible.‬‬
‫‪4. Two dots beneath the first he can still be seen on the photograph, presumably a‬‬
‫‪scribal error.‬‬
‫‪Tiberian-Palestinian Tradition‬‬ ‫‪123‬‬
‫יה ָכ ָר ְע נָ ָפ ֿל ַב ֲא ֶֿשר ָכ ָר ְע ָשם‬ ‫יה ָכ ָר ְע נָ ַפל ָש ָכֿב ֵבין ַרגְ ֶל ָ‬ ‫‪ֵ 27‬בין ָרגְ ֶל ָ‬
‫נָ ָפ ֿל ָשֿדּוֿד׃ ‬‬
‫ּדּוע‬
‫יס ָרא ְב ָעד ָה ֶא ְֿשנָ ב ָּמ ְ‬ ‫‪ְ 28‬ב ָעֿד ָה ָחּלֹון נִ ְֿש ְק ָפֿה וַ ְתיֿ ֵבֿב ֵאם ִס ְֿ‬
‫ֿבֹותיוְ ׃ ‬‬
‫ּדּוע ֶא‪‬רּו ַפ ֲע ֶֿמי ָּמ ְר ְכ ָ‬ ‫ב ֶֹּֿש ּֿש ִר ְכּבֹו ָלֿבֹוא ָּמ ְ‬
‫יה ָל ִה׃ ‬‬ ‫־היא ָת ִֿשיב ֲא ָֿמ ֶר ָ‬ ‫יה ַת ֲענֵ ינָ ֿה ַא ֿף ִ‬ ‫‪‬רֹות ָ‬
‫ֵ‬ ‫‪ַ 29‬ח ְכ ֿמֹוֿת‬
‫‪ֲ 30‬ה ֿל ֹא ִֿי ְֿמ ְֿצּאּו ְֿי ָח ֿ ְל ֿקּו ָש ֿ ָל ֿל ַר ָחם ַר ֲּח ָמ ָת ִֿים ֿ ְלר ֹ ֿא ּֿש גֶ ֶבר ְֿש ֿ ָל ֿל‬
‫ארי ָש ֿ ַל ֿל׃ ‬‬ ‫יס ָרא ְֿש ֿ ָל ֿל ְצ ָב ִעים ִר ְֿק ָֿמֿה ֶצ ַב ְע ִר ְֿק ָמ ָתיֿ םִ ֿ ְל ַֿצוְ ֵ‬ ‫ְֿצ ָב ִעים ֿ ְל ִֿס ְֿ‬
‫ֿבּורֿתֹו‬ ‫ּאה ָביוְ ְכ ֶֿצ ֿאֿת ָה ֶש ֶֿמ ּֿש ִבגְ ָ‬ ‫‪ֵ 31‬כן ֹֿי ֿא ְבֿדּו ָכ ֿל־א ְֹֿי ֵב ֿיָך יְ הוָ ה וְ ֲ‬
‫תשק ֹֿט ָה ָא ֶר ֿץ ָא ְר ָב ִעים ָש ֿ ָנֿה׃ ‬‬ ‫וַ ְֿ‬
‫)‪1 Samuel 1 (The Birth and Nazirite Dedication of Samuel‬‬
‫ּושּמֹו ֶא ֿ ְל ָק ֿ ָנֿה ֶבן‬ ‫ּצֹופים ֶּמ ָהר ֶא ְפ ָר ִֿים ְ‬ ‫ן־ה ָר ָֿמ ָת ִֿים ִ‬ ‫יּש ֶא ָחֿד ִמ ָ‬ ‫‪ 1‬וַ ְֿי ִהי ִא ֿ‬
‫ן־ּצּוף ֶא ְפ ָר ִתי׃ ‬‬
‫ֿ‬ ‫ן־א ֿ ִליהּוא ֶבן תֹחּו ֶב‬ ‫ְֿיר ָֹחם ֶב ֱ‬
‫‪ 2‬וְ ֿלֹו ְֿש ֵתי נָ ִֿשים ֶּשם ָא ָחֿת ַחנָ ֿה וְ ֶּֿשם ָה ֶש ֿ ִניֿת ְפ ֿ ִננָ ה וַ ְֿי ִהי ִל ְפנִ נָ ֿה‬
‫ּול ַחנָ ֿה ֶאין ְֿי ֿ ָל ִדים׃ ‬‬ ‫ְֿי ֿ ָל ִדים ֿ ְ‬
‫ימֿה ֿ ְל ִה ְֿש ָת ֲח ֿו ֺֿת וְ ֿ ִל ְֿזבֹ‪‬‬ ‫יּש ָההּוא ֶּמ ִעירֹו ִמיָ ִֿמים יָ ִֿמ ָֿ‬ ‫‪ 3‬וְ ָע ֿ ָלֿה ָה ִא ֿ‬
‫ּופנְ ָח ֿס כ ֲֹהנִ ים‬ ‫‪‬פנִ י ִ‬ ‫י־ע ֿ ִלי ְ‬ ‫ַליְ הוָ ה ְצ ָבאֹוֿת ְב ִֿש ֿל ֹה וְ ָשם ְֿש ֿ ֵני ְב ֿ ֵנ ֶ‬
‫ַליְ הוָ ה׃ ‬‬
‫יה‬
‫ּובּנ ֵֹת ָ‬ ‫יה ְ‬ ‫ּול ָכל ָב ֿ ֵנ ָ‬‫‪ 4‬וַ ְֿי ִהי ָהּיֹום וַ יִ ְֿז ָב ְח ֶא ֿ ְל ָק ֿ ָנֿה וְ ֿ ָנ ַתן ִל ְפנִ נָ ֿה ִא ְֿשּתֹו ֿ ְ‬
‫ָמנֿ ֹוֿת׃ ‬‬
‫ֿת־חנַ ֿה ָא ֵהב וַ יְ הוָ ה ָסגַ ר‬ ‫ּול ַחנָ ֿה יִ ֵתן ָמ ֿ ָנֿה ָא ָחֿת ַא ָפ ִֿים ִכי ֶא ַ‬ ‫‪ְֿ 5‬‬
‫ַר ֲח ָּמ ִה׃ ‬‬
‫ם־כ ָע ֿס ַב ֲעֿבּור ָה ְר ִע ָֿמּה ִכי ָסגַ ר יְ הוָ ה ְב ַעֿד־‬ ‫‪ 6‬וְ ִכ ֲע ַס ָתֿה ָצ ָר ָת ִה גַ ָ‬
‫ַר ֲח ָּמ ִה׃ ‬‬
‫‪ 7‬וְ ֵכן יַ ֲע‪ֿ‬ה ָש ֿ ָנֿה ְב ָֿש ֿ ָנֿה ִמ ֵדי ֲע ֿל ֹ ָת ִה ְב ֵביֿת יְ הוָ ה ֵכן ָת ְכ ִע ֶסנָ ֿה‬
‫אכ ֿל׃ ‬‬
‫וַ ִת ְב ֵכֿה וְ ֿלא ת ֹ ַ‬
‫‪5. The vocalizer has forgotten to put a vowel sign beneath the taw.‬‬
‫‪124‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 13‬‬
‫יש ִה ַחנָ ֿה ָל ֶֿמֿה ִת ְב ִכי וְ ֿ ָל ֶֿמֿה לֹא ת ֹ ֿא ְכ ֿ ִלי‬ ‫‪ 8‬וַ י ֹ ֿא ֶֿמר ָל ִה ֶא ֿ ְל ָק ֿ ָנֿה ִא ָֿ‬
‫‪‬רֿה ָב ֿ ִנים׃ ‬‬ ‫וְ ֿ ָל ֶֿמֿה ֵֿי ָרע ֿ ְל ָב ֵב ְֿך ֲה ֿל ֹא ָא ֿנ ֹ ִכי ּטֹוֿב ָל ְֿך ֶּמ ֲע ָ‬
‫‪ 9‬וַ ָת ָ ֿקם ַחנָ ֿה ַא ֲח ֵרי ֳא ְכ ָלֿה ְב ִֿש ֿיל ֹה וְ ָא ֲח ֶרי ָשתֹה וְ ֵע ֿ ִלי ַהכ ֵֹהן ֿי ֹ ֶּֿשֿב‬
‫ ‬
‫יכ ֿל יְ הוָ ה׃ ‬‬ ‫־ה ִכ ֵסא ָע ֿל ְמזֿ ּו‪ֿ‬ת ֵה ָ‬ ‫ַע ֿל ַ‬

‫ּובכ ֹֿה ִת ְב ֶכֿה׃ ‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬וְ ִהיא ַּמ ָרֿת נָ ֶפ ּֿש וַ ִת ְת ַפ ֶל ֿל ַע ֿל־יְ הוָ ה ָ‬
‫ ‬
‫ם־ראֹֿה ִת ְר ֵאֿה ַב ֳע ֿ ִני ֲא ָֿמ ֶת ָֿך‬ ‫ּתא ַֿמר יְ הוָ ה ְצ ָבאֹוֿת ִא ָ‬ ‫‪ 11‬וַ ִתד ֹר נֶ ֶדר וַ ֿ‬
‫ֿת־א ָֿמ ֵת ָֿך וְ ֿ ָנ ַת ָתֿה ַל ֲא ָֿמ ְת ָֿך זֶ ַרע ֲא ֿ ָנ ִֿשים ֿ ְּונ ָת ִתיּו‬ ‫ְּֿוז ַכ ְר ָת ֿ ִני וְ ֿל ֹא ִת ְֿש ָכ ְח ֶא ֲ‬
‫ּומ ָֹורֿה לֹא ַֿי ֲע ֿ ֶלֿה ַע ֿל־ר ֹ ֿא ּֿשֹו׃ ‬‬ ‫ַליְ הוָ ה ָכ ֿל ְֿ־י ֵֿמי ָחיָ יוְ ֿ‬
‫יה׃ ‬‬ ‫‪ 12‬וְ ָה ַֿיֿה ִכי ִה ְר ְב ָתֿה ְל ִה ְת ָפ ֵל ֿל ִל ְפנֵ י יְ הוָ ה וְ ֶע ֿ ִלי ש ֶֹֿמר ֶאֿת ִפ ָ‬
‫ֹול ִה לֹא יִ ָש ֶֿמ ְע‬ ‫יה נָ עֹוֿת וְ ֿק ֿ ָ‬ ‫‪‬פ ֵת ָ‬ ‫־ל ָב ִה ָר ֿק ָ‬ ‫יא ְמ ַד ֶב ֶרֿת ַע ֿל ִ‬ ‫‪ 13‬וְ ַחנָ ֿה ִה ֿ‬
‫‪‬ש ֵב ָה ֶע ֿ ִלי ֿ ְל ִשכ ָֹרה׃ ‬‬ ‫וַ יַ ְֿ‬
‫יה ֶע ֿ ִלי ַעֿד ָמ ָת ִֿי ִת ְֿש ַת ָכ ִרין ָה ִֿס ִירי ֶאֿת יֶ יֿ ֿ ֶנ ְֿך ֶּמ ָע ֿ ָל ִֿי ְֿך׃ ‬‬ ‫‪ 14‬וַ י ֹ ֿא ֶֿמר ֶא ֿ ֶל ָ‬
‫רּוח ָא ֿנ ֹ ִכי וְ ַֿי ִֿין וְ ֶּֿש ָכר‬ ‫‪ 15‬וַ ָת ָען ַחנָ ֿה וַ ת ֹ ֿא ֶֿמר לֹא ֲאד ֿ ִֹני ִא ָשֿה ְק ַֿשֿת ְ‬
‫יתי וַ ֶא ְֿשפ ְֹֿך ֶאֿת נַ ְפ ִשי ִל ְפּנֵ י יְ הוָ ה׃ ‬‬ ‫‪‬ת ִ‬‫לֹא ִ‬
‫‪‬יחי וְ ַכ ֲע ִסי‬ ‫ִ‬ ‫ֿת־א ָֿמ ְת ָֿך ִל ְפנֵ י ָבֿת ְב ֿ ִליָ ַע ֿל ִכי ֶּמר ֹֿב‬ ‫־ת ֵתן ֶא ֲ‬ ‫‪ַ 16‬א ֿל ִ‬
‫ֿד־הנָ ֿה׃ ‬‬‫ִד ָב ְר ִתי ַע ֶ‬
‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל יִ ֵתן ֶאֿת ֵש ֿ ָל ֵת ְֿך‬ ‫אמר ֿ ְל ִכי ֿ ְל ָש ֿלֹום וֶ ֱא ֿל ֹ ֵהי יִ ָ‬ ‫‪ 17‬וַ יָ ָען ֶע ֿ ִלי וַ י ֹ ֶֿ‬
‫‪‬א ֿ ְל ְת ֵמ ִעּמֹו׃ ‬‬ ‫ֲא ֶֿשר ָ‬
‫‪‬פ ָח ְת ָֿך ֵחן ְב ֶע ֿ ֵינ ֿיָך וַ ֶת ֿ ֶל ְֿך ָה ִא ָשֿה ֿ ְל ָד ְר ָכ ִה וַ ת ֹ ֿא ָכ ֿל‬ ‫‪ 18‬וַ ת ֹ ֿא ֶֿמר ִת ְֿמ ָצ ֿא ְ‬
‫יה לֹא ָהיֿ ּו ֿ ָל ִה עֹוֿד׃ ‬‬ ‫ּופ ֿ ֵנ ָ‬
‫ָ‬
‫יתם‬ ‫־ב ָ‬‫ימּו ַבב ֶ ֹֿקר וַ יִ ְֿש ַת‪‬וֿ ּו ִל ְפנֵ י יְ הוָ ה וַ יָ ּֿשּוֿבּו וַ יָ ב ֹאּו ֶא ֿל ֵ‬ ‫‪ 19‬וַ יָ ְֿש ִכ ֿ‬
‫ֿת־חנָ ֿה ִא ְֿשּתֹו וַ יִ ְֿז ְכ ֶר ָה יְ הוָ ה׃ ‬‬ ‫ָה ָר ָֿמ ָתֿה וַ יֶ ָדע ֶא ֿ ְל ָק ֿ ָנֿה ֶא ַ‬
‫ֿת־ש ֿמֹו‬ ‫‪ 20‬וַ ְֿי ִהי ִל ְתּקּוֿפֹֿת ַהיָ ִֿמים וַ ָת ָהר ַחנָ ֿה וַ ֶת ֿ ֶלֿד ֵבן וַ ִת ְֿק ָרא ֶא ְֿ‬
‫ּוא ֿל ִכי ֶּמיְ הוָ ה ְֿש ִא ֿ ְלּתיוְ ׃ ‬‬ ‫ְֿש ֿמ ֵ‬
‫‪6. This word was forgotten by the scribe and subsequently added above the line‬‬
‫‪between the preceding and the following word.‬‬
‫‪7. Only two dots of the vowel sign beneath the taw are visible. However, a third‬‬
‫‪one may overlap with the accent sign of the word in the next line; the vowel may well‬‬
‫‪have been a səgol.‬‬
‫־ביֿתֹו ִל ְֿזבֹ‪ַ ‬ליְ הוָ ה ֶאֿת־זֶ ָב ְח ַהיָ ִֿמים‬ ‫יּש ֶא ֿ ְל ָק ֿ ָנֿה וְ ָכ ֿל ֵ‬‫‪ 21‬וַ יָ ָע ֿל ָה ִא ֿ‬
‫וְ ֶאֿת־נִ ְדרֹו׃ ‬‬
‫‪‬בא ִֹתיוְ‬ ‫יש ִה ָעֿד ִֿיגָ ֵֿמ ֿל ַהנָ ָער וַ ִ‬ ‫‪ 22‬וְ ַחנָ ה לֹא ָע ֿ ָל ָתה ִכי ָא ְֿמ ָרֿה ֿ ְל ִא ָֿ‬
‫עֹולם׃ ‬‬
‫ֿת־פ ֿ ֵני יְ הוָ ה וְ ָֿי ָּֿשב ָשם ַעֿד ָ‬ ‫וְ ֿ ִנ ְר ָאֿה ֶא ְ‬
‫יש ִה ֲע‪‬י ַהּטֹוֿב ְב ֶע ֿ ָינ ִֿי ְֿך ְֿש ִבי ַעֿד־גֳ ְֿמ ֵל ְֿך‬ ‫‪ 23‬וַ י ֹ ֿא ֶמר ָלּה ֶא ֿ ְל ָק ֿ ָנֿה ִא ָֿ‬
‫ֿת־ב ֿ ָנ ִה ַעֿד‬
‫ֿת־ד ָברֹו וַ ֵת ֶֿשֿב ָה ִא ָשֿה וַ ֵת ֿ ֶינ ֿק ֶא ְ‬ ‫אֹֿתֹו ָא ְֿך ָֿי ֶ ֿקם יְ הוָ ה ֶא ְ‬
‫גֳ ְֿמ ָל ִה אֹֿתו׃ ‬‬
‫יפֿה ָא ָחֿת ֶק ָֿמ ְח‬ ‫‪ 24‬וַ ָת ֲע ֿ ֶלהּו ִע ָמ ִה ַכ ֲא ֶֿשר גְ ָֿמ ֿ ָלּתּו ְב ָפ ִרים ְֿש ֿל ֹ ָֿשֿה וְ ֵא ָ‬
‫וְ ֿ ֶנ ֶב ֿל ָֿי ִֿין וַ ְת ִב ֶאהּו ֶּביֿת יְ הוָ ה ִש ֿלֹו וְ ַהנָ ָער נָ ָער׃ ‬‬
‫־ע ֿ ִלי׃ ‬‬ ‫ֿת־הנָ ָער ֶא ֿל ֶ‬
‫ֿת־ה ָפר וַ ִיָביאּו ֶא ַ‬ ‫‪ 25‬וַ יִ ְֿש ֲח ֿטּו ֶא ַ‬
‫‪ 26‬וַ ת ֹ ֿא ֶֿמר ִבי ֲאד ֿ ִֹני ֵחי ּנָ ְפ ְֿש ָֿך ֲאד ֿ ִֹני ֲא ֿ ִני ָה ִא ָשֿה ַהנִ ֶצ ֶבֿת ִע ְֿמ ָכֿה‬
‫ָב ֶֿזֿה ֿ ְל ִה ְת ָפ ֵל ֿל ֶא ֿל יְ הוָ ה׃ ‬‬
‫ֿת־ש ֵא ֿ ָל ִתי ֲא‪‬ר‬‫־הנָ ָער ַהזֶ ֿה ִה ְת ָפ ֿ ָל ֿ ְל ִתי וַ יִ ֵתן יְ הוָ ה ִלי ֶא ְֿ‬ ‫‪ֶ 27‬א ֿל ַ‬
‫‪‬א ֿ ְל ִתי ֵמ ִעּמֹו׃ ‬‬
‫ָ‬
‫אּול‬
‫‪ 28‬וְ גָ ם ָא ֿנ ֹ ִכי ִה ְֿש ִא ֿ ְל ִתהּו ַליְ הוָ ה ָכל ַהיָ ִֿמים ֲא ֶֿשר ָה ַֿיֿה הּוא ָש ֿ‬
‫‬ּליְ הוָ ה וַ יִ ְֿש ָתחּו ָשם ַליְ הוָ ה׃‬ ‫ָ‬
‫)‪1 Kgs 10:1–13 (Solomon and the Queen of Sheba‬‬
‫מֿה ֿ ְל ֶּֿשם יְ הוָ ה וַ ָתבֹא ֿ ְלּנָ ֹּסוֿתֹו‬ ‫ֿת־ּש ָמ ְע ְֿש ֿל ֹ ֿ ֹ‬‫ּומ ֿ ְל ָכֿת ְֿש ָב ֿא ש ָֹֿמ ָעֿת ֶא ֶ‬ ‫‪ַ 1‬‬
‫ְב ִחיֿדֹוֿת׃ ‬‬
‫‪‬מים וְ ָֿז ָהב‬ ‫ֹ‪‬אים ְב ִֿ‬ ‫רּוש ָל ְֿי ָֿמֿה ְב ָח ִֿי ֿל ָכ ֶבֿד ְמאֹֿד גְ ַֿמ ִלים נ ִ‬ ‫‪ 2‬וַ ָתבֹא ְֿי ָֿ‬
‫־א ֶֿשר‬ ‫מֿה וַ ְת ַד ֵבר ֵא ֿ ָליוְ ֵאֿת ָכ ֿל ֲ‬ ‫־ש ֿל ֹ ֿ ֹ‬
‫ַרֿב ְמאֹֿד וְ ֶא ֶבן ְֿי ָ ֿק ָרֿה וַ ָתב ֹ ֿא ֶא ֿל ְֿ‬
‫ם־ל ָב ָב ִה׃ ‬‬ ‫ַה ָֿיֿה ִע ֿ ְ‬
‫ ‬
‫יה לֹא ָה ָֿיֿה ָד ָבר נֶ ֱע ֿ ַלם ִּמן ַהּמלך‬ ‫ֿת־כ ֿל ְ־ד ָב ֶר ָ‬
‫מֿה ֶא ָ‬ ‫‪ 3‬וַ יָ גֶ ד ָל ִה ְֿש ֿל ֹ ֿ ֹ‬
‫ֲא ֶֿשר לֹא ִהגִ יֿד ָל ִה׃ ‬‬
‫מה וְ ַה ָב ִֿיֿת ֲא ֶֿשר ָב ֿ ָנֿה׃ ‬‬ ‫־ח ְכ ָּמֿת ְֿש ֿל ֹ ֿ ֹ‬ ‫‪ 4‬וַ ֶת ֶר ֿא ָּמ ֿ ְל ָכֿת ְֿש ָבא ֵאֿת ָכ ֿל ְָ‬
‫‪8. Only the article is vocalized in this word; šəwa in the final kaph is also missing.‬‬
‫‪126‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 13‬‬
‫ּומ ְֿש ָקיוְ‬ ‫יהם ַֿ‬ ‫ּומ ֿ ְל ֻב ֶּֿש ֶ‬

‫ּומ ְע ַמֿד ְמ ָֿש ְר ָתיוְ ַֿ‬ ‫ּומ ֲא ַכ ֿל ֻש ֿ ְל ָחנֿ ֹו ּומ ָֹֿשֿב ֲע ָב ָדיוְ ַֿ‬ ‫‪ַ 5‬‬
‫וְ ע ֿ ָֹלֿתֹו ֲא ֶשר ַֿי ֲע ֿ ֶלֿה ֶביֿת יְ הוָ ה וְ ֿל ֹא ַה ַֿיֿה ָב ִה עֹוֿד רּו‪‬׃ ‬‬
‫‪‬מ ֲע ִתי ְב ָּא ְר ִצי ַעל־‬ ‫־ה ֶמ ֿ ֶל ְֿך ֱא ֶֿמֿת ָה ָֿיֿה ַה ָד ָבר ֲא ֶֿשר ַֿ‬ ‫‪ 6‬וַ ת ֹ ֿא ֶֿמר ֶא ֿל ַ‬
‫־‪‬כ ָמ ֶתָך׃ ‬‬ ‫ְד ָב ֵר ֿיָך וְ ַע ֿל ְ‬
‫‪ 7‬וְ ֿל ֹ ֿא ֶה ֱא ָֿמ ֿ ְנ ִתי ַל ְד ָב ִרים ָעֿד ֲא ֶֿשר ַב ֿא ִתי וַ ִת ְר ֶא ֿ ָינֿה ֶע ֿ ָינ ִֿי וְ ִהנֵ ֿה לֹא‬
‫ּועֿה ֲא ֶֿשר ַּש ָֿמ ֲע ִתי׃ ‬‬ ‫־ה ְֿש ֿמ ָ‬‫‪‬כ ָּמה ַ ֿו ֿטֹוֿב ֶא ֿל ָ‬ ‫הֹוס ְפ ָת ְ‬ ‫ֻהגַ ד ִלי ַה ֶח ִֿצי ָֿ‬
‫ֹעומ ִדים ֿ ְל ָפ ֿ ֶנ ֿיָך ָת ִֿמיֿד‬ ‫‪ָ 8‬א ְֿש ֵרי ֲא ֿ ָנ ֶֿשיָך ָּא ְֿש ֶרי ֲע ָב ֵד ֿיָך ֶּא ֶלֿה ָה ֿ‬
‫ֿת־‪‬כ ָמ ֶת ָֿך׃ ‬‬
‫ְ‬ ‫ַהש ְֹֿמ ִעים ֶא‬
‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל‬ ‫רּוְך ֲא ֶֿשר ָח ֶפ ֿץ ְב ָֿך ֿ ְל ִת ְתָך ַע ֿל ִכ ֶס ֿא יִ ָ‬ ‫‪ְֿ 9‬י ִהי יְ הוָ ה ֱא ֿל ֹ ֶה ֿיָך ָב ֿ‬
‫‪‬מ ָֿך ֿ ְל ֶֿמ ֿ ֶל ְֿך ַל ֲע‪ֹ‬וֿת ִמ ְֿש ָפ ֿט‬ ‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל ֿ ְלע ֿ ָֹלם וַ ְֿי ֿ‬ ‫ְב ָא ֲה ָבֿת יְ הוָ ה ֶאֿת־יִ ָ‬
‫ּוצ ָד ָ ֿקה׃ ‬‬ ‫ְֿ‬
‫‪‬מים ָה ְר ֶבֿה ְמאֹֿד וְ ֶא ֶבן‬ ‫ּוב ִֿ‬ ‫‪‬רים ִכ ָכר זָ ָהֿב ְ‬ ‫‪ 10‬וַ ִת ֵתן ַל ֶמ ֿ ֶל ְֿך ֶּמ ָאֿה וְ ֶע ִ‬
‫ְֿי ָ ֿק ָרֿה ל ֹ ֿא ָבא ַכבֹ‪‬ם ָההּוא עֹוֿד ַלר ֹֿב ֲא ֶֿשר נָ ְת ֿ ָנֿה ַמ ֿ ְל ָכֿת ְֿש ָבא‬
‫מֿה׃ ‬‬ ‫ַל ֶמ ֿ ֶל ְֿך ְֿשֹל ֿ ֹ‬
‫ֹּאופיר ֲע ֶֿצי‬ ‫יא ֶּמ ִ‬ ‫ּאֹופיר ֶה ִב ֿ‬ ‫‪‬א זָ ָהֿב ֶּמ ִ‬ ‫‪ 11‬וְ גָ ם ֳא ֿ ִני ִח ָירם ֲא ֶֿשר נָ ֿ‬
‫ָּא ֿ ְל ֻמגִ ים ָה ְר ֶבֿה ְמאֹֿד וְ ֶא ֶבן ְֿי ָ ֿק ָרֿה׃ ‬‬
‫ּול ֶבית ַה ֶמ ֿ ֶל ְֿך‬ ‫ֿת־ע ֶֿצי ָה ָּא ֿ ְל ֻמגִ ים ִמ ְֿס ֿ ָעֿד ֿ ְל ֶבית יְ הוָ ה ֿ ְ‬ ‫‪ 12‬וַ יָ ָע‪ָ ‬ה ֶמ ֿ ֶל ְֿך ֶא ֲ‬
‫וְ ִכנֹרֹוֿת ֿ ְּונ ָב ֿ ִלים ָּל ָש ִרים לֹא ַבא ֶכן ֲע ֶֿצי ָּא ֿ ְל ֻמגִ ים וְ ֿל ֹ ֿא נִ ְר ָאֿה ָעֿד‬
‫ַהּיֹום ַהזֶ ֿה׃ ‬‬
‫‪‬א ֿ ָלֿה‬ ‫מֿה נָ ַתן ֿ ְל ָמ ֿ ְל ָכת ְֿש ָבא ֶאֿת ָכ ֿל ֶח ְפ ָּצ ִה ֲא ֶֿשר ָ‬ ‫‪ 13‬וְ ַה ֶמ ֿ ֶלְך ְֿש ֿל ֹ ֿ ֹ‬
‫מֿה וַ ֵת ֶפן וַ ֶת ֿ ֶל ְֿך ְל ָּא ְר ָצ ִה ִהיא‬ ‫ִמ ְל ָבֿד ֲא ֶֿשר נָ ָתן ָל ִה ְכ ָֿיֿד ַה ֶמ ֶלְך ְֿש ֿל ֹ ֿ ֹ‬
‫יה׃ ‬‬‫וַ ֲע ָב ֶד ָ‬
‫)‪1 Kings 17 (Elijah, the Drought, and Two Miracles‬‬
‫־ּא ְח ָאֿב ַח ִֿי־יְ הוָ ה ֱא ֿל ֹ ֵהי‬

‫‪ 1‬וַ י ֹ ֿא ֶֿמר ֶּא ֿ ִליָ הּו ַה ִת ְֿש ִבי ִמת ָֹֿש ֵבי גִ ְל ָעד ֶא ֿל ָ‬
‫ּומ ָֿטר ִכי‬‫ם־י ְה ֶֿיֿה ַה ָש ֿ ִנים ָה ֶא ֶלֿה ָּט ֿל ָֿ‬
‫‪‬ר ֵאל ֲא ֶֿשר ַע ַֿמ ְד ִתי ֿ ְל ָפ ֿ ָניוְ ִא ִֿ‬ ‫יִ ָ‬
‫ם־ל ִפי ְד ָב ִרי׃ ‬‬
‫ִא ֿ ְ‬
‫מר׃ ‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬וַ ְֿי ִהי ְד ַבר יְ הוָ ה ֶא ֿ ָליוְ ֶּל ֿא ֿ ֹ‬
‫־פ ֿ ֵני‬ ‫ּופ ֿ ִניֿת ֿ ְלָך ֶּק ְד ָֿמֿה וְ ֿ ִנ ְֿס ַת ְר ָת ְב ֿ ָנ ָח ֿל ְכ ִריֿת ֲא ֶֿשר ַע ֿל ְ‬ ‫‪ֵ 3‬לְך ִמזֶ ֿה ָ‬
‫ַהיַ ְר ֶדן׃ ‬‬
‫יתי ֿ ְל ָכ ֿ ְל ֶכ ֿ ְל ָֿך ָשם׃ ‬‬ ‫ֿת־הע ְֹר ִבים ִצוִ ִ‬ ‫‪‬תֿה וְ ֶא ָ‬ ‫‪ 4‬וְ ָה ָֿיֿה ֶּמ ַהנָ ָח ֿל ִת ֶ‬
‫־פ ֿ ֵני‬ ‫‪ 5‬וַ יֶ ֿ ֶל ְֿך וָ יָ ָע‪ִ ‬כ ְד ָבר יְ הוָ ה וַ יֶ ֿ ֶל ְֿך וַ יֶ ֶֿשֿב ְב ֿ ָנ ָח ֿל ְכ ִריֿת ֲא ֶֿש ַ‬
‫ר־ע ֿל ְ‬
‫ַהיַ ְר ֵדן׃ ‬‬
‫ּומן־‬
‫ּוב‪‬ר ָב ָע ֶרֿב ִֿ‬ ‫ּוב‪‬ר ָבב ֶ ֹֿקר וְ ֿ ֶל ֶחם ָ‬ ‫יאים ּלֹו ֶל ֶחם ָ‬ ‫‪ 6‬וְ ָהע ְֹר ִבים ְמ ִב ִ‬
‫ַהנָ ָח ֿל ִֿי ְֿש ֶתה׃ ‬‬
‫‪ 7‬וַ ְֿי ִהי ִמ ֵקץ ָֿי ִֿמים וַ ָיִב ּֿש ַהנָ ָח ֿל ִכי ֿל ֹ ֿא ָה ָֿיֿה גֶ ֶֿשם ָב ָא ֶר ֿץ׃ ‬‬
‫מר׃ ‬‬‫‪ 8‬וַ ְֿי ִהי ְד ַבר יְ הוָ ה ֶּא ֿ ָליוְ ֶּל ֿא ֿ ֹ‬
‫יתי ָשם ִא ָשֿה‬ ‫‪ּ 9‬קּום ֶּל ְֿך ָצ ְר ָפ ָתֿה ֲא ֶֿשר ֿ ְל ִֿציד ֹן וְ ָֿי ָּֿש ְב ָת ָשם ִהנֵ ֿה ִצוִ ִ‬
‫ָא ֿ ְל ָמ ֿ ָנֿה ֿ ְל ָכ ֿ ְל ְכ ֿ ֶל ָֿך׃ ‬‬
‫־פ ָת ְח ָה ִעיר וְ ִהנֵ ֿה ָשם ִא ָשֿה‬ ‫‪ 10‬וַ יָ ָ ֿקם וַ יֶ ֿ ֶל ְֿך ָצ ְר ָפ ָתֿה וַ יָב ֹ ֿא ֶא ֿל ֶ‬
‫יה וַ י ֹ ֿא ַֿמר ְק ִחי נַ א ִלי ְמ ַע ֿט ָּמ ִֿים‬ ‫ָּא ֿ ְל ָמ ֿ ָנֿה ְמ ֿקֹ ֶֿש ֶֿשת ֶע ִֿצים וַ יִ ְֿק ָר ֿא ֶא ֿ ֶל ָ‬
‫ַב ְכ ֿ ִלי וְ ֶא ְֿש ֶתֿה׃ ‬‬
‫ֿת־ל ֶחם ְב ָֿי ֶד ְֿך׃ ‬‬ ‫י־נ ֿא ִלי ַפ ֶ‬ ‫יה וַ י ֹ ֿא ַֿמר ִל ְֿק ִח ֿ ָ‬ ‫‪ 11‬וַ ֶת ֿ ֶל ְֿך ָל ָ ֿק ָחֿת וַ יִ ְֿק ָר ֿא ֶּא ֿ ֶל ָ‬
‫וא ַכ ֿף־‬ ‫ם־מ ֹֿל ֿ‬
‫־לי ָמעֹוֿג ִכי ִא ְ‬ ‫ם־י ּֿש ִ‬‫‪ 12‬וַ ת ֹ ֿא ֶֿמר ַחי־יְ הוָ ה ֱא ֿל ֹ ֶה ֿיָך ִא ֶֿ‬
‫ּוב ֿא ִתי‬ ‫‪‬מן ַב ָצ ָפ ָחֿת וְ ִה ֿ ְננִ י ְמ ֿקֹ ֶֿש ֶֿשֿת ְֿש ֿ ָנ ִֿים ֶע ִֿצים ָ‬ ‫ּומ ָע ֿט ֶֿ‬ ‫ֶק ָֿמ ְח ַב ָכֿד ְֿ‬
‫‪‬יתהּו ִלי וְ ֿ ִל ְבנִ י וַ ֲא ָכ ֿ ְלנֻ הּו וָ ָֿמ ְתנּו׃ ‬‬ ‫וַ ֲע ִ‬
‫ֹּבואי ֲע‪‬י ִכ ְד ָב ֶר ְֿך ַאְך ֲע‪‬י־‬ ‫־ת ְיר ִאי ִ‬ ‫יה ֶא ֿ ִליָ הּו ַא ֿל ִ‬ ‫‪ 13‬וַ י ֹ ֿא ֶֿמר ֶּא ֿ ֶל ָ‬
‫הֹוצ ֿא ְֿת ִּלי וְ ֿ ַלְך ‪ 1‬וְ ִל ְבּנֶ ְֿך ָת ֲע‪‬י‬ ‫ֿ ִלי ִמ‪‬ם עּוגָ ֿה ְק ַטנָ ֿה ַּב ִר ֿא ֿש ֹ ֿ ָנֿה וְ ֶֿ‬
‫ָב ָּא‪‬ר ֹנָ ֿה׃‬
‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל ָכֿד ַה ֶק ָֿמ ְח ל ֹ ֿא ִת ְכ ֶלֿה וְ ַצ ָפ ָחֿת‬ ‫‪ִ 14‬כי כ ֹֿה ָא ַמר יְ הוָ ה ֱא ֿל ֹ ֶהי יִ ָ‬
‫־פ ֿ ֵני ָה ֲא ָד ָֿמֿה׃ ‬‬‫‪‬מן ל ֹ ֿא ֶת ְח ָסר ָעֿד יֿ ֹום ֵּתֿתן יְ הוָ ה גֶ ֶֿשם ַע ֿל ְ‬ ‫ָה ֶֿ‬
‫יתה ַֿי ִֿמים׃ ‬‬ ‫ּוב ָ‬‫יא ֶ‬ ‫יא וָ ֻה ֿ‬ ‫‪ 15‬וַ ֶת ֿ ֶל ְֿך וַ ָת ֲע‪ֿ‬ה ִכ ְד ָבר ֶּא ֿ ִליָ הּו וַ ת ֹ ֿא ָכ ֿל ִה ֿ‬
‫‪‬מן לֹא ָח ָֿסר ִכ ְד ָבר יְ הוָ ה‬
‫ ‪ 1‬‬
‫‪ָ 16‬כֿד ַה ֶק ָֿמ ְח ל ֹ ֿא ָכ ֿ ָל ָתֿה וְ ַצ ָפ ָחת ַה ֶֿ‬
‫ֲא ֶֿשר ִד ֶבר ְב ָֿיֿד ֵא ֿ ִליָ הּו׃ ‬‬
‫‪9. Both vowel signs are damaged by a drop of ink, but traces of dots can still be‬‬
‫‪read.‬‬
‫‪10. Originally forgotten by the scribe and subsequently added above the line above‬‬
‫‪the following word.‬‬
‫‪11. Clearly with qameṣ in the second syllable, as opposed to expected ṣere.‬‬
‫‪128‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 13‬‬
‫ן־ה ִא ָשֿה ַב ֲע ֿ ָלֿת ַה ָב ִֿיֿת וַ ְֿי ִהי‬ ‫‪ 17‬וַ ְֿי ִהי ָּא ָּחר ַה ְד ָב ִרים ָה ֶּא ֶלֿה ָח ֿ ָלֿה ֶב ָ‬
‫ּנֹות ָרֿה ּבֹו ֿ ְנ ָֿש ָֿמֿה׃ ‬‬
‫‪‬ליֿ ֹו ָח ָֿז ֿק ְמאֹֿד ַעֿד ֲא ֶֿשר־ל ֹ ֿא ְ‬ ‫ְֿ‬
‫ֹלהים ָב ֿא ָת ֶא ֿ ָליִ ְל ָהזְ ִכיר‬ ‫יּש ַה ֱא ִ‬ ‫ֿה־לי וָ ֿ ָל ְֿך ִא ֿ‬
‫־ּא ֿ ִליָ הּו ַמ ִ‬ ‫‪ 18‬וַ ת ֹ ֿא ֶֿמר ֶא ֿל ֶ‬
‫ֿת־ב ֿ ִני׃ ‬‬
‫ּול ָה ִֿמיֿת ֶא ְ‬ ‫ֿת־ע ֿו ֺ ֿ ִני ֿ ְ‬
‫ֶא ֲ‬
‫־ה ֲע ֿ ִליָ ֿה‬
‫יק ִה וַ יָ ֲע ֿ ֶלהּו ֶא ֿל ָ‬ ‫ֿת־ב ֿ ֵנ ְֿך וַ יִ ָק ֶחהּו ֶּמ ֶח ָ ֿ‬
‫י־לי ֶא ְ‬ ‫יה ְת ֿ ִנ ֿ ִ‬‫‪ 19‬וַ י ֹ ֿא ֶֿמר ֶּא ֿ ֶל ָ‬
‫־מ ָטֿתֹו׃‬‫הּוא ֿי ֹ ֵֿשֿב ‪‬ם וַ יָ ְֿש ִכ ֵבהּו ַע ֿל ִ‬ ‫ֿ‬ ‫ֲא ֶֿשר‬
‫־ה ָּא ֿ ְל ָמנָ ֿה ֲא ֶֿשר‬ ‫‪ 20‬וַ יִ ְֿק ָר ֿא ֶא ֿל־יְ הוָ ה וַ י ֹ ֿא ָֿמר יְ הוָ ה ֱא ֿל ֹ ָה ִֿי ֲהגָ ם ַע ֿל ָ‬
‫ֿת־ב ֿ ָנ ִה׃ ‬‬
‫ֲא ֿ ִני ִמ ְתּג ֵֹרר ִע ָמ ִה ֲה ֶרע ָֹתה ֿ ְל ָה ִֿמיֿת ֶא ְ‬
‫‪‬ל ֹ ּֿש ְפ ָע ִֿמים וַ יִ ְֿק ָרא ֶא ֿל־יְ הוָ ה וַ י ֹ ֿא ָֿמר יְ הוָ ה‬ ‫‪ 21‬וַ יִ ְתמ ֶֹדֿד ַע ֿל ַהיֶ ֿ ֶלֿד ֿ‬
‫־ק ְרּבֹו׃ ‬‬ ‫ֱא ֿל ֹ ָהי ָת ֿשּֿׂב־נָ ֿא נֶ ֶפ ּֿש ַהיֶ ֿ ֶלֿד ַהזֶ ֿה ַע ֿל ִ‬
‫־ק ְרּבֹו וַ יֶ ִחי׃ ‬‬ ‫אליָ הּו וַ ָת ָשֿב נֶ ֶפ ּֿש ַהיֶ ֿ ֶלֿד ַע ֿל ִ‬ ‫‪ 22‬וַ יִ ְֿשּ ָּמ ְע יְ הוָ ה ְב ֿק ֹֿול ֿ‬
‫ן־ה ֲע ִליָ ֿה ַה ָב ְֿי ָתֿה וַ יִ ְת ֿ ֵנהּו ֿ ְל ִאּמֹו‬ ‫ֿת־היֶ ֿ ֶלֿד וַ י ִֹר ֶדהּו ִמ ָ‬ ‫‪ 23‬וַ יִ ָק ְח ֶּא ֿ ִליָ הּו ֶא ַ‬
‫וַ י ֹ ֿא ֶֿמר ֶּא ֿ ִליָ הּו ְר ִאי ָח ִֿי ְב ֿ ֵנ ְֿך׃ ‬‬
‫יּש ֱא ֿל ֹ ִהים‬ ‫־ּא ֿ ִליָ הּו ַע ָתֿה זֶ ֿה ַֿי ָד ֲע ִּתי ִכי ִא ֿ‬ ‫‪ 24‬וַ ת ֹ ֿא ֶֿמר ַה ִּא ָשֿה ֶא ֿל ֵ‬
‫ָא ָתֿה ְּוד ָבר יְ הוָ ה ְב ִפ ֿיָך ֱא ֶֿמֿת׃ ‬‬
‫‪Isaiah 50 (Yhwh’s Unbreakable Commitment to Israel,‬‬

‫ ‬ ‫)”‪and the “Suffering Servant‬‬
‫יה ּאֹו ִֿמי‬ ‫‪ 1‬כֹה ָא ָֿמר יְ הוָ ה ֵאי ֵֿזֿה ֵס ֶפר ְכ ִריֿתּוֿת ִא ְֿמ ֶכם ֲא ֶֿשר ִש ָל ְח ִת ָ‬
‫יכם‬ ‫ּוב ִפ ְֿש ֶע ֶ‬
‫יכם נִ ְֿמ ָכ ְר ֵּתם ְ‬‫נֹושיֿ ֲא ֶֿשר ַמ ָכ ְר ִתי ֶא ְת ֶכם ּלֹו ֶהן ַב ֲעוֿ ונֿ ֶת ֶ‬ ‫ִּמ ָֿ‬
‫ֻש ְל ָחֿה ִא ְֿמ ֵכם׃‬
‫יׁש ָּק ָר ֿא ִתי וְ ֶּאין ע ֿ ֶֹנֿה ֲהק ֿצֹר ָק ְֿצ ָרֿה ַֿי ִדי ִמ ְפֿדּוֿת‬ ‫ּדּוע ָב ֿא ִתי וְ ֶּאין ִא ֿ‬
‫‪ַ 2‬מ ְ‬
‫וְ ִאם ֵאין ִבי כ ְֹח ֿ ְל ָה ִציל ֵהן ְבגַ ֲע ָרֿתי ָא ֲח ִריֿב ָֿים ָא‪‬ים נְ ָהרֹוֿת ִמ ְד ָבר‬
‫מֿת ַב ָצ ָֿמ ֿא׃‬ ‫ִת ְב ָּאׁש ְדגָ ָתם ֶּמ ֶּאין ָּמ ִֿים וְ ָת ֿ ֹ‬
‫ּותם׃‬‬‫‪‬ק ָא‪‬ים ְכ ֿס ָ‬ ‫יּש ָש ָֿמ ִֿים ָּק ְדרּוֿת וְ ֿ‬ ‫‪ָּ 3‬א ֿ ְל ִב ֿ‬
‫ֿת־י ֶע ֿף ָד ָבר ַֿי ִעיר‬
‫‪ֲ 4‬אד ֿ ָֹניִ יֱ הוִֹ ה נַ ָתן ִלי ֿ ְל ּֿשֹון ִל ֻּמ ִדים ַל ַד ָעֿת ַּלעּוֿת ֶא ַֿ‬
‫ַבב ֶ ֹֿקר ָבב ֶ ֹֿקר ַֿי ִעיר ִלי א ֶֹֿזן ִל ְֿשמ ְֹע ַכ ִל ֻּמ ִדים׃ ‬‬
‫יתי ָאחֹור לֹא נְ ֿסּוג ִֹתי׃ ‬‬ ‫‪ֲ 5‬אד ֿ ָֹנ ִֿי יֱ הוִ ה ַפ ַת ְח ִלי א ֶֹֿזן וַ ֲּא ֿנ ֹ ִכי ל ֹ ֿא ָמ ִר ִ‬
‫מ ְר ִֿטים ַפ ֿ ָנ ִֿי ל ֹ ֿא ִה ְֿס ָת ְר ִתי ִמ ְכ ֿ ִלּמֹוֿת וַ ר ֹֿק׃ ‬‬ ‫ּול ָח ַֿי ִֿי ֿ ְל ֿ ֹ‬

‫‪ 6‬גֵ ִ ֿוי ּנַ ָת ִתי ֿ ְל ָּמ ִכים ֿ ְ‬
‫‪‬מ ִתי ַפ ֿ ָנ ִֿי‬‫־כן ּל ֹ ֿא נִ ְכ ָל ְֿמ ִתי ַע ֿל ֵכן ְֿ‬ ‫ר־לי ַע ֿל ֵ‬ ‫‪ 7‬וַ ֲּאד ֿ ָֹנ ִֿי יֱ הוִ ה ַֿי ֲע ֳֿז ִ‬
‫ֿבֹוּש׃‬
‫יּש וַ ֶא ָד ְע ִכי ֿל ֹ ֿא ֶּא ֿ‬ ‫ַכ ָח ָל ִמ ֿ‬
‫יקי ִמי ַֿי ִריֿב ִא ִתי ּנָ ָע ְֿמ ָדֿה יָ ָחֿד ִמי ָב ָע ֿל ִמ ּֿש ָפ ִֿטי ִֿיגָ ּֿש‬ ‫‪ַ 8‬קרֹוֿב ַמ ְֿצ ִד ִֿ‬
‫ֶּא ֿ ָלי׃ ‬‬
‫יע ֿ ִני ֵהן ֻכ ָלם ַכ ֶבגֶ ֿד ִֿי ְבּלּו ָע ּֿש‬ ‫הּוא ַֿי ְר ִשּׁ ֶ‬‫ֿ‬ ‫ר־לי ִמי‬ ‫‪ֵ 9‬הן ֲאד ֿ ָֹנ ִֿי יֱ הוִ ה יַ ֲע ֳֿז ִ‬
‫ֹֿי ֿא ְכ ֿ ֶלם׃ ‬‬
‫יכים וְ ֵאין‬ ‫‪ִ 10‬מי ָב ֶכם ְֿי ֶר ֿא יְ הוָ ה ש ֶֹֿמ ְע ְב ֿק ֹֿול ָע ְבּדֹו ֲא ֶֿשר ָה ֿ ָל ְֿך ֲח ֶֿש ִ‬
‫יש ֶען ֶב ֱא ֿל ֹ ָהיו׃ ‬‬ ‫נֹגָ ִה ּלֹו ִֿי ְב ָּט ְח ְב ֶּֿשם יְ הוָ ה וִ ָ‬
‫יקֹוֿת‬ ‫ּובזִ ֿ‬ ‫יקֹוֿת ֿ ְלֿכּו ְבּאּור ֶא ְֿש ֵכם ְ‬ ‫‪ֶ 11‬הן ֻכ ֿ ְל ֵכם ק ְֹד ֵחי ֵא ּֿש ְמ ָּא ְֿז ֵרי זִ ֿ‬
‫‪‬כֿבּון׃‬‬
‫ִב ָע ְר ֵתם ִמיָ ִדי ַה ְֿי ָתֿה ז ֹ ֿאֿת ָל ֶכם ֿ ְל ַֿמ ֲע ֶֿצ ָבֿה ִת ָ‬
‫)‪Jeremiah 43 (Condemnation of Jeremiah and His Flight to Egypt‬‬
‫ֿת־כ ֿל ִ־ד ְב ֵרי יְ הוָ ה‬ ‫־ה ָעם ֶּא ָ‬ ‫־כ ֿל ָ‬ ‫‪ 1‬וַ ְֿי ִהי ְכ ַכּלֹוֿת יִ ְר ְֿמיָ הּו ֿ ְל ַד ֶבר ֶא ֿל ָ‬
‫־ה ְד ָב ִרים‬ ‫ֿת־כ ֿל ַ‬
‫יהם ֶא ָ‬ ‫יהם ֲא ֿ ֶל ֶ‬ ‫‪‬לחֹו יְ הוָ ה ֱא ֿל ֹ ֶה ֶ‬ ‫יהם ֲא ֶֿשר ֿ ָ‬ ‫ֱא ֿל ֹ ֶה ֶ‬
‫ָה ֶא ֶלֿה׃‬
‫־ה ֲּא ֿ ָנ ִּֿשים ַהזֵ ִדים‬ ‫ן־ק ֶר ְח וְ ָכ ֿל ַ‬ ‫ֹוח ֿ ָנן ֶב ָ‬ ‫ן־הֹוש ְעיָ ֿה וְ יֿ ָ‬
‫ָֿ‬ ‫‪ 2‬וַ י ֹ ֿא ֶֿמר ֲע ָֿז ְר ָֿיה ֶב‬
‫‪ָ‬ך יְ הוָ ה ֱא ֿל ֹ ֶהינֿ ּו‬ ‫‪‬קר ַּא ָתֿה ְמ ַד ֶבר ל ֹ ֿא ְש ֿ ַל ֿ‬ ‫א ְֹמ ִרים ֶא ֿל ִֿ־י ְר ְֿמ ָֿיהּו ֶ ֿ‬
‫מר ל ֹ ֿא ָתב ֹ ֿאּו ִמ ְֿצ ָר ִֿים ָלֿגּור ָשם׃‬ ‫ֶל ֿא ֿ ֹ‬
‫ּאֹותנֿ ּו ְב ַֿיד‬
‫ָ‬ ‫ּאֹות ָֿך ָבנֿ ּו ְל ָֿמ ָען ֵתֿת‬ ‫ְ‬ ‫‪ִ 3‬כי ָברּוְך ֶבן־נֶ ִריָ ֿה ַמ ִֿסיֿת‬
‫‪ 1 2‬‬
‫ּאֹותנֿ ּו ָב ֶב ֿ ָלֿה׃‬
‫ָ‬ ‫ּול ַהגְ ּלֹוֿת‬
‫ּאֹותנֿ ּו ֿ ְ‬
‫ָ‬ ‫‪‬דים ֿ ְל ָה ִֿמיֿת‬ ‫ַה ַכ ִ‬
‫־‪‬רי ָה ָח ָֿי ֿ ִילים וְ ָכ ֿל ָה ָעם ְב ֿק ֹֿול יְ הוָ ה‬ ‫ן־ק ֶר ְח וְ ָכ ֿל ֶ‬ ‫וח ֿ ָנן ֶב ָ‬ ‫‪ 4‬וְ ֿל ֹ ֿא ָש ַֿמע יֿ ָ‬
‫הּודֿה׃‬‫ָל ֶֿש ֶבֿת ְב ֶּא ֶר ֿץ ְֿי ָ‬
‫הּודֿה‬
‫־ש ֶּא ִריֿת ְֿי ָ‬ ‫־‪‬רי ָה ָח ָֿי ֿ ִילים ֵאֿת ָכ ֿל ְֿ‬ ‫ן־ק ֶר ְח וְ ָכ ֿל ֵ‬ ‫ֹוח ֿ ָנן ֶב ָ‬ ‫‪ 5‬וַ יִ ָק ְח יֿ ָ‬
‫הּודֿה׃‬
‫חּו־שם ָלֿגּור ְב ֶא ֶר ֿץ ְֿי ָ‬ ‫ָֿ‬ ‫ּגֹוים ֲא ֶֿשר נִ ְד‬ ‫‪‬ר־שֿבּו ִמ ָכ ֿל ַה ִֿ‬ ‫ָֿ‬ ‫ֲא‬
‫‪12. Cf. the MT, which lacks he locale.‬‬

‫‪130‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 13‬‬
‫ֿת־כ ֿל־‬
‫ֿת־בנֿ ֹוֿת ַה ֶמ ֿ ֶל ְֿך וְ ֶּא ָ‬ ‫ֿת־הנָ ִֿשים וְ ֶאֿת ַה ָט ֿף וְ ֶא ְ‬ ‫ֿת־הגְ ָב ִרים וְ ֶא ַ‬ ‫‪ֶ 6‬א ַ‬
‫יקם ֶבן־‬ ‫ן־א ִח ָ ֿ‬
‫ֿב־ט ָב ִחים ֶאֿת־גְ ָד ֿ ְל ָֿיהּו ֶב ֲ‬ ‫ַהנֶ ֶפ ּֿש ֲא ֶֿשר ִהנִ ַֿי ְח נְ ֿבּוזָ ְר ֲא ָדן ַר ַ‬
‫רּוְך ֶבן־נֶ ִריָ הּו׃‬ ‫ֿת־ב ֿ‬ ‫יא וְ ֶא ָ‬ ‫ָש ָפן וְ ֵאֿת יִ ְר ְֿמ ָֿיהּו ַהנָ ִב ֿ‬
‫‪ 7‬וַ יָ ב ֹּאּו ֶא ֶר ֿץ ִּמ ְֿצ ָר ִֿים ִכי ֿל ֹ ֿא ָש ְֿמעּו ְב ֿק ֹֿול יְ הוָ ה וַ יָ ב ֹּאּו ַעֿד ַת ְח ַפ ֿ ְנ ֵחס׃‬
‫מר׃‬ ‫‪ 8‬וַ ְֿי ִהי ְד ַבר־יְ הוָ ה ֶא ֿל־יִ ְר ְֿמ ָֿיהּו ְב ַת ְח ַפ ֿ ְנ ֵח ֿס ֶּל ֿא ֿ ֹ‬
‫ּוט ַּמ ֿ ְנ ָתם ַב ֶמ ֿ ֶל ֿט ָב ָמ ֿ ְל ֵבן ֲא ֶֿשר ְב ֶפ ָת ְח‬ ‫ֿדֹולֹוֿת ְֿ‬
‫‪ָּ 9‬ק ְח ְב ָֿי ְד ָֿך ֲא ָב ֿ ִנים גְ ֿ‬
‫הּודים׃‬ ‫ֶביֿת ַפ ְרעֹֿה ְב ַת ְח ַפ ֿ ְנ ֵח ֿס ֿ ְל ֶע ֿ ֶיני ֲא ֿ ָנ ִֿשים ְֿי ִ‬
‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל ִה ֿ ְנ ֿ ִני‬ ‫יהם כֹֿה ָא ַֿמר יְ הוָ ה ְצ ָבּאֹוֿת ֱא ֿל ֹ ֵהי ִֿי ָ‬ ‫‪ 10‬וְ ָא ַֿמ ְר ָת ֲא ֿ ֶל ֶ‬
‫‪‬מ ִתי ִכ ְֿסּאֹו ִמ ָמ ָע ֿל‬ ‫־ב ֶבל ַע ְב ִדי וְ ְֿ‬ ‫ֿדר ַצר ֶּמ ֿ ֶל ְֿך ָ‬
‫ֿבּוכ ֶ‬
‫ש ֿ ֶֹל ִח וְ ֿ ָל ַ ֿק ְח ִתי ֶאֿת־נְ ַ‬
‫יהם׃‬‫ֿת־ש ְפ ִריר ֹֿה ‪ֲ 1‬ע ֿ ֶל ֶ‬ ‫ַל ֲא ָב ֿ ִנים ָה ֶּא ֶלֿה ֲא ֶֿשר ָט ָֿמ ֿ ְנ ִתי וְ ֿ ָנ ָֿטֿה ֶא ַ‬
‫ֿת־א ֶר ֿץ ִּמ ְֿצ ָר ִֿים ֲא ֶֿשר ַל ָמ ֶ ֿות ַל ָמ ֶ ֿוֿת וַ ֲא ֶֿשר ַל ְֿש ִבי‬ ‫ּוב ֿאה וְ ִה ָכֿה ֶא ֶ‬ ‫‪ָ 11‬‬
‫ַל ֶש ִבי וַ ֲא ֶֿשר ָּל ֶח ֶרֿב ֶל ָח ֶרֿב׃‬
‫ֿת־א ֶר ֿץ‬
‫ּו‪‬ר ָפם וְ ָֿש ָבם וְ ָע ָֿטֿה ֶא ֶ‬ ‫‪ 12‬וְ ִה ַצ ִתי ֵא ּֿש ְב ָב ֵתי ֱא ֿל ֹ ֵהי ִּמ ְֿצ ָר ִֿים ַ‬
‫ֿת־בגְ ֿדֹו וְ ָֿי ָֿצ ֿא ִמ ָשם ְב ָֿש ֿלֹום׃‬ ‫ִמ ְֿצ ָר ִֿים ַכ ֲא ֶֿשר ַֿי ְע ֶֿטֿה ָהר ֶֹעֿה ֶא ִ‬
‫ֿת־ב ֵתי‬ ‫יֿת־ש ֶֿמ ּֿש ֲא ֶֿשר ְב ֶא ֶר ֿץ ִמ ְֿצ ָר ִֿים וְ ֶא ָ‬ ‫ֿת־מ ְֿצבֹוֿת ֶב ֶ‬ ‫‪ 13‬וְ ִֿש ַבר ֶא ָ‬
‫ֱא ֿל ֹ ֵהי ִמ ְֿצ ָר ִֿים יִ ‪‬ר ֹֿף ָב ֶּא ּֿש׃‬
‫)‪Ezekiel 14 (Admonition against False Prophets, and Punishment‬‬
‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל וַ יֵ ְֿשֿבּו ֿ ְל ָפ ֿ ָנ ִֿי׃‬‬ ‫‪ 1‬וַ ּיֿב ֹ ֿא ֶא ֿ ָל ִֿי ֲא ֿ ָנ ִֿשים ִמזִ ְֿקנֵ י יִ ָ‬

‫מר׃ ‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬וַ ְֿי ִהי ְד ַבר־יְ הוָ ה ֶּא ֿ ָל ִֿי ֶל ֿא ֿ ֹ‬
‫ּומ ְכ ּֿש ֹֿול ֲע ֿו ֺ ֿ ָנם‬
‫־ל ָבם ִֿ‬ ‫יהם ַע ֿל ִ‬ ‫יּלּול ֶ‬
‫ן־א ָדם ַה ֲא ֿ ָנ ִֿשים ָה ֶּא ֶלֿה ֶה ֱע ֿלּו גִ ֿ ֶ‬ ‫‪ֶ 3‬ב ָ‬
‫רּש ִא ָד ֶר ּֿש ָל ֶהם׃ ‬‬ ‫יהם ֲה ִא ָד ֿ‬ ‫נָ ְתנּו נ ָֹכ ְח ְפ ֿ ֶנ ֶ‬
‫יּש‬ ‫יש ִא ֿ‬ ‫ּאֹותם וְ ָא ָֿמ ְר ָת ֲא ֶל ֶהם כֹֿה ָא ָֿמר ֲאד ֿ ָֹני יֱ הוִ ה ִא ֿ‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫‪ַ 4‬ל ֶכן ַד ֶבר‬
‫ּומ ְכ ּֿש ֹֿול ֲע ֿו ֺנֿ ֹו ַֿי‪‬ים‬
‫־לּבֹו ִֿ‬ ‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל ֲא ֶֿשר ַֿי ֲע ֿ ֶלֿה ֶאֿת־גִ ֻּל ֿ ָליוְ ֶא ֿל ִ‬ ‫ִּמ ֵביֿת יִ ַ‬
‫יּלּוליוְ ׃ ‬‬
‫יתי ֿלֹו ָב ֿא ְבר ֹֿב גִ ֿ ָ‬ ‫יא ֲא ֿ ִני יְ הוָ ה נַ ֲע ֿ ֵנ ִ‬ ‫־הנָ ִב ֿ‬ ‫ּוב ֿא ֶא ֿל ָ‬ ‫נ ָֹכ ְח ָפ ֿ ָניוְ ָ‬
‫‪13. The Reuchlin Codex clearly writes the qəre with ī instead of ū as in MT. But‬‬
‫‪contrary to MT, it has an archaic spelling of the third-person masc. sing. possessive‬‬
‫‪suffix.‬‬
‫יהם‬ ‫ּלּול ֶ‬
‫‪‬ר ֵאל ְב ֿ ִל ָבם ֲא ֶֿשר נָ ֿז ֹרּו ֶּמ ָע ֿ ָליִ ְבגִ ֿ ֶ‬ ‫ֿת־ביֿת יִ ָ‬ ‫‪ְ ֿ 5‬ל ָֿמ ָען ְתפֹ‪ֶ ‬א ֵ‬
‫ֻכ ָלם׃ ‬‬
‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל כֹֿה ָא ָֿמר ֲאד ֿ ָֹניִ יֱ הוִ ה ּׁשּוֿבּו וְ ָה ִֿשיֿבּו‬ ‫־בית יִ ָ‬ ‫מר ֶא ֿל ֵ‬ ‫‪ָ 6‬ל ֶכן ֱא ֿ ֹ‬
‫יכם׃ ‬‬ ‫יכם ָה ִֿשיֿבּו ְפ ֿ ֵנ ֶ‬ ‫־ּתֹועב ֶֹת ֶ‬‫ּומ ָע ֿל ָכ ֿל ֲ‬ ‫יכם ֶ‬ ‫יּלּול ֶ‬
‫ֶּמ ָע ֿל גִ ֿ ֶ‬
‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל וִ ֿ ַינ ֵֿזר‬‫ּומ ָהגֵ ר ֲא ֶֿשר ָֿיֿגּור ְביִ ָ‬ ‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל ֶֿ‬ ‫יּש ִמ ֵביֿת יִ ָ‬ ‫יּש ִא ֿ‬ ‫‪ִ 7‬כי ִא ֿ‬
‫ּוב ֿא ֶא ֿל־‬ ‫ּומ ְכ ּֿש ֹֿול ֲע ֿו ֺנֿ ֹו ַֿי‪‬ים נ ָֹכ ְח ָפ ֿ ָניוְ ָ‬ ‫־ּלּבֹו ִֿ‬ ‫יּלּוליוְ ֶא ֿל ִ‬‫‪‬ריִ וְ ָֿי ָע ֿל גִ ֿ ָ‬ ‫ֶּמ ַא ָ‬
‫יא ִל ְד ֳר ּֿש־ּלֹו ִבי ֲא ֿ ִני יְ הוָ ה נַ ֲע ֿ ֶנֿה ּלֹו ִבי׃ ‬‬ ‫ָהנָ ִב ֿ‬
‫מ ִתהּו ֿ ְלּאֹוֿת וְ ֿ ִל ְֿמ ָֿש ִלים וְ ִה ְכ ָר ִתיוְ‬ ‫הּוא וַ ֲה‪ֹ ֿ ‬‬ ‫יּש ָה ֿ‬ ‫‪ 8‬וְ ֿ ָנ ָת ִתי ָפ ֿ ִני ָב ִא ֿ‬
‫ּתֹוְך ָע ִמי וִ ָיד ְע ֵתם ִכי ֲא ֿ ִני יְ הוָ ה׃ ‬‬ ‫ִמ ֿ‬
‫הּוא‬
‫יא ָה ֿ‬ ‫יתי ֵאֿת ָהנָ ִב ֿ‬ ‫יא ִכי ְֿי ֻפ ֵתֿה וְ ִד ֵבר ָד ָבר ֲא ֿ ִני יְ הוָ ִה ִפ ֵת ֵ‬ ‫‪ 9‬וְ ָהנָ ִב ֿ‬
‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל׃ ‬‬‫ּתֹוְך ָע ִמי יִ ָ‬ ‫יתי ֶאֿת ָֿי ִדי ָע ֿ ָליוְ וְ ִה ְֿש ָּמ ְד ִתיוְ ִמ ֿ‬ ‫וְ ֿ ָנ ִֿט ִ‬
‫‪ 10‬וְ ֿ ָנ‪ּ‬אּו ֲע ֿו ֺ ֿ ָנם ַכ ֲע ֿו ֺן ָהד ֵֹר ּֿש ַכ ֲע ֿו ֺן ָהנָ ִביא יִ ְה ֶֿיֿה׃ ‬‬
‫‪‬ר ֵא ֿל ֶּמ ָּא ֲח ָר ִֿי וְ ֿל ֹ ֿא יִ ָט ְֿמּאּו עֹוֿד ְב ָכ ֿל‬ ‫‫‪ְ ֿ 11‬ל ָמ ָען ל ֹ ֿא־יִ ְתעּו עֹוֿד ֶביֿת־יִ ָ‬
‫יהם וְ ַהיֿ ּו ֿ ִלי ֿ ְל ָעם וַ ֲא ֿ ִני ֶא ְה ֶֿיֿה ָל ֶהם ֶּל ֶא ֿל ֹ ִהים נְ ֻאם ֲאד ֿ ָֹניִ יֱ הוִ ה׃ ‬‬ ‫ִפ ְֿש ֶע ֶ‬
‫מר׃ ‬‬ ‫‪ 12‬וַ ְֿי ִהי ְד ַבר־יְ הוָ ה ֶּא ֿ ָל ִֿי ֶּל ֿא ֿ ֹ‬
‫יה‬
‫יתי ָֿי ִדי ָע ֿ ֶל ָ‬
‫‪‬ט ֿא ֿ ִלי ִל ְֿמע ֹֿל ָּמ ָע ֿל וְ ֿ ָנ ִֿט ִ‬ ‫ן־א ָדם ֶא ֶר ֿץ ִכי ֶת ָֿ‬ ‫‪ֶ 13‬ב ָ‬
‫י־ב ִה ָר ָעֿב וְ ִה ְכ ָר ִתי ִמ ֶמנָ ֿה ָא ָדם‬ ‫וְ ָֿש ָב ְר ִתי ָל ִה ָּמ ֶטֿה ָל ֶחם וְ ִה ְֿש ָל ְח ִת ָ‬
‫ּוב ֶה ָֿמֿה׃ ‬‬‫ְ‬
‫ֿתֹוכ ִה נ ְֹח ָד ֿ ִניֵ ֿאלֿ‪ ‬‪‬וְ ִאּיֹוֿב ֶה ָמֿה‬ ‫‪ 14‬וְ ָהיֿ ּו ְֿש ֿל ֹ ֶֿשֿת ַה ֲא ֿ ָנ ִֿשים ָה ֶּא ֶלֿה ְב ָ‬
‫ְב ִֿצ ְד ָק ָתם ְֿי ֿ ָנ ְֿצ ֿלּו ּנָ ְפ ָֿשם נְ ֻאם ֲאד ֿ ָֹניִ יֱ הוִ ה׃ ‬‬
‫‪ּ 15‬לּו ָחיָ ֿה ָר ָעֿה ַא ֲע ִביר ָב ָא ֶר ֿץ וְ ִֿש ְכ ָל ָתֿה וְ ָה ְֿי ָתֿה ְֿש ָמ ָֿמֿה ִמ ְב ֿ ִלי ע ֶֹבר‬
‫ִמ ְפ ֿ ֵני ָה ָחיָ ֿה׃ ‪‬ 1‬‬
‫־א ֿ ִני נְ ֻאם ֲאד ֿ ָֹנ ִֿי יֱ הוִ ה ִאם‬ ‫ֿתֹוכ ִה ַח ִֿי ָ‬
‫‪ְֿ 16‬ש ֿל ֹ ֶֿשֿת ַה ֲא ֿ ָנ ִֿשים ָה ֶּא ֶלֿה ְב ָ‬
‫ָב ֿ ִנים וְ ִאם ָבנֿ ֹוֿת יַ ִצ ֿילּו ֶה ָמֿה ֿ ְל ָב ָדם יִ נָ ֵֿצ ֿלּו וְ ָה ָא ֶר ֿץ ִת ְה ֵֿיֿה ְֿש ָֿמ ָֿמֿה׃ ‬‬
‫יא וְ ָא ָֿמ ְר ִתי ֶח ֶרֿב ַת ֲעב ֹר ָב ָא ֶר ֿץ‬ ‫־ה ָא ֶר ֿץ ָה ִה ֿ‬ ‫יא ֶא ֿל ‪ָ 1‬‬ ‫‪ּ 17‬אֹו ֶח ֶרֿב ָא ִב ֿ‬
‫ּוב ֶה ָֿמֿה׃ ‬‬ ‫וְ ִה ְכ ָר ִתי ִמ ֶמנָ ֿה ָא ָ ֿדם ְ‬
‫‪14. The yod does not seem to contain any unambiguous traces of a dagesh, but it‬‬
‫‪may have merged with the downstroke of the letter. The same word at the beginning of‬‬
‫‪the verse, by contrast, has a very clear dageš.‬‬
‫‪ַ in MT. This may result from weak articulation of the gutturals.‬על ‪15. Cf. MT‬‬
‫‪132‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 13‬‬
‫ֿתֹוכ ִה ַח ִֿי ָא ֿ ִני נְ ֻאם ֲאד ֿ ָֹני יֱ הוִ ה ל ֹ ֿא‬ ‫ֹּלשֿת ַה ֲא ֿ ָנ ִֿשּים ָה ֶּא ֶלֿה ְב ָ‬ ‫ּוש ֶֿ‬ ‫‪ְֿ 18‬‬
‫ּובנֿ ֹוֿת ִכי ֶהם ֿ ְל ָב ָדם יִ נָ ֵֿצ ֿלּו׃ ‬‬ ‫ַֿי ִצ ֿילּו ָב ֿ ִנים ָ‬
‫יה ְב ָדם‬ ‫יא וְ ָֿש ָפ ְכ ִתי ֲח ָֿמ ִתי ָע ֿ ֶל ָ‬ ‫‪‬ל ְח ַע ֿל ָה ָא ֶר ֿץ ָה ִה ֿ‬
‫ ‪ 1‬‬
‫‪ּ 19‬אֹו ֶד ֶבר ֲא ָ‬
‫ּוב ֶה ָֿמֿה׃ ‬‬ ‫ֿ ְל ָה ְכ ִריֿת ִמ ֶמנָ ֿה ָא ָדם ְ‬
‫ם־בן ִאם ָבֿת‬ ‫ֿתֹוכ ִה ַח ִֿי ָא ֿ ִני נְ ֻאם ֲאד ֿ ָֹניִ יֱ הוִ ה ִא ֶ‬ ‫‪ 20‬וְ ֿנ ֹ ְח ַּד ֿ ִנ ֵֿא ֿל ‬וְ ִאּיֹוֿב ְב ָ‬
‫יַ ִצ ֿילּו ֶה ָמֿה ְב ִֿצ ְד ָק ָתם ַֿי ִצ ֿילּו נָ ְפ‪‬ם׃ ‬‬
‫‪ִ 21‬כי כ ֹֿה ָא ָֿמר ֲאד ֿ ָֹני יֱ הוִֹ ה ָּא ֿף ִכי ָּא ְר ָב ָעֿת ְֿש ָפ ָֿטי ָה ָר ִעים ֶח ֶרֿב‬
‫רּוש ֿ ָלםִ ְל ַה ְכ ִריֿת ִמ ֶמנָ ֿה ָא ָדם‬ ‫וְ ָר ָעֿב וְ ָחיָ ֿה ָר ָעֿה וָ ֶד ֶבר ִֿש ָל ְח ִתי ֶא ֿל־יְ ָ‬
‫ּוב ֶה ָֿמֿה׃ ‬‬ ‫ְ‬
‫ֹוצ ִאים‬ ‫ּובנֿ ֹוֿת ִהנָ ם יֿ ְֿ‬‫ּמּוצ ִאים ָב ֿ ִנים ָ‬ ‫יטֿה ָה ָֿ‬ ‫ּנֹות ַרֿה ָב ִה ְפ ֿ ֶל ָֿ‬
‫‪ 22‬וְ ִהנֵ ֿה ְ‬
‫־ה ָר ָעֿה ֲא ֶֿשר‬ ‫ֿת־ע ֿ ִל ֿיל ָֹתם וְ ֿ ִנ ָח ְֿמ ֵתם ַע ֿל ָ‬
‫ֿת־ד ְר ָכם וְ ֶא ֲ‬ ‫יתם ֶא ָ‬ ‫יכם ְּור ִא ֶ‬ ‫ֲא ֿ ֶל ֶ‬
‫יה׃ ‬‬
‫ל־א ֶֿשר ֶה ֶב ֿא ִתי ָע ֿ ֶל ָ‬ ‫ֿת־כ ֲ‬ ‫רּושּ ֿ ָלםִ ֶּא ָ‬
‫ֶה ֶב ֿא ִתי ַע ֿל ְֿ־י ָֿ‬
‫ֿת־ע ֿ ִל ֿיל ָֹתם וִ ָיד ְע ֵתם ִכי ֿל ֹ ֿא‬ ‫ֿת־ד ְר ָכם וְ ֶא ֲ‬ ‫‪‬מּו ֶא ְת ֶכם ִכי ִת ְרּאּו ֶא ָ‬ ‫‪ 23‬וְ ֿ ִנ ֿ‬
‫‪‬יתי ָב ִה נְ ֻאם ֲאד ֿ ָֹניִ יֱ הוִ ה׃ ‬‬‬ ‫‪‬יתי ֵאֿת ָכ ֿל ֲא ֶֿשר ָע ִ‬ ‫־חנָ ם ָע ִ‬ ‫ֶּא ֿל ‪ִ 1‬‬
‫)‪Joel 3 (A Prophetic People as Remnant in Zion‬‬
‫יכם‬‫־ב‪‬ר וְ ֿ ִנ ְבּאּו ְב ֿ ֶנ ֶ‬ ‫־כ ֿל ָ‬

‫רּוחי ַע ֿל ָ‬
‫ּפֹוְך ֶאֿת ִ‬ ‫יכן ֶא ְֿש ֿ‬ ‫‫‪ 1‬וְ ָה ָֿיֿה ָּא ֲח ֶר ֵ‬
‫יכם ֶח ְֿז ֿי ֹנֿ ֹוֿת יִ ְרּאּו׃ ‬‬‫חּור ֶ‬
‫‪‬ל ֹ ֿמּון ַב ֵ‬
‫ֹומֹוֿת יַ ֿ‬ ‫יכם ֲח ֿל ֿ‬‫יכם זִ ְֿקנֵ ֶ‬ ‫ּובּנ ֵֹת ֶ‬
‫ְ‬
‫ֿת־רּוחי׃ ‬‬
‫ִ‬ ‫ּפֹוְך ֶא‬‫‪ 2‬וְ גָ ם ַע ֿל ַה ֲע ָבֿדים וְ ָע ּֿל ָה ְֿש ָפחֹוֿת ָביָ ִֿמים ָה ֵה ָמֿה ֶא ְש ֿ‬
‫ּוב ָּא ֶר ֿץ ָדם וָ ֵא ּֿש וְ ִת ְֿמר ֹֿת ‪ָ 1‬ע ָֿשן׃ ‬‬ ‫ּמֹופ ִתים ָב ָש ָֿמ ִֿים ָ‬
‫‪ 3‬וְ נַ ָת ִתי ְ‬
‫ֿדֹול‬
‫‪ָ 4‬ה ֶש ֶֿמ ּֿש יֶ ָה ֵפ ְֿך ְלח ֶֹֿש ְֿך וְ ַהיָ ֵר ְח ֿ ְל ָדם ִל ְפנֵ י ּב ֹ ֿא יֿ ֹום יְ הוָ ה ָהגָ ֿ‬
‫ּנֹור ֿא׃ ‬‬
‫וְ ָה ָ‬
‫ירו‪‬ל ִם‬
‫ָֿ‬ ‫ּוב‬
‫ר־צּיֹון ִ‬ ‫‪ 5‬וְ ַהיָ ה כ ֹֿל ֲא ֶֿשר יִ ְֿק ַר ֿא ְב ֶּשם יְ הוָ ה יִ ָמ ֶל ֿט ִכי ְב ַה ִ‬
‫‪‬ר ִידים ֲא ֶֿשר יְ הוָ ה ק ֶֹר ֿא׃‬ ‫ּוב ִ‬‫יטֿה ַכ ֲא ֶֿשר ָא ָֿמר יְ הוָ ה ָ‬ ‫ִת ְה ֶֿיֿה ְפ ֿ ֶל ָֿ‬
‫‪.‬אל ‪16. Cf. MT‬‬ ‫ֶ‬

‫‪17. Absent from the MT.‬‬
‫‪18. Extremely faint traces of the lower dot of the initial šəwa visible are visible on‬‬
‫‪the photo; at first sight, it looks like ḥireq.‬‬
Chapter 14
The Tiberian Tradition of

Reading the Bible and
the Masoretic System
133
134 Chapter 14
Aleppo Codex: Isa 46:11–48:6

The Tiberian Tradion and the Masoretic System 135
Codex Leningrad: Isa 46:6–48:1

Chapter 15
Modern Reading Traditions

of Biblical Hebrew
The oral texts to this chapter can be accessed at:
http://www.eisenbrauns.com/item/GARHANDBO/
136
A HANDBOOK OF BIBLICAL HEBREW
A Handbook of
Biblical Hebrew A Handbook of
Biblical Hebrew is studied worldwide by university students, seminarians, and
the educated public. It is also studied, almost universally, through a single prism—
that of the Tiberian Masoretic tradition, which is the best attested and most widely
Biblical Hebrew
available tradition of Biblical Hebrew. Thanks in large part to its endorsement by
Maimonides, it also became the most prestigious vocalization tradition in the Middle
Ages. For most, Biblical Hebrew is synonymous with Tiberian Biblical Hebrew.
There are, however, other vocalization traditions. The Babylonian tradition was
widespread among Jews around the close of the first millennium CE; the tenth-
VOLUME 1: PERIODS, CORPORA,
century Karaite scholar al-Qirqisani reports that the Babylonian pronunciation was
in use in Babylonia, Iran, the Arabian peninsula, and Yemen. And despite the fact that
AND READING TRADITIONS
Yemenite Jews continued using Babylonian manuscripts without interruption from
generation to generation, European scholars learned of them only towards the middle
of the nineteenth century. Decades later, manuscripts pointed with the Palestinian
vocalization system were rediscovered in the Cairo Genizah. Thereafter came the
discovery of manuscripts written according to the Tiberian-Palestinian system and,
perhaps most importantly, the texts found in caves alongside the Dead Sea.
What is still lacking, however, is a comprehensive and systematic overview of the
different periods, sources, and traditions of Biblical Hebrew. This handbook provides
VOLUME 1
students and the public with easily accessible, reliable, and current information in
English concerning the multi-faceted nature of Biblical Hebrew. Noted scholars
in each of the various fields contributed their expertise. The result is the present
two-volume work. The first contains an in-depth introduction to each tradition; and
the second presents sample accompanying texts that exemplify the descriptions of
the parallel introductory chapters.
Garr and Fassberg
Eisenbrauns edited by
POB 275
Winona Lake, IN 46590 W. Randall Garr and Steven E. Fassberg
www.eisenbrauns.com
EISENBRAUNS

A Handbook of Biblical Hebrew - Volume 1 - Periods, Corpora, and Reading Traditions Volume 2 Selected Texts. (Garr and Fassberg)

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A Handbook of Biblical Hebrew - Volume 1 - Periods, Corpora, and Reading Traditions Volume 2 Selected Texts. (Garr and Fassberg)

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This eBook contains a multi-volume set.

For example, to go to page 5 of volume 1, type “1-5” in the Go box at

To go to page 5 of volume 2, type “2-5”… and so forth.

W. Randall Garr and Steven E. Fassberg

Winona Lake, Indiana

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

1. Standard/Classical Biblical Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

5. Epigraphic Hebrew . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

6. Ben Sira . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69

8. Hebrew in Greek and Latin Transcriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99

9. Samaritan Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

14. The Tiberian Tradition of Reading the Bible and the

Biblical Hebrew is studied worldwide by university students, seminar-

Standard/Classical Biblical Hebrew

J oseph L am and D ennis P ardee

The Speech Community

prose in terms of morphosyntax and lexicon (Pardee 2012: 286 n. 8)—the

Name Symbol Transliteration IPA

Name Symbol IPA

the Masoretes. This distinction between Masoretic phonetic representation

phonological interpretation (see below), a dageš that indicates consonant

Vowels Written without Matres Lectionis

Name Symbol Transliteration Name Symbol Transliteration

Vowels Written with Matres Lectionis

Name Symbol Transliteration

Name Symbol Transliteration

egories of gender and number, as a rule, are marked by a series of suffixes:

simple intensive/factitive causative

unmarked qal piel hiphil

middle/passive pual hophal

For each derived verbal lexeme, inflectional patterns are employed to

(viewing an action as a complete whole—that is, perfective viewpoint as-

Archaic Biblical Hebrew

The Speech Community

of this society are closely connected with sociopolitical transformations in

Phonetics and Phonology

Morphology and Syntax

The perfect, as expected, refers to the current relevance of a past event

Transitional Biblical Hebrew

The Speech Community

(Dobbs-Allsopp 1998); the language of 2 Kgs 24–25 also bears traits of

however, both spellings are historically authentic. Pronunciation accord-

Certain nominal patterns especially characteristic of Aramaic also begin

of LBH and/or post-biblical phases of Hebrew; but they also appear in

Kutscher, Eduard Yechezkel

Late Biblical Hebrew

The Speech Community

(Hurvitz 1972), despite uncertainties of dating. The discovery of the Dead

107–150, respectively—were less stable regarding the inventory of Psalms

Kutscher, Eduard Yechezkel

S hmuel A ḥituv , W. R andall G arr ,

Hebrew as written, and sometimes spoken, without the intervention of sub-

The Speech Community

of Hebrew, then, the implication is clear: the epigraphic texts probably

specifically northern Hebrew (Segert 1961); in both corpora, for example,

written as a single word. Two examples involve enclitics: ‫‘ חי יהוה‬by the

The third-person masc. sing. possessive suffix presents a special prob-

Syntax and Verbal Semantics

probably motivated by pragmatic need and thus require context-specific

partially-reduplicated root (see ‫“[ לערכך‬Assessment” ost. 8] [late seventh

Aḥituv, Shmuel; Eshel, Esther; and Meshel, Zeʾev

EP inscriptional text presented in Aḥituv 2008