四海升平：戏剧与清廷叶晓青

Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas
Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas

Drama and the Qing Imperial Court
Ye Xiaoqing
The Chinese University Press

Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas:
Drama and the Qing Imperial Court
By Ye Xiaoqing
© The Chinese University of Hong Kong 2012
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ISBN: 978-962-996-457-3
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To my husband Daniel and my son Ian
)
Figure 1.
Seal of the Shengpingshu (昇平署)
(In courtesy of First Historical Archives of China)
The fortunes of opera institutes in Qing court rose and fell along with
the dynasty. The Shengpingshu’s precursor the Nanfu (南府) was
subsidized lavishly due to the prosperity the empire enjoyed at the
time. The Shengpingshu and its financial backing, however, were scaled
back substantially as Emperor Daoguang (道光) decided to minimize
his court expenditures. The Shenpingshu was finally abolished with
Puyi’s (溥儀) expulsion from the palace in 1924.
Figure 2.
The Shengpingshu’s portrait of Empress Dowager Xiao (蕭太后)
(Collection of Meilanfang Memorial Museum)
The Manchurian royals were highly aware of their ethnic identity. They were zealous in the
reconstruction of their roots and history, identifying with ancient ethnic minorities residing
in Northern China. Because of this, ancient ethnic characters often appeared in court opera.
For example the Empress Dowager Xiao, a historical Khitan figure was dressed in Manchu-
rian garb. Racial representation of these ethnic characters was a major focus in the
censorship of operas both inside and outside the court.
Figure 3.
Photo of Mei Qiaoling’s (梅巧玲) Empress Dowager Xiao
(Collection of Meilanfang Memorial Museum)
Court drama left a long-lasting and significant influence on the development of Peking
Opera from generation to generation. Court painters’ drawings of famous drama characters
not only authentically preserved the detail and elegance of that era, but also provided future
generations with valuable references for opera performances. The prestigious Peking Opera
artist Mei Qiaoling, when playing Empress Dowager Xiao, was dressed in a painstakingly
similar style to court paintings, adorning himself with an antique beauty.
Figure 4.
Painting of Peking Opera played in a Teahouse in Peking during Guangxu’s (光緒) reign.
Along with the maturation and commercialization of Peking Opera, the performance itself gradually
evolved from entertainment for elites to a popular pastime for ordinary people in old Peking and
Shanghai. During Guangxu’s reign, men from different classes could afford to enjoy this art form in
tea houses, and in the Late Qing period even women were allowed to attend performances in theaters.
Contents
Figures vii
Preface xiii
Introduction 1
Chapter One
Imperial Institutions for Ceremonial and Private Performances 15
The Separation of Personal Entertainment from Ceremonial Music
and the Establishment of the Nanfu and the Jingshan 16
Decline in Imperial Prestige — From the Nanfu to the
Shengpingshu 27
The Shengpingshu inside and outside the Palace 34
Chapter Two
Drama, Occasion, and Audience 57
The Three Grand Festivals 58
Joyous Occasions 62
Martial Rites 76
Tributary Drama 82
Entertainment in the Palace 98
Chapter Three
Performers in the Palace 129
The Role of Eunuchs as Actors and Intermediaries 129
Civilian Actors 142
Chapter Four
Cultural and Political Control 181
The Nationwide Censorship Campaign on Drama following the
Literary Inquisition 182
A Shift in Focus — Social Order and Orthodox Morality 197
xii Contents
Chapter Five
Peking Opera and the Court 219
The Formation of the Peking Opera 219
Theatres in Peking and Shanghai 227
Theatres in Peking before and after the Boxer Uprising 239
Conclusion
Peking Opera and a New Political Focus 259
Bibliography 273
Index
Index for Operas and Other Works 303
Index for General Entries 311
Preface
Some years ago, when I was working on Shanghai history, I came across
a legal case involving Yang Yuelou 楊月樓 , one of the most famous
Peking Opera actors of the time. Yang was found guilty of kidnapping,
and was sentenced to exile to Heilongjiang. Soon afterwards, the Qing
government declared a general amnesty in honour of the Empress
Dowager’s fortieth birthday, and Yang was granted a reprieve. I also
discovered that some years later he was performing in the imperial palace
in Beijing. I became quite curious about Yang. In 1996, when I had
chance to live in Beijing for over a year, I started to delve into the First
Historical Archives, looking for relevant material. Over the next few years,
I spent quite some time working in the Archives, but these visits were
limited due to other commitments. In 2001 I was awarded a large
research grant by the Australian Research Council, which enabled me to
spend significant periods of time exploring the Archives. There I
discovered a virtually unexplored gold mine: how active the imperial
court was as both producer and audience of both elite and popular
drama. This book is the result of this journey.
The materials I examined (with the exception of the Grand Council
records, available on microfilm) were considered unimportant by the
Archives. The main source was the records of the Neiwufu 內務府, the
Imperial Household Department. Its records have mostly not been
published, and have not been properly catalogued. It was still possible to
examine the original documents, and, in examining the contents of the
unlabelled packets containing them, to find some unexpected treasures.
This was a rare privilege: the thrill of opening each packet, and the dust
and smell of them, gave me a real sense of the living past.
In 2003, the Chinese government decided to compile the official
History of the Qing Dynasty. Historically, a legitimate succeeding dynasty
had the responsibility to compile the official history of the previous
xiv Preface
dynasty. With the strong support of the central government, the project
received unprecedented financial and political resources. An army of post-
graduate students and Qing experts occupied what used to be the very
quiet Archives reading rooms, and monopolized a large number of
records; no other readers had access to them. At the same time, the
Archives decided to digitise all their records. As soon as that decision was
made, no original records were available to anyone other than the
government team. Fortunately, by that time, I had finished collecting
most of my primary materials. For the rest, most of the old drama
scripts are kept in the Palace Museum, which was unaffected by the
embargo on materials in the First Historical Archives.
This project has been more than a decade in the making. I owe so
many people so many debts. Here I can only try to list those who were
directly related to the project. First of all, I would like thank my friends
in the First Historical Archives and the Palace Museum. Without their
help, most of the material would have been impossible to obtain. When-
ever I visited Beijing, I stayed with Brian Martin and his wife Arja Keski-
Nummi. Apart from their warm hospitality, as a fellow historian, Brian
shared my excitement whenever I found some new treasure. Peter Zarrow
was an early supporter of the project for a long time, and a good friend
even longer. Lai Huimin of Academia Sinica in Taiwan, a prominent Qing
historian herself, generously shared her entire collection of imperial work-
shop records with me.
I am also very grateful to William Rowe, editor of Late Imperial
China, Christian Henriot, editor of The European Journal of East Asian
Studies, and Geremie Barmé, editor of East Asian History, who published
earlier products of this project and gave me permission to include them,
somewhat modified, in this book. I thank the Australian Research Council
for their generous support, and the Macquarie University Research Office.
Murray Goot, who represented the Division of Humanities in the
Research Office, recognised the value of, and gave vital support to, this
project, even in its early stages.
In this very last stage of the project, Chen Fong-ching played a vital
role in finalising this publication. I also had the strong support of Liang
Yuansheng of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, and anonymous
readers. Other friends, in particular Jin Guantao, Liu Qingfeng, and Yan
Bofei, were all enthusiastic supporters. I would also like to thank my
Preface xv
family, my husband Daniel Kane and my son Ian Kane. Without their
never failing support and love, this book would never have been possible.
I have dedicated this book to them.
Ye Xiaoqing
May 2010, Sydney
In January 2010, medical tests indicated that Xiaoqing had three to six
months to live. During her treatment, she spent as much time as she
could finalising this book. It was essentially completed by May 2010,
when she wrote this preface. She passed away a few weeks later, in June
2010. All I had to do was to send the final version of the manuscript to
the Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, which had already accepted
it for publication. Her editor at the CUHK Press, Rachel Pang, and Ellen
McGill, worked their professional magic in turning the earlier versions of
this manuscript into the present book. I would like to thank the First
Historical Archives in Beijing, for their generosity in giving permission to
reprint pictures and illustrations which belong to them, and Dr Edward
Bridge, who prepared the index. At the last stages, Yang Jing at the
CUHK Press brought all the strands together, sorted out copyright
arrangements and, together with all the other contributors to the editorial
process, brought the original manuscript submitted to them to its present
professionally produced and elegantly presented volume. Xiaoqing would
have been deeply grateful to all of them.
Daniel Kane
June 2012, Sydney
Introduction
In the early autumn morning of the 18th of September 1793, Lord

Macartney and his entourage waited to be ushered into the imperial
summer retreat at Rehe to take part in the celebration of the Qianlong
乾隆 emperor’s eighty-second birthday. It was a long day; the drama
performance itself lasted five hours. The stage was gigantic, with three
levels; the number of actors was enormous; the props were magnificent
and the special effects were spectacular. However, Macartney (1737–1806)
and the others had no idea what it was all about. There were many
scenes of fish, turtles and other sea creatures, and they guessed it must
have had something to do with the marriage between the ocean and
land. They could not have been more wrong.
A major episode in the program that day was about them, the British
delegation. The main character, the God of Literature, introduced them:
The country of Yingjili 英吉利, gazing in admiration at Your Imperial Majesty,
sincerely presents its tribute to the court. That country is several times further
away than Vietnam. Some people have travelled from there with great difficulty
for several years, and yet they have not always succeeded in reaching the shores of
China. The boats of this tribute mission, however, departed in the first month of
the New Year, and by the sixth month they had already reached the area around
the capital. Oh Sage Son of Heaven, this is due to your benevolence and virtue
reaching Heaven, so the ten thousand spiritual essences are obedient to your will.
If they did not have some supernatural being to escort them, how could their
voyage be so swift and easy?
Whatever Macartney’s view of his visit was, the message was clear: to
the Chinese, he was a guest from afar who had come to visit the mighty
Emperor of China and pay tribute to him.
This particular drama was entitled Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas
(Sihai shengping 四海昇平 ) and was specially commissioned for the
2 Introduction
occasion of the Macartney visit. The script was carefully checked by

Qianlong (1711–1799) himself; amended and punctuated with his
vermillion brush. It contains both mythological creatures and certain
facts. Macartney and the delegation were not aware that one detail in the
drama indicated that they would have to go home very soon after the
banquet and entertainment. The clear message was that they would not
be able to stay in Peking to discuss their mission with Heshen 和珅 (d.
1799) as they had hoped. However, since they did not grasp the
implications of the story line of the drama, they only learnt this
devastating news after returning to Peking.
The Qing court, especially Qianlong, used drama extensively for ritual
and political purposes. Drama performance on the occasions of visits by
foreigners was only one of them. Of the five imperial rites, jili 吉禮
(auspicious rites), jiali 嘉禮 (felicitous rites), junli 軍禮 (martial rites), binli
賓禮 (protocol rites) and xiongli 凶禮 (inauspicious rites), only the last,
which dealt with funerals and disasters, did not involve the performance
of ritual drama. Qianlong provided a complete set of ritual dramas, in
fact a complete set of palace rituals, for succeeding emperors to follow.
Drama as a political tool

The use of drama or other entertainment to serve political needs was by
no means an invention of the Qing court. John Francis Davis (1795–1890),
an associate of the East India Company in Canton and later Governor of
Hong Kong (1844–1848), made no secret of the fact that he considered
the translation of Chinese drama scripts essential to the success of British
mercantile and military interests. The drama he chose to translate was
Autumn in the Palace of the Han (Hangongqiu 漢宮秋), a Yuan 元 drama
based on the Wang Zhaojun 王昭君 legend and the discord between the
Han 漢 dynasty and the Xiongnu. His view was that this could be used
to generalise Tartar and Chinese conflicts and thereby provide a rationale
for Britain’s mid-nineteenth century wars against China.1 Even during the
very short period of Yuan Shikai’s 袁世凱 (1859–1916) provisional
presidency, he ordered a script writer to compile a Peking opera, The
Mirror of Evil (Niejingtai 孽鏡台). Revolutionary figures such as Sun
Yat-sen 孫中山 (1866–1925), Huang Xing 黃興 (1874–1916), and Qiu Jin
秋瑾 (1875–1907) were portrayed as beasts, and the Four Great Warrior
Attendants who defeated them represented the warlords Zhang Xun 張勳
Introduction 3
(1854–1923), Duan Qirui 段祺瑞 ([1864]–1936), and Feng Guozhang 馮國

璋 (1859–1919). Some of the best actors of the day felt compelled to
take part in this drama, but it became a political embarrassment after the
fall of Yuan Shikai.2
At the popular level, Arthur Smith (1845–1932), who had a good
deal of first hand experience in Chinese village life, asserted that
theatrical performance was “so much valued by the Chinese, (that it) may
become an important agency in inflaming the minds of the people.” This
was certainly the case during the Boxer Uprising.3
As early as the beginning of the dynasty, before their consolidation
of power in China proper, the court organised groups of entertainers to
perform and travel around the area northeast of Peking, the corridor to
the Manchu homeland, singing dagu 大鼓 (songs or chants accompanied
by the beating of a small drum) in praise of the Qing, to persuade the
Chinese population of the benefits of their rule. This area was of
strategic importance in the early years of the dynasty — it guaranteed a
smooth retreat back to their power base. To distinguish these officially
endorsed groups from ordinary commercial entertainers, they were issued
with a “dragon ticket” (longpiao 龍票), which entitled them to free food
and shelter from the local officials. When the Qing had secured its rule
inside the Great Wall, the organisation responsible for such a task was no
longer needed. Dagu is still popular in that area, however, and the term
piaoyou 票友 “associates of the ticket” still refers to amateur performers
of various types of drama, especially Peking Opera.
Though an opera lover and connoisseur himself, Kangxi 康熙 (1654–
1722) limited drama and other popular entertainment in the palace. He
created separate institutions for private and public purposes. Yongzheng
雍正 (1678–1735) was well known as a particularly conscientious emperor
and did not want his interest in drama generally known. Spending too
much time watching drama, or hiring private drama troupes to provide
entertainment, was considered a crime for officials under Yongzheng, as
seen in secret memorials reporting on delinquent officials.4
Qianlong, however, had both a personal interest and a political
purpose in his use of drama. He used it to glorify the empire and its
achievements to foreign delegations, and he compiled new music and
drama to celebrate his military victories. Unlike his father and grandfather,
Qianlong modified the dramas to reflect current events, particularly his
own achievements, such as his pacification of the western regions.
4 Introduction
He also felt that during battles far away from home, entertainment
such as singing and acting could work towards the advantage of the
court, even though bannermen were not permitted to take part in such
activities under normal circumstances. During the troublesome wars in
Jinchuan 金川 in the eighteenth century, Qianlong encouraged bannermen
to sing victory songs (desheng ge 得勝歌) to lift morale in the army and
relieve their homesickness. These songs were accompanied by a very
simple instrument, an octagonal drum (bajiaogu 八角鼓). The songs later
acquired different names, such as peace songs (taiping ge 太平歌) or
bannermen chants (zidi shu 子弟書). They were sometimes called Cha
songs (chaqu 岔曲), after the name of a bannermen to whom this type
of song was ascribed. Despite their confusing origins and names, 5 they
were closely connected with bannermen on military campaigns and
spread among the general population of Peking and even into the palace.
Such performances later became a variety of popular entertainment (quyi
曲藝) in Northern China. It is worth noting that the musical instruments
used in quyi, such as dagu and others, are the same as those used in
palace shamanistic ritual performances.6
In 1780, more than a decade into the Literary Inquisition, Qianlong
became increasingly worried about offensive and seditious drama, which
would affect the population on a much larger scale than books. He
conceived an ambition to reconstruct history in a way which would
benefit his dynasty. He ordered all provincial Governors and Governors-
General to censor local drama performances, paying particular attention
to those based on stories from the late Ming and early Qing. These
stories, according to Qianlong, “must bear some reference to the
current dynasty, and they should be thoroughly checked out. Moreover,
dramas about events of the Southern Song and the Jin dynasties are
invariably portrayed as exaggerated and untrue. This has been the case
for a very long time. The ignorant might think that the contents of
such dramas are factual. This is really important and should be also
investigated. This sort of drama is more commonly found in Suzhou
and Yangzhou.” He ordered his officials to search for these scripts and
confiscate them. As result, hundreds of drama scripts were forwarded
to the palace. Unlike the highly publicised Literary Inquisition,
Qianlong wanted to keep this campaign secret. However, as authorship
was impossible to determine, no one was punished for any of the
“offensive and seditious” dramas.
Introduction 5
Unlike some aspects of court life, drama sheds little light on the
question of the nature of the Qing as an Inner Asian empire. However, it
does provide a unique insight into the issue of Manchu identity if we
examine the varieties of drama approved of by Qianlong and his
successors. Manchu identity was a changing process, not only from the
earlier to the later Qing emperors, but also during different stages in the
life of one individual emperor.
The sense of Manchu identity for Qianlong was a process related to
the passing of time. While in his twenties, he ordered his uncle, Prince
Zhuang 莊恪親王 (1695–1767), and the minister Zhang Zhao 張照 (1691–
1745) to compile a grand drama series based on the battles between the
Song and their northern neighbours, the Khitans. Until as late as the
thirty-third year of his reign (1768), Qianlong did not seem to mind
commenting on the conflict between the Song and the Jin. He made the
following comment on Song Lian’s 宋濂 (1310–1381) postscript to a
Southern Song painting, the Gengzhi tu 耕織圖:
There is no more important policy for emperors and kings than to love the
people. In loving the people, there is nothing more important than agriculture
and sericulture. This is a principle which has not changed for thousands of
years. But when (Song) Gaozong 高宗 escaped to the south, there was something
even more important: to restore the territory north of the Yellow River, and to
rescue the two emperors (Song Huizong 徽宗 [1082–1135] and Song Qinzong
欽宗 [1100–1161]). But it seemed that the officials at this time did not
understand about “sleeping on brushwood and tasting gall” (enduring personal
hardships to reverse national humiliation) and did not regard the restoration (of
Song territory) as a matter of urgency. They even issued an edict about the
importance of agriculture, and painted a sketch about silkworms and
mulberries. What good does this do to real issues? Song Lian, in his postface,
was excessive in his praise, and his remarks were not appropriate. For this
reason I have added these comments.
Zhao Gou 趙構 (1107–1187), a Southern Song emperor (Gaozong),

retreated to Jiangnan to escape the Jin 金 invasion. Qianlong here took
the position of an advocate of the Song against the Jin Jurchens, the
ancestors of the Manchus.7 Yet in his sixties, he found any hint about
conflict between China and its northern neighbours beyond the Great
Wall offensive, even seditious. Even references to the battles between Huo
Qubing 霍去病 (140–117 B.C.) and the Xiongnu during the Han were
banned. Barbarian characters in the dramas were not allowed to wear
6 Introduction
Manchu costume, as had been the convention, to avoid any comparison

between the barbarians and the Manchus. During his later years, when he
was greatly alarmed by the acculturation of the bannermen and the
disappearance of the Manchu language and traditions, a hunting ritual
drama was compiled which differed from the usual palace dramas: some
of the characters speak Manchu.
Later emperors were less bothered by the question of Manchu
identity. Seditious drama scripts sent to the palace during Qianlong’s time
became a source of dramas enjoyed by Xianfeng 咸豐 (1831–1861) and
his successors. Even stories of battles led by Yue Fei 岳飛 (1103–1141),
the Chinese hero who fought against the Jurchen ancestors of the
Manchus, were frequently performed in the palace. Issues such as
itinerant entertainers, social unrest, and drama based on current affairs
were of greater concern.
The study of archival records

The importance of archival material has received considerable scholarly
attention during the past two decades. Based on their study, many new
works on various aspects of the Qing have been produced. None of these
studies, however, concentrates on the drama in the Qing court. Scholars
still rely on research published several decades ago. At that time, scholars
did not have access to the records of the Imperial Household Department,
now available in the First Historical Archives in Peking. As a result,
mistakes inherited from some preliminary studies of the archives by
Chinese scholars of the early twentieth century have been incorporated
uncritically into current scholarship.8
The First Historical Archives holds ten million documents, of which
1.5 million are from the Neiwufu 內務府 (the Imperial Household
Department). About 15,000 of these are on the Shengpingshu 昇平署 (the
Bureau of Ascendant Peace), the organisation responsible for music and
drama in the palace. They are spread over various categories, such as
the Grand Council and the Neiwufu. They contain a vast range of
information, including apparently trivial matters such as daily menus,
medical records, and programmes of drama performances. They are
usually brief and dry and appear quite insignificant. Most of them are
like pieces of a jigsaw puzzle: they are meaningless until placed in
context. Some were terse informal notes passed by head eunuchs
Introduction 7
conveying oral edicts from the emperor. It was Qing palace policy to
keep eunuchs at a very low level of literacy, and they could only
manage to write down exactly what the emperor said, without any
bureaucratic polish. Consequently, the oral edicts are in colloquial
Chinese and express the emperor’s intimate thoughts and emotions in a
more vivid way than the formal language of the written edicts. When
Daoguang 道光 (1782–1850) learnt that his brother, Prince Dun 惇恪親
王 (d.1838), had taken an escaped eunuch actor from the palace into
his residence, he was furious. Daoguang told the chief eunuch of the
Shengpingshu how he wanted to deal with the matter: “My late father
used to nag him (Prince Dun) until his throat was dry, but it didn’t do
any good … If I do not punish Yuan Changqing 苑長青 (the eunuch),
people might think that Prince Dun and I are quarrelling over him.”
Language such as this reveals a more human side of the emperor,
distinct from his role as “an institution.”
One characteristic of these records is the laconic and dry way quite
dramatic events were recorded. Reading through the records of the
turbulent last days of the dynasty, one gets the feeling that events like
the 1911 Revolution or Puyi’s 溥儀 (1906–1967) abdication did not make
much impact on the everyday routine of palace life. Some of the
apparently innocuous notes conceal a more dire reality. On the eve of
the arrival of the Joint Forces of the Eight Allied Powers into Peking,
drama performances in the palace were cancelled. The records simply
state “no need to serve” on those particular days, without revealing why
there was no need to perform. The note for the day on which Dowager
Empress Cixi 慈禧 (1835–1908) and the Guangxu 光緒 emperor (1871–
1908) fled to Xi’an is “Twenty-third day (of the fifth month) [19 June
1900]. The Old Buddha and the emperor departed for Chang’an to avoid
military attack.”9 In 1913, Yuan Shikai requisitioned the buildings of the
Shengpingshu for his guards. The palace record notes this event with a
brief communication (zhihui 知會) to the three head eunuchs of the
Shengpingshu: “On the twenty-third day of the second month, the chief
eunuch’s request to move (the Shengpingshu) to the Jingshan 景山 on the
twenty-eighth day has been approved.”10 There is not a hint of any sort
of emotion. Since the buildings in the Jingshan were in ruins, the
Shengpingshu personnel did not have anywhere immediately to move into
considering they had only five days’ notice before they had to shift out.11
The palace lost a large amount of the Shengpingshu records and other
8 Introduction
possessions during the ensuing chaos. On several occasions during 1913

and 1914, Yuan Shikai’s Presidential Residence wanted to borrow
theatrical costumes and props from the Shengpingshu. Only the dates and
the number of porters (in one particular case, 120 men) needed to carry
the trunks were recorded. There is no detailed inventory, despite palace
regulations requiring this. Presumably the Shengpingshu did not have time
to prepare it. The palace was in no position to refuse such unprecedented
requests from the Presidential Residence, and the palace personnel must
have felt panic, anger, and helplessness as they were evicted. We do not
know if all the possessions were ever returned.12
The programmes for palace drama performances recorded the date,
venue, title of the drama, and the names of the actors. Mostly this was
routine and general information, but on some occasions, the selection of
a particular drama reflected political power struggles in the court. After
the Hundred Days Reform, the Empress Dowager Cixi often used a
Peking opera, Retribution of Thunder and Lightning (Tianlei bao 天雷報),
to impugn Guangxu, whom she regarded as an unfilial and ungrateful
adopted son. Even Qianlong sometimes used drama to express his anger
in an indirect way. Qianlong and his brother, Prince He 和恭親王 (1712–
1770), were extremely close until Qianlong became emperor. Prince He’s
outrageous behaviour became an embarrassment to the throne, but
Qianlong continued to tolerate him (though with great difficulty). Two
ritual dramas, Buddha’s Decree on Saving the Demon (Fo zhi du mo 佛旨
度魔) and The Demon King Responds to Buddha (Mowang da Fo 魔王答佛)
were compiled under orders from Qianlong and performed on the annual
Ghost Festival until the end of the dynasty. The drama is about Buddha
and his demon brother. Buddha did everything possible to try to save his
brother from hell, but the demon did not want to be saved. This was
how Qianlong saw the relationship between himself and his brother.
Theory and reality: official policies and practice

Research on the archival records fills certain lacunae in our existing
knowledge, such as the disparity between official regulations, or the Legal
Code, and actual practice. One such example was the issue of “mean
people” or “debased people” (jianmin 賤民). Entertainers, prostitutes, and
a few other social groups were legally classed as jianmin in the Ming and
Qing dynasties. At the beginning of his reign, Yongzheng removed certain
Introduction 9
regional groups from the “mean persons” category, and some scholars
have concluded that this class did not exist from that time on. In fact,
Yongzheng first exempted the “singing persons” (yuehu 樂戶) of Shanxi
and Shaanxi. This group was made up of descendants of supporters of
the Ming emperor Jianwen 建文 (r. 1398–1402). After Yongle’s 永樂 (r.
1402–1424) coup against Jianwen, such supporters and their descendants
were condemned to the status of “mean persons” in perpetuity. On the
advice of his officials, Yongzheng later removed certain other groups
(vagrants, beggars, and hereditary servants) from this category, but the
category of “mean persons” itself was never abolished. Yongzheng never
exempted prostitutes or actors. Studying the palace records, we learn that
the yuehu remaining in the palace still had the status of “mean persons,”
even during the Qianlong period.
From the beginning of the Qing, the court objected to the former
practice of using female yuehu in the palace and replaced them with
eunuchs. According to official regulations, there should have been no
female performers in the Qing palace. The reality was somewhat different.
During the Kangxi period, the Jiangnan Textile Commissioner, Li Xu 李煦,
recruited a group of young girls in Suzhou to be trained in drama in
order to perform in the palace. Kangxi sent a teacher to teach them the
yiqiang 弋腔 style.13 Li Xu’s idea of sending a group of young female
performers to the palace may or may not have been based on existing
practice, but it is clear that in Kangxi’s court, performances by girls from
Jiangnan was not unacceptable. The same practice continued during the
Qianlong period. In the third year of Qianlong’s reign, just at the end of
the official mourning period for Yongzheng, Qianlong had to issue an
edict denying rumours spreading in Jiangnan area that local officials had
been recruiting young girls to be sent to the palace, sometimes without
consent from their families. In his denial he revealed that there had been
occasions when two women (without specifically explaining who they
were or for what reason) had been admitted to the palace, together with
an yiqiang troupe containing female performers. He went on to say that
he had ordered that one of the two women return home, and that
another twenty from the troupe, whose skill was too ordinary, to be
rejected. 14 There were persistent rumours that Qianlong’s favourite
consort, the mother of Jiaqing 嘉慶 (1760–1820), was in fact such an
actress from Jiangnan. So she would have been both Han Chinese and a
“mean person,” which caused certain difficulties in regard to her status.
10 Introduction
Even if this were the case, there were ways of getting around the
problem: she was adopted into a bondservant family in the Imperial
Household Department, and so everything appeared appropriate in the
official records.
In principle, through the whole of the Qing dynasty, bannermen were
not allowed to attend theatres, let alone become performers. However,
from the list of the programmes, it is clear that certain bannermen actors
were selected and summoned to the palace to perform. Some of them
needed to change their names, but most of them did not even bother to
do that. The court simply chose not to know anything about it. The
efficacy of the Qing policy of banning theatres within the imperial city
also needs to be treated with some scepticism. The fact that officials and
emperors repeatedly and continuously addressed this issue only proves that
the policy was never as successful as the court might have hoped.
Archival records also reveal the double standards of the emperors. As
Crossley put it, “the behaviour of the Qing emperors was not intended to
serve as a model for the bannermen.”15 As far as drama was concerned,
in both artistic style and content, the Qing court did not follow its own
regulations or prohibitions. While the garrison solders were forbidden to
attend theatres in the harsh conditions of the frontier, drama performances
were almost daily events in the palace. Certain types of regional drama
and fiction were banned as indecent in commercial theatres by imperial
edicts or official orders, but they were enjoyed by the emperor and his
close circle.
The emperor as an institution and as an individual

Recent scholarship has brought a fresh perspective to the Qing as a
multicultural empire with strong Inner Asian characteristics, in addition
to its Chinese population. It “de-emphasises the emperor’s personal role
in shaping important trends during the eighteenth century”: a revision of
the traditional Chinese “praise and blame” approach.16 De-personalisation
of the emperor has resulted in works on Qianlong which are in effect
institutional history, as the title chosen by Rawski 17 makes explicit.
Consequently, the emperor is portrayed as a rational decision-maker,
making his decisions on political or economic grounds. If studies of the
Qing emperors are a form of institutional history and do not deal with
their individual beliefs and personalities, then promotion of Buddhism
Introduction 11
and Confucianism by the Qing court can only be seen as cynical

manipulation based on political necessity. Questions such as the personal
views of the emperors on philosophy or religion are not relevant.
Acceptance of this view implies that we can never know, or that we don’t
really need to know, what Qing emperors actually believed. It certainly
makes the study of history easier. However, not all scholars are happy
with restricting scholarly curiosity to straightforward institutional history.
Berger’s recent book on Buddhist art in the Qing court18 challenges the
usual consensus that the Manchu court, especially Qianlong, used
Buddhism as a political tool. Her study of court paintings raises a valid
question: was Qianlong’s promotion of Buddhism more than a political
tool to unite the Mongols and Tibetans? What did Qianlong himself
believe? Are we curious enough to pursue the question: what kind of
person was Qianlong?
We know from public pronouncements of the imperial court, and in
particular of Qianlong, that the officially sponsored worship of Guandi
關帝 was enthusiastically promoted for the benefit of the ruler. However,
drama programmes in the palace also tell us that the imperial court and
the emperor himself were just as keen on Guangong 關公 in private as
they were in public. New dramas based on his exploits reached
unprecedented levels inside the palace during Qianlong’s time.19
I also find the current approach of “de-emphasising of the emperor’s
role” in certain key historical events unsatisfactory. Having made a very
detailed study of historical events, such as the Literary Inquisition and the
Sorcery Scare of 1768, and having analysed the rational purposes, policies,
and reactions of the emperor, neither Guy nor Kuhn felt totally convinced
with their own analyses and conclusions. Guy still finds Qianlong “most
elusive” and “an enigma.” Kuhn leaves the question open: “Can we explain
fears of sorcery by pointing to social or economic anxieties? Such
explanations have been attempted, but I am not entirely comfortable with
them.” Guy also notes that it is not clear why Qianlong instituted the
Literary Inquisition in 1774, because there was no single event in the
political or intellectual history of the 1770s which could be said to have
triggered this campaign. Kuhn also admits that the real reason Qianlong
reacted the way he did to the 1768 sorcery scare may never be known.20
The paradox is that in trying to reverse the traditional Chinese
approach, new scholarship tacitly accepts another Chinese historical
tradition, in which emperors were mere stereotypes without individual
12 Introduction
personalities or interests. This is in sharp contrast with contemporary

Western historical scholarship, of which personal biography is a major
part. The availability of a much wider range of records, from official
archives to personal diaries and the like, makes it possible for historians
of the West to treat historical figures as human beings, with all their
prejudices, preferences, and failings. The same has not been true for the
study of pre-modern Chinese history. It used to be difficult to get much
insight into the personal lives of Chinese emperors, as the appropriate
records were not available. However, since the opening of the Imperial
Archives in Peking in the 1980s, Qing history has become an exception.
Access to these documents now allows us to treat the emperor both as
an institution and as an individual.
Notes
1. Patricia Sieber, Theaters of Desire: Authors, Readers, and the Reproduction of
Early Chinese Song-Drama, 1300–2000, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003,
pp. 11–12.
2. Liu Dongsheng 劉東升, Jubu shanghua ji 菊部賞花記 (A record of apprecia-
tion of flowers in the chrysanthemum quarters), Beijing: Minzu chubanshe,
2002, pp. 501–502.
3. Arthur H. Smith, Village Life in China — A Study in Sociology, New York:
Fleming H. Revell Co., 1899; reprinted New York: Greenwood Press, 1969,
pp. 65–66; Bruce Doar, “The Boxers and Chinese Drama: Questions of Inter-
action,” in Papers on Far Eastern History 29 (March 1984), pp. 91–118.
4. Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’anguan 中國第一歷史檔案館 (First Historical
Archives of China; henceforth Yidang), ed., Yongzhengchao Hanwen zhupi
zouzhe huibian 雍正朝漢文硃批奏摺彙編 (Chinese vermillion endorsed memo-
rials of the Yongzheng reign), 40 vols. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1989,
vol. 2, p. 440; vol. 5, p. 284; vol. 4, p. 250.
5. The exact forms and origins of these entertainments are confusing and a
matter of scholarly controversy. See Cui Yunhua 崔蘊華, Shuzhai yu shufang
zhijian — Qingdai zidi shu yanjiu 書齋與書坊之間 — 清代子弟書研究
(Between studios and bookstores — Studies on the zidi shu of the Qing),
Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2005. pp. 7–14.
6 Chuimei Ho and Bennet Bronson, Splendors of China’s Forbidden City — The
Glorious Reign of Emperor Qianlong, London and New York: Merrell, 2004,
p. 125 and p. 128.
Introduction 13
7 See Liu Lu 劉潞, “Gengzhi tu jingguan yu shike huihua”《耕織圖》景觀與石刻

繪畫 (Illustrations on stone carvings of the scenery of the painting “Pictures
of Tilling and Weaving”) (by Jiao Bingzhen), in Yan Chongnian 閻崇年, ed.,
Manxue yanjiu 滿學研究, vol. 6, Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, 2000, pp. 392–409,
on pp. 404–406.
8 Even in a recently published work on Peking Opera, the author continues
former mistakes about the period of establishment of the Nanfu 南府. See
Joshua Goldstein, Drama Kings — Players and Publics in the Re-creation of
Peking Opera, 1870–1937, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007, pp.
19–23.
9 “Lao Foye huangshang qiluan Chang’an bi bing” 老佛爺皇上起鑾長安避兵 .
Yidang, Shengpingshu dangbu 昇平署檔簿 (Archives on the Shengpingshu),
packet 108.
10 Yidang, Shengpingshu dangbu, packet 127, Zhihuidang 知會檔 (Communica-
tions): Xuantong 1 宣統一 to Xuantong 5 宣統五.
11 Yidang, Shengpingshu dangbu, packet 1689. This document lists the costs of
repairs and other expenses in the Jingshan.
12 Yidang, Shengpingshu dangbu, packets 127, 1743, 1779; Xinzheng Neiwufu
[zajian], Shengpingshu 新整內務府 [ 雜件 ], 昇平署 (Newly Sorted Imperial
Household [miscellaneous materials], Shengpingshu), packet 3939. Only on
one occasion was it noted that the trunks were returned three days later.
13 Zhu Jiajin 朱家溍 and Ding Ruqin 丁汝芹, Qingdai neiting yanju shimo kao
清代內廷演劇始末考 (A study of the beginning and the end of drama perfor-
mance in the inner court of the Qing dynasty), Beijing: Zhongguo shudian,
2007, pp. 8–9.
14 Qing Gaozong shilu 清高宗實錄 (Veritable records of the Qing Gaozong
[Qianlong] reign), juan 68, in Qing shilu 清實錄 (Veritable records of the
Qing), Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985–1987.
15 Pamela Kyle Crossley, A Translucent Mirror — History and Identity in Qing
Imperial Ideology, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1999, p. 225.
16 Evelyn S. Rawski, “Re-imagining the Ch’ien-lung Emperor: a Survey of
Recent Scholarship,” Gugong xueshu jikan 故宮學術集刊 (The National Palace
Museum Research Quarterly) 21, no. 1 (2003), pp. 1–29, on p. 1.
17 Evelyn S. Rawski, The Last Emperors — A Social History of Qing Imperial
Institutions, Stanford: University of California Press, 1998.
18 Patricia Berger, Empire of Emptiness: Buddhist Art and Political Authority in
Qing China, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2003.
14 Introduction
19 Wang Zhengyao 王政堯, Qingdai xiju wenhua shilun 清代戲劇文化史論 (On

the history of drama culture in the Qing dynasty), Beijing: Beijing daxue
chubanshe, 2005, pp. 119–125.
20 Philip Kuhn, Soulstealers: The Chinese Sorcery Scare of 1748, Cambridge
(Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1990, p. 48; R. Kent Guy, The Emperor’s
Four Treasuries — Scholars and the State in the Late Ch’ien-lung Era,
Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard Council on East Asian Studies, 1987, p. 228.
Chapter One
Imperial Institutions for Ceremonial and

Private Performances*
Drama was the main form of entertainment for the emperors and the
imperial family for almost the entire Qing period. 1 The organisation
responsible for drama, the Nanfu 南府, was established by Kangxi to
organise performances for his own personal enjoyment after his successful
campaigns to consolidate Qing rule. Earlier, the Jiaofangsi 教坊司 (the
Bureau of Instruction) had been responsible for both personal entertain-
ment and state ceremonies.
Qianlong established a new organisation, the Yuebu 樂部 (the Board
of Music),2 to improve ceremonial music performances — formerly the
responsibility of the Board of Rites. However, at least half of the nominal
responsibilities of the Yuebu, especially those concerned with state cere-
monies in the palace and imperial retreats, were soon transferred to the
Nanfu, which was under the Neiwufu. The Yuebu was left without appro-
priate financial support, while generous resources were allocated to the
Nanfu. The lavish and spectacular dramatic performances recorded in
reports by foreign visitors were organised by the Nanfu. This was a
period of great wealth and strength in the Qing empire.
Qianlong’s son Jiaqing and his grandson Daoguang were not so
fortunate. The empire was in a state of rapid decline, and they were
facing serious internal and, later, external threats. Daoguang reduced the
size of the Nanfu and changed its name to the Shengpingshu (the Bureau
of Ascendant Peace).
The original function of the Nanfu, and of its descendant the Sheng-
pingshu, was the personal entertainment of the emperor. Its size, the
resources allocated to it, and its importance or lack of importance in the
palace depended on the tastes and interests of individual emperors. Its
form and function changed with the times. When Daoguang decided to
downgrade the Nanfu and change its name to the Shengpingshu, he could
not have anticipated that it would become an organisation monitoring
16 Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas
the drama troupes in the capital and outside the palace and exercising
censorship over the dramas performed by these troupes. From its begin-
nings, the Nanfu was considered a relatively unimportant organisation,
outside the formal structure of the state bureaucracy. It was not even
given a formal name, the term Nanfu referring to the building in which
it was housed.
The Separation of Personal Entertainment from

Ceremonial Music and the Establishment of the Nanfu
and the Jingshan
The Qing inherited both the Taichangsi 太常寺 (the Court of Imperial
Sacrifices) and the Jiaofangsi (the Bureau of Instruction) from the Ming.
The Taichangsi was responsible for the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, the
imperial ancestors, Confucius, the deities of the soil and grain, and so
on. These ceremonies were performed in temples outside the palace.3 The
Jiaofangsi was responsible for both state ceremonies and the emperor’s
personal entertainment.4 During the Ming and the early Qing, both the
Taichangsi and the Jiaofangsi were under the Libu 禮部 (the Board of
Rites). The ceremonial music of the Taichangsi was performed by Daoist
priests.5 The music of the Jiaofangsi was performed by the yuehu. The
yuehu were musicians from the provinces who belonged to a hereditary
class of “debased people” (jianmin), whose ancestors had committed some
crime against the state. Female yuehu were treated as official prostitutes.6
Even before taking Peking, the Manchus decided they would not employ
female yuehu in the palace.7 As early as 1644, eighteen eunuchs were
chosen to perform music for the emperor on leaving to visit temples
outside the palace and on his return. At this stage, yuehu were still
employed in the palace. In 1651 an imperial edict formally forbade
female yuehu of the Jiaofangsi from the palace. Music formerly performed
by female yuehu was to be performed by eunuchs.8 By the Kangxi period,
there were two organisations which oversaw performances for the
personal enjoyment of the emperor, the Nanfu and the Jingshan. It is not
yet possible to determine the exact dates of the establishment of these
offices. The earliest reference I have been able to find to the Nanfu is
1686, the twenty-fifth year of Kangxi, in the Neige 內閣 (Grand Secre-
tariat) Manchu archives.9 It is probable that the Nanfu was established
some time after the suppression of the Three Feudatories in 1681. The
1 | Imperial Institutions for Ceremonial and Private Performances 17
Nanfu was originally the residence of Wu Yingxiong 吳應雄, the son of

Wu Sangui 吳三桂 (1612–1678). In recognition of his father’s services to
the throne, Wu Yingxiong was granted an imperial princess, the sister of
the Shunzhi 順治 emperor (1638–1661), as a wife. Kangxi later gave him
the title of imperial prince. When Wu Sangui revolted in 1673, Wu
Yingxiong became a hostage in Peking, and he and his eldest son, Wu
Shilin 吳世霖, were eventually executed.10 Wu Yingxiong’s residence was in
Nanchang Street 南昌街, outside the southern gate of Zhongnanhai 中南海,
thus the name.11
There are few surviving documents from the Kangxi period relating
to the Nanfu. One of these is an edict from Kangxi to his chief eunuch,
Wei Zhu 魏珠: “There were originally two or three volumes of drama
scripts based on The Journey to the West. All of them were very vulgar.
Recently the empire has been pacified, and I have ordered that they be
revised. Now there are eight volumes altogether. The tunes are still the
original ones, but they are not particularly good. You should compile
them into ten volumes and present them before the ninth month.”12 This
document is not dated, but the reference to the empire being pacified
must refer to the defeat of the Three Feudatories or of Zheng Chenggong
鄭成功 (1624–1662) in Taiwan. These two major rebellions had posed a
serious threat to the Qing in its early years, and Kangxi regarded their
suppression as the two major achievements of his reign. They formed the
basis of the consolidation of Qing rule, and Kangxi could now afford to
devote his time and energy to other pursuits, including music and drama.
In 1683, when the Qing armies finally defeated the last of the Ming
supporters in Taiwan, Kangxi spent one thousand taels of gold on the
performance of a Maudgaly yana (Mulian 目連) play; it was performed
outside the palace as a public celebration and featured live tigers,
elephants, and horses.13 It is most likely that the formal establishment of
the Nanfu can be dated to the period between 1683 and 1686, during
which Kangxi could afford the expansion of a private entertainment.14
There is nothing in the archives which explains why there were two
organisations, the Nanfu and the Jingshan, which apparently had much
the same functions. A possible explanation is that the matter of private
entertainment was not a high priority and was not well-planned. The
Nanfu, like the Jingshan, derived its name from its location. The term fu
府, along with bu 部, ge 閣 and yuan 院, referred to the highest offices in
the state bureaucracy, and the name Nanfu was not appropriate for a
low-level office. This was the reason for the change of name to Sheng-
pingshu under Daoguang. The Nanfu seems to have been more important
than the Jingshan, for which there are no archives at all. The Jingshan
was incorporated into the Nanfu during the early Daoguang period.
Some scattered records provide some insight into the activities of the
Nanfu under Kangxi. Expenditure slips indicate that in 1704 the Nanfu
employed 31 eunuchs as performers. Payment records in 1708 show the
employment of 48 instructors and performers from outside the palace; in
1712 there were 44. Based on these figures, it would not be too far off
the mark to estimate that about 100 people, from both inside and
outside the palace, were employed in the Nanfu during the Kangxi
period.15
Before the mid-nineteenth century, kunqu 崑曲 and yiqiang were the
only dramas performed in the court.16 Kunqu was evidently held in high
regard, and the singers of kunqu from Jiangnan, particularly Suzhou, were
regarded as its most skilful performers. The practice of recruiting
performers from the south to serve in the palace began earlier than
Qianlong’s first visit there in 1751, as is generally thought.17 Even in the
twentieth century, kunqu performers of Suzhou still believed it was
Kangxi who had chosen their predecessors to perform in the palace.
When asked about their profession, they replied, “I eat the rice of the
King of Heaven (the emperor, Kangxi).” 18 This traditional belief is
supported by archival material. In 1827, Daoguang dismissed the
performers from the south. About 20 of these petitioned that they be
permitted to continue living in Peking. One of these, Li Zhaoguan ,
claimed that his grandfather, Li Pin, had come to Peking to serve in the
palace in 1728. Wang Changsheng said his grandfather Wang Liangguan
had followed in 1733. Yongzheng was less interested in the drama than
either Kangxi or Qianlong, and he did not visit the south even once after
becoming emperor. It is unlikely he would have initiated the employment
of southern performers in the early years of his reign; more probably this
practice was inherited from the Kangxi period. In any case, it is long
before the generally accepted date of 1751.19
The Jiangnan Textile Commission and the Lianghuai Salt Administra-
tion were responsible for organising drama performers to travel to Peking
and for all matters relating to the drama. Until the last years of the
Tongzhi 同治 period, the costumes used in performances were still the
responsibility of the three Textile Commissioners of Jiangning 江寧 ,
Suzhou, and Hangzhou 杭州. The commissioners were not so responsive

to the orders of the Neiwufu towards the end of the dynasty, and
payments of local officials to the textile commissioners were often delayed
or paid with reluctance. In 1874, the Neiwufu urged the commissioners
to complete orders for drama costumes, because none of them had
provided the goods on time. The Suzhou commissioner replied, “There is
so much work involved, and the time limit is too close. Under no
circumstances will we be able to manufacture the goods within the time
limit.” The Jiangning commissioner replied, “The cost of your order for
theatrical costumes should be provided by the Governor-General of
Liangjiang, as in the past. The funds have not yet arrived, and there is
no other source of funds available. For this reason we have not been able
to meet your order.”20
Lack of early records of the Nanfu and the Jingshan
There is little information available in the archives or elsewhere on the

early history of the Nanfu. The Nanfu, its successor the Shengpingshu,
and its branches in the Yuanmingyuan 圓明園, the Yiheyuan 頤和園, and
Rehe 熱河 were all outside the palace. Many scholars believe its records
were lost in the various turmoils of the last two centuries. When foreign
troops sacked the Yuanmingyuan in 1860 and the Allied Forces entered
Peking in 1900, many of the records of the Shengpingshu were lost. When
Yuan Shikai assumed the presidency, he requisitioned the buildings of the
Shengpingshu to accommodate his personal guard. The archives were
moved to the Jingshan. During this move and the expulsion of Puyi from
the palace, more documents were lost. Some were sold to private collec-
tors by book merchants.21 None of the Nanfu archives prior to 1799 still
exist. Only four volumes remain for the rest of the Jiaqing period. Most
of the documents from 1820 to 1827 are missing. There are only ten or
so volumes of Nanfu documents still extant, all of which are in the
National Library of China. The First Historical Archives mostly contains
material from the later Shengpingshu. There is a report in the Sheng-
pingshu archives to the Neiwufu noting that “the archives containing
imperial edicts, records of imperial awards of previous years, and dates of
events, have been lost after the two periods of chaos and can no longer
be consulted.”22
However, this explanation might not be the only valid one. Before
the Jiaqing emperor, the Nanfu, although large, was not an independent
organisation in the bureaucracy. The later Shengpingshu, in contrast, kept
precise records and had the authority to send memorials to the emperor
and to issue documents. My conclusion is that the scanty records of the
early Nanfu may be spread among the 1.5 million documents of the
Neiwufu. Studies by early twentieth-century scholars on the Nanfu
depended entirely on the records of the later Shengpingshu. Even the
approximate date of the foundation of the Nanfu could not be estab-
lished. Scholars generally believed that the Nanfu was established by
Qianlong. Wang Zhizhang 王芷章 , an authority on the Shengpingshu
archives, based his research on inscriptions on the tombs in the
Cijizhuang 慈集莊 Cemetery, located outside the Fuchengmen 阜成門,
which was granted by Qianlong to the eunuchs of the Nanfu and the
Jingshan. He concluded that the Nanfu was established between 1740 and
1754. He based this on the fact that the term Nanfu appears for the first
time on the tomb of Jin Jinzhong 靳進忠, the chief eunuch of the Nanfu,
who died in 1754.23 Fifty years later, Wang Zhizhang still maintained this
view,24 and it has been generally accepted by specialists in Peking Opera
and Qing history.25
Qianlong’s expansion of the Nanfu

The Yongzheng emperor was well known for his diligence and lack of
interest in frivolities. The small amount of material I have been able to
find on the activities of the Nanfu during Yongzheng’s reign dates from
the records of the Qianlong and Daoguang periods. We know that the
Nanfu was responsible for organising a day-long performance in the
Yongning Temple 永寧寺 on the Birthday of the Buddha during the
Yongzheng period because Qianlong continued the practice, and reference
is made to it as dating from the previous reign.26 The note in the
Daoguang archives about Suzhou performers during the Yongzheng era
was mentioned above. The most important decision Yongzheng made in
this area was to abolish the category of yuehu and to permit its members
to change their occupations and become “respectable.”27 The Jiaofangsi
had ceased using female yuehu in the palace long before the Yongzheng
period, but male yuehu still served there. Despite the fact that after 1723
they were permitted to change their occupation, a considerable number
of male yuehu remained in the palace and retained their status as

jianmin. However, the number of male yuehu left was not enough to
perform music for state ceremonies. Yongzheng wanted to recruit musi-
cians from the general population but found it difficult to attract them,
owing to the unsavoury connotations of the name Jiaofangsi. In 1729
Yongzheng changed its name to the Heshengshu 和聲署 (the Bureau of
Harmonious Sounds). Its function was unchanged, and it was still under
the Libu (the Ministry of Rites).28
Qianlong’s enthusiasm for the drama became clear not long after he
inherited the throne. In 1737, before the official mourning period for the
previous emperor was over, the Nanfu had already presented numerous
requests for funds to repair their accommodation, to repair the stages
and to add various other conveniences. Clearly they had been neglected
by Yongzheng.29 A memorial submitted in 1739 indicates that during the
previous three years, 48,671 taels of silver had been spent on costumes
and instruments for the Nanfu and the Jingshan, and for the travelling
expenses of the Suzhou musicians.30 A large number of the Nanfu staff
accompanied Qianlong to his imperial retreat at Rehe. According to the
records for the 26 th through 28 th years of the Qianlong period, the
number of Nanfu personnel accompanying the emperor on his annual
retreat to Rehe was 506; 161 carriages were needed for transport. Living
expenses and accommodation along the way were also recorded.31 There
is no doubt that performances in the palace and the imperial retreat
were lavish. Some of these were described by the Korean scholar Pak
Chi-w n 朴趾源 (1737–1805), who was one of the entourage accompa-
nying a Korean ambassador on a visit to Rehe in 1780, 32 and in the
memoirs of the British envoy, Lord Macartney, in 1793.33
Qianlong’s reform of ceremonial music

Qianlong also decided to reorganise state and sacrificial ceremonial
performances. Despite some amendments made by Kangxi, the music and
words were still basically those used during the Ming. In 1742 Qianlong
established the Yuebu (the Board of Music) and appointed Prince Zhuang,
Santai 三泰 (d. 1758), and Zhang Zhao as Grand Ministers. Prince
Zhuang was the sixteenth son of Kangxi, and his musical talent and
intellectual abilities were similar to his father’s. The Grand Ministers were
responsible for both operatic dramas and ceremonial music.34 Qianlong
was dissatisfied with the standards of both the Heshengshu and the
Taichangsi: “The musicians of the Heshengshu of the Libu are all butchers
and shopkeepers. Even if we train them, it is not easy for them to
understand. Their serving in the Heshengshu only interferes in their
making a livelihood. In my opinion it would be most appropriate to
order the Zhangyisi 掌儀司 (the Office of Palace Ceremonies) to deal
with this matter. When the new music is completed, we should dismiss
all the musicians from the Heshengshu.”35 The musicians in the Hesh-
engshu had largely been recruited from outside the palace since the early
Yongzheng period. In fact the plan to dismiss all the musicians of the
Heshengshu was not practical, and Prince Zhuang, Santai, and Zhang
Zhao petitioned that forty of the original musicians (the male yuehu) be
retained. Qianlong agreed. Qianlong also felt that it was inappropriate for
Daoist priests to perform ceremonial music associated with Confucian
rites in the Taichangsi. When the Daoists were not performing music in
the palace, they conducted various Daoist religious ceremonies for the
general populace. Qianlong objected:
What sort of system is this? It will only be laughed at by later generations. From
now on, musicians in the Taichangsi are not allowed to perform Daoist ceremo-
nies. If some are not willing to change their profession, dismiss them and let them
practise their Daoism. I asked Santai and discovered that there are five to six
hundred people there. Surely this is too many. I order Prince Zhuang and the
others to investigate this matter. If they are overstaffed, they should immediately
send a memorial requesting a reduction. Rather than have so many useless people,
it would be better to reduce their numbers and concentrate resources on selecting
capable people for these duties.36
Qianlong’s distaste for Daoism was not only a matter of Confucian

rectitude. He had his personal reasons, connected with the death of his
father. In his later years Yongzheng became preoccupied with the pill of
immortality and invited Daoist priests to the palace to seek the secrets of
eternal life. Jia Shifang 賈士芳, a priest from the Baiyunguan 白雲觀, the
Daoist White Cloud Temple, gained the trust of Yongzheng, but was
finally executed by him as a fraud. Other Daoists, however, continued
their attempts to manufacture the pill of immortality within the confines
of the palace. Yongzheng’s sudden death was attributed to his taking such
pills. The day after Yongzheng died, Qianlong had all Daoists expelled
from the palace.37
The precise relationship between the Yuebu and the Libu, and which
controlled the Heshengshu, was by no means clear for some time after
the establishment of the Yuebu. In 1742, an edict from Qianlong referred
to the Zhangyisi of the Neiwufu as being responsible for ceremonial
music performances. He did not mention the Heshengshu. The officials in
charge of the Heshengshu, Prince Zhuang, Zhang Zhao and Santai, may
have concluded that Qianlong did not want to retain their bureau. They
memorialised: “Your Majesty’s direction that the Zhangyisi of the Neiwufu
should manage (ceremonial music) means that the office of the Bureau
of Harmonious Sounds (Heshengshu yamen 和聲署衙門) should come
under the Neiwufu. But the Heshengshu is under the Libu, and it would
be difficult to incorporate many of their ceremonial functions within the
Neiwufu. They should come under the jurisdiction of both organisations.”
Qianlong approved their suggestion.38 In the Da Qing huidian 大清會典,
compiled in 1749, the Heshengshu and the Shenyueshu 神樂署 (the Office
of Sacrificial Music) of the Taichangsi, together with all ceremonial music
and dances, were under the Yuebu. The Yuebu had taken over some of
the responsibilities of the Libu and had become a separate organisation.39
The ceremonial music of the Taichangsi and the Heshengshu was
meant to communicate with the supernatural or to symbolise imperial
omnipotence. The importance of such state ceremonies was very well
understood by the emperor, and this was the main reason Qianlong had
a complete suite of ceremonial music compiled, to match the greatness of
his empire. On the other hand, the emperors did not necessarily have
any great personal interest in ceremonial music, and there was no incen-
tive for the musicians to improve their performance, as there was for
those who produced entertainment. This was the case in the Ming,40 and
even more so in the Qing. Shunzhi, in 1658 and 1660, and Kangxi in
1672 and 1673, issued edicts complaining about the poor quality of the
musicians in the Taichangsi,41 but there was no improvement. Qianlong
complained similarly and even traced the poor quality of the musicians
performing sacrificial ceremonial music back to the Tang:
Great ceremonies held in temples outside the inner city are meant to be commu-
nication with the spirits. How can we allow those musicians to strum and blow
anyway they like, with no regard for harmony and rhythm…. In the Tang dynasty,
musicians playing yiliang 伊涼 secular music in the hall were called zuobuji 坐部伎
(seating section musicians). If they were not good enough, they could become
libuji 立部伎 (standing section musicians).42 If they couldn’t even manage that,
they could be downgraded to the yayuebu 雅樂部 (elegant music section), to

perform sacrificial music in the temples. This was laughed at by later generations.
Now in the performance of secular music the gong 宮 and shang 商 tones are
distinguished, but sacrificial music has degenerated to a great extent. I am
appalled by this.43
The situation did not improve during the Qianlong period. Ten years
after he issued this edict, he issued another to the Libu complaining that
the musicians of the Taichangsi left much to be desired, and demanded
that the Libu “severely deal with the matter.” Here he seemed to be
implying that responsibility for ceremonial music was a matter for the
Libu, not the Yuebu. Qianlong established the Yuebu, appointing a prince
and a high official as grand ministers, and expected it to be responsible
for both palace performances and ceremonial performances in the temples
outside the palace. But at the same time he ordered that the perfor-
mances on grand ceremonial occasions, such as the zhonghe shaoyue 中和
44
韶樂 and the danbi dayue 丹陛大樂, be the responsibility of the Neiwufu,
45
not the Libu.
When Prince Zhuang and the other two grand ministers in charge of
the Yuebu asked for the full complement of 120 musicians for the Hesh-
engshu, Qianlong’s vermilion response was: “There is no need to recruit
outside musicians to perform the zhonghe shaoyue or danbiyue music,
and no need to provide food for them. As for the rest, do as you
suggested.”46 The Heshengshu was part of the state bureaucracy and, as its
three grand ministers pointed out, had been named by Yongzheng. Qian-
long was restrained by this and could not simply abolish it. But it no
longer had its previous function.
Qianlong explained his attitude: “When I appointed Prince Zhuang,
Santai, and Zhang Zhao as the ministers of the Yuebu I didn’t mean they
should only be responsible for the Heshengshu. It was the situation in the
Taichangsi that I wanted them to pay particular attention to.”47
And so the Yuebu was restricted to sacrificial music. The zhonghe
shaoyue music remained the responsibility of the Nanfu, and afterwards
the Shengpingshu, which had a specific subsection devoted to this type of
ceremonial music, known as the Zhongheyue.48
Qianlong trusted the Neiwufu more than the Yuebu, but even he
could not remove the responsibility for sacrificial music from the
Taichangsi. However, he ordered that the musicians of the Taichangsi
rehearse in the presence of officials from the Zhangyisi in the Neiwufu in
the third and ninth month of every year. If they were not up to standard,
they could be reprimanded, or punished, by the Zhangyisi. After Qianlong’s
death, Jiaqing felt that this degree of supervision was inappropriate and
ordered that responsibility for the performance of sacrificial music rest
entirely with the Shenyueshu in the Taichangsi. He ordered that the rehearsals
every spring and autumn in the Zhangyisi be stopped immediately.49
In the end the Heshengshu became an organisation only in charge of
maintaining and displaying the musical instruments and costumes, and
various sundry duties. Sometimes the Nanfu did not even respect the
authority of the Heshengshu, which was under the Yuebu. In 1822, the
second year of Daoguang, the Yuebu submitted a memorial requesting the
return of some instruments and costumes which had been taken by the
Nanfu, noting that the Nanfu could have them back when they were
needed. Daoguang approved. 50 During the Guangxu period, the Yuebu
submitted a memorial requesting more staff, in an attempt to reclaim its
original function. The draft memorial noted:
The Shenyueshu is responsible for sacrificial music. The Heshengshu is only
responsible for arranging and keeping the musical instruments. The Libu is not
familiar with the correct performance of zhonghe shaoyue, because it was done by
musicians outside the Libu for many years.
The final version of the memorial added more reasons:

The state has already established the Yuebu. All singing and music should be
administered by one organisation. The musical instruments are arranged by the
Yuebu, but performances are not arranged by the Yuebu. This seems to be quite
inappropriate. We officials would like to suggest that from now on all perfor-
mances of zhonghe shaoyue and danbiyue, and the ceremonies of ploughing,
hunting, and harvesting, should be the responsibility of the Yuebu.51
It appears there was no response to this memorial. The Qing huidian

still referred to the Heshengshu as the organisation responsible for
zhonghe shaoyue and danbiyue.52 This was not the case in practice, but
the conflicting information in various sources has given scholars a
misleading impression of the boundaries of responsibility of the various
groups involved.53
The Nanfu was allocated more generous resources than the Hesh-
engshu. According to the Daoguang Nanfu archives, more than six
hundred performers from Jiangnan had been recruited for the Nanfu
during the Qianlong period.54 During the Qianlong period, the Nanfu
had nine divisions: three inner school divisions, which employed eunuchs,
and two outer schools, which recruited Chinese performers from Jiangnan
and bannermen from the three banners of the Neiwufu.55 These five were
responsible for drama. Three other divisions were the Zhongheyue 中和樂,
the Shifanxue 十番學 and the Xiansuoxue 絃索學 . The Zhongheyue
performed ceremonial music in the palace and needed written authorisa-
tion from the Zhangyisi. The Shifanxue performed music on ten types of
percussion and wind instruments, thus the name. 56 The Xiansuoxue
performed music on stringed instruments.57 Both the Shifanxue and the
Xiansuoxue performed music for the entertainment of the court, not for
ceremonial purposes.
The ninth division was the Qianliangchu 錢糧處 (the Finance Office).
The Jingshan also had an inner school and an outer school, but it was
not nearly as big as the Nanfu, nor did it have other divisions. The
Nanfu reached its peak during the Qianlong period. Even in the most
recent research, estimations of the number of staff in the Nanfu are
based on a single source, one sentence in a memorial sent by the chief
eunuch of the Nanfu during the Daoguang period: “There are three
hundred outer students in the Jingshan and the Nanfu; this is less than
half the number of the fourth year of the Jiaqing reign (1799).”
According to these figures, an estimate of more than one thousand staff
during the Qianlong period is commonly accepted.58 Recently I discovered
evidence in the Imperial Household records which confirms this figure.
More than four hundred actors were chosen from outside and from the
Three Banners of the Neiwufu. 59 The Nanfu had multiple financial
sources. The payment of “outer school” members came from the Hubu 戶
60
部 (Board of Revenue) Chongwenmen Taxation Office; payment for
eunuchs in the Nanfu came from the Three Banners of the Neiwufu. 61
Qianlong did not limit the number of eunuchs in the Nanfu, and it is
not possible to determine exact figures. 62 The Nanfu did not have an
annual budget for expenses. Each event, such as travel to Rehe, and
costumes, instruments, and other such items needed a specific memo-
rial.63 We can still estimate that there were fewer than fifty outside actors
during the Kangxi period but that Qianlong maintained over four
hundred. We have also discovered that more than five hundred Nanfu
staff accompanied Qianlong during his retreats to Rehe. These figures
confirm the total number of eunuchs and outside actors in the Nanfu
during the Qianlong period was in excess of one thousand.
In theory, the Nanfu was no more important than the kitchen, as

Daoguang later remarked. However, as a result of Qianlong’s decision, the
responsibilities of the Nanfu reached beyond the inner court into the
realm of state ceremonial. Its functions were similar to those of the Jiao-
fangsi of the Ming and early Qing, but it did not have the commensurate
bureaucratic status. For this reason, official records such as the Qing
huidian did not recognise its role in such matters and give the impres-
sion that ceremonial music was the responsibility of the Board of Music.
Archival records show that this was not the case. This situation continued
under succeeding emperors. The Board of Music tried to reclaim its
legitimate territory at least once, but without success.
Decline in Imperial Prestige — From the Nanfu to the

Shengpingshu
During the Jiaqing period, the Nanfu was reduced in size, and its activi-
ties were lessened. This was not because Jiaqing did not like the drama —
on the contrary, the surviving records indicate that Jiaqing was quite a
connoisseur and had specific views on the content, the singing, and the
performance of the drama.64 In 1796, the sixtieth year of his reign, Qian-
long abdicated in favour of Jiaqing. He had previously expressed the filial
wish not to exceed the sixty-one years his grandfather, Kangxi, had spent
on the throne. Jiaqing realised, however, that his father still exerted enor-
mous power, and in order to avoid conflict, did not involve himself in
political matters. He spent a good deal of his time watching drama. He
had been on the throne for four years before taking control of affairs of
state after the death of his father in 1799.65 Jiaqing inherited a dynasty
already showing signs of rapid decline. The military competence of the
banner troops had diminished; bureaucratic corruption was deep; and
there was increasing disorder and rebellion. The further deterioration of
the Daoguang period was a deciding factor in the institutional transition
of the Nanfu to the Shengpingshu.
Downsizing the Nanfu — The effect of political events during

the Jiaqing period
Soon after Jiaqing took control, the Tianlijiao 天理教, a White Lotus sect,
rebelled. This time the rebels were actually able to fight their way into
the palace. Jiaqing was appalled and declared it to be a calamity the likes
of which “had not been seen during the Han, Tang, Song or Ming.”66
Susan Naquin has given a detailed account of the rebel attack on the
palace.67 The archives, however, reveal the profound psychological effect
this attack had on Jiaqing, the imperial family, and the Manchu nobility.
Jiaqing was out of Peking at the time. When he heard the news, he
issued an imperial penitence indicating both disbelief and confusion. On
the one hand, he acknowledged his responsibility for the disaster; on the
other, he stressed his rectitude and attention to detail, and he could not
understand how it could have happened.68
Princes and officials wept when the imperial penitence was read to
them. The next day Jiaqing called them to the palace. “Our Great Qing
Empire used to be so powerful and prosperous. Now a calamity has
befallen us. This is entirely due to my lack of virtue.” The mandarins and
nobility wept again. 69 The next month, Jiaqing cancelled his birthday
celebrations:
The sixth day of the tenth month is my birthday. According to state ceremonial,
from the third to the ninth day I should wear the dragon robe. On my birthday I
should receive congratulations from my officials in the Zhengda Guangmingdian
正大光明殿. This is the rule. This year, however, such an unexpected disaster
occurred. If I were to act as is usual on such occasions, I would not have the face
to accept congratulations. What is more, military dispatches are still coming and
going, and the evil has not yet been dispelled. How could I possibly have the heart
for feasting and entertainment?70
Jiaqing never recovered from the shock. He remained convinced that

fate was against him. In the Rehe imperial retreat there were three pavil-
ions near a lotus lake. All three pavilions bore the same name, Lengx-
iangting 冷香亭 (the Pavilion of Cool Fragrance), with inscriptions by
Kangxi, Qianlong, and Jiaqing. The pavilions were called Lengxiangting
because the water in the lake came from a warm spring, and the lotus,
which normally blooms in summer, here bloomed in autumn.71 Kangxi’s
inscription reads: “This pavilion helps to clear the mind. The cool
fragrance is conducive to self reflection.” Qianlong wrote that the pavilion
reminded him of the praise he received from his grandfather when he
recited Zhou Dunyi’s 周敦頤 prose poem, The Love of the Lotus 愛蓮說,
in front of a lotus pool in Rehe when he was a child. For Jiaqing,
however, the chill of autumn meant that “the magnificence has already
passed,” “the radiance is fading,” “evil days are upon us,” and “things are
not the same now as in the past.”72
Under these circumstances, Jiaqing could not continue with enter-
tainment on the scale of the Qianlong period. Consequently, the Nanfu
was reduced in size. In 1806 there were three inner schools, but by 1819
only two. The long, serial dramas of the Qianlong period were no longer
performed so frequently.73 It was under Daoguang, however, that a signif-
icant reduction in size, and its administrative downgrading, began for the
Nanfu, and its name was changed to reflect its new status.
The Nanfu replaced by the Shengpingshu — Daoguang’s

political and financial concerns
In the first year of Daoguang’s reign, 1821, the Minister in charge of the
Neiwufu, Yinghe 英和 (1771–1840), transmitted an edict to the chief
eunuch of the Nanfu, Li Luxi 李祿喜, ordering him “to dismiss the old
and incompetent bannermen in the outer schools of the Jingshan and the
Nanfu. The Han Chinese should be returned to the Suzhou Textile
Commission, and the Manchus should be returned to their own banners.”
Li Luxi responded: “Although there are three hundred outer school
students in the Jingshan and the Nanfu, this is less than half the number
of the fourth year of the Jiaqing period (1799). If we want to stage
large-scale performances, this number is insufficient. This slave does not
dare disobey.” Sixteen bannermen and twenty-three Chinese were
dismissed. Daoguang, however, felt this did not go far enough, and a
second reduction followed within a month, a further sixty people being
dismissed.74
Six months later Yinghe presented another edict: “The large and
small groups in the Jingshan should be incorporated into the Nanfu. We
need never mention the name Jingshan again. Besides, one hundred and
twenty or so is enough to stage a large performance. Even if you were to
reduce another hundred, twenty would be enough.” Three months later
Li Luxi, received another edict: “All apprentice performers, chief eunuchs,
and head eunuchs of the Jingshan will be transferred to service in the
Nanfu. The big inner school and the small inner school should be
combined into one inner school. The first, second, and third outer
schools should be combined to form one outer school.”75
Theoretically, there were dramatic performances scheduled on the

first and fifteenth days of each month, as well as on various festivals and
birthdays. These were routine performances, but Daoguang found various
reasons to cancel or reduce their number and scale. In the first year of
his reign (1821), forty-eight dramas listed had the numbers of performers
reduced, eleven of them being reduced by at least half.76
In 1827, Daoguang dismissed all the outside performers in the outer
schools. He claimed the security of the palace was his primary concern.77
He himself was involved in the defense of the palace against the Tianli-
jiao. There were no Nanfu eunuchs involved in the attack, but he felt
uncomfortable with outsiders in the palace. The same year, Daoguang
dictated an edict to the chief eunuch, Li Luxi:
Since the Nanfu recommenced performances (after the prescribed period of
mourning for Jiaqing), their service has been very good, and the skills of the
performers of the outer school are superior to the eunuchs of the inner school.
Eunuchs are not permitted to engage in any conduct beyond their employment
which might be considered improper. Those in the outer school might well engage
in some misconduct, and it is likely I would not be informed. Should anything
untoward happen, it would be hard to deal with. The best thing to do is to dismiss
the entire outer school. It is not a matter of saving money, or suggesting they do
not earn their keep. It is just that there might be unfortunate consequences. As for
those in the Yuanmingyuan branch, they may still live in Taiping village 太平村
(outside the Yuanmingyuan). A gate must be made in the wall (of the Yuan-
mingyuan) so that when they come and go, they must pass through the gate of
Xishuang village 西爽村門. The reason for this is to be able to keep them under
strict observation. They are not to use the gate of Taiping village. Why is that?
Previously, groups of vagrants or anyone else could come and go at any time of
the day or night. It was difficult to maintain control. Within the city walls,
eunuchs live in Nanchizi 南池子, and they must come and go through the Xiyuan
Gate, and in that way can be strictly controlled. The chief eunuchs and the head
eunuch must maintain strict control.78
In the same edict, Daoguang notified the chief eunuch: “I am going

to change the name of the Nanfu to the Shengpingshu. The Nanfu is only
a small office (yamen 衙門), like the palace kitchen. It is called Nanfu,
but the place where dramas are performed should not be called a fu.
According to the regulations, the chief eunuch of the Shengpingshu is an
official of the seventh rank. Li Luxi served the former emperor for many
years, and has served us well between the third and sixth years of the
present reign. There is no reason to reduce his income or his official
rank. Should this position fall vacant, the next incumbent will be
appointed at the seventh rank.” 79
Many of the apprentices of the outer school were from families resi-
dent in Peking for many generations. It was not easy for them to leave
Peking at short notice. The Nanfu replied to Daoguang:
According to our records, there used to be more than three hundred apprentices
in the outer school. Since the second year of the present reign [1822], more than
one hundred have been sent back to their native places. Now we have only 176
students in the outer school. They all live in the Nanfu or in Taiping village. Your
servant sent an official to investigate their accommodation and make a detailed
investigation of each family. 17 families live in the Nanfu, and 115 in Taiping
village. Some families have more than 20 members; some have only two or three.
Altogether there are 1,015 men, women and children. These students have been in
the capital for many years, and in recent years have not often been asked to
perform. They have nothing to do all day, and it is inevitable that they will leave
their lodgings and wander around elsewhere. It is difficult to keep track of them.
Your Majesty stresses frugality, eradicates luxury, and avoids pleasure seeking. We
slaves respect you deeply. What is more, the living expenses of the students in the
outer school grow daily, and it is not convenient that they seek other employment
in the capital. We slaves will obey your edict and have already made plans to
dismiss all the students in the outer school and return them to their native places,
where they will be able to settle down and earn their living. We have set a deadline
of half a month from the date we received your edict for them and their families
to leave. However, there are so many of them …
The Nanfu went on to make some suggestions about temporary

arrangements.80
Some of the performers were reluctant to return to Suzhou and sent
a petition to the Nanfu to the effect that some of them had been resi-
dent in Peking for three or four generations, and had no friends or rela-
tions in Suzhou. Some claimed that their grandparent’s coffins remained
in Peking.81 As a result, some were permitted to remain in the capital.
It cost a large amount to bring an actor from Jiangnan. He would
expect his family to accompany him. In the case of his death, the court
would pay to send the coffin back to Jiangnan, and many members
would accompany the coffin, adding to the overall expense. The Neiwufu
could see there were substantial savings in discontinuing the hiring of

outside actors and praised Daoguang’s frugality. Daoguang denied that
the dismissal of the entire outer school was on financial grounds,
claiming it was only related to matters of security. However, the dismissal
of outside actors was not the only cost-cutting measure implemented by
Daoguang. During the Qianlong and Jiaqing periods, the emperor’s
birthday celebrations lasted nine days. Daoguang shortened the period to
three days. After downsizing the Nanfu to the Shengpingshu, he reduced
his own birthday celebrations to two days. He also ordered that the
Empress dowager’s decennial birthday celebrations be shortened from five
days to three, and her annual birthday celebrations be reduced to two
days. All grand drama performances were abolished.82
Daoguang issued more edicts on the virtues of frugality than any
other Qing emperor. He ordered the cessation of tributary gifts, in
particular the number of pearls from the Sungari river. He ordered fire-
works no longer be sent by the Lianghuai Salt Administration. He did
not order any new construction, nor did he approve the maintenance of
existing buildings. The eight banners organised a demonstration of
archery skill for his inspection, in which the archers all wore identical
long blue robes. Daoguang commented, “All I expect from the bannermen
is skill in archery. It doesn’t matter what clothes they wear … from now
on … as long as their horse riding and archery is skilful, the colour of
their clothes is of no importance. Even if the colour is not bright or
new, it doesn’t matter.”83 Daoguang was reluctant to spend money even
on his own robes.84 According to the memoirs of Xin Xiuming, a eunuch
of the Guangxu period, when the wardrobes of the Daoguang period
were examined, it was discovered that the clothes of the empress and
concubines were made of rough red and green cloth. They discovered
wooden buns used in the ceremonies in the Hall of the Buddha, used in
place of real ones. Daoguang’s tomb is the most modest of all the Qing
tombs.85
Dramatic performances and banquets were, to Daoguang, extrava-
gances. In 1830 he heard that dramatic performances and banquets were
common occurrences in Mukden (present-day Shenyang 瀋陽). Daoguang
had the matter investigated. He discovered that was indeed the case, and
that his cousin, Yihao 奕顥 (d. 1843), the Military Governor of Mukden,
was living there in luxury, as was the Deputy Military Governor, Chang-
ming 常明. Daoguang issued an edict to the Grand Secretary:
The Military Governor of Mukden and the Deputy Military Governor should set
a good example for the local people. Should the lifestyle of the bannermen and
the local officials be relaxed and immoral, we should take strict measures.
Contrary to expectation, they have frequent banquets and theatrical perfor-
mances, and generally enjoy a luxurious life. How could they be worthy of their
positions of Military Governor and Deputy Military Governor? Now I order that
Yihao and Changming be handed over to the Bureau of Military Affairs of the
Court of the Imperial Clan to be dealt with. I order that they come to Peking
immediately to attend the deliberations of the Court.86
Given Daoguang’s attitude towards expenditure and frugality, and the

extravagance of drama and banquets, it was not surprising to see him
reduce the expenditure of the Nanfu. When he abolished the outer school
in 1827, the Neiwufu proposed that four people who had previously
served in the Suzhou Textile Commission be given a pension of eight
taels of silver a month. Daoguang’s vermilion endorsement on the memo-
rial was: “They should all leave. They should all see to their own liveli-
hood.” They did not get their pension.87
At the same time, the Shifanxue division was abolished. Daoguang
also ordered that musical instruments should no longer be ordered from
Suzhou but manufactured in the workshop of the imperial household.88
Qianlong, who spent lavishly on the drama, claimed he was frugal in
such matters. On his eightieth birthday, when several large-scale dramas
were performed, he pointed out that they were not newly commissioned,
but were the old texts used by his father on the occasion of his grandfa-
ther’s birthday. Even the texts presented by the imperial princes and offi-
cials were performed without further embellishment. “I admire simplicity
and detest ostentation. My unwillingness to be even slightly extravagant
can be seen from this.”89 Daoguang, however, who was frugal in practi-
cally every aspect of his administration, stressed that the dissolution of
the Nanfu was not based on financial considerations.
An incident in the same year may have also added to Daoguang’s
distaste for performers in general. As mentioned in the introduction, a
young eunuch in the Shengpingshu, Yuan Changqing, escaped and served
in the residence of Prince Dun. Despite Prince Dun claiming he had had
no knowledge of his escape, Daoguang was furious. Prince Dun was
demoted from Imperial Prince to Commandery Prince. Daoguang restored
his status in the following year but warned him to pay greater attention
to his behaviour in the future.90
For a variety of reasons — the financial crisis inherited from the

previous reign, his own personal frugality, security concerns, and the
decline of the Qing in general — Daoguang had ample reason not to
continue the expenditure on drama characteristic of his grandfather’s
reign but to reduce spending on what he regarded as extravagances as
much as possible.91 What Daoguang did not realise, however, was that his
downgrading of the Nanfu to the Shengpingshu was to lead to this organ-
isation developing additional functions, beyond its previous restricted role
in the palace.
The Shengpingshu inside and outside the Palace

Daoguang’s downgrading of the Nanfu to the Shengpingshu involved
dismissing all outside performers from the palace. This meant that his
less frugal successors had to recruit such performers, and this task fell to
the Shengpingshu. Security considerations meant that such outside troupes
had to be strictly controlled. This led to the court, through the Sheng-
pingshu, acquiring direct control over both the organisation of drama
troupes outside the palace and the content of the dramas performed by
them. What seemed to be an administrative decision in 1827 had unex-
pected consequences.
Control over the commercial troupes in the capital

When Daoguang abolished the outer schools, Li Luxi, the chief eunuch,
claimed that there would be insufficient staff in the Nanfu. 92 Since
Daoguang greatly reduced the number and frequency of performances,
the Nanfu could manage with its diminished staff. The pleasure-loving
Xianfeng, however, gradually increased the number of performers. In
1855, the fifth year of Xianfeng’s reign, Li Luxi, who was still chief
eunuch of the Shengpingshu and over seventy years old, submitted a
memorial:
We have reached the point where the number of musicians in the
inner school is insufficient. We have no one to teach and no one to
learn. This slave has been worried about this day and night. I have no
choice but to beg Your Majesty’s indulgence to instruct the boo-i amban
包衣昂邦 to choose four drum and clapper players, four bamboo flute
players, and four gong beaters, a total of twelve, from outside the palace.
These people should join the inner school of the Shengpingshu. This slave
really needs more performers to carry out his duties. I earnestly entreat
Your Majesty’s approval.
Xianfeng approved, and two days later Li Luxi went to the boo-i
amban to make the necessary arrangements.93
This was the first time since 1827 that outsiders had been appointed
to perform in the palace. More followed. Six of them were former Nanfu
employees who had been allowed to remain in Peking. Now in their
sixties, they were employed as teachers.94 They performed in the palace
and in the imperial retreat at Rehe. When the British and French
attacked Peking in 1860, Xianfeng took refuge in Rehe until his death
almost a year later. During this short period, no less than 320 operas
were performed there, some more than once. 95 Even on his deathbed,
Xianfeng continued to watch the opera. It was not until two days before
his death that the actors were told the performances would no longer be
required. When he died, the opera performers accompanied his coffin
back to Peking.96
The Nanfu was isolated from the outside world. Although its outer
school had members chosen by the Suzhou Textile Commission, they had
no contact with other performing troupes after entering the palace. The
only contact they had with the outside world was with their families and
friends in Suzhou, and even this correspondence was copied and checked
by the Nanfu.97 The Shengpingshu, on the other hand, directly employed
residents of Peking. These performers maintained their relationships with
other troupes in the capital. Later, the Shengpingshu civilian performers
spent most of their time outside the palace; they were only called to the
palace when needed.98 After employing new performers, therefore, the
Shengpingshu had to keep close surveillance on their associates and
activities.
Through this process the Shengpingshu evolved from an organisation
which originally simply managed dramatic performances within the palace
to an organisation responsible for maintaining surveillance over all the
drama troupes in Peking. In theory, the Shengpingshu had no authority
outside the palace, so the Neiwufu created a nominal bureaucratic office
(yamen) to administer the Jingzhongmiao 精忠廟, the guild of the drama
troupes in the capital. Its full title was “the yamen in charge of the affairs
of the Jingzhongmiao” (Jingzhongmiao guanli shiwu yamen 精忠廟管理事務
衙門 ). A headquarters bureau director (tanglangzhong 堂郎中 ) was in
charge. In fact, the only function of this yamen was to issue orders.
Actual power was in the hands of the Shengpingshu.
The palace administration and the actor’s guild — the

Jingzhongmiao
The Jingzhongmiao was established in the Ming, and it was located
just outside the Chongwenmen.99 To the left was the Tianxigong 天喜宮,
where the patron god of the actors was worshipped. It was repaired
during the Qianlong period. 100 I have found no material on its early
activities. Some scholars have argued that drama performers had no
organisation prior to the Tongzhi period.101 The evidence indicates that
during the early Tongzhi period the Jingzhongmiao was a highly struc-
tured administrative organisation. The yamen in charge of the adminis-
tration of the Jingzhongmiao in the palace sent orders through the officer-
in-charge (miaoshou 廟首) of the Jingzhongmiao. It also had strict and
detailed regulations (miaogui 廟規).102 Some scholars have claimed that
this yamen was established during the Ming.103 However, its earliest
records date from after the Xianfeng period, and as it was subordinate to
the Shengpingshu, it could not have predated it. In 1863, the second year
of the Tongzhi period, the yamen issued an order that the drama troupes
in the capital were allowed to recommence their performances following
the end of the mourning period for Xianfeng.104
A few months later the Jingzhongmiao yamen issued two further
similar orders. One was addressed specifically to the Jingzhongmiao,
emphasising the registration of all the drama troupes:
In accordance with the edict of the second year of the Daoguang period [1822],
proscribed styles are strictly prohibited. Theatre proprietors are not permitted to
form troupes without approval. Bannermen are not permitted to join the troupes
or perform on the stage. A record is to be kept of all the troupes in the capital,
who is in them, and who their troupe leaders are. We order the huishou 會首 of
the Jingzhongmiao, Cheng Changgeng 程長庚, to bring the troupe leaders to the
office of the tanglangzhong for investigation. A new troupe must immediately
report to Cheng Changgeng. They are not permitted to form a troupe without
permission. Performers may not decide to join a troupe on their own. This would
cause chaos. If this should happen, even if the huishou Cheng Changgeng does not
report it, they will still be taken to the yamen and punished. If any of the other
huishou dares to use any pretext to extort money or cause trouble for other people
because of a grudge, after discovery they will be taken to the yamen and severely
punished. There will no leniency. This document is to be sent to the Jingzhong-
miao. The eighth day of the ninth month of the Tongzhi period.105
By the next month, all the drama troupes in the capital had
submitted their written guarantees to the Jingzhongmiao. The miaoshou of
the Jingzhongmiao had to write a guarantee verifying the details of the
submissions. Theoretically these should have been forwarded to the
yamen, but in fact they were forwarded to the Shengpingshu in the
palace. The guarantees were written in accordance with the requirements
outlined in the orders from the Jingzhongmiao yamen. These included the
name lists of all the members of the troupes, their native places, and the
specialty of the troupe (kunqu, yiqiang, or qinqiang 秦腔), and certified
that there were no bannermen in the troupe, nor were there any vagrants
of indeterminate origin. All these guarantees were exactly the same, word-
for-word, except for the some of the details. They were obviously copied
from one original draft. The calligraphy and the style of the guarantees
are clearly not the work of educated people. As they were all copied from
a prototype, they did not necessarily give an accurate picture of the
actual situation within any one particular group. For example, the miao-
shou of the Jingzhongmiao, Cheng Changgeng (1811–1880), the generally
recognized founder of Peking Opera, was also the head of the Sanqin-
gban troupe 三慶班. Cheng was from Anhui, but the guarantee gives the
place of origin of all of the troupe members as Daxing county 大興縣,
just outside Peking.106 Although these guarantees seem to be formulaic,
they were required until the end of the Guangxu period.107
The Shengpingshu, and even the Neiwufu for that matter, was theo-
retically only responsible for internal palace administration. The docu-
ments show, however, that through the medium of the Jingzhongmiao
yamen, their jurisdiction extended well beyond the palace walls to the
outer city. There were no theatres permitted in the inner city.108 The
jurisdiction of this yamen overlapped with the administrative areas of the
five precincts — east, south, west, north, and central. The inner city was
under the administration of the commander in charge of the banner
infantry, also called the Commander of the Nine Gates. The outer city
with its five precincts was under the control of the Censorate. The censor
of the southern precinct, where the theatres were located, had the power
to arrest performers and close theatres. In all the theatres of Peking there
were special places, called guanzuo 官座 (official seats), reserved for offi-
cials. Qing officials were forbidden to attend theatrical performances, but
this was a matter of duty for the censor. The chief eunuch of the Sheng-
pingshu, who had to choose appropriate performers and dramas for the
palace, also had the right to use the guanzuo.109
Authority of the Jingzhongmiao

The functioning of the Shengpingshu was different at different times, and
its area of authority was never clearly defined. Even Daoguang seemed to
be unclear about its responsibilities. In 1827 he issued an edict to the
chief eunuch Li Luxi: “Send me memorials about whatever you have to,
see the boo-i amban about whatever you have to, deal with whatever you
have to, but don’t just send me a lot of empty words; that does no good
at all. I cannot tell you what you should send me memorials about, what
you should deal with by yourself, and what you should see the boo-i
amban about. Deal with matters as they occur. In any case deal with all
matters conscientiously.”110 This ambiguity gave the chief eunuch much
room to manoeuvre. It was in this way that the Shengpingshu was some-
times able to manipulate the situation by overruling decisions of higher
offices in the state bureaucracy.
The Jingzhongmiao yamen did not have the status to issue “commu-
nications” (yizhi 懿旨 ) 111 to organs of the state bureaucracy like the
Censorate or local fu 府 (prefecture) and xian 縣 (county) government
level offices. In the document quoted above, they used terms such as yiti
zunzhao 一體遵照 (collectively act according to instructions) as if issuing
a direct order. The Neiwufu, on behalf of the Shengpingshu, could even
overturn the decisions of the commander in change of the banner
infantry. Performers could, on occasion, go so far as to challenge the
authority of the censors, because of their close connections with the
Shengpingshu.112
The miaoshou also sought to increase the authority of the Jingzhong-
miao through its connection with the Shengpingshu. Its directors would
seek the aid of the Shengpingshu in internal disputes. An example can
be seen in a report from Cheng Changgeng and Zhang Dianying
complaining about a particular actor, and the consequence of not
punishing those who do not obey the rules of the Jingzhongmiao:
We slaves, through the indulgence of Your Excellency, have been appointed direc-
tors of the Jingzhongmiao. The rules of the Liyuan 梨園 have become lax, and
there are disputes one after the other. Edicts have repeatedly ordered us to rectify
the situation and increase discipline. We admire Your Excellency’s sincerity in
maintaining social morality. Under your orders, we tremble night and day, and do
not dare relax our vigilance. We have transmitted your orders to all the troupes
with the instruction to obey. May they do so forever. However, on the thirteenth
day of this month the leader of the Sixi Troupe 四喜班, Pan Kunshan, reported to
the Jingzhongmiao that a laosheng 老生 performer in his troupe, Zhou Yuheng 周
玉衡, had asked to be excused from performing on the grounds of illness. After-
wards it was discovered that he was in fact performing with the Chuntai Troupe
春台班. The troupe leader reported this to the directors, asking them to deal with
the situation. We slaves immediately ordered the leader and manager of the
Chuntai Troupe to come to the Jingzhongmiao on the seventeenth day of this
month. We also forbade Zhou Yuheng from performing on the stage, until a deci-
sion was reached. We did not expect, however, that Zhou Yuheng and the leader of
the Chuntai Troupe would take no notice. On the sixteenth and seventeenth,
Zhou was still performing in the Chuntai Troupe. On the morning of the seven-
teenth, we slaves were still waiting for them in the Jingzhongmiao. We sent
someone to fetch both sides so that they could each put their side of the argu-
ment, but only the leader of the Sixi Troupe, Pan Kunshan, came. Neither the
manager of the Chuntai Troupe nor Zhou Yuheng came, despite repeated exhor-
tations. So we asked for testimony from Pan Kunshan. He claimed that while
Zhou Yuheng was with the Sixi Troupe, his salary, travel expenses, and miscella-
neous expenses were paid (by the troupe). On the eleventh day of this month he
claimed he was not able to appear on stage because of illness. However, he did
perform with the Chuntai Troupe. We discussed this matter with him repeatedly,
but he took no notice. We reported the matter to the Jingzhongmiao as a matter of
urgency, seeking arbitration. We slaves again sent someone to urge repeatedly that
the manager of the Chuntai Troupe and Zhou Yuheng come to the Jingzhongmiao,
but they did not take this seriously and did not come. They sent one Xiao
Fengkui, who was not very familiar with the subject. He did nothing but prevari-
cate. His words were insolent, and he claimed he didn’t know the details, as he was
an outsider. It was clear that their intentions were not good, and we slaves feared
there might be long-term violence. We believe that the Jingzhongmiao is an office
with legal powers, and the directors have a responsibility to enforce the law. In this
case the manager and others of the Chuntai Troupe have refused to comply,
despite repeated requests. Their disregard of the law is obvious. They are over-
bearing and continue to postpone an agreement. Their contempt of the law has
reached an extreme. They are conspirators and take advantage of their power to
bully people. If anything happens, we slaves cannot be held responsible. So we are

reporting to Your Excellency in advance. We sincerely beg you to send yamen
runners to force both sides to submit to arbitration and decision. If this matter is
not dealt with severely, in future members of the Liyuan will regard the orders of
the Jingzhongmiao as a mere formality, and the position of director may as well be
abolished.113
The regulations of the Jingzhongmiao were very strict, and such

matters had to be submitted to the Shengpingshu. The second clause in
the regulations stipulated: “It is not permitted to change to another
troupe at will, nor to belong to two troupes at the same time.”114 There
is no record of the Shengpingshu intervening in this particular incident,
but the regulations were strictly adhered to afterwards. Even the director
could not disregard the regulations with impunity.115
The last days of the Shengpingshu

The power of the Shengpingshu continued to increase. Prior to the Jiaqing
period, the chief eunuch of the Nanfu did not have the authority to
submit memorials, even at the peak of its power. All matters had to be
directed through the grand minister of the Neiwufu. The Shengpingshu
was a relatively independent organisation, and the chief eunuch submitted
memorials on much the same matters as previously had been submitted
through the Neiwufu.116 Emperors also issued edicts directly to the chief
eunuch of the Shengpingshu.
The rank of the chief eunuch was higher than in the earlier period.
Daoguang had ordered that the rank of the chief eunuch of the Sheng-
pingshu be demoted from rank six to rank seven. However, Li Luxi, who
was rank six during the Daoguang period, was promoted to rank five
under Xianfeng. From that time on, most of the chief eunuchs of the
Shengpingshu were appointed at or promoted to rank five, though in the
earlier period some were still at rank six.117
The Jingzhongmiao yamen was in effect the rubber stamp of the
Shengpingshu. The Shengpingshu was not only responsible for the number
and selection of performers; it was also responsible for the control of the
drama troupes and the individual performers. In 1893, an official docu-
ment issued by the Jingzhongmiao yamen in connection with a case of a
performer, Mu Changshou 穆長壽, who left Peking for Shanghai without
permission, clearly stated that “the actors and personnel of all the troupes
under the Jingzhongmiao, and the performers whose salaries are paid by
the Shengpingshu, are all under the jurisdiction of the chief eunuch of
the Shengpingshu. All matters should be reported to the supervisor-in-
chief and this office, before permission will be given to take leave.”118
Guilds generally did not have any official status, but since the
appointment of the miaoshou of the Jingzhongmiao had to be approved
by the Neiwufu, it became a semi-official organisation. In 1878, when
Cheng Changgeng was in his seventies, he requested the approval of two
assistant miaoshou from his Sanqing troupe, Yang Jiuchang 楊久昌 and
Xu Xin 徐炘. This was approved by the Neiwufu. The next year the two
assistant miaoshou reported that Cheng Changgeng had died. Both of
them were promoted to the position of miaoshou, joining an older miao-
shou, Liu Baoshan 劉寶山 (1817–1894). The three of them then asked for
the approval of the appointment of a fourth miaoshou, from the Sixi
troupe, Wang Jiuling 王九齡.119 Amalgamation120 or disestablishment121 of
troupes also had to be reported to the Shengpingshu. The Shengpingshu
was well-informed about the performers and troupes and the content and
style of the dramatic performances. It did so through registration and the
guarantees referred to above.
Before any play was performed in the palace, either by eunuchs or
by outside troupes, the script had to be examined by the Shengpingshu.
When it had been ascertained that the script contained nothing untoward,
a palace repository copy was made for the emperor to consult during the
performance. During the performance, a long table was placed in front
of the emperor’s seat, and the palace copy placed on it. Sometimes
scripts presented by outside troupes had to be modified. An example was
a line in the Peking opera Interlocking Stratagems (Lianhuantao 連環套).
The script contained the expression bing fa Rehe 兵發熱河 (troops were
sent to Rehe). However, as Xianfeng died in Rehe, Cixi did not like to be
reminded of this place, and so the words were changed to bing fa
guanwai 兵發關外 (troops were sent beyond the pass). On other occa-
sions, characters were changed because of various taboos.122 Sometimes
outside actors were required to use the scripts already approved by the
palace. In 1896 Cixi issued an edict:
An order to the chief eunuch of the Shengpingshu, Ma De’an 馬德安: All the
dramas I like use scripts brought in by actors from the outside troupes. I don’t
want these scripts. All those previously submitted should be abandoned. The
actors will have to start rehearsing again. In the future, performers, acrobats, and
accompanying musicians will be permanently housed in the Shengpingshu and
will wait to be called on demand. The scripts must be immediately collected and
forwarded. If we want a script from an outside troupe, it will have to be submitted
the day after the order is issued. On the day the drama is to be performed, they
will need to submit a palace repository copy. The words of arias sung by Sun
Juxian 孫菊仙 are not to be altered in any way. Do not dare disobey.123
The Shengpingshu was most active during the reigns of Tongzhi and
Guangxu. Cixi was so keen on Peking opera that the scale and frequency
of the performances during her time can only be compared to the time
of Qianlong. Apart from the eunuch performers in the Shengpingshu, Cixi
had her own private troupe in the Ningshou palace 寧壽宮, the Putian
Tongqing 普天同慶 troupe, made up of eunuchs from the palace. This
troupe did not belong to the Shengpingshu, and its budget was provided
by the Ningshou palace. The Shengpingshu, however, was still responsible
for teaching members of this troupe.124
After 1900, despite the precarious political situation, the number of
Peking opera performances in the palace continued to increase. Practically
all the well-known performers in the capital were invited to perform in
the palace.
After the establishment of the Republic, the Shengpingshu continued
to exist as part of the Neiwufu in the reduced court. Even after Yuan
Shikai took over the buildings of the Shengpingshu in 1913, the organiza-
tion itself was transferred to the Jingshan125 and continued to function,
though of course now its authority was restricted to the inner court. The
archives of the third year of Xuantong (1911) reveal that the Sheng-
pingshu still employed one chief eunuch, nine head eunuchs, and 369
staff, including actors, teachers, and thirty copyists. There was no change
for the next two years. We see no indication of the political turmoil the
Qing court was experiencing in the archives of the Shengpingshu. Until
Puyi and the rest of the court were evicted from the palace, power was
in the hands of Duankang Huangtaifei 端康皇太妃 (1873–1924), the
consort of Guangxu. Following the example of Cixi, she continued to
have plays performed regularly.126
During the early Republican period, Yuan Shikai’s Presidential Resi-
dence borrowed Peking opera costumes and props from the Shengpingshu
on several occasions. According to the records, on one occasion one
hundred and twenty people were needed to carry them.127 Although there
may have been some exaggeration (overclaiming on expenses was one of

the corrupt practices of the Neiwufu), this still indicates a very large
amount. The elegance and wealth of the palace costumes was clearly still
far superior to those of any outside troupe.
The Shengpingshu was finally abolished with Puyi’s expulsion from
the palace in 1924.
Notes
* Chapter 1 is a revised and updated version of the essay “Imperial Institu-
tions and Drama in the Qing Court” first published in European Journal of
East Asian Studies 2, 2 (September 2003), pp. 329–364.
1 There is no archival material for the Shunzhi period, but secondary material
indicates that Shunzhi was also interested in drama. See William Dolby, A
History of Chinese Drama, London: Elek Books Limited, 1976, p. 131; Ding
Ruqin 丁汝芹, Qingdai neiting yanxi shihua 清代內廷演戲史話 (History of
drama in the inner court of the Qing dynasty), Beijing: Zijincheng
chubanshe, 1999, pp. 113–114.
2 The Northern Zhou dynasty established an organisation known as the Yuebu,
but many succeeding dynasties did not follow this practice. In 1780 Qianlong
ordered the editors of the Siku quanshu 四庫全書 to compile the Historical
Table of Official Positions, which contains a history of the functions of the
Yuebu and similar organisations in various dynasties. See Ji Yun 紀昀, ed.,
Lidai zhiguanbiao 歷代職官表 (Historical Table of Official Positions), 2 vols.
Shanghai: Guji chubanshe, 1989, shang ce, pp. 191–203.
3 Joseph S.C. Lam, State Sacrifice and Music in Ming China — Orthodoxy,
Creativity and Expressiveness, Albany: State University of New York Press,
1998. This book is a comprehensive study of imperial sacrificial music in the
temples, but does not include state ceremonial music within the palace.
4 The Jiaofangsi can be dated to the Tang. Its functios do not seem to have
changed much throughout the Song and Ming. See Yang Yinliu 楊蔭瀏 ,
Zhongguo gudai yinyue shigao 中國古代音樂史稿 (Draft history of Chinese
music in ancient times), Beijing: Renmin yinyue chubanshe, 1981, shang ce,
pp. 234–235; Sun Minji 孫民紀, Youling kaoshu 優伶考述 (Research on actors),
Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1999, pp. 101–131; Wang Zhizhang 王芷章,
Qing Shengpingshu zhilüe 清昇平署志略 (A short history of the Shengpingshu),
Beiping: Beiping yanjiuyuan shixue yanjiuhui, 1937; reprinted [Shanghai]:
Shanghai shudian, 1991, pp. 4–5; Wu Zhiqin 吳志勤 , “Shengpingshu zhi

yange” 昇平署之沿革 (Evolution of the Shengpingshu), in Gugong bowuyuan
wenxianguan 故宮博物院文獻館 , ed., Wenxian luncong 文獻論叢 , Beiping:
Guoli Beiping gugong bowuyuan, 1936, pp. 155–176, on pp. 155–157; Dolby,
Chinese Drama, p. 26, p. 65, p. 82.
5 Yidang, Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺 (Memorial packet copy of palace
memorials of the Grand Council), microfilm no. 85–868. The Junjichu lufu
zouzhe contains copies of all memorials on which the emperor wrote a
vermilion endorsement. See also Lam, Music in Ming China, pp. 50–51.
6 Matthew H. Sommer, Sex, Law, and Society in Late Imperial China, Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 2000, pp. 230–241.
7 See the biography of Zhu Shichang 祝世昌 in Qingshigao 清史稿 (Draft
history of the Qing dynasty), 48 vols., Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1976–1977,
juan 239, vol. 32, pp. 9526–9528; Man-Han mingchen zhuan 滿漢名臣傳
(Biographies of famous Manchu and Chinese officials), 4 vols. Ed. Wu
Zhongkuang 吳忠匡. Harbin: Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 1991, vol. 4,
pp. 4462–4463.
8 Qinding Da Qing huidian shili 欽定大清會典事例 (Collected statutes of the
Qing, with sub-statutes based on precedent), 12 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua
shuju, 1991, vol. 6, p. 1043. The Ming Jiaofangsi was located to the south of
the Dongsi pailou 東四牌樓; the lane is still called Bensi hutong 本司衚衕,
bensi referring to the Jiaofangsi. The next lane is called Yanyue hutong 演樂
衚衕, yanyue meaning “performing music”. This is where the yuehu practiced
and performed. Nearby is the Goulan hutong 勾欄衚衕, the Ming red-light
district. See Yu Minzhong et al., eds., Rixia jiuwen kao 日下舊聞考 (Textual
research on the Rixia jiuwen), 4 vols. Beijing: Beijing guji chubanshe, 1985,
vol. 2, pp. 762–763. This book was originally written by Dou Guangnai 竇光鼐,
Zhu Jun 朱筠, and others in 1774, based on the material in Zhu Yizun 朱彝尊,
Rixia jiuwen 日下舊聞 (Old news of the capital), compiled in 1686. See also
Wu Zhenyu 吳振棫 , Yangjizhai conglu 養吉齋叢錄 (Collected records of
Yangjizhai), 1896, reprinted Beijing: Beijing guji chubanshe, 1983, pp.
267–268; Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan, Kaogu yanjiusuo 中國社會科學院考古
研究所, Ming-Qing Beijingcheng tu 明清北京城圖 (Map of the city of Peking
in the Ming and Qing dynasties), Beijing: Ditu chubanshe, 1986, p. 27;
Zhang Qingchang 張清常, Beijing jiexiang mingcheng shihua 北京街巷名稱史話
(English title: The History of Names of Beijing Streets and Hutongs), Beijing:
Beijing yuyan wenhua daxue chubanshe, 1997, p. 356.
9 Qingdai neige daku sanyi Manwen dang’an xuanbian 清代內閣大庫散佚滿文檔
案選編 (Selected documents of rediscovered Manchu archives of the Grand

Secretariat of the Qing dynasty). Eds. Wang Duowen 王多聞 and Guan Jialu
關嘉錄. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1991, p. 204.
10 Crossley, Translucent Mirror, p. 107; Lawrence D. Kessler, K’ang-hsi and the
Consolidation of Ch’ing Rule 1661–1684, Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1976, pp. 75–89; Wang Zhonghan 王鍾翰, ed., Qingshi liezhuan 清史列傳
(Biographies of the Qing dynasty), 20 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987,
vol. 20, pp. 6632–6646.
11 Zhang Naiwei 章乃煒 and Wang Airen 王藹人, Qing gong shuwen 清宮述聞
(Accounts of the Qing palace), Beijing: Zijincheng chubanshe, 1990, p.
960. Another version of the origin of the name is given in Wang
Zhizhang, Qing Shengpingshu zhilüe, p. 584. It was called the “southern
garden” because it held a collection of penjing 盆景 (miniature
gardens) sent by the three textile commissioners in Jiangnan in South
China. This version, however, seems to be unsubstantiated.
12 Gugong bowuyuan zhanggubu 故宮博物院圖書館掌故部, Zhanggu congbian 掌
故叢編 (Collected historical documents), Beiping: Guoli Beiping gugong
bowuyuan wenxianguan, 1936, reprinted Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990, p.
51.
13 Wang Zhizhang, Qing Shengpingshu zhilüe, p. 1; Dolby, Chinese Drama, p.
131.
14 At that time, Kangxi was also studying astronomy and mathematics with the
Jesuits. See John E. Wills, Jr. Embassies and Illusions: Dutch and Portuguese
Envoys to K’ang-hsi, 1666–1687, Cambridge (Mass.): Council on East Asian
Studies, Harvard University, 1984, p. 160.
15 Qingdai neige daku sanyi Manwen dang’an xuanbian, p. 238, p. 257, p. 266.
16 During the Yuan, the main form of drama in the north was zaju 雜劇.
Southern drama nanxi 南戲 developed in Wenzhou 溫州, in Zhejiang, and
spread throughout the south. During the Ming, the nanxi were gradually
replaced by various regional styles. Kunqiang 崑腔, also known as kunju 崑劇
or kunqu, originated in Kunshan 崑山 and Taicang 太倉, in Suzhou prefec-
ture. It was one of the forms of nanxi, deeply influenced by the tastes of the
Jiangnan literati. It was accompanied by bamboo flutes, reed organs, and
various wind instruments. Yiyangqiang 弋陽腔, also known as yiqiang 弋腔,
developed from a type of nanxi from Yiyang 弋陽, in Jiangxi. It used the
local dialect and incorporated local tunes. Yiyangqiang was accompanied by
drums. Its style was characterised by one person starting to sing a tune,
which was then taken up by several other people. It was regarded
as somewhat too boisterous and vulgar by some of the literati. See Colin
Mackerras, The Rise of the Peking Opera 1770–1870 — Social Aspects of the
Theatre in Manchu China, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972, pp. 4-5; Dolby,
Chinese Drama, p, 90, 101, 144, 147; Zhou Yude 周育德, Zhongguo xiqu
wenhua 中國戲曲文化 (Chinese drama culture), Beijing: Zhongguo youyi
chuban gongsi, 1996, p. 128, p. 142, pp. 148-149; Zhang Geng 張庚 and Guo
Hancheng 郭漢城 , eds., Zhongguo xiqu tongshi 中國戲曲通史 (A general
history of Chinese drama), Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1992, pp.
461–488.
17 Wang Zhizhang, Qing Shengpingshu zhilüe, p. 8; Mackerras, The Rise of the
Peking Opera, p. 118; Dolby, Chinese Drama, p. 144.
18 Zhou Chuanying 周傳瑛 and Luo Di 洛地, Kunju shengya liushinian 昆劇生涯
六十年 (A sixty-year career in kunju), Shanghai: Shanghai wenyi chubanshe,
1988, pp. 13–14.
19 Yidang, Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian, Shengpingshu 新整內務府雜件, 昇平署
(Newly edited miscellaneous records of the Imperial Household Department,
Shengpingshu), packet 3896.
20 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 1936.
21 The historian Zhu Xizu 朱希祖 purchased one thousand volumes. Qi Rushan
齊如山, also collected a large number. Zhu’s collection contained mainly
documents; Qi’s collection drama scripts. Zhu’s collection is now in the
National Library of China. Qi’s is at the Harvard-Yenching Library.
22 Yidang, Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian, Shengpingshu, packet 3899.
23 Wang Zhizhang, Qing Shengpingshu zhilüe, pp. 6–7.
24 Wang Zhizhang, “Qingchao guanli xiqu de yamen he Liyuan gonghui, xiban,
xiyuan de guanxi” 清朝管理戲曲的衙門和梨園公會、戲班、戲園的關係 (The
relationship between the yamen in charge of drama and the Pear Garden
Guild, and the theatres in the Qing dynasty), in Zhongguo renmin zhengzhi
xieshang huiyui Beijingshi weiyuanhui wenshi ziliao yanjiu weiyuanhui 中國
人民政治協商會議北京市委員會文史資料研究委員會, ed., Jingju tanwanglu 京劇
談往錄 (Talks about the past of Peking Opera), Beijing: Beijing chubanshe,
1985, pp. 515–523, on p. 520.
25 Wu Zhiqin, “Shengpingshu zhi yange,” pp. 155–176; Mackerras, The Rise of
the Peking Opera, p. 117; Rawski, The Last Emperors, p. 179.
26 Yidang, Neiwufu zou’an 內務府奏案 (Imperial Household Department
memorials), packet 16, no. 1.
27 Ye Xiaoqing, “The Legal and Social Status of Theatrical Performers in Beijing
during the Qing,” East Asian History, 25/26 (June/December 2003), pp. 69–84.
28 Yidang, Junjichu lufu zouzhe, microfilm, 085–857.

29 Yidang, Neiwufu zou’an, packets 9, 16, 18, 21.
30 Yidang, Neiwufu shangchuan dang 內務府上傳檔 (Archives of edicts to the
Imperial Household Department), vol. 23, n.p.
31 Yidang, Neiwufu zou’an, packets 131, 137 and 143 are memorials sent by
Fuheng 傅恆 on the number of staff and carriages needed for Rehe. Packet
125, document 28; packet 127, document 14 are concerned with expenditure
on the way.
32 Pak Chi-w n (Pu Zhiyuan) 朴趾源, Rehe riji 熱河日記 (Rehe diary), Beijing:
Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 1996, p. 289, pp. 512–518.
33 J. L. Cranmer-Byng, ed., An Embassy to China — Being the Journal kept by
Lord Macartney during his Embassy to the Emperor Ch’ien-lung 1793–1794,
London: Longmans Green and Co. Ltd., 1962, p. 124, pp. 136–139.
34 On Prince Zhuang, see Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’anguan, ed., Qianlongchao
shangyudang 乾隆朝上諭檔 (Imperial edicts of the Qianlong period), 18 vols.
Beijing: Dang’an chubanshe, 1991, vol. 1, pp. 464–465. There are entries on
Prince Zhuang and Zhang Zhao in Arthur W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of
the Ch’ing Period, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1943–
44; reprinted Taibei: Literature House, 1967, pp. 925–926 (under the entry
Yin-lu 胤祿) and pp. 24–25 respectively. For Prince Zhuang (Yinlu), see
Qingshigao, vol. 30, pp. 9049–9050; for Zhang Zhao, vol. 35, pp. 10493–
10495, and for Santai, vol. 35, p. 10667.
35 Yidang, Junjichu lufu zouzhe, microfilm 085–857. Similar comments can be
seen in one of Qianlong’s poems. See “Qing Gaozong yuzhishi” 清高宗御製詩
(Poems compiled by imperial order of Gaozong [Qianlong] of the Qing
dynasty), in Gugong zhenben congkan 故宮珍本叢刊 , vols. 550–568. Ed.
Gugong bowuyuan 故宮博物院. Haikou: Hainan chubanshe, 2000, vol. 552,
pp. 385–386.
36 Yidang, Neiwufu chenggao 內務府呈稿 (Draft memorials submitted to the
Imperial Household Documents), Zhangyisi 掌儀司 (Office of Palace Ceremo-
nies), packet 1, document 29.
37 Ji Ruo 稷若, “Yongzheng yanjiu zheling” 雍正研究樜零 (A few notes on Yong-
zheng), in Qingdai gongshi yanjiuhui 清代宮史研究會, ed., Qingdai huanggong
lingqin 清代皇宮陵寢 (Palaces and mausoleums of the Qing dynasty), Beijing:
Zijincheng chubanshe, 1995, pp. 211–223, on pp. 221–223; Dai Yi 戴逸 ,
Qianlongdi ji qi shidai 乾隆帝及其時代 (The Qianlong emperor and his
times), Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 1992, p. 103; Yang
Qiqiao 楊樵, Yongzhengdi ji qi mizhe zhidu yanjiu 雍正帝及其密摺制度研究

(A study on the Yongzheng emperor and his secret memorial system),
Guangzhou: Guangdong renmin chubanshe, 1983, pp. 274–302.
38 Yidang, Junjuchu lufu zouzhe, microfilm 085–857.
39 Qinding Da Qing shili, vol. 1, pp. 4–5; vol. 6, pp. 1043–1056. The Shenyue-
guan was created by the first emperor of the Ming as an office in the
Taichangsi. See Lam, Music in Ming China, pp. 50–51. It was continued
under the Qing, but the name was changed to the Shenyuesuo 神樂所 in
1743 and the Shenyueshu in 1754. See Da Qing huidian shili, vol. 6, p. 1044.
40 Lam, Music in Ming China, pp. 106–107.
41 Qinding Da Qing huidian shili, vol. 6, pp. 1045–1046. Zhao Zhiheng 趙之恒,
Niu Geng 牛耕, and Batu 巴圖, eds., Da Qing shichao shengxun 大清十朝聖訓
(Imperial edicts of ten reigns of the Great Qing), Beijing: Yanshan
chubanshe, 1998, vol. 1, p. 127, p. 471.
42 The zuobuji musicians performed indoors; the libuji outdoors. See Yang
Yinliu, Zhongguo gudai yinyue shigao, shang ce, p. 216. On these terms, see
Jiu Tangshu 舊唐書 (Old Tang History), Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975, juan
29 in vol. 4, pp. 1059–1062; Xin Tangshu 新唐書 (New Tang History), Beijing:
Zhonghua shuju, 1975, juan 22, in vol. 13, pp. 473–475. The terms Yiliang
refers to are Yiwulu 伊吾盧 and Liangzhou 凉州. The former is now called
Hami 哈密 (in Xinjiang); and the latter is Wuwei 武威 (in Gansu). They
both were important cities along the Silk Road.
43 Yidang, Neiwufu chenggao, Zhangyisi, packet 1, document 29.
44 The zhonghe shaoyue was played when the emperor took his place on the
throne and when he stood up from the throne to return to the palace.
Danbi ‘vermillion steps’ were the steps leading to the Taihedian 太和殿. The
musicians were located under the eaves of the Taihemen 太和門, to the left
and right, facing north. The danbi dayue was performed on major festivals,
such New Year’s Day, the Emperor’s Birthday, and the Winter Solstice, while
the officials bowed and prostrated themselves before the emperor. It was also
played when the emperor ascended the throne, and when he married.
45 On these ceremonies, see Evelyn S. Rawski, “The Creation of an Emperor in
Eighteenth Century China,” in Bell Yung, Evelyn S. Rawski, and Rubie S.
Watson, eds., Harmony and Counterpoint — Ritual Music in Chinese Context,
Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996, pp. 150–174, on pp. 166-169.
46 Yidang, Neiwufu chenggao, Zhangyisi, packet 1, document 29. According to
two out of only six surviving Yuebu documents, during the late Guangxu
period the Heshengshu did have 120 staff. The large gap in documentation
on the Yuebu between the Qianlong and Guangxu reigns does not allow us
to determine when the full complement of staff was reached.
47 Yidang, Neiwufu chenggao, Zhangyisi, packet 1, document 29.
48 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 1933 “Zhubi gaiding Nanfu chengying shichai”
硃筆改定南府承應事差 (Vermillion brush amended list of duties of the
Nanfu), packets 1380, 1387, 1933. Yidang, Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian, Sheng-
pingshu, packet 3942 contains a document titled Wanshou yuezhang 萬壽樂章
(The emperor’s birthday ceremonial music). The name of the drama
performed was Huanghou cai sang yuezhang 皇后採桑樂章 (The empress
gathers mulberry leaves).
49 Qinding Da Qing huidian shili, vol. 6, p. 1046.
50 Daoguang ernian enshang riji dang 道光二年恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of
favours and rewards from the second year of Daoguang [1822]). National
Library of China, Peking.
51 Yidang, Yuebu 樂部 (The Board of Music), packet 1. There is only one
packet, containing six documents, relating to the Yuebu. The memorials
quoted above are not dated, but based on their similarity to the other four
documents in this packet, they are probably from the same time. The other
documents are dated Guangxu 29 (1903).
52 Qinding Da Qing huidian shili, vol. 6, pp. 1043–1093; Da Qing huidian tu 大
清會典圖 (Illustrations to the regulations of the Great Qing), Beijing: Zhon-
ghua shuju, 1991, shang ce, pp. 687–696.
53 Wan Yi 萬依 and Huang Haitao 黄海濤, Qingdai gongting yinyue 清代宮廷音
樂 (Court music in the Qing), Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1985, is the
most authoritative study on Qing court music, but even here there is no
clear explanation of the relations between the relevant organisations and
their overlapping responsibilities.
54 Wang Zhizhang, Qing Shengpingshu zhilüe, shang ce, p. 31.
55 On the three banners of the Neiwufu, see Preston M. Torbert, The Ch’ing
Imperial Household Department — A Study of its Organisation and Principal
Functions, 1662–1796, Cambridge (Mass.): Council on East Asian Studies,
Harvard University, 1977, pp. 60–69; Jonathan D. Spence, Ts’ao Yin and the
K’ang-hsi Emperor — Bondservant and Master, New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1965, pp. 10–11.
56 For details of the ten instruments, see Li Dou 李斗, Yangzhou huafang lu 揚
州畫舫錄 (A record of flower boats of Yangzhou). Ed. Wang Beiping 汪北平
and Tu Yugong 涂雨公. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1960, reprinted 1997, pp.
235–236.
57 Wang Zhizhang, Qing Shengpingshu zhilüe, shang ce, pp. 8–9; Ding Ruqin,
Qingdai neiting yanxi shihua, p. 25.
58 Wang Zhizhang, Qing Shengpingshu zhilüe, shang ce, p. 10; Ding Ruqin,
Qingdai neiting yanxi shihua, p. 24.
59 Yidang, Neiwufu zou’an, packets 196, 324, 330.
60 On the Hubu Chongwenmen Taxation Office, see Li Pengnian 李鵬年, Zhu
Xianhua 朱先華, Liu Ziyang 劉子楊, Qin Guojing 秦國經, and Chen Qiangyi
陳鏘儀, Qingdai zhongyang guojia jiguan gaishu 清代中央國家機關概述 (General
description of national offices of the central government during the Qing
dynasty), Beijing: Zijincheng chubanshe, 1989, pp. 155–156.
61 All eunuchs in the palace had to belong to one of Three Banners of the
Neiwufu, but of course they were not bannermen themselves. Rawski under-
stood that some bannermen became eunuchs, but this is not so. See Rawski,
The Last Emperors, p. 163.
62 The Guochao gongshi, a history of the palace compiled during the Qianlong
period, lists the numbers of eunuchs in each of the palace departments, their
ranks, and their emoluments in taels of silver. For the Nanfu and the Jing-
shan, however, only the chief eunuchs and head eunuchs were listed. The
number of musicians and performers was not limited. See E’ertai (Manchu
name: Ortai) 鄂爾泰 and Zhang Tingyu 張廷玉, eds., Guochao gongshi 國朝宮
史 (History of the palace), 2 vols. Beijing: Beijing guji chubanshe, 1987, xia
ce, pp. 471–472.
63 Yidang, Neiwufu shangchuan dang, vol. 23, n.p.
64 See Ding Ruqin, Qingdai neiting yanxi shihua, pp. 166–171.
65 While Qianlong was still alive, palace documents were dated according to the
years of his reign. Jiaqing himself realized he had little power during the
first three years of his reign, and in edicts referred to his late father as
having been on the throne “for over sixty years.” See Renzong shilu 仁宗實錄
(Veritable records of the Renzong [Jiaqing] reign), juan 101, in Qing shilu,
vol. 29, p. 353.
66 Qinding gongzhong xianxing zeli 欽定宮中現行則例 (Imperially commissioned
current palace regulations), 1856, 1888, juan 160.
67 Susan Naquin, Millenarian Rebellion in China — The Eight Trigrams Uprising
of 1813, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976, pp. 146–190.
68 Qinding gongzhong xianxing zeli, juan 1, pp. 59a–60b. See also Renzong shilu,
juan 274 in Qing shilu, vol. 31, pp. 722–723.
69 Zhaolian 昭槤, Xiaoting zalu 嘯亭雜錄 (Random notes from the whistling
pavilion), Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980, pp. 168–169.
70 Qinding gongzhong xianxing zeli, juan 1, p. 63.

71 Ji Yun 紀昀 (Ji Xiaolan 紀曉嵐), Yuewei caotang biji 閱微草堂筆記 (Notes
from the thatched hut for examining minutiae), Chongqing: Chongqing
chubanshe, 1996, pp. 478–479.
72 “Qing Renzong yuzhishi” 清仁宗御製詩 (Poems compiled by imperial order
of Renzong of the Qing dynasty [Jiaqing]). Ed. Gugong bowuyuan 故宮博物院.
Gugong zhenben congkan 故宮珍本叢刊, 17 vols. 571–577, Haikou: Hainan
chubanshe, 2000, juan 23, vol. 1; vol. 571, p. 375; Liu Yuwen 劉玉文, Nongsuo
tiandi — bishu shanzhuang yingzao jiyi 濃縮天地：避暑山莊營造技藝 (A
microcosm of architecture and technology of the imperial retreat in Rehe),
Shenyang: Liaoning renmin chubanshe, 1997, pp. 219–220.
73 Wang Zhizhang, Qing Shengpingshu zhilüe, pp. 10–16; Zhu Xizu 朱希祖,
“Zhengli Shengpingshu dang’an ji” 整理昇平署檔案記 (A record of the cata-
loguing of the Shengpingshu), in Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’anguan, ed., Ming
Qing dang’an lunwen xuanbian 明清檔案論文選編 (Selected articles on the
Ming and Qing archives), Beijing: Dang’an chubanshe, 1985, pp. 433–468, on
p. 440; Zhaolian, Xiaoting xulu 嘯亭續錄 (More notes from the whistling
pavilion), Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980, p. 378; Wu Zhiqin, “Shengpingshu
zhi yange,” p. 162.
75 Zhou Mingtai 周明泰 (Zhou Zhifu 周志輔), “Qing Shengpingshu cundang
shili manchao” 清昇平署存檔事例漫抄 (A preliminary draft of the surviving
archives of the Shengpingshu). Liju xiqu congshu 禮居戲曲叢書, no. 4. Beiping,
1933. Reprinted in Jindai Zhongguo shiliao congkan 近代中國史料叢刊, vol. 70.
Taibei: Wenhai chubanshe, 1971, pp. 72–73.
76 Yidang, Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian, Shengpingshu, packet 3896; Neiwufu zou’an,
packet 434.
77 There was a popular rumour about Daoguang’s decision to dismiss the outer
school. It was said that a tribute mission presented three sable coats to the
Qing court during Jiaqing’s reign. The future Daoguang took a fancy to
them, but Jiaqing presented the two better ones to students from the outer
school, leaving the inferior one to Daoguang. As a result, Daoguang bore a
grudge against the outer school. See Wang Zhizhang, Qing Shengpingshu
zhilüe, p. 31; Mackerras, The Rise of the Peking Opera, p. 120.
78 Zhu Xizu, “Zhengli Shengpingshu dang’an ji,” p. 440.
79 Li Luxi was already an official of the sixth rank. See Zhou Mingtai, Qing
Shengpingshu cundang shili manchao, p. 75.

82 Daoguang qinian enshang zhiyi dang 道光七年恩賞旨意檔 (Records of favours
and rewards and imperial edicts from the seventh year of Daoguang [1827]);
Daoguang shiyinian enshang riji dang 道光十一年恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of
favour and rewards from the eleventh year of Daoguang [1831]). Held in the
National Library of China.
83 Zhao Zhiheng et al., eds., Da Qing shichao shengxun, vol. 12, pp. 7299–7314,
on p. 7309.
84 See Chen Kangqi 陳康祺, Lang qian ji wen, chubi, erbi, sanbi 郎潛紀聞，初筆，
二筆，三筆 (Collected notes of an unsuccessful official, parts one, two and
three), 2 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984, xia ce, p. 534. In contrast to
Daoguang, Qianlong was particularly fussy about his clothing and gave
detailed instructions to the Neiwufu about his requirements. He was
constantly critical of the three textile commissioners for not providing silk of
the quality of the Kangxi period, and even sent examples of such silk for
them to reproduce. See Yidang, Neiwufu shangchuan dang, vol. 34, 35, passim.
85 Xin Xiuming 信修明 , Lao taijian de huiyi 老太監的回憶 (Memoirs of an
old eunuch). Ed. Fang Biao 方彪. Beijing: Yanshan chubanshe, 1992, p. 1,
pp. 59–60. This book was written in the early republican period, but it
was regarded at the time as being too sympathetic to Cixi and Guangxu.
The author was asked to revise it, but was unwilling to do so. It was not
published until 1992. See Jia Yinghua 賈英華, Modai taijian miwen — Sun
Yaoting zhuan 末代太監秘聞— 孫耀庭傳 (Secret tales of a eunuch of the
last dynasty — a biography of Sun Yaoting), Beijing: Zhishi chubanshe,
1993, pp. 455–456.
86 Zhao Zhiheng et al., eds., Da Qing shichao shengxun, vol. 12, p. 7305.
87 Yidang, Gongzhong zhupi zouzhe wenjiao lei 宮中硃批奏摺文教類 (Palace
vermillion endorsed documents on education, and social and moral control),
packet 206, no. 38.
88 Wang Zhizhang, Qing Shengpingshu zhilüe, shang ce, pp. 44–45.
89 Yidang, Gongzhong dang’an 宮中檔案 (Palace Archives) vol. 28; Gaozong Chun
huangdi baxun wanshou qingdian yice 高宗純皇帝八旬萬壽慶典一冊 (Volume
on the celebrations for the eightieth birthday of the Qianlong Emperor), n.p.
90 Qingshigao, juan 221, in vol. 30, p. 9099.
91 This reduction in expenditure effected Daoguang’s private entertainment, but
not the palace and state ceremonial music. The expenditure and scale of
these ceremonies were regulated by palace regulations. The emperor could

reduce expenses on his own private entertainment, but not on state sacrifi-
cial music and state ceremonial music.
92 Wang Zhizhang, Qing Shengpingshu zhilüe, p. 32.
93 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 91; Xianfeng wunian enshang riji dang 咸豐五年
恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of favours and rewards from the fifth year of
Xianfeng [1855]).
95 Zhu Jiajin 朱家溍 , Gugong tuishilu 故宮退食錄 (Notes made in times of
leisure in the imperial palace), Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 1999, p. 578.
96 Wu Zhiqin, “Shengpingshu zhi yange,” p. 172.
97 Copies of the correspondence between these Suzhou performers and their
parents, in-laws, grandparents, friends and even students are preserved in the
archives. The letters are mainly concerned with general greetings, sending
money, or asking friends in Suzhou to purchase strings and other replace-
ment parts for various instruments. See Yidang, Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian,
Shengpingshu, packet 3896.
98 After Daoguang abolished the outer school, there was no longer any distinc-
tion between the inner and outer schools. Civilian actors were recruited from
the local populace and were referred to as “civilian teachers” or “civilian
students.”
99 Seven walls in the Jingzhongmiao were covered with paintings of legends
related to drama. The main theme is Tang Minghuang, the patron of theatre,
strolling about his palace on the moon. The paintings were very little known,
because they were blocked by furniture. Qi Rushan discovered them in 1913
but was not able to take photos of the paintings until 1928. See Fu Xihua
傅惜華, “Guanyu Jingzhongmiao bihua” 關於精忠廟壁畫 (On the murals in
the Jingzhongmiao), Guoju huabao 國劇畫報 1, no. 2 (22 January 1932).
Reproductions can be found in “Jingzhongmiao bihua” 精忠廟壁畫 (Murals in
the Jingzhongmiao), in Juxue yuekan 劇學月刊 1, no. 1, pp. 92–93. According
to the accompanying text, the photos were taken during a survey on temples
in Beiping conducted by the Beiping guoli yanjiuyuan 北平國立研究院 (Beiping
National Research Institute). The location and remained buildings of the
Jingzhongmiao was converted to the Jingzhongmiao Primary School in 1950.
In 1975, during the Cultural Revolution, its name was changed to Number
227 Secondary School. Puyi’s youngest sister taught there from 1950 until
her retirement. See Jiang Yanwei 蔣芫葦 and Sui Hongyue 隋鴻躍, Aixinjue-
luoshi de houyimen 愛新覺羅氏的後裔們 (Descendants of the Aisin-Gioro
clan), Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1997, p. 48, 50.

100 See Chongxiu Tianxigong zushixiang bei ji 重修天喜宮祖師像碑記 (Inscription
on the renovation of a statue of the patron deity in the Tianxi temple), in
Zhang Cixi 張次溪, Qingdai Yandu Liyuan shiliao zhengxubian 清代燕都梨園史
料正續編 (Historical material on the Pear Garden in the capital in the Qing
dynasty, main text and sequel), 2 vols. Beiping: Suiyazhai shudian, 1934,
reprinted Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1988, xia ce, p. 922. A memorial
sent by Prince Zhuang of the Neiwufu in 1739 listing the allocation of duties
among the various princes mentioned that Prince Yi was in charge of the
Jingshan, the Nanfu, and the Jingzhongmiao. There is, however, no evidence
that the Nanfu and the Jingzhongmiao were linked. Yidang, Neiwufu zou’an,
packet 24, no. 32.
101 Zhou Mingtai, Dao, Xian yilai Liyuan xinian xiaolu 道咸以來梨園繫年小錄 (A
brief chronological record of the Pear Garden since Daoguang and Xianfeng),
Beiping: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1932; reprinted Taibei: Zhuanji wenxue
chubanshe, 1974, p. 79.
102 Yidang, Gongzhong zajian 宮中雜件 (Miscellaneous court items), packet 2476.
103 Li Tiyang 李體揚, “Qingdai gongting xiju” 清代宮廷戲劇 (Drama in the Qing
court), in Beijingshi xiqu yanjiusuo 北京市戲曲研究所, ed., Jingjushi yanjiu —
Xiqu lunhui er — zhuanji 京劇史研究──戲曲論匯二──專輯 (Research on
the history of Peking Opera — A collection of articles on dramas, part two
— special issue), Shanghai: Xuelin chubanshe, 1985, pp. 61–73, on p. 67.
105 This document is in the private collection of Qi Rushan. See Qi Rushan,
Xiban 戲班 (Drama troupes), in Qi Rushan quanji 齊如山全集 (Collected
works of Qi Rushan), 10 vols., Taibei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1979,
vol. 1, p. 261.
106 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packets 1825, 1826–1828.
107 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packets 1823, 1825–1869, 1881–1882, 1903. Yidang,
Gongzhong zajian, packet 2476.
108 Theoretically, no theatres were allowed in the inner city. A few performers,
such as story tellers and the like, were permitted, but they did not present
any costume dramas. In Qianlong 39, Fan Shishou 范時綬 memorialised to
the emperor advising him to forbid theatres in the inner city; this is
discussed in more detail in Chapter Five. See Yidang, Junjichu lufu zouzhe,
285–066, 19–779.
109 According to Qi Rushan, there were four official seats. One for the censor,
one for the city yamen (chengshang yamen), one for a district official
(fangguan, fang being a subdivision of cheng) and one for the chief eunuch
of the Shengpingshu. See Qi Rushan 齊如山, Jingju zhi bianqian 京劇之變遷
(Development of the Peking opera), Beiping: Beiping guoju xuehui, 1935, p.
120. There are some misunderstandings about the official seats. For example,
Ruizhu Jiushi 蘂珠舊史, Menghua suobu 夢華瑣簿 (Scattered notes on pros-
perity in dreams) and Huaxu Dafu 華胥大夫, Jintai canlei ji 金臺殘淚記 (A
record of stains of tears of the golden stage) thought that these seats were
called guanzuo because they were more expensive. These references are in
Zhang Cixi, Qingdai Yandu Liyuan, pp. 347–381 and pp. 225–253. The
comments on the guanzuo are on p. 353 and p. 249 respectively.
110 Yidang, Shengpingshu, p. 69.
111 John K. Fairbank and Ss -Yü Têng, Ch’ing Administration — Three Studies,
Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1961, p. 88, note that the term
懿旨 yizhi “communication” was used between officials of equal or approxi-
mately equal rank. The term zunzhao 遵照 “act according to instructions” is
clearly an order to a subordinate.
112 For two such incidents, see Zhou Mingtai, Dao, Xian yilai Liyuan xinian
xiaolu, p. 70; Li Tiyang, “Qingdai gongting xiju,” pp. 61–73, on p. 69; Qi
Rushan, “Suibi — Qian Qing de Neiwufu yamen” 隨筆──前清的內務府衙門
(Informal essays — The office of the Neiwufu in the early Qing), in Qi
Rushan quanji, vol. 7, pp. 4236–4237; and chapter three of this work.
113 This document is not dated. The directors involved indicate that this inci-
dent must have occurred between the years Tongzhi 2 to 5 (1863–1866). Liu
Baoshan, who was not involved in this matter, was a director from Tongzhi
6 (1867). Yidang, Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian, Shengpingshu, packet 3945.
114 This document is not dated. See Yidang, Gongzhong zajian, packet 2476.
115 In 1867 the Director, Liu Gansan 劉趕三 (1817–1894), accepted an invitation
to perform in a private residence on one of the days which, according to the
Jingzhongmiao regulations, it was forbidden to perform. The invitation was
from an official in the Neiwufu. Even so, Liu was almost expelled from the
Jingzhongmiao. After mediation, Liu paid five hundred taels of silver to
rebuild two flagpoles in front of the Jingzhongmiao. See Li Tiyang, “Qingdai
gongting xiju,” pp. 68–69. Liu Gansan’s proper name was Liu Baoshan 劉寶山;
Gansan was his childhood nickname (xiaoming 小名). See Wang Zhizhang 王
芷章, Zhongguo jingju biannianshi 中國京劇編年史 (Chronology of the Peking
opera), 2 vols. Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 2003, xia ce, p. 1079.
116 Yidang, Neiwufu zou’an, packet 9, no. 2.
117 Wang Zhizhang, Qing Shengpingshu zhilüe, p. 349; 353–369. For example,
according to material in Yidang, Shengpingshu, packets 147, 150, 152, 154,

155, from 1881 to 1889 (Guangxu period). Bian Dekui 邊得奎 was a rank
five official. According to Wang, however, Bian was a rank six official. It is
clear from the archival material that Bian was promoted to rank five in 1881
and rank six in 1877. Wang’s conclusion must have been based on material
from the earlier period. Other archival material also indicates that the rank
of the chief eunuch of the Shengpingshu was rank five. See Yidang, Xinzheng
Neiwufu zajian, Shengpingshu, packet 3896.
118 This document was posted on the doors of the theatres and troupes of
Peking. A note on the particular copy of the document in the archives indi-
cates that it was intended to be posted at the door of the Xiaorongchun 小
榮椿 Troupe. See Yidang, Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian, Shengpingshu, packet
3945.
119 The catalogue includes these three documents in the Yidang, Shengpingshu,
packets 1840, 1822 and 1824, but are noted “missing.” I discovered them in
the Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian, Shengpingshu, packet 3945.
120 Shengpingshu, packet 1862.
121 This document is recorded in the catalogue as being in Shengpingshu 1821,
but it is also noted “missing.” I located it in the Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian,
Shengpingshu, packet 3945.
122 Qi Rushan, “Tan sijue” 談四角 (On four famous actors), in Zhongguo renmin
zhengzhi xieshang huiyi Beijingshi weiyuanhui wenshi ziliao yanjiu weiyua-
nhui 中國人民政治協商會議北京市委員會文史資料研究委員會 ed., Jingju tanwang
lu, sanbian 京劇談往錄三編 (Talks about the past of Peking Opera — part
three), Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 1990, pp. 103–192, on pp. 126–127.
123 Yidang, Gongzhong zajian, packet 2475.
124 Xin Xiuming, Lao taijian, p. 40, Zhu Jiajin, Tuishilu, xia ce, pp. 566–567.
125 See Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 1689: “Jingshan xinshu gechu xiulidan” 景山
新署各處修理單 (characters are a guess) (List of repairs to the new location
of the Jingshan) lists a number of requests from the Neiwufu. It is dated
Xuantong 5, month 2.
126 Jia Yinghua, Modai taijian, pp. 94–107.
Chapter Two
Drama, Occasion, and Audience*
Drama was not only the main form of entertainment for emperors and
the imperial families. From Qianlong onwards, it also became an
indispensable part of palace ritual.
There were no definite boundaries between different ritual dramas,
as far as the imperial rites were concerned. They can be divided into
three types:
(1) Routine ritual dramas, dramas for auspicious rites, and dramas
accompanying felicitous rites. Auspicious rites were state sacrifices offered
at the suburban altars and the ancestral temple, in which emperors
offered sacrifices to Heaven, Earth, ancestors, and the pantheon of deities.
Felicitous rites included celebrations of festivals, birthdays, marriages, and
the confirmation of imperial titles.
(2) Dramas celebrating military victories, associated with martial
rites, and special dramas performed in the presence of foreign visitors,
part of the protocol rites. In the latter case, the audience was often
entertained with colourful and lavish performances on the theme of
foreign delegations paying tribute to the might of the Chinese emperor.
(3) Drama for less formal occasions, though even here the guest lists
and the seating arrangements had to be decided before the event, the
only exceptions being informal evening entertainment in the emperor’s
private quarters. No records of the attendees are extant for the early
Qing, but from the records of foreign delegations we know that in Rehe
only Manchu aristocrats and officials and Mongolian princes were in the
audience, and no Han Chinese. In Peking, Chinese officials were in the
audience, but they were in separate rooms from the Manchus and the
others. This practice continued until the late Qing.
The Three Grand Festivals

In the Qing court, the most important festivals were known as the
sandajie 三大節 (the Three Grand Festivals). They were the New Year, the
Emperor’s Birthday, and the Sacrifices at the Temple of Heaven at the
Winter Solstice. 1 The Grand Audience took place on these three
occasions,2 and dramas associated with those festivals went on for as long
as five or six hours. Celebrations started at 5:00 a.m. and continued until
mid-afternoon. The drama performances usually started at 6:00 a.m.,
beginning with ritual drama, and followed by drama of a more
entertaining nature. The precise time of the performance of each drama
was indicated on the programme, so that the emperor could choose a
particular time to attend. Some ritual dramas performed during banquets
were much shorter, only lasting about 15 minutes. Banquet dramas were
usually performed during breakfast and the noon meal. From the
Daoguang period onwards, banquet dramas were sometimes required
during the evening meal (wanyan chengying 晚宴承應). These were more
private affairs and the dramas, of a more entertaining nature, were
performed on the small stage in the inner court. All performances had to
be finished by 5.00 to 7.00 p.m.
Ritual dramas had nothing to do with the personal interests or tastes
of the emperor. According to actors who performed in the palace, Cixi
did not usually attend the ritual dramas. 3 Xianfeng once cancelled the
ritual drama altogether on a particular festival and replaced it with a
more entertaining programme.4 However, this does not seem to have
been a common practice.
The Winter Solstice

As Angela Zito has pointed out, “Many scholars of Chinese imperial
ritual have remarked that, since the Han dynasty, Sacrifice to Heaven had
come to eclipse ancestral rites in importance.” 5 Since the Song, the
Winter Solstice was the day appointed for the emperor to offer sacrifice
to Heaven.6 In order to purify himself, the emperor abstained from meat
for three days. On the eve of the sacrifice, he performed the prescribed
ritual oblations and spent the night in a special room inside the Temple
of Heaven. The Grand Ceremony began before dawn. According to
records for 1822, Daoguang finished the ceremony by 6:35 a.m., and
2 | Drama, Occasion, and Audience 59
returned to the Chonghuagong 重華宮 to divest himself of the special

vestments used on such occasions, a blue chaofu 朝服 court attire.7 At 6:45
a.m., he had breakfast, during which two special banquet dramas were
performed: The Chief Minister of the Imperial Stud Explains the Rites (Taipu
chengying 太仆承應) and The General of the Imperial Insignia Inspects the
Arrow (Jinwu kan jian 金吾勘箭 ). 8 The first story was about Chief
Minister Song Shou 宋綬 (991–1040), who was very knowledgeable about
ancient rituals. He was ordered by the emperor Song Renzong to
supervise all officials involved in the ritual of the Sacrifice to Heaven.
Acting on his advice, Renzong proceeded to the Fasting Palace (zhai gong
齋宮) in the southern part of the city. Both Heaven and the South are
considered yang 陽, so the Fasting Palace was located in the South.9 The
second drama was about the General of the Imperial Insignia (Jinwu
jiangjun 金吾將軍), who received a communication from the Board of
Rites to the effect that, when the emperor returned from the sacrifice,
they were to perform the “inspecting the arrow” ritual. The general did
not have any idea how to perform this rite. Song Shou accompanied
Renzong to the Temple of Heaven but rushed back to supervise the
details of the “inspecting the arrow” ritual. When Renzong’s Guard of
Honour returned from the south of the city, the General of the Imperial
Insignia closed the city gate and said: “According to the ancestral rites,
when the emperor returns from the Sacrifice to Heaven, I must
respectfully ask you, ‘Of what generation of the Song Dynasty are you?’”
Song Shou answered: “I am of the fourth generation.” The General then
asked: “Where is the arrow?” After checking the arrow, he opened the
gate. 10 The drama, based on an historical incident, was compiled by
Zhang Zhao.11
The major celebrations of the day followed breakfast, from 7:45 a.m.
to 1:45 p.m. Festivity dramas were performed on the theme of the
winter solstice: The Eighteen Scholars of Yingzhou (Yingzhou jiahua 瀛洲
佳話) and Adding Length to the Coloured Thread (Caixian tianchang 彩綫
12
添長). The first was about Fang Yuanling 房元齡 (578–648) and other
academicians, eighteen in all, who had been chosen by Tang Taizong to
receive newly produced tea 13 and seasonal fruits as presents from the
emperor on the Winter Solstice, for which they were exceedingly
grateful.14 Qianlong was very keen on historical allusions. He particularly
liked The Eighteen Scholars of Yingzhou, and had a painting on this
theme commissioned for the palace.15 In Adding Length to the Coloured
Thread, the palace maids follow the imperial consorts in sewing some
embroidery on the occasion of the Winter Solstice. A eunuch provides
some additional silk thread, on the grounds that the period of daylight
increases every day after the Winter Solstice, and so each day they would
need one more string of thread than the day before. The eunuchs also
presented gifts from the emperor, for which the palace maidens
expressed their profound gratitude.16
The New Year

There were more than ten dramas to celebrate the New Year. They
included The Wen Family Celebrates the New Year (Wenshi jiaqing 文氏家慶)
and The Ancient Custom of Releasing Life (Fangsheng gusu 放生古俗). The
latter is about Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 and three other immortals going to
congratulate the emperor on the occasion of the New Year. Along the
way they witness some buffalo boys performing the ancient custom of
“releasing life” as a gesture of congratulations to the emperor.
According to the earliest existing records of 1823, the third year of
Daoguang’s reign, on New Year’s Day breakfast started at 5:00 a.m. in the
Chonghuagong. The banquet drama was The Gods of Happiness of the
Five Locations Congratulate the Emperor (Xichao wuwei 喜朝五位). In this
drama, five male xishen 喜神 (gods of happiness), five female xishen, and
the bafangshen 八方神 (gods of eight directions) come to earth to
congratulate the emperor and wish him longevity. The five pairs of
deities (heheshen 和合神) appear on the stage, laughing happily. Then a
large character xi 喜 “happiness” falls from the sky, and the various
deities sing and celebrate this joyous occasion. The drama lasted for half
an hour, followed by music for another half an hour. Then a similar
drama was performed, lasting another half an hour.
At 6:30 a.m., Daoguang went to the Qianqinggong 乾清宮 to receive
congratulations from members of the inner court. At 8:15 a.m. he
returned to the Chonghuagong to watch the first half of a drama, Jingde
Fishing (Jingde diaoyu 敬德釣魚). During this, the congratulatory rite of
the three genuflections and nine prostrations was performed by eunuchs
and other outside drama performers.17 At 8:45 a.m., he went to pay
obeisance to Buddha in the temple. At 10:25 a.m. the empress and the
consorts arrived in the Chonghuagong to pay obeisance to the emperor.
While waiting for him, they watched the second half of Jingde Fishing. At
10:45 a.m. Daoguang returned to the Chonghuagong. Another drama,

The Cross-shaped Slope (Shizi po 十字坡), was presented. At 11:45 a.m. he
went to the Taihedian 太和殿, where the rite of the three genuflections
and nine prostrations was carried out by palace officials. Meanwhile, on
the stage of the Chonghuagong, the dramas Palace Flowers Radiating
Happiness (Gonghua huaxi 宮花花喜) and Pepper Flowers Presented at the
New Year (Jiaohua xiansong 椒花獻頌 ) were continuing. Daoguang
returned to the Chonghuagong at 12:45. This time the theatrical offerings
were more entertaining: A Blind Man Watching the Lantern Festival (Xiazi
guangdeng 瞎子逛燈) and Winter Grain in Early Spring (Yangu xinchun 嚴
穀新春 ). The performance in the Chonghuagong ended at 1:20 p.m.
Daoguang then went to the Qianqinggong, where he bestowed a banquet
on the officials.
During the banquet, two special dramas were enacted. They were
Receiving Many Good Fortunes (Yingshou duofu 膺受多福 ) and Ten
Thousand Good Fortunes Come Together (Wanfu youtong 萬福攸同 ).
Entertaining drama was the rule from 1:45 p.m. until the end of the
day’s celebrations at 2:30 p.m.18 The programme was more or less the
same every year. Sometimes Daoguang would call eunuchs to perform
light pieces during his supper in the inner court.19
The Emperor’s Birthday

The celebration of the emperor’s birthday was an important festival
originating with Tang Xuanzong 唐玄宗 (685–762). In 729, the Assistant
Director of the Right and Left of the Shangshusheng 尚書省 (the
Department of State Affairs) and other court officials sent a memorial to
suggest that Xuanzong’s birthday, the fifth day of the eighth month,
should be designated Qianqiujie 千秋節 (Thousand Autumns Festival).
Xuanzong changed the name from Qianqiujie to Tianchangjie 天長節
(Heaven Longevity Festival).20 Later emperors adopted various names for
the festival celebrating their birthdays. During the Ming and Qing, the
emperor’s birthday was called Wanshoujie 萬壽節 (The Festival of Ten
Thousand Years). 21 The term Qianqiujie referred to the birthdays of the
empress and the imperial consorts.
During the Qianlong and Jiaqing periods, the emperor’s birthday
celebrations continued for nine days, five days before the birthday itself
and three days after.22 Daoguang shortened this period to three days.23 In
1827, after downsizing the Nanfu to the Shengpingshu, he further reduced

his annual birthday celebrations to two days.24 In 1831, on the occasion
of his fiftieth birthday (the decennial birthdays were more important
than the annual ones), he issued an edict: “This year is my fiftieth
birthday. Performances will still be restricted to two days.”25 He also
ordered that the grand dramas (daxi 大戲) not be performed on this
occasion.26 From then on, it was up to individual emperors to decide
how their birthdays should be celebrated.
There were two types of such performances. The first, such as Arhats
Crossing the Sea (Luohan duhai 羅漢渡海 ), depicted various spirits,
bodhisattvas, or historical figures offering their congratulations to the Son
of Heaven. The second type depicted barbarian emissaries, awestruck by
the power of the Middle Kingdom, travelling thousands of li 里 to
present their tribute to the court.
There are no extant archival records of such performances from the
Qianlong period, but we learn about them through the eyes of foreign
visitors. According to Pak Chi-w n, a scholar who was part of the
entourage of the Korean delegation which visited Rehe in 1780 on the
occasion of Qianlong’s seventieth birthday, the ceremony started very
early. Everybody had to arrive before 5:00 a.m. to wait for Qianlong’s
arrival. The performance started at 6:00 a.m. and finished at 2:00 p.m.27
According to the records of the third year of Daoguang (1823), the
emperor’s birthday celebrations were much simpler. On that day they
performed the zhonghe shaoyue ceremonial music in the Zhengda
Guangmingdian, before 5:00 a.m. Daoguang ascended the throne at 6:21,
and at 6:32 the ceremony ended. He then went to the Western Buddha
Hall (Xi Fodian 西佛殿) to offer incense and receive congratulations from
the empress and other members of the inner court. At 6:50 he proceeded
to the Tongleyuan 同樂園, to watch drama performances until 12:30. At 1:00
p.m. lunch was served, and banquet dramas were performed until 1:35pm.
Supper was at 5:00 p.m, with banquet dramas performed by eunuchs.28
Joyous Occasions
These were important social, political and private occasions other than
the three grand festivals, such as birthdays, marriages, or other joyous
events associated with the imperial family. Almost all of them could be
included in the jiali (felicitous rites).
Birthdays of the empress and consorts

The Empress Dowager’s birthday was not as important as the emperor’s,
but some rulers wanted to express their filial piety, or at least be seen as
filial sons. The birthday celebrations of Kangxi’s grandmother and Qian-
long’s mother were particularly lavish. The birthday celebrations of the
Empress Dowager Cixi exceeded those of the emperor Guangxu.
Certain dramas were used for all imperial birthdays, especially if the
emperor had no intention to have an extravagant celebration. Daoguang
issued an edict that the birthday celebrations of the empress dowager
should use the same drama scripts as other imperial birthdays, with some
minor alterations: “Luxi (the chief eunuch of the Shengpingshu)
transmitting an edict: the empress dowager’s birthday should be
celebrated by two days of drama performances in the Fuchuangtang. Use
the script of A Hundred Children Presenting Good Wishes (Baizi
chengxiang 百子呈祥) with a reduced number of performers. Change the
term “the birthday of the son of the emperor” to “the birthday of the
empress dowager.”29
Cixi used many drama scripts from the Qianlong period, changing
the term shengzu wanshou to shengmu huangtaihou wanshou 聖母皇太后萬
壽. Some of the scripts, however, applied particularly to women. The
Dragon and the Phoenix Present Their Good Wishes (Longfeng chengxiang
龍鳳呈祥) is about the empress dowagers of Fuxi 伏羲, Shennong 神農,
and the three canonical emperors. In this drama, the emperors order the
dragon and phoenix to present auspicious gifts with great respect, and to
congratulate the empress dowagers on their longevity. Buddha’s mother
and various Buddhists and Daoists add their congratulations. Others, like
The Gathering of Buddha and the Immortals (Fo xian huiyi 佛仙會議) and
Presenting Lingzhi to Aid Longevity (Zhimei jieshou 芝眉介壽) were about
various immortals praising the empress dowager for her great
achievements in achieving harmony and prosperity throughout the land
and expressing their congratulations through the gift of ten thousand-
year-old magic mushrooms.
The birthday celebrations of the empress and the consorts were
called qianqiu 千秋. They were less important than that of the empress
dowager. The celebrations lasted only one day, and the only drama
performed, without exception, was The Female Locusts Offer their Congrat-
ulations (Zhongsi yanqing 螽斯衍慶). The name is an allusion from the
Shijing 詩經. The basic theme is that female locusts have many children,
and there is no jealousy between them.30 This was a kun 昆 drama

compiled by Zhang Zhao.
When empress and consorts, or even the empress dowager, received
new imperial titles, there would be similar performances to celebrate
the occasion.31
Marriage and the birth of children

The two dramas performed on the occasion of the wedding of the
emperor or his sons were All the Constellations Come from Afar (Liesu
yaolin 列宿遙臨) and Double Stars Celebrating (Shuangxing yongqing 雙星
永慶). The former is about five constellation stars, along with the stars of
fortune, wealth, and longevity, going to the capital to congratulate the
emperor on his marriage. On the way they meet other immortals and
longevity stars, who accompany them to the palace. In these plays the
legendary old man responsible for celestial match making joins the
various stars in offering congratulations.32
Dramas to celebrate the birth of a prince were May the Benevolent
Cloud Protect Him Forever (Ciyun xilei 慈雲錫類) and Auspicious Stars Fill
the Household (Jiyao chongting 吉曜充庭). The former is about Guanyin
coming to protect the unborn prince, and the Old Men of the Five
Directions presenting their congratulations. The latter was about the
Three Auspicious Stars waiting at the Meridian Gate to welcome the
birth of the new prince, who was accompanied on his voyage to earth by
seven Buddhas and eight immortals.
On the third day after the birth, a ceremonial ablution called xisan
33
洗三 was performed to wash away the dirt of his previous life and
make this life safe and smooth. On both xisan and manyue 滿月
(performed one month after the birth), the dramas were similar, that is
Guanyin or other immortals or fairies protecting the new-born prince
and presenting their congratulations.
The imperial chariot leaving and returning to the palace

Both Kangxi and Qianlong travelled extensively. Qianlong had special
dramas compiled for his leaving and returning to the palace on his
tours of inspection. These were simply called Drama for the Imperial
Tour of Inspection (Xunxing huanluan chengying 巡幸還鑾承應), Drama
for the Imperial Chariot Returning to the Palace (Dajia huangong

chengying 大駕還宮承應) and so on. They are stories about the Daoist
Sun Simiao 孫思邈, Guan Gong 關公, the local deity of the capital, and
various stars escorting the emperor leaving or returning the palace.
Drama for the Imperial Chariot Returning to the Palace contains two acts:
Spirits Clearing the Way for the Imperial Chariot (Shen xiao qingbi 神霄清
蹕) for the beginning of the journey, and The Stars Surround and Protect
(Qunxing gonghu 群星拱護) for the return. In The Stars Surround and
Protect, the main character is the local god, Tudi 土地. He says: “Suddenly
I heard that the imperial chariot is returning to the palace. I must
prepare myself for this. The problem is that I cannot find a precedent
to follow. In panic I ask around.” Two deities of the earth (dishen 地神)
say, “According to precedent, the rain deity (yushi 雨師) should sprinkle
water and the wind deity (fengbo 風伯) should sweep the dust from the
road.” 34 Tudi says, “When will the gods of rain and wind come? Should
we invite them?” The two deities reply, “They are stars in heaven; we
cannot move them.” To which Tudi replies, “Aya! If they don’t come,
who can take on such a responsibility? Oh well, I will just have to hire
more people to fetch water and spend more money to buy some more
brooms. This must be done at once, while there is still time.”35 Because
of the dust in Peking, the roads had to be sprinkled with water and
swept for the emperor’s chariot. If the surface of road was of stone, it
had to be covered with soil and cleaned.36 We can see a bit of humour
and some realistic details in these dramas, which is more than can be
said for most of them.
Unlike Kangxi and Qianlong, the later Qing emperors did little
travelling, apart from fleeing from the capital. One would presume that
this sort of drama was not often performed. However, despite the
circumstances under which Cixi left the palace during the Boxer Uprising
of 1900, the archival records show that on her return from Xi’an in
1901, she still ordered the Shengpingshu to play Music on the Achievement
of a Victory (Desheng yue 得勝樂) at the Qianqingmen 乾清門 to welcome
her back to the palace.37
Annual and Monthly Routine Dramas

There were regular routine celebrations for annual festivals and at most
of the twenty-four solar terms. The palace celebrated many of the
festivals of the general population in Peking. However, the palace also

celebrated some which had no importance to people outside the palace.
The characters in the stories were either historical or legendary figures.
Spring
Lichun 立春 (Beginning of Spring) is the first solar term. In the palace,
two dramas, Congratulations to the Court in Early Spring (Zaochun chaohe
早春朝賀) and Composing Poems to Appreciate Snow (Duixue tishi 對雪題詩)
were performed on the first day of this solar term. The second drama
was about the Tang poet and official Zhang Jiuling 張九齡. After going to
the court to congratulate the emperor, he returns home to appreciate the
flowers in his garden and to compose some poems about them.
The Lantern Festival fell on the fifteenth day of the first lunar
month, and marked the end of the New Year period. One of the dramas
for the day was Hanging Lanterns in Anticipation (Xuandeng yuqing 懸燈
預慶). This story was about Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 preparing to celebrate
the lantern festival with his mother. They display lanterns and set off
firecrackers. Eunuchs from the palace deliver ten branches of blossoms
bestowed by the emperor.
The nineteenth day of the first month was a Daoist festival called
Yanjiu 燕九 / 宴九 (swallow nine or banquet nine). 38 This festival was
associated with the biggest Daoist Temple in Peking, the Baiyunguan 白雲
觀. The famous Daoist Qiu Chuji 丘處機, an advisor to Genghis Khan,
was appointed Head of the Baiyunguan. Qiu took up residence in the
temple, which was then called the Taijigong 太極宮. The Yuan emperors
patronised both the sect and the temple. After Qiu died in 1127, his
disciples changed the temple’s name to Baiyunguan. They believed that
Qiu would return to earth in disguise on the nineteenth day of the first
month, the date traditionally designated as his birthday. In the
Baiyunguan, this day was marked by the Yanjiu festival. The temple fair
started at New Year and reached its peak at Yanjiu, so many people went
there to participate in the entertainment and market activities.39 In the
palace, the emperor “went to the feast and entertainment held at the
Xiaojindian 小金殿 at the Xichangzi 西廠子 (Western Enclosure), where
he witnessed games and wrestling bouts.” 40 The drama The Immortals
Come to the Gathering (Qunxian fuhui 群仙赴會 ) is about the eight
immortals visiting the Baiyunguan. Another drama, Ascendant Peace
(Taiping shengshi 太平盛世 ) depicts the festive atmosphere in the

Baiyunguan, with various entertainments such as puppets, tea collecting
songs, acrobatics, and children’s performances.
There were regular drama performances in the palace on the first day
and fifteenth day of each month. If any festivals happened to fall on those
days, the themes of the dramas would be related to the festivals. The
court clearly celebrated many more occasions than the general population.
For example, the fifteenth day of the second month was the Flower
Festival, celebrated in the palace, but not by the general population in
Peking. The dramas were A Banquet to Celebrate a Thousand Springs
(Qianchun yanxi 千春燕喜) and A Hundred Flower Fairies Present Longevity
Presents (Baihuan xianshou 百花獻壽). The former was about the Peony
Fairy, the King of the Hundred Flowers, whose birthday fell on that day.
Among much singing and dancing of flower fairies, the Flower Concubine
Yang Yuhuan 楊玉環 (the famous consort Yang of the Tang dynasty) also
comes to offer her congratulations.
There was a noticeable difference between the imperial court and the
general population in relation to the Qingming 清明 festival. On this day
Chinese visited their ancestral graves, and there was no special drama for
this occasion in the palace. On the other hand, another very ancient
festival, the Cold Food Festival (Hanshijie 寒食節), not observed by most
people in Peking, was celebrated in the palace. Hanshijie is only one or
two days away from Qingming, so the two festivals were conflated.41 The
origin of this festival dates from the Spring and Autumn Period. “Duke
Wen, of the State of Chin, when he became duke of his state in 635
BCE, after many years spent in wandering through the other feudal states
of the China of his time, rewarded many of those who had accompanied
him. One of them, Chieh Tz -t’ui (Jie Zitui 介子推), who once in a time
of famine had cut off a piece his own arm to give to the Duke as food,
was inadvertently overlooked. Filled with disappointment, Chieh
thereupon retired to a forest, where he was burned to death when Duke
Wen, in his endeavors to make him come forth, set fire to the forest.
The Duke, filled with remorse, decreed that from that time onward no
fires should be lighted on that day.”42
On this day, special dramas based on this story were performed. One
was Recollections of Mianshan (Zhuixu Mianshan 追敍綿山). Mianshan is
where Jie burnt to death. The other was Noble Moral Integrity Praised
(Fangjie xingyin 芳節行吟). In the first drama, an eighty-year-old man
tells the story of Jie Zitui to his wife and a girl from the neighbourhood.
He explains to the girl the reasons why they have not cooked any food
on this day. The girl realises that the real reason must be that the family
has run out of food. So she goes back to her home and fetches some
rice and wood to give to the family. The three of them then cook a meal
together. The palace still commemorated this incident, although this
festival and its origins had long been forgotten by the general population.
The eighth day of the fourth month was the Birthday of the
Buddha. Buddhist temples would organise major temple fairs. In the
palace special dramas would be performed to celebrate the occasion.
Sermons of the Sixth Patriarch (Liuzu jiang jing 六祖講經) and Buddha
Transformed into a Golden Body (Fo hua jinshen 佛化金身 ) were the
dramas of that particular day.
Summer
The fifth month was called the e yue 惡月 (the evil month). At this time
poisonous creatures were most active. A Peking proverb current in the
early twentieth century referred to the “good first month and evil fifth
month” (shan zhengyue, e wuyue 善正月，惡五月).43 So the Duanwu 端五
Festival, also known as the Dragon Boat Festival, which fell on the fifth
day of the fifth month, had two unrelated aspects: to commemorate Qu
Yuan 屈原 and to fend off evil.
In the palace, a Dragon Boat race was held in the Yuanmingyuan.
Two episodes of drama based on the story of Qu Yuan were Righteous-
ness Leads to Immortality (Zheng ze chengxian 正則成仙) and A Fishman
Talks about Happiness (Yujia yan le 漁家言樂).
Fending off evil was also one of the customs of the day. The people
of Peking would make wudubing 五毒餅 (cakes of the five poisonous
creatures: centipede, scorpion, snake, lizard, and toad), drink xionghuang
44
雄黃 wine and put up leaves of calamus and mugwort at their gates.
The palace dramas, Expounding the Way and Exorcising Evil (Chandao
chuxie 闡道除邪) and Expelling Evil and Welcoming the Festival (Quxie
yingjie 祛邪應節), had much the same theme. The Daoist Heavenly Master
Zhang Daoling 張道陵 comes down to the earth to subdue the five
poisonous creatures, toad, centipede, lizard, scorpion and spider (in the
drama, the spider replaced the snake), which were disguised as beautiful
women. Chinese physicians and Daoist priests fight the five poisonous
creatures without much success, until Master Zhang comes to their aid.
Five claps of thunder and five lightning strikes finally subdue the
creatures. In traditional drama, Chinese physicians were always portrayed
as chou 丑 (clowns or comedians). This drama was no exception.
The seventh day of the seventh month was the day of the Ox Herder
and the Spinning Maid. It was also called the Qiqiao 乞巧 (Imploring
Ingeniousness) festival. In astronomical terms, the Spinning Maid was
identified with the constellation Lyra, the Ox Herder with the
constellation Aquila, and the Heavenly River with the Milky Way.
This was a festival exclusively for women. Young girls would “each
take a bowl of water which they exposed to the sun, and put in it a
small needle so that it will float on the surface of the water. They then
long watch the needle’s shadow at the bottom of the water. Sometimes it
is diffused as if in the shape of flowers, sometimes in movement like
clouds, sometimes fine like a thread, or sometimes thick like a stick. By
this means they can predict each girl’s dexterity or clumsiness. This is
commonly called the laying down of needles.”45
According to one of Cixi’s personal maids, this was the most
important and happiest day for the female servants in the palace, much
more than the New Year. The game of “laying down the needles” in the
palace was a rare occasion for masters and servants, old and young, to
enjoy something together. It was also a very emotional time for the
palace maids, whose future was quite uncertain. They openly prayed for
“ingeniousness” from the Spinning Maid and secretly prayed to her to
protect them from tragedy. In the case of this particular maid, she was
ordered to marry Cixi’s favourite eunuch.46
As a popular female festival, the Qiqiao festival related to women’s
personal aspirations. As palace ritual dramas, they were works of erudite
male scholars. Two dramas, Seven Times She Weaves, and Silk is Woven
(Qixiang baozhang 七襄報章) and Beautiful Women Imploring Ingeniousness
(Shinü qiqiao 仕女乞巧) are full of classical allusions. The title of the first
episode is based on lines in the Shijing: “And the three stars together are
the Weaving Sisters, passing a day through seven stages (qixiang) [in the
sky]. Although they go through their seven stages, they complete no
bright work (baozhang) for us.”47 However, the title was changed to mean
“they complete bright work for us,” the term “bright work” meaning silk
of excellent quality. In the first episode, four jade maidens accompany the
Spinning Maid onto the stage and praise the silk she produces. The
Spinning Maid replies, “You have no idea. Under the current sage
emperor ‘the articles of tribute are varnish and silk, and baskets full of
woven ornamental fabrics.” Though may I produce beautiful fabrics, they
are of no use.’ The terms “tribute of varnish” and “ornamental fabrics in
bamboo baskets” are from the Shujing 書經.48
The fifteenth day of the seventh month was the Buddhist festival
Yulan penhui 盂蘭盆會, also known as the Hungry Ghost Festival. On
that day, Buddhist temples lit lanterns and recited sutras to help souls in
the lower world cross the sea of suffering. Children lit lanterns made of
lotus leaves, and adults released floating lanterns on the rivers. The
mother of Mulian, one of Buddha’s disciples, had been reborn among the
Hungry Devils, where she was not allowed anything to eat. The Buddha
commanded Mulian to found the Yulan penhui, a society which would
put various fruits into basins and offer them to nurture great virtue in
the ten quarters. Only after this would his mother be allowed to eat.
Mulian replied to the Buddha that all disciples who practiced filial piety
and obedience should also make an offering at the Yulan penhui. The
Buddha expressed approval of this, and later generations followed this
custom.49 This story became a popular theme for drama. Kangxi used to
have the Mulian drama performed outside the palace to celebrate his
military victories so that ordinary people could share in his triumph.
According to Cixi’s personal maid, on this day the palace maids
busied themselves making lotus lanterns. This was a once-a-year
opportunity for them to do something close to ancestral worship. In
1898, Cixi gave special permission to some palace maids to place their
own sacrificial items on the imperial fachuan 法船 (the Boat of Buddha
Truth).50 The imperial fachuan was made of wood, silk, and paper, and it
could be as long as 60 meters, with a mast as high as over 6 meters.
There were huge buildings and human-size figures on it. It would be
burnt just outside the Donghuamen 東華門51 after various Buddhist and
Daoist ceremonies were performed to carry goods to the other world.
This was considered a very high honour and an unusual opportunity for
the palace maids. As soon as the news spread, eunuchs rushed to beg the
girls to take some parcels on their behalf. The eunuchs were from poor
families, and this was a rare chance to express their love for their own
families.52 This particular Yulan penhui was held in 1898, in the middle
of the Hundred Day Reform, and the palace maid observed that Cixi was
very worried. Cixi spent that season at the Yiheyuan, where at sunset the
Kunming Lake was full of floating lotus lanterns and the atmosphere was
very ethereal. They could easily believe that ghosts were present.
In the palace, however, the theme of the drama was different. The
rule was that two dramas, Buddha’s Decree Redeeming the Demon (Fo zhi
du mo 佛旨度魔) and The Demon King Responds to Buddha (Mowang da
Fo 魔王答佛) would be performed. Devedatta, a brother of the Buddha,
committed the three unpardonable sins and had been living in the
Asipattravana (the Hell of Swords), one of the sixteen hells, for five
thousand years. Buddha sends Maudgaly yana to redeem Devedatta.
Maudgaly yana asks the Kings of the Ten Courts of Hell to release
Devedatta. The kings say they are not able to do so, because Devedatta
himself would not agree. So Maudgaly yana descends into Hell itself to
see him. Devedatta demands to know why Buddha himself did not come.
He refuses to be redeemed. In the drama, the demon brother is very
aggressive and has no remorse at all. There was a rumour that Qianlong
compiled this drama to reflect the relationship between his brother and
himself. Like Buddha in the drama, he could not do much about it. 53
Autumn
The Moon Festival, also known as the Mid-Autumn Festival, was on the
fifteenth day of the eighth month. The dramas were based on the legend
of Chang’e 嫦娥 and the jade rabbit in the moon, and the seasonal
flower, the osmanthus. They were The Floating Fragrance of Osmanthus
(Dangui piaoxiang 丹桂飄香) and Presenting the Rainbow Garment Dance
(Nishang xianwu 霓裳獻舞).
The ninth day of the ninth month was the Double Nine Festival.
People of the Capital take a kettle and wine-cups, and go out to the
suburbs to climb some high spot … There is a legend to explain this
hill-climbing ceremony, according to which during the Later Han dynasty
there lived a certain Fei Changfang 費長房, noted for his knowledge of
the magical art, who had a friend named Huan Jing 桓景. One day Fei
said to Huan, “On the ninth day of the ninth month a great disaster will
happen in your family. But if you have the members of your family
make a sack for you out of red silk gauze, fill it with dogwood, and bind
it on your arm; and if you all climb to a high place and drink wine of
chrysanthemums (which are supposed to have special life-giving
properties because their appearance is suggestive of the sun), the calamity
may be lessened.” Huan Jing followed this advice, and on returning on

the evening of the ninth day, found that his oxen, sheep, chickens, and
dogs had all suffered a violent death. Thereupon Fei told him, “They
have suffered the disaster which would have befallen you.”54
Tao Yuanming 陶淵明 made chrysanthemums a symbol of nobility
and moral purity. 55 His poem Gathering Chrysanthemums at the East
Fence, Leisurely Gazing at the Southern Mountain (Cai ju dongli xia,
youran jian Nanshan 採菊東籬下，悠然見南山) became a symbol of the
lifestyle of a scholar hermit. Tao Yuanming was the main character in the
two dramas The Prefect of Jiangzhou Presents Wine (Jiangzhou songjiu 江洲
送酒) and Whistling Loftily at the East Fence (Dongli xiao’ao 東籬嘯傲).
While Tao Yuanming is appreciating his chrysanthemums at the east
fence, some wine is delivered on the orders of the Prefect of Jiangzhou.
Tao Yuanming thinks about it for a while and then says, “The Prefect of
Jiangzhou is a good official, and sending wine is a romantic gesture. All
right, I will accept it, but if it were anybody else, I would definitely
refuse.” Then Tao gives two branches of chrysanthemums to the delivery
man as a token of thanks. The story is simple and well-known, but the
author tried to add a bit of comedy, so he let the deliveryman and other
yamen runners (the standard chou roles) have some fun. They make it
clear they expect a tip, but Tao would not have had much money
himself, and in any case would not stoop to such a vulgar gesture. More
conventional dramas, with fairies and various legendary figures, such as
Appreciating Chrysanthemums at Jiuhua Mountain (Jiuhua pinju 九華品菊)
and Many Beauties Dance like Flying Rosy Clouds (Zhongmei feixia 眾美飛
霞) were also performed on the Double Nine festival.
Winter
Soon after the Grand Sacrifice on the winter solstice in the eleventh
month, lari 臘日 , the day of laba 臘八 gruel, was celebrated on the
eighth day of the twelfth month.
The word la is the name of a sacrifice going back into early Chinese history. The
sacrifice took place each year shortly after the winter solstice and was made by the
ruler to his ancestors and to the five tutelary spirits of the house: those of the
door, main gate, kitchen stove, center of house or impluvium, and well or,
according to some, alley. It was a sacrifice of thanksgiving for bounteous harvests.
Because of this ceremony, the entire twelfth month has come to be known as the
la month, so that laba gruel really means gruel of the eighth day of the twelfth
month. The term also has been taken over by Buddhism as the name for an
offering made to Buddha on this day … Every year on the seventh day of the
twelfth month, fruits are peeled and utensils washed, and this work is continued
the whole night until at break of day the gruel is cooked. Besides offering it in
sacrifice to one’s ancestors and to Buddha, one makes presents of it to ones rela-
tives and friends, but this should not be soon after midday. At the same time one
makes figures of lions out of red dates, peach seeds, etc. to be put on top of the
gruel, whereby children may give expression to their ingenuity.56
During the Qing, the court would send a high ranking official to the
Yonghe Lama Temple to cook laba gruel. Every kitchen in the palace and
the prince’s residence cooked laba. The prince’s residence would make an
offering to the ancestors and send some to the court. The emperor, the
empress, and the empress dowager Cixi presented laba to each other.57
An Immortal Releases Storks (Xianweng fanghe 仙翁放鶴 ) and A
Family of Luoyang is Presented with the Pill of Immortality (Luoyang
zengdan 洛陽贈丹) were the prescribed dramas of the day. In the second
of these, a Daoist immortal presents these pills to a family in Luoyang as
a reward for their good deeds. Other dramas are Sending La Gruel to
Gushan Mountain (Gushan song la 孤山送臘) and Visiting the Monks in
the Xiao Temple (Xiaosi xunseng 蕭寺尋僧). When Su Dongpo 蘇東坡 was
Prefect of Changsha, the weather was favourable and harvest good, and
the people there lived in peace and happiness. On the lari, Su Dongpo
goes to the Gushan Mountain for an outing and to visit two monks in
the temple. Two shami 沙彌 (Buddhist novices) are appreciating the snow
and composing poems. They refuse to inform their masters of the arrival
of Su, because their masters are meditating. Su insists and succeeds. The
two monks are pleased to see him, and they engage in a witty and
humorous conversation, after which the monks invite Su to join them in
a meal.
The twelfth month had a particular feature. The Imperial Board of
Astronomy would select a propitious time during the four-day period of
the nineteenth, twentieth, twenty-first, and twenty-second days of this
month, on which, according to the regulations, it would announce that
the fengyin 封印, the seals, had to be put away. All official work would
cease until the opening of the seals again after the New Year period.
After the fengyin, schoolboys were released from their studies. Even
commercial theatres would select a day on which to close, until the New
Year’s Day, when the play Conferring Happiness opened another theatrical
year. This fengyin period allowed beggars and thieves to become bolder
since the officials were all on vacation.
On the twenty-third or twenty-fourth day, sacrifices were made to
the Kitchen God. This ceremony was called Sending off the Kitchen God
(Songzaojun 送灶君). The Kitchen God was supposed to ascend to Heaven
to report on the good or bad behaviour of the family throughout the
year. When families sacrificed to the Kitchen God, candies and sugar
cakes were used as a bribe to make his mouth sweet, so that he wouldn’t
say unfavourable things. In the palace, the same candies and sugar cakes
were offered. This ceremony was held in the Kunninggong 坤寧宮, led by
the emperor and empress.58 The servants and eunuchs were particularly
nervous, as they believed that all the gods and spirits came down to
earth at that time and that they must be extra careful not to do anything
to offend any of them. According to Cixi’s maid, Cixi had a guilty
conscience about the many people she had harmed, and as she was very
superstitious, she too was especially tense during this period. On the
surface, everything was very lively and bustling with activity, but both
servants and masters were holding their breath, hoping to get through
these days without incident. It was not until the first day of the second
month, when they sent the spirits back, that they could feel relieved.59
The dramas of the day do not reflect such trepidation. Taihe Reports
the Best (Taihe baozui 太和報最) and Granting Joy and Fortune (Siming
xifu 司命錫福 ) were based on the origin of the festival, that every
household would be under scrutiny for their deeds during the previous
year. Taihe is the state of harmony of yin 陰 and yang 陽. In the first
act, Taihe is a spirit under the orders from the Kitchen God to select and
report on the best household. In the second act, the Kitchen God and
his wife receive a report commending Sheng Chaoshi, because of his act
of filial piety in laying on the icy river to get fish for his parents.
Another drama was Lü Mengzheng Makes a Sacrifice to the Kitchen
God (Mengzheng jizao 蒙正祭竈), which was based on a Yuan drama The
Tale of a Tattered Cave Dwelling (Poyaoji 破窯記). Lü Mengzheng was a
poor scholar. One day he happened to pass by the Prime Minister’s
residence, just when they were selecting a son-in-law. The daughter
caught sight of him and was determined to marry him. The prime
minister would not permit this marriage and broke off relations with his
daughter. The young couple had to live in an abandoned cave dwelling.
When they ran out of food, Lü had no choice but to beg food from a
nearby temple. The monks were not willing to help, leading to greater
humiliation. Eventually, Lü gained the first place in the jinshi 進士
examination, which carried with it the title of zhuangyuan 狀元 . Lü
returned to the cave dwelling to fetch his wife. When the news spread,
his father-in-law sought reconciliation, and the monks begged for
forgiveness. Lü Mengzheng 呂蒙正 (946–1011) was an official of the
Northern Song. He was a jinshi, but not a zhuangyuan as in the drama.
However, he did reach the highest official position, that of prime
minister. His story was rewritten as a Yuan drama. Both Guan Hanqing
and Wang Shipu wrote different versions of Poyaoji.60 The palace drama
Mengzheng Makes Sacrifice to the Kitchen God is part of this story. When
they have no food or money to make a sacrifice to the Kitchen God,
they can only offer a bowl of water and incense. The water is frozen,
because the cave they live in was so cold. This was based on a popular
traditional drama and was somewhat unusual for a palace ritual drama.
There were many dramas for the New Year’s Eve celebration. They
included Making a Report in the Golden Pavilion (Jinting zoushi 金庭奏
事 ), Good Fortune Bestowed (Xifu tongming 錫福通明 ), A Family
Celebrates the New Year by Playing the Game of Hide the Hook (Canggou
jiaqing 藏鈎家慶),61 and The Arrival of the Three Stars of Fortune, Wealth
and Longevity (Ruiying sanxing 瑞應三星). Another was Jia Dao Offers
Sacrifice to the Muses (Jia Dao ji shi 賈島祭詩). The Tang poet Jia Dao
sets up an altar with a collection of his poems, together with an
incense burner and a wine cup. His page boy asks to which spirit he is
offering incense. Jia answers that writing poetry is such nerve-wracking
work that he is offering sacrifice to the spirits of the five depots (the
heart, liver, spleen, lungs, and kidneys). The functions of the five depots
were thinking and emotion.
Literary and seasonal occasions

There were also some dramas for particular events related to the changes
of the seasons. When it snowed, Praising Willow Catkins at the Xie Family
Courtyard (Xieting yongxu 謝庭詠絮) would be performed. Xie Daoyun 謝
道韞 was a daughter of Xie Yi 謝奕 (d. 358), a brother of Xie An 謝安
(320–385) of the Eastern Jin. The Xie family dominated the Eastern Jin
court during most of the reign of Emperor Xiaowu 孝武帝 (373–397). “On
a snowy day, Xie An gathered his family indoors and was discussing
literature and philosophy with them, when suddenly there was a violent
flurry of snow. Delighted, Xie began, ‘The white snow flies and flurries –
what does it resemble?’ His nephew, Lang 朗, came back with, ‘Scatter
salt in mid-air may perhaps be likened.’ His niece, Daoyun, chimed in,
‘Even more like the willow catkins on the wind uplifted.’ Xie laughed
aloud with delight.”62 Since that time, willow catkins became the accepted
literary allusion for snow. Xie Daoyun returned to her family home on a
snowy day. Her father Xie Yi, her uncle Xie An, and her brothers are all
busy chatting and composing poems. Xie Daoyun comes up with the
simile about willow catkins. Her uncle Xie An calls her “one of the most
talented women since the time of Ban Zhao.” The drama script has
Zhang Zhao’s name on it. It was probably based on an earlier version Xie
Daoyun Compares Snow to Willow Catkins to Manifest Her Poetic Talent
(Xie Daoyun yongxu shang shicai 謝道韞詠絮擅詩才) by Hong Sheng 洪昇.
There were several other dramas on the same theme. Appointment with
Flower Fairies (Yuehui huaxian 約會花仙) and A Beauty Appears in a
Dream (Meiren rumeng 美人入夢) were performed at the time appropriate
for appreciating plum blossoms.
Qianlong imitated Han Wudi’s tradition of gathering groups of
scholars in the Boliangtai Pavilion 柏梁臺 to write poems in praise of the
prosperity of his reign, and so he built his own Boliangtai. According to
Zhaolian, “During the mid-Qianlong period, three days after the New
Year, the emperor selected officials who were good at writing poetry to
attend a banquet in the Chonghuagong. There were drama performances,
and tea was bestowed on the officials by the emperor. The emperor
would first compose two poems, then invite his officials to match them.
This later became a convention.”63
Martial Rites
Junli 軍禮 (martial rites) included the dispatch of an army, military
victories, or the reception of a captured enemy leader. Hunting was also
considered one of the martial rites. Qianlong was keen on using drama
as part of various rituals, and his reign was one of the most militarily
aggressive periods of the dynasty, so he had many opportunities to
perform such dramas.
Military victories
Qianlong commissioned special music and dramas in praise of every
military victory. In 1760, after the pacification of the western regions, he
had a new ritual drama compiled, Eight Rows of Men Dance in the
Courtyard of Yu (Ba yi wu yu ting 八佾舞虞庭). The bayi is a martial
dance featuring eight dancers in each of eight rows. According to the
Zhouli 周禮, it was performed only when the monarch offered sacrifices
to Heaven. The dance of the Son of Heaven had eight files of dancers,
that of the dukes six, and that of the ministers four. 64 The bayi dance
had been part of palace ritual since the Zhou. The name of this drama
derives from the Analects, which refers to “eight rows of men dancing in
the courtyard,” yu in the title being the preposition yu 於 “in, at.” In this
drama, however, the preposition yu was replaced by Yu 虞, a reference to
the canonical emperor Shun 舜.65 In order to express his approval of the
peace and prosperity achieved by the Qing, particularly Qianlong’s
pacification of the western regions, Shun orders eight rows of musicians
and eight rows of dancers to perform a celebratory dance.
At the beginning of the drama, the eight talented men of the Zhou
(ba neng 八能) come out to announce that “yesterday we were called by
the emperor Shun. He ordered us to lead eight men to play the xiaoshao
jiucheng 簫韶九成 music.66 We have already arranged musicians to prepare
for this.” Then Shun appears on the stage and says, “I am the emperor
Shun of the Youyushi 有虞氏 clan. I respectfully witness the great
governance of the Son of Heaven of the Great Qing. Propitious omens
appear again and again; ascendant peace fills all under Heaven. What is
more, the western regions have come to pay tribute. That is really the
great fortune of the monarch. The immortals on high and men on earth
join in celebration.” The nine officials say to Shun, “Under the sage ruler
of China, social order and morality are harmonious and peaceful.
Military victories are celebrated. The illustrious virtue (of the emperor)
reaches such heights. Why don’t we play several pieces of dashao 大韶
music in praise of his illustrious virtues and his grand military
accomplishments?” Shun says, “Transmit my edict: order the eight talented
men to play xiaoshao jiucheng music and perform the bayi drama with
sixty-four dancers performing with red shields and jade axes.”
After this round of music and dancing, Shun says, “The Emperor
Gaozong (Qianlong)67 pacified Ili and established the western regions.
Now there are no people under heaven, not even a single king, who does
not come to pay tribute. Transmit my edict: the eight talented men will
play naoge 鐃歌 (cymbal music)68 to manifest the emperor’s merits and
virtues.” Eight musicians then played naoge victory music, and sixty-four
men danced with hammers, swords, axes and spears. While dancing, the
sixty-four dancers also sang. After praising the emperor’s military
achievements in Ili, they sing, “His great wisdom, strategy and judgment
have succeeded. His sage heart is in accordance with Heaven.” Shun says,
“How wonderful! Listen to the sound of naoge. It is clear that all this is
the result of victorious astuteness from the court … Now I am setting
off for the Divine Land.” Shun’s carriage and entourage appear on the
stage, and Shun departs. All join in the singing. This was the final scene
of the Qianlong version.
Eight Rows of Men Dance in the Courtyard of Yu was quite different
from other dramas. It had more music and dance, and even included the
zhonghe shaoyue (ceremonial music). The characters in the drama sing
kunqu tunes, so it is regarded as kunqu.
After Jiaqing suppressed the White Lotus rebellion (1796–1804), he
modified the Qianlong version of the drama by inserting a few comments
on recent developments. He also gave it a subtitle: A Presentation to the
Jiaqing Emperor on the Victory Over and Extermination of Heterodox
Teachings (Jiaqing tianmie xiejiao xianjie chengying 嘉慶殄滅邪教獻捷承應).
In the Jiaqing version, after the second round of music and dance,
instead of leaving for the “Divine Land,” Shun says:
The late emperor conquered Ili and pacified the western regions. The current
emperor exterminated heterodox teachings and pacified the ocean. From the coast
of Guangdong to Fujian, the thieves and bandits were surrounded and punished,
and they have been swept out with none remaining. This greatly relieved the
suffering of the people. What is more, Vietnam has come to pay tribute and
sincerely accepts transformation.69 This shows that the people in the empire are
happy, and people from afar are attracted to come (jinyue yuanlai 近悅遠來).70 All
people under heaven are celebrating. Who could have predicted that heterodox
bandits would cause trouble? They poisoned and bewitched stupid commoners,
gathered ignorant lice, and recklessly deceived thickheaded senseless insects. All of
a sudden they stirred up trouble in the Shandong region, and they dared to spread
to the area of the capital. Luckily, relying on the current sage ruler, only his
wonderful sagacity and grand prospect could manifest heavenly might and defeat
them. Now the prime culprits have been exterminated, and news of victories
comes flying in. Accessory villains are chained and escorted to the capital. Within
less than a hundred days, flames of battle have been extinguished in three
provinces, and all four classes of people live happily as usual. Oh, this is truly so
broad and profound, so wise and sacred, so magnificent and splendid. The
Emperor’s virtues have accomplished the nine services (jiugong 九功).71 Now
everybody joins in to play naoge to manifest his achievements.
Then the musicians and dancers perform the third round. After they
finish, Shun says, “How splendid! Listen to the sound of the naoge
carefully. It is clear that the success of the suppression of the heterodox
teachings is because the current emperor respectfully sought victorious
astuteness from the late emperor. The energy of the auspicious omen is
really as beautiful as the gengge 賡歌 song. Now I am setting off for the
Divine Land.”
This drama was thereafter performed at banquets given in honour of
victorious generals for the rest of the Jiaqing period. 72 It was also
performed for Jiaqing on his birthday.73 However, during the decline of
the Qing, the court had fewer and fewer opportunities to use this drama
for its original purpose. Daoguang was the last emperor to use it, in
honour of General Chang Ling.
Chang Ling 長齡 (1758–1838) was a Mongol general of the Plain
White Banner. He was sent to the Kashgar region in pursuit of the rebel
leader Jehangir (Khoja, 1790–1828). In February 1828, when the news of
Jehangir’s capture arrived in Peking, Chang Ling was immediately
rewarded with a dukedom of the second class, with rights of perpetual
inheritance. He was ordered to return to Peking to celebrate the victory.
When Jehangir was delivered to the capital, the ancient ceremonies for
presenting war captives (xianfu 獻俘) and receiving war captives (shoufu
受俘) were performed. Jehangir was presented to the Imperial Ancestral
Temple before being quartered.74
On the second day of the fifth month, the Neiwufu received an edict
from the Grand Secretary to draft details of the welcoming ceremonies
for Chang Ling. They included sending officials to meet Chang Ling at
Lugouqiao 盧溝橋. All officials were required to wear formal court robes
during the ceremony.75
On the seventh day of the eighth month, at 6:15 a.m., Daoguang
held a banquet in honour of Chang Ling at the Zhengda Guangmingdian
正大光明殿. The grand ceremonial music zhonghe shaoyue was played to
show the solemnity of the occasion. The drama performance commenced

at 7:15. It began with Eight Rows of Men Dance in the Courtyard of Yu
and The Gathering of Foreign Kings under Ascendant Peace (Taiping
wanghui 太平王會), followed by another twelve dramas. The performance
ended at 1:30 p.m.76
In 1855, when the Mongol prince Senggerinchin (Senggelinqin 僧格林
77
沁, d. 1865) won recognition in fighting the Taipings, the reception
given on his return by the court was supposed to be the same as Chang
Ling’s in 1828. In fact it was much simpler, with only grand ceremonial
music played and without the drama performances.78
During the late Qing, there were no military victories to celebrate.
Eight Rows of Men Dance in the Courtyard of Yu had lost its original
propose and became just another drama for birthday celebrations. For
her birthday, Cixi adapted the Qianlong version, changing “Son of
Heaven of the Great Qing” to “Empress Dowager.”79
Hunting
As in other royal courts,80 the annual hunts at Muran81 (Ch. Mulan 木蘭)
were part of state military rituals. Apart from the hunt per se, they had a
political purpose. 82 There were also dramas for these occasions. They
included Obtaining Auspiciousness in Hunting (Xingwei derui 行圍得瑞)
and Offering a Dance and Raising a Goblet (Xianwu chengshang 獻舞稱觴).
The latter was a yiqiang drama of forty-two minutes duration. The story
is very simple. On the occasion of the emperor’s birthday, eight Hunting
Longevity Stars, four Grand Longevity Stars, and two Bow and Arrow
Longevity Stars accompany the main character, the Northern Everlasting
Longevity Star, onto the stage. The North Everlasting Longevity Star says,
“I am going to select strong and healthy old men to perform singing and
dancing. They will go to Zizhishan 紫芝山 in search of heavenly birds
and magic animals to present to the emperor.” All sorts of animals, such
as rabbits, deer, wolves, and bears then appear on the stage and are
hunted by the various participants. Towards end of the drama, they
capture one hundred deer and many other auspicious animals. The
hundred deer hold ten thousand-year-old magic mushrooms in their
mouths to present to the emperor. In the finale, all the longevity stars
queue up to present their ten thousand-year-old magic mushrooms.
What is unique about this drama is its non-Chinese element. After

the characters withdraw from the stage, there is a last act — a Tibetan
sutra. In the script, this is written in Chinese characters according to the
pronunciation. An explanation in Chinese follows this sutra: “This is a
Tibetan song of praise. In the holy language of China (Sheng Hua yan 聖
華言 ) it means that Peking is so vast, it governs all lands with no
boundaries, and the throne in the main palace is like the altar of
Buddha. Today the emperor is hosting a banquet for the whole world. Of
the ten thousand states, none of them does not kowtow to the palace.
Niulielie 牛咧咧. A few sentences from this Buddhist sutra are enough to
drive away evil spirits and get rid of filth.”
Though there is no indication as to who should recite this sutra, the
fact that it was written in Chinese characters, not the Tibetan script,
suggests that it was performed by a non-Tibetan speaker. The main
theme of this drama is more about longevity rather than maintaining the
Manchu spirit, a subject close to Qianlong’s heart. This suggests that this
drama was probably compiled during the late years of Qianlong’s life.
During his later years Qianlong was very much into searching for magic
powers and black magic of one sort or another from Tibetan monks.83
According to a eunuch of the late Qing, another drama about
hunting was The Star of Longevity Goes Hunting (Shouxing dawei 壽星打
圍). The story was a metaphor based on Qianlong’s visit to the south.
The main character is the Star of Longevity. He wears Manchu costume,
as do all the officials. These are old men with white hair and beards, and
most of them are military officials. The full guard of honour and a
complete set of ceremonial music instruments are displayed. When they
arrive at the hunting field, soldiers are hunting deer, tigers, bears, and
wolves to present to the Star of Longevity. The Star then holds a feast to
entertain the officials. In this drama, the tunes were mixture of kun and
yiqiang. What is unusual about this drama is that the characters speak
Manchu. There is no script of the drama extant, and there is no record
of it ever having been performed. The recollection of the eunuch is the
only record of it. According to him, in the very last days of Cixi, a few
months before her death, she had this drama performed. Xin Xiuming
was one of the persons responsible for the production. 84 Given the
evidence of the hunting dramas mentioned above, this drama was most
likely a creation of the later years of Qianlong.
Tributary Drama
Foreign delegations usually presented their tribute during the period of
one of the three grand festivals. There were two types of such perfor-
mances: in one, various spirits, bodhisattvas, or historical figures were
shown offering their congratulations to the Son of Heaven. The other
depicted barbarian emissaries, awestruck at the power and might of the
Middle Kingdom, travelling thousands of li to present their tribute to the
court. There was a very strong continuity in palace ritual drama, and
even more so with tributary drama.85
Foreign barbarians presenting tribute were treated according to the
principles of binli 賓禮 (guest protocol or protocol rites). According to
the Zhouli, this term originally applied to visits by the feudal lords to the
Son of Heaven,86 but by the Tang, binli referred to the ceremonies and
protocols pertaining to the way the emperor entertained the monarchs
and ambassadors of the siyi 四夷, the “barbarians from the four quarters.”
The Ming applied these principles not only to barbarians but to Chinese
officials as well, and this practice was continued by the Qing. These
protocols applied to foreign ambassadors, barbarian kings and rulers, and
Chinese officials on visits to the capital. During the Qing, when tributary
delegations were received in audience by the emperor, the ceremonial
music played was the Suite to Control and Pacify (Zhiping zhi zhang 治平
之章). For Qing officials, the prescribed music was the Suite to Celebrate
the Peace (Qingping zhi zhang 慶平之章).87
Softening Men from Afar

During the official banquet, the music, dance, or other entertainment of
the tributary states was performed.88 This was to demonstrate the extent
to which Chinese power extended into peripheral areas. It was also part
of the process to “soften those who are from far away” (huairou yuan ren
89
懷柔遠人 ). When a country or territory was subdued by force, the
Chinese armies would “capture its music” (huo qi yue 獲其樂). When
Taizong 太宗 (Hongtaiji, 1592–1643) subdued Chahar, he “captured its
music and incorporated it into the banquet music. It was a Mongolian
tune.” When Gaozong (Qianlong) “pacified the Hui territories, he
captured their music, and included it at the end of the banquet music. It
was the music and the performing arts of the Hui territories.” When
Gaozong “pacified the Gurkhas, he captured their music, and included it

at the end of the banquet music. This was the music and dancing of the
Gurkhas.” If control over non-Chinese territories had been acquired
through non-military means, the term used was xian 獻 “to present.”
When Gaozong “pacified Jinchuan (in Western Sichuan), he captured
their music. Afterwards, when the Panchen Lama came to present tribute,
he presented their music, which was included at the end of the banquet.
This was Fan 番 (Tibetan) music.”90 In 1780, when the Panchen Lama
went to Rehe for Qianlong’s seventieth birthday celebrations, 91 he
“presented his music,” which was thereafter called “the Song of the
Panchen Erdeni.”92
These tunes and dances were not only part of the banquet ceremonies
surrounding tribute presentations; they became part of the palace musical
repertoire. Archival records show that even until the end of the Qing the
palace still performed Mongol, Korean, Vietnamese, Gurkha, and Burmese
music, while the Muslim Central Asian territories contributed wrestling
and lion dances.
In the Qing huidian and the archival records, only the titles of these
pieces were listed. Jin Qicong, after many years of searching, discovered
the words of sixty songs set to Mongolian music performed in the Qing
palaces. The language of these songs is elegant classical Chinese, and the
content praises the emperor and promotes Confucian moral concepts like
loyalty and filial piety. The music is probably authentic, but the lyrics
clearly reflect the political interests of the Qing court.93
Origins of the dramas

The court also had dramas especially written for tributary missions. Like
all ritual dramas, they had three origins. First, they were inherited from
previous dynasties, either adopted in their entirety or with very minor
alterations. There was a very strong continuity in palace ritual, including
ritual drama. Comparing Yuan and Ming dramas with Qing scripts, we
can see a surprising similarity in the degree of formality, the style of
language, and the content. Even the titles of the dramas did not change
much over the centuries. Dramas performed on the birthday of the
emperor and empress dowager were invariably about immortals coming
to offer congratulations and present auspicious items. Tributary dramas
invariably praised the virtue of the sage Son of Heaven, and the themes
were always along the lines of ten thousand states coming to pay tribute
and the like. Titles of the dramas, such as Worthies and Immortals Offer
Birthday Wishes (Zhuxian zhushou 諸仙祝壽) and Ten Thousand States
Come to Pay Tribute (Wanguo laichao 萬國來朝) were often exactly the
same under both the Ming and the Qing.94 The text of the drama for
celebrating the winter solstice, The Eighteen Scholars of Yingzhou, was the
same as its Ming antecedent, except that the character xuan 玄 in Fang
Xuanling 房玄齡’s name was changed to yuan 元 in the Qing version, to
avoid Kangxi’s name Xuan 玄.95
The second group were newly compiled dramas. To a large degree,
however, this group overlapped with the first. Qianlong ordered Zhang
Zhao and Prince Zhuang to compile some new dramas and ceremonial
music, and most Qing ritual drama scripts noted that they were “compiled
by Zhang Zhao.”96 In fact most of these so-called newly compiled dramas
were based on earlier scripts from previous dynasties, or were modified
versions of existing drama scripts.97
The third type included scripts presented to the emperor by officials
or scholars. On the emperor’s birthday, or when the emperor visited and
inspected regions outside the capital, local officials sometimes ordered
literati to compile drama scripts for the occasion.98 In 1712, the Zhejiang
scholar Qiu Lian 裘璉 (1644–1729) was asked to write a drama script
for Kangxi’s sixtieth birthday the following year. He wrote twelve
episodes with twelve themes; the eleventh was a tributary drama Ten
Thousand States Cheer Loftily (Wanguo songhu 萬國嵩呼).99 In 1759, Lü
Xingyuan 呂星垣 of Changzhou was ordered by the Governor-General of
Zhili to compile ten episodes of zaju to present to Qianlong. The titles
of all ten episodes start with the word wan 萬 (ten thousand). 100 In
1751, when Qianlong visited the south for the first time, the famous
literati Wu Cheng 吳城 and Li E 厲鶚 wrote The Immortals Wish
Longevity (Qunxian zhushou 群仙祝壽 ) and The Hundred Creatures
Express Their Devotion (Bailing xiaorui 百靈效瑞 ). 101 In 1780, when
Qianlong reached his seventieth year during his fifth visit to the South,
the bureaucrats organising the visit paid a high fee to Wang Wenzhi 王
文治 to write a special drama for the occasion. Wang wrote nine
episodes under the title New Songs to Welcome the Imperial Chariot
(Yingluan xinqu 迎鑾新曲).102 In 1786, when Qianlong visited Wutaishan
五臺山, local officials presented six dramas, amongst which the tributary
drama was predictably titled Ten Thousand States Come to Pay Tribute.103
And when Qianlong visited the Confucian temple in Qufu in 1748, one
of the ten dramas presented by the Kong 孔 family was the tributary
drama Ten Thousand States Cheer Loftily.104
These dramas were all much the same and had little in the way of a
plot. Sometimes the same lines would be sung in quite different dramas.
The major attraction was the spectacle, the special effects, the acrobatic
skill of the performers, and so on. This was the essential function of the
three-tiered stage built during the Qianlong period.105
Tributary ceremonies as depicted in palace drama

There were only a few tributary dramas routinely performed until the
late Qing. One of these was The Sea Must Not Cause Waves (Hai bu yang
bo 海不揚波 ). In this drama, the Princess of Dongting Lake 洞庭湖
receives a rescript from Shangdi 上帝 forbidding whales and sea monsters
from harming foreign envoys crossing the sea on their way to present
tribute to the sage ruler of China and ordering the sea not to permit
storms during their voyage. Her uncle, the Lord of Qiantang River 錢塘江,
suggests that such creatures as yuan-turtles 黿 and jiao-dragons 鮫
accompany her, but she fears their travelling in the sea could cause
troublesome waves, so she refuses. When all the envoys have safely
arrived, the princess returns the rescript to Shangdi. Such was the
content: very simple. But many songs and dances were included, and
many sea monsters and other rare creatures appeared on the stage.
The play Health and Prosperity Year after Year (Niannian kangtai 年年
康泰) depicted the eastern yi 夷, the southern man 蠻, the western rong 戎,
and the northern di 狄, along with the governors and governors-general
of the provinces, coming to the capital to present their respects to the
sage ruler. The barbarian envoys gathered at 5.00 a.m. at the Meridian
Gate of the Forbidden City. When the audience began, the emperor asked
his officials about the harvests in the provinces, to which they replied
that the wind was calm, the rain was kind, and the harvests were
excellent. The tributary memorials (biaowen 表文)106 were then presented.
At the end of the drama, the emperor gave a banquet in one of the side
halls to entertain the officials and the foreign envoys. The drama
concluded with the words “before (the delegations) return, (the emperor)
will bestow generous presents.” The details in the drama were determined
by and consistent with the regulations governing tributary visits.107
It is interesting to compare the details of palace paintings on the

theme of tributary missions with these dramas. In a description of a
painting titled Ten Thousand Envoys Come to Pay Tribute, dated 1761,
we read: “One of the iconic art objects of the Qianlong period, this very
large painting by court artists depicts foreign tribute missions gathering
in the courtyard just inside the southern gate of the Forbidden City,
waiting to present their gifts to the emperor during the New Year
celebrations. The presentation will take place in the Hall of Supreme
Harmony, in front of which eunuchs and officials are waiting. Most of
the Palace is veiled in the mist, but in the space to the right of the
Taihedian a group of eunuchs is preparing sets of return gifts for the
envoys … Waiting on the north side of the Gold Water Stream, the
Korean Envoy leads the group, followed by delegations with banners
bearing the names of their countries, including ‘Pacific Ocean, Brunei,
and Holland.’ … South of the Gold Water Stream, the Siamese envoys
are busy passing ivory tusks and mobilizing their two elephants.”108
The play Gathering of Foreign Kings under Ascendant Peace (Taiping
wanghui) described foreign spectators at the lantern festival held outside
the Qianmen, the major gate to the Inner Imperial City. In this play, the
inspecting censor first comes to inspect the scene. The Vice Commander
of the Five Wards tells him, “The Huitongguan 會同館 (the principal
office for hosting foreign envoys) has sent advice that there are currently
foreigners visiting the court. Tonight they are permitted to watch the
lantern festival. It is possible that some ruffians might cause trouble, and
we are advised to keep an eye on the situation. Soldiers, under the
command of the Vice Commander, will keep them under supervision,
and will not allow any incidents.” The inspecting censor sings in reply:
“Such a peaceful scene!” The nine yi of the east, the eight man of the
south, the six rong of the west, and the five di of the north109 appear
successively on stage, holding lanterns and performing various skills. The
inspecting censor says to some Chinese spectators, “You common people
are here to enjoy the moon and appreciate the lanterns. You must behave
peacefully and quietly.” To which the people reply, “Old Master, we
common people bathe in the kindness of the sage ruler and enjoy the
good fortune of peace. We have come to see these people from special
places and unusual areas. Our eyes have never seen such things before;
our ears have never heard such things before. How lucky we are!”
The name of this drama derived from an event recorded in the Jiu
Tangshu. In 629, the leader of the eastern xieman 謝蠻 presented his
tribute to the Tang court wearing his distinctive native costume. Yan
Shigu 顏師古 (581–645), the Attendant Gentleman of the Palace Secretary,
memorialised, “During the time of King Wu of the Zhou (周武王), there
was peace under Heaven, and countries from afar all pledged their
allegiance. This chapter in the Zhoushu 周書 was called the chapter on
the Gatherings of Foreign Kings (Wanghuipian 王會篇). Now ten thousand
countries come to pay tribute. We should make drawings of their
costumes as a record. I suggest we compile a book, Sketches of the
Gatherings of Foreign Kings.” 110 This particular drama displayed the
various different costumes and skills of the nine yi, the eight man, the
six rong, and the five di.111
In fact the Qing court did make a collection of drawings of the
costumes of all tributary delegations, under the title Illustrations of the
Regular Tribute States of the Qing Empire (Huangqing zhigong tu 皇清職貢圖).
In 1751 the Grand Secretary Fuheng 傅恆 (d. 1770), under instructions
from Qianlong, issued an order: “Our dynasty has unified the universe.
The internal and external Miao 苗 and similar [tribes] all manifest
sincerity in their transformation. Their costumes and appearances are
different. Now all governors of frontier provinces should make drawings
according to the costumes of the Miao, Yao 猺, Li 黎, Zhuang 獞, and
other external barbarians. They should then present them to the Portrait
Department in the Grand Council. When the completed collection is ready,
it will be presented to the emperor for approval. This manifests the
prosperity of the occasion of gathering of foreign kings.”112
The Qing archives indicate that The Sea Must Not Cause Waves and
The Gathering of Foreign Kings under Ascendant Peace were performed at
banquets for court officials and Mongolian princes hosted by the emperor
on the sixteenth day of the first month of every year.113
Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas and the Macartney mission

Usually the tribute dramas had no particular reference to the current
dynasty or current events. The characters were either immortals or
non-specific tributary states, though sometimes the stories were based on
historical figures. The Ming version of the play Ten Thousand States Come
to Pay Tribute was based events in the early Han, though tributary envoys
from the Huihui, Tufan, Vietnamese, and Koreans also appear.114 The
Qing version of Yi and Di Barbarians Pay Tribute at Court (Yi Di lai
chao 夷狄來朝) is a story about emperor Renzong of the Song and the
northern barbarians. In most Qing tributary dramas only non-specific
terms like the eastern yi, the southern man, the western rong, and the
northern di are used. The text of the drama itself does not indicate in
which dynasty it was compiled or performed. As far as I have been able
to ascertain, there was only one such exception to this general
observation: the drama performed for the Macartney mission in 1793.
When Macartney arrived in China, the Qing empire was at the
height of its power. Britain was not one of the traditional tributary
states, but its envoys nevertheless announced their intention of presenting
gifts on the occasion of the emperor’s birthday. This greatly appealed to
the vanity of the eighty-three-year-old Qianlong. He took a close personal
interest in the details of the arrangements for the British delegation. The
compilation Archival Material on the Macartney Mission lists 783 extant
documents, including Qianlong’s edicts, official memorials, and written
communications between organisations. None mention any details of the
performance on this occasion, except for brief notes like “they were led
to the west veranda to watch the drama performance.”115
Macartney noted in his memoirs that “the theatrical entertainment
consisted of great variety, both tragical and comical,” but he did not
understand what the ritual dramas were all about. On the last one, he wrote,
It seemed to me, as far as I could comprehend it, to represent the marriage of the
Ocean and the Earth. The latter exhibited her various riches and productions,
dragons and elephants and tigers and eagles and ostriches; oaks and pines, and
other trees of different kinds. The Ocean was not behindhand, but poured forth
on the stage the wealth of his dominions under the figures of whales and dolphins,
porpoises and leviathans, and other sea-monsters, besides ships, rocks, shells,
sponges and corals, all performed by concealed actors who were quite perfect in
their parts, and performed their characters to admiration. These two marine and
land regiments, after separately parading in a circular procession for a consider-
able time, at last joined together, and forming one body, came to the front of the
stage, when, after a few evolutions, they opened to the right and left to give room
for the whale, who, taking his station exactly opposite to the Emperor’s box,
spouted out of his mouth into the pit several tons of water, which quickly disap-
peared through the perforations of the floor. This ejaculation was received with
the highest applause, and two or three of the great men at my elbow desired me to
take particular notice of it, repeating at the same time “Hoha, hung hoha”
(“Charming, delightful!”).116
This description would suit quite a few of the standard ritual dramas
with the general theme of envoys and immortals crossing the sea to pay
tribute to the Chinese emperor, if it were not for the last detail about
the whale. Idema suggested that the play in question might have been
Arhats Crossing the Sea.117 In this drama, an arhat receives an order from
Śakyamuni to travel to the Divine Land (shenzhou 神州) of China to
congratulate the sage ruler on his birthday. The dragon king, his
daughter, his generals, and the bodhisattvas Guanyin 觀音 and Weituo 韋
馱 all appear in this drama. Choreographically it was very complex, and
had to be performed on a three-tiered stage. 118 It was performed
throughout the Qing, until the dynasty’s demise.
Arhats Crossing the Sea was indeed one of the routine dramas
presented during the emperor’s birthday celebrations. Others were Golden
Lotuses Rising from the Earth (Diyong jinlian 地湧金蓮), Fortune, Wealth,
and Longevity (Fu Lu Shou 福祿壽 ), Worthies Offer Birthday Wishes
(Qunxian zhushou), and many others.119
In the archives, however, I discovered the manuscript of the drama
that was especially commissioned by Qianlong for the Macartney visit. It
is titled Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas (Sihai shengping 四海昇平).120
The story was similar to Arhats Crossing the Sea, except that the main
character was not an arhat, but Wenchang 文昌, the God of Literature. In
this drama, Wenchang leads a group of star spirits (xing shen 星神) to
the Divine Land to offer their congratulations to the emperor. On the
way they pass over the sea, where they witness a mirage (haishi 海市), an
auspicious sign from heaven.
The play begins with the cloud spirits holding banners (representing
auspicious clouds) and coming out from the Longevity Stage (the lowest
tier of the three-tiered stage), where they perform a dance. Then the
Golden Lad and the Jade Maiden introduce Wenchang, who leads sixteen
star spirits onto the stage from the Platform of the Immortals (the
mezzanine stage at the back side of the lowest stage).
Wenchang then announces:
Our compliments to the sage Son of Heaven, most benevolent and most filial,
knower of all things and moral relations, inheritor of the great cause of the most
illustrious virtue of King Wen and the achievements of King Wu! The ten
thousand states look up in admiration at your magnificent achievements, achiever

of the great plan of weaving the strands of heaven and earth. Within the four seas
all acclaim your name and teachings, your benevolent influence reaches as far as
the eight deserts, your kindness reaches as deep as the four extremities. There is
no violent wind or excessive rain in the skies, and no waves rising from the sea.
And so the country of Yingjili (England), gazing in admiration at your imperial
majesty, sincerely presents its tribute to the court. That country is several times
farther away than Vietnam. Some people have travelled from there with great
difficulty for several years, and yet they have not always succeeded in reaching the
shores of China. The boats of this tribute mission, however, departed in the first
month of the New Year, and by the sixth month they had already reached the area
around the capital. Oh sage Son of Heaven, this is due to your benevolence and
virtue reaching heaven, so the ten thousand spiritual essences are obedient to your
will. If they did not have some supernatural being to escort them, how could their
voyage be so swift and easy? This will be recorded in historical records. It is a
marvel the likes of which has not been seen since ancient times. Today the time
has come for them to present their tributary memorial (biaowen) and be rewarded
with a banquet. It is a great ceremony, joining heaven and man in celebration.
This humble spirit (xiao shen 小神)121 also bathes in this glory, so I am hurrying
to the court audience, together with the star spirits, to the Divine Land to offer
our congratulations.
All the characters on the stage then join in similar praise of the
emperor. In the meanwhile, a large cloud-tray (yunban 雲板) was lowered
from the heaven-well (tianjing 天井). Wenchang, the Golden Lad, and the
Jade Maiden ascend the cloud-tray. At this point, a mirage (haishi)
appears on the stage, and from the earth-pits (dijing 地井) all sorts of
sea creatures suddenly appear: shrimp spirits, fish spirits, turtle spirits,
snake spirits, clam spirits, and so on.
Wenchang sings, “Ya! Suddenly waves arise one after the other.
Surging, turbulent waves. What is the reason for that? The guard retainers
are calling on the dragon kings of the four seas to attend an audience.”
The four dragon kings come onto the stage from the earth-pits.
Wenchang says, “We are going to the Divine Land to offer our
congratulations. As we pass by the seashore, water creatures appear. Why
are they in our way?”
The dragon kings reply, “The sea has been calm for many years.
However, there is a stubborn and stupid giant turtle whose huffing and
puffing is causing these winds and waves. This is the reason the clouds (on
which we travel) have been obstructed.” Wenchang replies, “After the

English envoys have presented their tributary memorial and have finished
the banquet bestowed on them, within a few days they will receive cere-
monial gifts from the emperor and be sent back. So the sea route should
be clear of danger, and you sea spirits should protect them so that they
can enjoy a smooth and secure voyage across the sea and return to their
country safely. Only in this way will they gaze up in awe at the benevo-
lent and virtuous heart of our sage ruler. How can we tolerate these fish
vermin raising wind and making waves?”
The star spirits then start fighting with the sea monsters. More sea
monsters appear from the earth-pit, including the giant turtle himself.
On Wenchang’s side, the thunder, lightning, wind, rain, tide, and river
spirits lend their assistance. A battle ensues, the characters leaping up and
down the three levels of the stage. In the end Wenchang and his allies
achieve victory over the giant turtle and the various sea monsters. A
huge treasure urn appears on the stage. On the urn there are four
characters: Sihai shengping (Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas). Wenchang
says, “The sage Son of Heaven, in his extreme virtue, has reconciled them
and brought them under control, and the hundred spirits are compliant.
As a result the four seas are indeed at peace.” The various spirits chime
in, “Indeed, the four seas are at peace for tens of thousands of years!”
The drama ends with all joining in a paean of praise for the emperor.
This drama is a kunqu, combining both northern and southern
tunes. A total of six northern and four southern tunes are used in
rotation (one southern tune is used twice). It starts and ends with
northern tunes and, following the Ming chuanqi 傳奇 convention, the
main character Wenchang sings the northern tunes and the other
characters sing the southern tunes.122
The script I examined is the palace repository copy and has a
stylistic amendment made by Qianlong in vermilion ink, changing the
word for “congratulate” from qingzhu 慶祝 to qinghe 慶賀 , which
Qianlong apparently thought was more elegant. The script was also
punctuated with vermilion ink. Qianlong clearly read the script quite
carefully before it was performed. This copy has an annotation on the
front cover: Drama No. Seven: Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas. The
duration of ritual drama was usually 30 to 40 minutes, except banquet
dramas, which were much shorter. From the script we know this one was
40 minutes long. We learn from Macartney’s memoirs that the drama
performance lasted nearly five hours.123 So we can reasonably presume

that eight dramas were performed that day, and that this was the second
to last drama performed, the final one being Arhats Crossing the Sea. It
was common practice for the importance of a particular drama to
determine its order in the performance. Arhats Crossing the Sea was
performed last because it was more auspicious. The story is even simpler,
and it does not have any interference from sea monsters and evil spirits.
As a climax, the whale spouting out tons of water made a spectacular
end to the day’s entertainment.
Reasons for commissioning a special drama

From this script, we can see that the Qing court regarded the Macartney
mission as a tributary delegation, the same as from any other tributary
state. It differed only in that it was farther away than Vietnam and the
journey to China was far more difficult. For this reason, the emperor
wanted to show particular benevolence in order to reward their sincerity.
This drama includes some actual details particularly related to the
Macartney mission amongst the usual historical myths and stories. It
specifically mentions England and the time it took to reach China.
Macartney departed from Portsmouth on September 26, 1792, not in the
“first month,” which corresponds to the period from February 11 to
March 11 of 1793. They did reach China in the sixth month, however,
which corresponded to the period from July 8 to August 6, 1793.
Macartney arrived at Tianjin on July 24.
Macartney’s records also confirm the presentation of the “tributary
memorial” to the emperor and the subsequent banquet. Macartney did
not have a chance to raise the main matter of his mission with the
emperor at Rehe, and he hoped to be able to extend his time in China
to continue his negotiations. The court attitude, however, was clearly
expressed by Wenchang: “After the English envoys have presented their
tributary memorial and have finished the banquet bestowed on them,
within a few days they will receive ceremonial gifts from the emperor
and be sent back.” These arrangements had already been made before
their audience with Qianlong. Macartney did not understand the message
the drama was meant to make clear. He only learnt the bad news after
he returned to Peking, when he heard “through unidentified sources that
high officials, claiming that under Chinese law, embassies were allowed to
remain in China no longer than forty days, wanted the British to

depart.”124 He went to Heshen to try to extend their stay. He even assured
Heshen that his king would pay the expenses for a longer visit. His
efforts failed.
All the records indicate that Qianlong’s attitude toward the mission
changed dramatically during the time of its presence in China, from
benevolent and flexible to strict and uncompromising. When he first
learnt that a far away country, not a traditional tributary state, was going
to pay tribute on the occasion of his birthday, Qianlong was elated. He
remained pleased even when there were conflicts between the delegation
and court officials over protocol, concerning which he blamed his own
officials for their lack of flexibility.
The turning point came when the British presented their “tribute.”
The British insisted on certain conditions concerning the installation of
the scientific instruments. First, once they were installed, they could not
be dismantled. Second, as some of them were very large, the space
allocated to them in the palace might not be sufficient. Thirdly, it would
take one month to finish the installation. These conditions were reported
to Qianlong by Zhengrui 徵瑞 (1734–1815), the special imperial envoy
looking after the mission. These conditions angered Qianlong, who
believed that the British were being arrogant. From then on, he
repeatedly made two points in several edicts. First, these presents were
nothing special: they could be made in the imperial workshop. Second,
he did not value exotic things. His comment on Zhengrui’s memorial
noted, “Zhengrui has only been in Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Tianjin as a salt
commissioner. He has never been posted to the customs service at
Canton. Therefore he is not familiar with western clocks and the like.
That’s why he was intimidated by the tributary envoy’s words.”125
Qianlong revealed more in the only poem he wrote on this subject,
titled “Poem recording that the king of the red-haired English sent his
envoy Macartney, and others, bearing a tributary memorial.” The poem
reads as follows: “In the past, Portugal presented tribute, now England is
paying homage. They have travelled even farther than Shuhai 豎亥 and
Hengzhang 橫章. 126 The merit and virtue of my ancestors must have
reached their distant shores. Although I regard their tribute and presents
as quite ordinary, my heart approves their sincerity. I do not prize their
curios and the exaggerated ingenuity of their devices. It would be better
if they brought only a few trifles. I rewarded them generously. That is
how I deeply and sincerely strive to preserve prosperity and peace.” 127
This poem was written on a tapestry, with an illustration of British
sailors carrying the gifts for display in the grounds of the Yuanmingyuan.
The tapestry was given to the British as a present.128 In the collection of
Qianlong’s poems, this poem has very extensive notes, which of course
do not appear on the tapestry.129 There is a note between the last line
and the second-to-last line: “Barbarians from afar coming to pay tribute
is a form of reverence and obedience. This is certainly praiseworthy. Since
I do not cherish exotic things, there is nothing wrong with bringing little
presents. The only important thing is that they should bring little and
are rewarded generously. This is the principle of how our celestial empire
treats men from afar.” Qianlong seems to have been possessed by this
idea. To him it reflected the cultural and material superiority of China.
We know that the Qing court was, in fact, very keen on European
goods. Kangxi was openly fascinated with “exotic things,” including
animals.130 From time to time Qianlong issued edicts to the Governor-
General of Guangdong and Guangxi and to the Customs Service of
Canton, ordering them to purchase European products or recruit Western
artisans. In 1749 he issued an edict to the Governor-General, “The clocks
and other Western items presented to me before were not made in the
West. From now on, if you are going to present clocks, Western utensils,
gold and silver fabrics, woollen rugs and so on, they must be made
overseas.” In 1756 he ordered the Governor-General, “Find several good
quality, large-sized clocks to present to me. Do not spare the expense.”131
He wrote quite a few poems in praise of “exotic things” — for example,
three on the telescope. In a poem about western clocks, he wrote, “The
great fame of our empire spreads over the earth. Foreign visitors climb
mountains and cross oceans to come to our court. They present strange
things like chiming clocks. Layers and layers of bronze wheels and iron
strings, with shafts and axles rolling within. They are exquisite and
ingenious beyond compare; one wonders if they are supernatural work.
The sweat of Lu Ban 魯班132 could not produce them.”133 Qianlong clearly
valued these “exotic things” very much. In this case, however, he found it
convenient to take his advice from the Shujing: “A prince … should not
… value strange things…. When he does not look on foreign things as
precious, foreigners will come to him; when it is worth which is precious
to him, his own people near at hand will enjoy repose.”134
Qianlong may have told his officials that these things were nothing
unusual, but at the same time he ordered them to have Chinese artisans
watch the British installing various items of scientific equipment, and to
make sure they learned how to do so. When the memorial containing
this information did not arrive immediately, he was very upset. He noted,
“The tributary envoys arrived at the Yuanmingyuan on the seventeenth
day, that is, six days ago. The report should have arrived by today. I
would have thought Jinjian 金簡 [d. 1794] and the others would have
reported how these instruments were installed, and that Westerners (from
the Imperial Astronomical Bureau) and head eunuchs would be watching
the process, so that they would master these methods and other details. I
didn’t expect that there would not be a single word from them. I really
am at a loss to understand.”135 After the British left, many of the presents,
such as jewellery and objets d’art, and even small things like buttons and
scissors, were treated with great care. The original boxes they had come
in were lined with special imperial yellow silk, or special boxes were
made to accommodate them. Paintings were provided with frames made
from the expensive wood of the nanmu 楠木 tree. Many of these
arrangements were made by Qianlong himself. 136 He also ordered the
artists in the imperial studio, the Ruyiguan 如意館, to draw illustrations
of large items presented by Macartney and the envoys of other Western
countries. When the drawings were presented to Qianlong, he was
unhappy with the quality. Fuchang’an 傅長安 and Fengshen Yinde 豐紳殷
德 (the only son of Heshen, married to Qianlong’s favourite daughter; d.
1810), who had supervised this task, were fined three months’ salary and
other people responsible were punished in various ways. The illustrations
were redrawn.137
Qianlong frequently commissioned special music and dramas in
praise of major military victories, the text of the dramas mostly drawing
on the classics.138 A major ritual drama, Eight Rows of Men Dancing in
the Courtyard of Yu, was compiled after his military suppression of the
western regions in 1760. In comparison, when Kangxi defeated the Three
Feudatories in 1681 and suppressed Zheng Chenggong 鄭成功 in Taiwan
in 1683, he spent one thousand taels of gold on a performance of the
Mulian saga outside the palace as a public celebration.139 But he did not
order the compilation of a specific drama or music to eulogize his
achievements. In 1685, only a few years after these major campaigns,
Kangxi issued an edict to the Grand Secretaries: “From now on, when
you draft an edict, you may not use such exaggerated verbiage like
‘pacification of distant territories’ or ‘ascendant peace in the four seas.’”140
In 1702, he issued another edict to the Grand Secretaries and nine chief
ministers, stating that “a ruler should not depend on searching the
classics for extravagant quotations.”141
Qianlong’s propensity for self-glorification through drama is another
example of what Crossley has called his “fascination for monumentality.”142
As Kent Guy noted, “few institutions in world history have produced as
much verbiage as the Ch’ien-lung monarchy did.”143
A combination of insecurity and pompousness led to Qianlong’s
capricious behaviour. This fickle nature and consequent inconsistent treat-
ment was a “mystery” to Macartney,144 and often a mystery to modern
historians as well. Qianlong still remains “most elusive” and “an enigma.”145
Later versions of Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas

Qianlong provided a complete set of ritual dramas, in fact a complete set
of palace rituals, for succeeding emperors to follow. In the early years of
the Daoguang period the Nanfu consulted the Qianlong archives before
they decided on the procedures for the emperor’s daily agenda.146 No new
ritual drama was composed after Qianlong — the old ones were slightly
amended by covering parts of the original text with pieces of yellow
paper to correspond to different circumstances.147
There are two other extant editions of Ascendant Peace in the Four
Seas, the Jiaqing and Guangxu versions. Both versions reflect the political
realities of the time. Qianlong may have been disappointed with
Macartney’s visit, but Jiaqing’s experience with British envoys was even
less satisfactory. In both versions, all references to the Macartney mission
were deleted. Jiaqing inserted the suppression of Cai Qian 蔡牽 (1761–
1809) in the drama, and it was no longer performed to entertain
tributary delegations.
From Jiaqing onwards, the Qing was facing serious internal and soon
external crises. The rituals were still performed, according to the
regulations, but the magnificence and splendour of the earlier period, not
to mention the solemnity and decorum of the participants, could not be
maintained. In 1819 Jiaqing was furious about the sloppiness, confusion,
and lack of decorum displayed at a banquet bestowed on tributary envoys:
Imperial Edict: On certain state celebrations and annual festivals the court holds
banquets in the Taihedian, Baohedian 保和殿 , Zhengda Guangmingdian,
Ziguangge 紫光閣, and the Shangao shuichang 山高水長, in accordance with the
regulations decreed by the (former) emperor. These are state rituals. All officials
in charge of these rituals should be disciplined and serious to show respect for the
court rituals. Recently, however, officials in charge of banquets and the
commander general of the guards have neglected to rehearse the rituals or make
detailed plans for the banquets. They have tolerated inconsistencies and mistakes,
and are not in the least serious. This shows a serious lack of respect. This year, on
the occasion of the New Year, I went to the Taihedian to host a state banquet. I saw
with my own eyes that there were as many as fifty to sixty empty tables in the hall.
What sort of a system is this? Should we not be concerned that foreign envoys will
privately laugh at us? Is it because the responsible yamen over-planned, or is it
because some officials who should have attended the banquet did not do so? What
is more, just as I was leaving my seat, I could hear a dreadful ruckus going on in
148
the hall. This system is perverse.
The late Qing versions of Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas make no
mention of current affairs. References to the rule of the sage Son of
Heaven were replaced by the term “tutelage of the sage Empress
Dowager” (xunzheng 訓政) and Wenchang says he is going to the capital,
rather than the Divine Land, to offer his congratulations on a long life.
In this we can see the hand of the empress dowager, who obviously had
this play performed on the occasion of her birthday.
By the Guangxu period, China’s relations with its various tributary
nations had become of little importance, and banquets for barbarian
envoys were a matter of tedious routine. The archives contain a
document from the Grand Council to the Neiwufu dated 1888: “Recently
at banquets held for tributary envoys, the yamens involved in preparing
the food were sloppy, and used inferior ingredients to cut costs. The food
was so bad it could not be eaten. From now on, officials responsible for
such banquets should conscientiously manage this matter.”149 It is not
likely this directive had any effect.
There were no causes for celebration in the Qing court after the
Daoguang period. Ritual celebration dramas became empty entertainment
with no relevance to current affairs, a far cry from the specially
commissioned dramas reflecting the political triumphs and national
prestige of the Qianlong period.
Entertainment in the Palace

Due to their continuity in themes and formalities, ritual dramas not only
remained the same during the Qing; they changed very little from the
same types of drama in previous dynasties. Even the new drama series
compiled under Qianlong’s orders still followed the same principles
insisted on by Kangxi. The extant scripts in the palace library reveal that
a large number of entertainment dramas are from famous or anonymous
writers of the Yuan, Ming, and Qing. They included Guan Hanqing 關漢
卿 (Yuan, c.1210–c.1298); Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 (1550–1616), Ruan Dazhen
阮大鍼, Xu Wei 徐渭 (1521–1593) (Ming); and Hong Sheng 洪昇 (1645–
1704) and Li Yu 李玉 (c.1590–c.1560) (early Qing).150 Until the nineteenth
century, apart from commercial troupes and actors occasionally
summoned to perform for the court, palace drama remained elite and
traditional in contrast with popular drama outside.
However, the more private nature of these drama performances
sometimes reveals very personal information concerning the emperors
and the imperial family which could not otherwise be found, in more
official records.
Daxi — The Grand Drama Performances

Kangxi started to revise the old drama scripts left by the Ming, but only
on a small scale. Qianlong ordered his two grand ministers, Prince
Zhuang and Zhang Zhao, to compile a set of ritual dramas for all
occasions and a grand drama series (daxi) based on famous Chinese
novels and stories. These included The Journey to the West (Xiyouji 西遊記),
under the title Precious Raft for a Peaceful Era (Shengping baofa 昇平寳筏);
Golden Rules for Promoting Virtue (Quanshan jinke 勸善金科), based on
the Mulian stories; The Romance of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguo yanyi 三
國演義), under the title Annals of the Tripartite Division (Dingzhi chunqiu
鼎峙春秋); The Water Margin (Shuihuzhuan 水滸傳), under the title Jade
Portrait of Loyalty and Righteousness (Zhongyi xuantu 忠義璇圖); and
Female Generals of the Yang Family (Zhaodai xiaoshao 昭代簫韶), based
on the Tales of the Northern Song (Beisong yanyi 北宋演義). All these
dramas retained the Song, Jin, and Yuan drama formalities known as
zhiyu 致語: a respectful salutation to the audience; the first episode, or
prologue, with singing and dancing; and then a character asks, “Dare I
ask the people in charge, what story is going to be performed today?”
The announcer then gives the name of the drama and why it is written,
and for what moral purpose.151
Both Precious Raft for a Peaceful Era and Golden Rules for Promoting
Virtue were the works of Zhang Zhao. According to Zhaolian, “The words
and tunes were all made by Zhang Zhao himself. The language is
beautiful and full of allusions and quotations from the classics. They are
absolutely wonderful.”152 Prince Zhang was in charge of compiling Annals
of the Tripartite Division and Jade Portrait of Loyalty and Righteousness,
but in fact they were the works of two ghost writers, Zhou Xiangyu 周祥
153
鈺 and Zou Jinsheng 鄒金生. “They copied existing Yuan and Ming
drama scripts and tunes. However, the quality of these was not as high
as those from Zhang Zhao.” 154 The preface of the Precious Raft for a
Peaceful Era states that the aim of the drama is “to make all labourers
and servants and maids under Heaven hear and understand this lesson,
as if there were a mountain of knives and a forest of swords in front of
them. They should be aware of it, not only when they are in a clear-
minded state, also in their dreams they should remain fearful.” In the
note on conventions (fanli 凡例), the author says that this version is from
the Mulian drama series, “but the old versions were vulgar and the
musical scores were in chaos. Now we have polished the music again and
again, to get rid of mistakes and return to correctness. We have revised
the score several times before reaching this final version. Only two or
three parts out of ten of the old version remain in this version.” The
notes also tell us the pronunciation is according to the Zhongyuan yinyun
中原音韻. In the opening episode, the prologue, there is first a brief song
entreating people to learn the moral lessons from the drama, exhorting
them: “You should all not be unworthy of the current emperor’s effort.”
The dialogue continues:
May we ask what story is going to be performed on the stage today? … Today we
are going to perform Mulian Saves his Mother (Mulian jiu mu 目連救母) and
Golden Rules for Promoting Virtue … This chuanqi has been around for a long
time. Why it is called Golden Rules for Promoting Virtue? … This chuanqi was
originally only about one family’s deeds and retributions in the nether world and
their reincarnations. Mountains of knives and forests of swords are not enough to
inspire people’s compassion. Examples of evil are not enough to warn people. The
current emperor takes pity on children with minds of mud, using these puppets
to demonstrate punishments and rewards… So we deleted the old and added the
new, making the vulgar elegant … to demonstrate retribution of good and evil,
and the ultimate power of the heaven … All stupid men and women must
understand that they should be loyal to the emperor and filial to their parents,
respect the old, overcome greediness and lust, remember these lessons in their
hearts, and follow them in their actions…. Members of the audience! Do not
regard this as merely the usual spectacular dancing and novel singing.
Some experts claim that Zhang Zhao was also the author or one of
the authors of Female Generals of the Yang Family, but that is by no
means definite. 155 The extant script in the palace museum is from the
Jiaqing period. This can neither prove nor disprove its authorship. The
earliest version of this story is the Jinyuanben 金院本, which already
existed in Southern Song and Yuan drama. During the Ming, the palace
had its own version, which focused on the moral concepts of loyalty and
betrayal. In the Qing palace version, more orthodox behaviour replaced
some of the more outrageous behaviour of the female members of the
Yang family.156 According to the notes on the conventions,
Female Generals of the Yang Family is from the yanyi 演義 of the Northern Song.
Checking the historical records, only the stories about (the battle between) Yang
Ye 楊業 and Chen Jiagu 陳家谷 are true. The rest are fictional, the result of later
generations’ admiration for Yang Ye’s loyalty and courage… Based on the
Northern Song version, and using proper history as a guiding principle, we have
created a new drama.
[The prologue begins:] “May we ask the people on the stage, what story is
going to be performed today?”
“We will perform the Tales of the Northern Song, also called the Female
Generals of the Yang Family.”
“Tales of the Northern Song has been around for a long time; how come it is
also called Female Generals of the Yang Family?”
“This chuanqi was originally was about the family of Yang Ye, which
exerted their utmost in their loyalty to the country … But Pan Mei 潘美 and
others formed evil gangs to harm the virtuous. These (evil gangs) must be
definitely eliminated during any sagely-ruled dynasties; they must not be
pardoned. As for people like the members of Yang Ye’s family, and people like
Jiao Zan 焦贊 , Meng Liang 孟良 and others, their loyalty and integrity fill
Heaven and Earth (qiankun 乾坤); their achievements go beyond the times; their
names shine in history and manifest integrity under the sun and the moon. The
current emperor, as a ruler and as a teacher, educates and transforms all lives; he
forges and cultivates the ten thousand things. He uses puppets to awaken the
stupid and unenlightened; he inspires loyalty and filial piety by things easily
understood by all. He was so generous with the small amount of spare time he
was able to squeeze from his attendance to the ten thousand affairs of state, to
forge the mirror for a thousand years to come. Deleting and revising the old
history, turning stone into gold, making loyal and righteous men immortal; and
revealing sycophancy to all. These treacherous officials were not executed in
their own times, but they will be punished in the nether world by later
generations. This story will stimulate the anger and joy of the audience. Because
the old title is not elegant, we have changed its name to Zhaodai xiaoshao, which
serves the purpose of praising ascendant peace and maintaining social morality.
Everybody in the audience, do not take this spectacular dancing and novel
singing as a mere performance.”
The Annals of the Tripartite Division was slightly more formal. The
usual zhiyu takes two episodes to complete. In the first, various
manifestations of the Buddha come out to praise the current emperor
and his achievements, well known even far away, so that all countries
come to pay tribute. In the second, the dialogue asks, “What drama is
going to be performed?” “Today’s performance is called Annals of the
Tripartite Division.” “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms has been around
for a long time; how come it is called Annals of the Tripartite Division?”
“This chuanqi was originally about stories of the late Han…. The original
story is full of mistakes. The current sage ruler is concerned about the
stupid and the unenlightened. He wants to use puppets on the stage to
educate and warn, to arouse the deaf and enlighten the benighted… Our
aim is to make all stupid men and women under heaven understand the
concepts of loyalty to their ruler and filial piety to their parents.
Everybody in the audience should not take this spectacular dancing and
novel singing as a mere performance.”
Each of these dramas has two hundred and forty episodes and took
several months to perform. The costumes and props were reserved for
that particular drama. Extravagance on this scale could only be afforded
during the peak of the dynasty and when the current emperor was keen
enough to commit so much expenditure on drama.
Expression of personal emotions reflected in ceremonial

drama — Qianlong and his brother
Two dramas, Buddha’s Decree on Redeeming the Demon (Fo zhi du mo) and
The Demon King Responds to Buddha (Mowang da Fo), were performed
on the Yulan penhui, the Ghost Festival. According to some experts, 157
these were very unusual dramas. Their suggestion is that Qianlong chose
this theme because of his relationship with his brother, Prince He 和恭親
158
王 (Hongzhou 弘晝, 1712–1770).
According to Harold Kahn,
Until his eleventh year Ch’ien-lung was brought up in his father’s household. His
closest companion was Hung-chou, his half-brother and junior by three months.
The two young princes shared their meals, their lessons, and their beds … After
Ch’ien-lung became emperor, Hung-chou became something of an embarrass-
ment to the throne — a genuine eccentric with a taste for the bizarre and a
contempt for the niceties of court etiquette … He is best known however for his
private antics, and fortunately for him he had both the means and the patronage
to indulge his tastes at will. Ch’ien-lung had made him a gift of all the contents of
their father’s private estate and he was apparently the wealthiest prince in the
realm; Ch’ien-lung too, for what appears to have been private and family reasons,
seems to have looked with a benign eye on the erratic behavior of his brother.
Thus Hung-chou got off without a reprimand when he struck the august person
of the grand secretary and military commander, No-ch’in at court. He fared less
well at the hands of his own house guests, however, who reportedly used to cover
their ears in genuine dismay at the cacophonic performances of classical opera
which he presented transposed in a popular but completely inappropriate mode
of the time. His favorite pastime, however, was to hold Hamlet-like rehearsals of
his own funeral ceremony. He enjoyed the pomp and mock seriousness of the
business and would feast and drink while the macabre scene was played out before
his eyes. While this was properly an offense against propriety he seems never to
have received an official rebuke, and if we can believe the sources Ch’ien-lung and
his brother remained friends for the remainder of their lives.159
Hongzhou remained outrageous all his life and gained the nickname
Mo’erye 魔二爺 “Number Two Demon Master.” It was said that when he
wanted money, he would put a sign on the Donghuamen of the palace:
“Imperial City for Sale.” 160 Records reveal that Hongzhou sometimes
narrowly avoided reprimand or punishment. One year, when the court
was holding examinations for students from the Eight Banners in the
palace, the examiner was Hongzhou. When it was noon, he suggested
that Qianlong might leave to have a rest. Qianlong didn’t feel that
Hongzhou had enough authority to deal with these bannermen, so he
decided not to leave. Hongzhou was very upset. He said to Qianlong,
“Don’t you trust me? Are you afraid I have been bought by these
students?” Qianlong left without a word. The next day, Hongzhou

suddenly realized that his behaviour was dangerous. He went to see
Qianlong to beg for forgiveness. Qianlong said to him, “Had I responded
to you yesterday, you would have argued with me. In that case you
would have been crushed into pieces. But I know you meant well, so I
forgave you. From now on, you must be more careful.” Some time later
Hongzhou and his younger brother Hongzhan 弘瞻 (1733–1765) went to
the palace to see the empress dowager. When they knelt down in front of
her, they took the place where Qianlong usually knelt. Qianlong accused
both of them of “not acting according to the rules” and fined Hongzhou
three years’ income.
In 1752, Hongzhou and four other princes were ordered to make an
inventory of the warehouses. They did not take the task seriously.
Qianlong was very angry and asked the Zongrenfu 宗人府 (the Imperial
Clan Court) to examine the case and give advice. The Zongrenfu decided
on some fines. Qianlong thought the Zongrenfu was just shielding their
fellow princes, and he ordered that the prince in charge of the Zongrenfu
be punished. He referred the original case to the Censorate. The
Censorate didn’t know what to do. They guessed that since Qianlong was
angry with the light sentences of the Zongrenfu, the princes should be
given more severe punishment. They suggested that they all be stripped
of their titles. This made Qianlong even more furious: “There has never
been a precedent that princes with no serious faults be demoted to
commoners…. You only wanted to cover yourselves; you have no
intention to serve the country.” The final decision was that all officials
involved with this case in the Censorate had their titles removed, but
they were permitted to stay in office. Five princes, including Hongzhou,
were fined one year’s income.161
Stories about Hongzhou’s behaviour were still current in the late
Qing. The palace personnel were convinced that the two episodes about
the tirelessly kind Buddha and his ungrateful and unrepentant demon
brother were indeed the way Qianlong saw the relationship between
himself and Hongzhou.162
Relations between Cixi and Guangxu and the selection of

drama
After the Hundred Days Reform, Cixi often ordered a Peking Opera
called Retribution of Lightning from Heaven (Tianleibao 天雷報). The story
is about a childless couple, who adopt a child lost during the chaos of
war. When the child is thirteen, he is found by his natural mother and
returned to his natural parents. The couple is so heartbroken they can
no long look after their small shop and become beggars. The child,
Zhang Jinbao 張金寳 , studies hard and is awarded the prize of
zhuangyuan in the imperial examinations. Under pressure from his
natural parents, Zhang Jinbao goes to meet the old couple, but he refuses
to recognize them. They are so devastated they hit their heads against the
wall and die. Just as Zhang Jinbao is leaving the Qingfengting 清風亭, he
is struck by lightning.163
Cixi could see certain parallels with Guangxu. She brought him into
the palace when he was four years old, raised him, and made him
emperor. She saw Guangxu’s support for the Reform Movement as
ungrateful and unfilial. She even ordered that Zhang Jinbao’s role, a sheng
生 (young man), be changed to chou (clown) and added five more
thunder and lightning characters to make the scene of Zhang Jinbao’s
death more spectacular. She also added some details: onlookers begging
Zhang to give a few taels of silver to the old couple, and Zhang refusing;
after the old couple die, Zhang comments, “Leave their bodies in the
desolate land.”164
According to the actor Xiao Changhua 蕭長華 ( 1878–1967), who
performed in the court at that time, “One day, the Empress Dowager
Cixi ordered Tan Xinpei 譚鑫培 (1847–1917) to perform Tianleibao. The
xiaosheng 小生 Bao Fushan 鮑福山 (also known as Black Bao 鮑黑子, a
student of Xu Xiaoxiang 徐小香) played the role of Zhang Jinbao. He
portrayed Zhang’s ungratefulness in refusing to recognize his adopted
parents with such emotion that Cixi ordered a eunuch to beat Bao on
the stage. This was hardly a serious beating, but Bao had to pretend to
be suffering from the pain. After the beating, Cixi bestowed ten taels of
silver on Bao as a reward. She could take out her hatred of Guangxu on
the unfortunate actor. During the Hundred Days Reform, a eunuch
revealed [to me], that Cixi cursed Guangxu as ‘an ungrateful owl.… I
raised him, but he has no heart.’ ... Her hatred of Guangxu is beyond
words.”165
Cixi interpreted the Reform Movement as a matter of filial piety
between two generations. Filial piety was not just a necessary moral
concept to educate commoners in their duties to their parents and their
duty to the state. It was also the basis of the emperor’s legitimacy. Filial
piety was explicitly identified as one of the key traits a ruler must possess
by Kangxi: “We rule the empire with filial piety. This is why I want to
exemplify this principle for my ministers and my people, and for my own
descendants.”166 By portraying Guangxu as an unfilial son, she intimated
that he had lost legitimacy as a ruler in the eyes of his subjects.
On 21 September 1898, an imperial edict was issued in the name of
Guangxu announcing that, for health reasons, he had requested the
Empress Dowager Cixi to “tutor” him in government. The edict did not
mention anything other than his health, but Guangxu’s supporters
understood very well the real situation and defended his stand. A few
days after this edict was issued, Kang Youwei made a public statement:
“The emperor owes the empress dowager no filial duty. She is not his
mother, nor even the proper wife or consort of the last emperor but one:
she was only his concubine.”167
While Guangxu’s supporters were in exile, the emperor himself
remained in the palace and became a prisoner in every sense. He never
expressed any views on state affairs or anything else. He kept silent and
was depressed. The only hobby in his miserable life was to play the
percussive drum in Peking Opera.168 Cixi wanted to deprive him of even
this little comfort. In January 1899, Cixi ordered the chief eunuch of the
Shengpingshu: “From now on, if the Emperor wants any percussive
instruments, you must ask my permission first, before you deliver
them.”169 She also forbade the eunuchs to chat with the emperor. Such an
edict170 can be found in the records of 1903: “Head eunuch Sun Yifu 孫
義福 transmitting the edict: ‘From now on, you are not allowed to talk
about anything to the Lord of Ten Thousand Years (wansuiye 萬歲爺).’”171
The twenty-sixth day of the sixth month of 1908 was Guangxu’s
thirty-seventh, and last, birthday. As a rule, a period before and after the
actual day of the emperor’s birthday should be one of the Three Grand
Festivals, and all drama performed should be of a happy nature. On the
twenty-fifth day, one day before Guangxu’s birthday, Cixi ordered a
performance of Connected Barracks (Lianyingzhai 連營寨 ) from the
Romance of the Three Kingdoms. This story starts with the ruler of Shu 蜀,
Liu Bei 劉備, arranging a mourning hall to grieve for the death of Guan
Gong 關公 and Zhang Fei 張飛. After his whole army is defeated, on his
death bed, he asks his adviser Zhuge Liang 諸葛亮 to take care of his
son. The story is sad, and all costumes are black and white. It was an
extremely inauspicious drama and would normally be avoided for
anybody on a happy occasion, not to mention the Emperor’s Birthday. 172

Tan Xinpei and Yang Xiaolou 楊小樓 were the actors in this performance.
They recorded that all the performers in this drama felt very sorry for
Guangxu; they saw it as a curse on the emperor.173
It is clear from the above how strictly Cixi controlled Guangxu’s
daily life. However, she did not seem to mind what Guangxu read. The
eunuchs close to him thought he was deeply depressed and had lost
interest in living. This has now become a widely accepted view. However,
while going through miscellaneous records of the Neiwufu, I found a
document, “List of books presented.” It is only a few pages long, but the
information it contains should revise the general consensus on Guangxu’s
state of mind during the last ten years of his life. The books were
presented from the 12th day of the 12th month of Guangxu 33 (29
January 1908) until the 24th day of the 3rd month of Guangxu 34 (24
April 1908), a few months before his death. The books were presented as
a result of his request for 40 books, newly published by the Shanghai
Commercial Press. He later put in a further request. He listed some
printing mistakes, showing that he had read the books quite carefully.
The first list of books included: A Comparison of National Strength of the
Various States: A Glimpse at Politics; Comparative Studies of the Political
Systems; The Recent Political History of Europe; A History of Political
Reform in Europe; A History of Finance in Europe; Economic Theory; New
Lectures on Financial Management; Essentials of the Japanese Legal System;
Explanation of the Japanese Constitution; and Montesquieu: L’esprit des lois,
translated from French.174
Other orders and requests from Guangxu to the Neiwufu make it
clear that, despite the fact that he was denied any involvement in politics,
he was still keen to learn more about the “new knowledge,” much as he
had been during the reforms while still in power. Surely he must have
thought that Cixi would die long before him and that he would resume
the throne and continue the reforms he had tried to implement earlier.
Four months later, Guangxu died; Cixi died the next day.
Notes
* Chapter 2 is partially a revised and updated version of the essay “Ascendant
Peace in the Four Seas: Tributary Drama and the Macartney Mission of
1793” first published in Late Imperial China 26, 2 (December 2005), pp.
89–113.
1 The New Year was called yinian zhi shi 一年之始, the day of the beginning
of the year; the Emperor’s Birthday, called Wanshoujie, was also referred to
as renjun zhi shi 人君之始, the day of the beginning of a ruler; and the
Winter Solstice was called yiyang zhi shi 一陽之始, the day the yang begins
to rise. In Khublai Khan’s court, the three most important occasions were
the Emperor’s Birthday, New Year’s Day, and the Annual Spring Hunt. See
John Man, Kublai Khan — The Mongol King who Remade China, London:
Bantam Press, 2006, pp. 134–137.
2 On the Grand Audience, see Christian Jochim, “The Imperial Audience Cere-
monies of the Ch’ing Dynasty,” Bulletin of the Society for the Study of Chinese
Religions, no. 7 (January 1979), pp. 88–103.
3 Guo Yongjiang 郭永江, “Wang Yaoqing de wutai shengya” 王瑶卿的舞台生涯,
in Zhongguo renmin zhengzhi xieshang huiyi Beijingshi weiyuanhui wenshi
ziliao yanjiu weiyuanhui 中國人民政治協商會議北京市委員會文史資料研究委,
ed., Jingju tanwanglu, xubian 京劇談往錄續編 (Talks on the past of Peking
Opera, part two), Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 1988, pp. 103–151, on pp.
136–137.
4 On the occasion of the Duanwu festival in the third year his reign (1853),
Xianfeng cancelled the prescribed ritual drama Expounding the Way and
Exorcising Evil (Chandao chuxie 闡道除邪) and replaced it with bianxifa 變戲
法 (miscellaneous entertainments) and shibuxian 十不閑. See Yidang, Sheng-
pingshu, packet 88: Xianfeng sannian enshang riji dang 咸豐三年恩賞日記檔
(Daily records of favours and rewards from the third year of Xianfeng [1853]).
Shibuxian was a popular form of entertainment in Peking during the Qing.
It was “composed of five persons with gongs, castanets, and drums, who
dance and sing ballads.” See Tun Li-ch’en, Annual Customs and Festivals in
Peking (trans. and annot. by Derk Bodde), Peiping: Henri Vetch, 1936,
reprinted Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1965, p. 115.
5 Angela Zito, Of Body & Brush — Grand Sacrifice as Text/Performance in Eigh-
teenth-Century China, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1997, p. 127.
6 Li Yanling 李岩齡, Gu Daoxin 顧道馨, Wang Enhou 王恩厚, and Han Guangze
韓光澤, Zhongguo gongting lisu 中國宮廷禮俗 (Rituals and customs of the
Chinese court), Tianjin: Tianjin renmin chubanshe, 1992, p. 274.
7 For sacrifices at the Temple of Heaven, the court attire of the emperor was
blue; for the Altar of the Sun, red, and for the Altar of the Moon, white. See
Robert L. Thorp, Son of Heaven — Imperial Arts of China, Seattle: Son of
Heaven Press, 1988, p. 76. Alan Priest gives the following details: “The most
common type of imperial robe, called in the sumptuary laws chi fu (‘auspi-
cious robe’), falls in one straight sweep from neck to hem and is covered
with an all-over pattern that was set by law in the main points of its design
but varied from emperor to emperor in details … The second type, which
we see mostly in formal series of portraits of the emperors, is described in
the laws as ch’ao fu (literally, ‘court robe’) and was prescribed for formal
court functions and special ceremonies at the Altars of Heaven, Earth, Sun,
and Moon. I suggest that we call this type robes of state, not only because
the ‘auspicious robe’ are what we are used to calling court robes, but to
distinguish them from the really informal everyday dress. The emperor’s
robes of state, instead of falling straight from neck to hem, have an inset
waistband to which the skirt is joined, and the fullness of the lower part of
the robe falls from darts or pleats.” According to Priest, auspicious imperial
robes are quite common in Western collections, but robes of state are very
few. From his description of three robes of state, one in the Minneapolis
Institute, another in the Metropolitan Museum, and the third in the Hono-
lulu Academy of Arts, we can see that all of them are blue-black. They must
have been the robes an emperor wore when offering sacrifice to Heaven. See
Alan Priest, Costumes from the Forbidden City, New York: The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, 1945, pp. 4–5.
8 On Taipu, see Charles O. Hucker, ed., A Dictionary of Official Titles in
Imperial China, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985, pp. 480–481. Jinwu
in the title of this drama is an abbreviation for Jinwu jiangjun. According to
Hucker, its “meaning (is) not wholly clear; probably used interchangeably
from Chou into Han times with a homophonous term for prison, but
traditionally interpreted as a special weapon, or a gold-tipped baton, or the
image of a bird called chin-wu that was believed to frighten away evil. From
Han on, commonly used in reference to Imperial insignia, as in chih chin-wu
(Chamberlain for the Imperial Insignia). Eventually used in the sense of Lord
of the Imperial Insignia in elegant reference to a distinguished military
officer such as the Ch’ing dynasty t’ung-ling (Commander-general).” As for
the Jingwu jiangjun in the drama, Hucker gives the following note: “T’ang–
Ming: Imperial Insignia Guard, often one each of Left and Right, a
distinguished unit of the imperial body guard, normally commanded by a
General (chiang-chün), sometimes with prefixes creating titles such as
General-in-chief (ta chiang-chün).” See Hucker, Official Titles, p. 168.
9 In his biography in the Songshi, Song Shou was indeed appointed as the
Chief Minister of the Imperial Stud and Renzong did ask him about sacrifi-
cial rituals. See Songshi 宋史 (History of the Song Dynasty), 40 ce. Comp.
Tuotuo 脫脫, et al., in Ershisi shi 二十四史 (Twenty-four dynastic histories),

vol. 20. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1977, vol. (ce) 28, pp. 9732–9736.
10 Kan jian, as a part of the sacrificial ritual, was abolished in 1071 by Shen-
zong 神宗. See Songshi, vol. (ce) 8, p. 2428.
11 Among all the emperors of China, Qianlong approved of only three — Han
Wendi 漢文帝 (r. 180–157 BCE), Tang Taizong 唐太宗 (597–649), and Song
Renzong 宋仁宗 (1010–1063). See Dai Yi, Qianlongdi ji qi shidai, p. 87.
Zhang Zhao was clearly aware of this when he compiled dramas, as the
stories are usually based on these periods.
12 The original form of this name was Fang Xuanling 房玄齡 . Xuan was
changed to Yuan to avoid the same character in Kangxi’s name.
13 Though tea can be traced to much earlier times, it was not until the Tang
that tea drinking became popular. One reason is ascribed to the Chan prac-
tice that adepts could not eat solid food for supper but could drink tea.
During the Tang, tea was made into solid round cakes and produced in
winter. Under the Song, the quality of tea was improved, and it was
extremely expensive. Renzong bestowed two cakes of tea on the Zhongshu 中
書 (Secretariat-Chancellery) and the Shumiyuan 樞密院 (Bureau of Military
Affairs) after he offered sacrifice to Heaven on the Winter Solstice.
14 The story of the “eighteen academicians” is from the Biography of Chu Liang
褚亮傳 in the Xin Tangshu. Chu Liang (560–647) was one of eighteen
scholars favoured by Tang Taizong. The emperor often visited them and
discussed a broad range of topics with them. Taizong commissioned a
famous painter, Yan Liben 閻立本 (d. 673), to paint a group portrait, Eigh-
teen Scholars of Yingzhou, to demonstrate how much he respected learned
scholars. Deng Yingzhou 登瀛洲 (Arriving at Yingzhou) became a literary
allusion to scholars enjoying imperial favour. See Xin Tangshu, vol. 13, pp.
3975–3977. A Ming palace drama was called Shiba xueshi deng Yingzhou 十八
學士登瀛洲 (Eighteen scholars arrive at Yingzhou). The Qing version is much
the same, but it is specifically linked to the winter solstice. Qianlong admired
Tang Taizong and established gatherings of literati at the Chonghuagong
during the New Year period. At first, only eighteen scholars were selected, to
suit the allusion. See Wu Zhenyu, Yangjizhai conglu, p. 148.
15 The painting was called Deng Yingzhou tu 登瀛洲圖 (Arriving at Yingzhou)
and was painted by the court painter Jia Quan 賈全. See Gugong bowuyuan
故宮博物院 comp. and ed., Gugong bowuyuan cang Qingdai gongting huihua
故宮博物院藏清代宮廷繪畫 (English title: Court Paintings of the Qing Dynasty
of the Collection in the Palace Museum), Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1992, p.
227. For references to this painting, also see Harold L. Kahn, “A Matter of
Taste: The Monumental and Exotic in the Qianlong Reign,” in Chen Ru-hsi
and Claudia Brown, eds., The Elegant Brush: Chinese Painting and the Qian-
long Emperor, 1735–1795. Phoenix: Phoenix Art Museum, 1985, pp. 288–300.
16 These two drama scripts are kept in the National Library of China.
17 This was before Daoguang dismissed all outside performers in 1827.
18 Daoguang sannian enshang riji dang 道光三年恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of
favours and rewards from the third year of Daoguang [1823]). Held in
19 Daoguang qinian, banian, jiunian enshang zhiyi dang 道光七、八、九年恩賞旨
意檔 (Records of favours and rewards and imperial edicts from the seventh,
eighth, and ninth years of Daoguang [1827, 1828, 1829]). Held in National
Library of China.
20 In Japan, the Emperor’s Birthday is still called Tianchangjie (Tench -setsu).
21 Li Yanling et al., Zhongguo gongting lisu, p. 277; Yu Hexiang 余和祥, Guitian
judi guijian ming: Huangshi liyi 規天矩地貴賤明：皇室禮儀 (Proper measure
of heaven and earth clarifies the noble and base: Rites and rituals of the
imperial household), Wuhan: Huazhong ligong daxue chubanshe, 1994, pp.
111–113.
22 For example, Jiaqing’s birthday was on the sixth day of the tenth month.
The celebrations started on the first day of the month and ended on ninth
day. See Jiaqing ershisinian enshang dang 嘉慶二十四年恩賞檔 (Records of
favours and rewards from the twenty-fourth year of Jiaqing [1819]). Held in
23 Daoguang san, si nian enshang riji dang 道光三、四年恩賞日記檔 (Daily
records of favours and rewards from the third and fourth years of Daoguang
[1823, 1824]).
24 Daoguang qinian enshang riji dang.
25 Daoguang shiyinian enshang riji dang.
26 Daoguang qinian enshang riji dang.
27 Pak Chi-w n, Rehe riji, p. 515.
28 There were usually only two meals a day in the palace. On this particular
day the records specifically state that the meal wu yan 午宴 was served at 1:00
pm and the jiu yan 酒宴 at 5:00 pm. Daoguang sannian enshang riji dang.
29 Daoguang ershiliunian enshang riji dang 道光二十六年恩賞日記檔 (Daily
records of favours and rewards from the twenty-sixth year of Daoguang
[1846]).
30 Shijing, Nanfeng, Zhongsi: “Ye locusts, winged tribes, how harmoniously you
collect together! Right is it that your descendants should be multitudinous!

Ye locusts, winged tribes, how sound your wings in flight! Right is it that
your descendants should be as in unbroken strings! Ye locusts, winged tribes,
How you cluster together! Right is it that your descendants should be in
swarms!” (James Legge, The Chinese Classics: With a Translation, Critical and
Exegetical Notes, Prolegomena, and Copious Indexes, 5 vols. Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1893; reprinted Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1960, vol. IV
[Shijing], p. 11–12). As to the interpretation of this passage, Legge added: “The
idea of all the critics is that W n’s queen lived harmoniously with all the
other ladies of the harem, so that all had their share in his favours, and
there was no more quarreling among them than among a bunch of locusts.
All children born in the palace would be the queen’s, and it was right that
they should increase as they did. — Surely this is sad stuff.” Sad stuff or not,
the allusion was a popular one. One of Cixi’s personal maids (gongnü 宮女)
told the following story: One New Year’s day, the Guangxu emperor went to
the Chuxiugong 儲秀宮 to pay his respects to Cixi. After the formal rituals,
they began to chat more casually. Cixi asked Guangxu where he had come
from, though she knew very well where he had just been. Guangxu answered,
“From the Yangxindian 養心殿.” She then asked him, “Did you pass by the
Zhongsi Gate 螽斯門?” “Yes.” Then Cixi asked, “Do you know the meaning of
the Zhongsi Gate?” Guangxu answered, “My teacher told me, but I am not
diligent enough to know much about it. So I beg Your Highness to teach
me.” Cixi said, “I learnt it from an oral edict of the late emperor (Xianfeng).
The Zhongsi Gate was the old name, used under the Ming. When our ances-
tors entered Peking, they changed many of the old Ming palace names, but
they liked the name Zhongsi and kept it in the hope that our descendants
would flourish. The late emperor recited two lines of a poem, but I can only
remember a couple of words. This means that when the male zhongsi moves
its wings, many female locusts come to him and each one of them gives
birth to ninety-nine children. Such a prosperous family! The late emperor
longed for our family to prosper like that.” Guangxu and his empress stood
with great reverence. Cixi looked at both of them without smiling. Guangxu
anxiously said, “Your son has understood and recognizes his faults. All these
years I have worried you, and I am not worthy to lift my face (duibuqi 對不
起) to our ancestors. In particular, I have let my imperial father down ...”
See Jin Yi 金易 and Shen Yiling 沈義羚 , Gongnü tanwanglu 宮女談往錄
(Memoirs of a palace maid), Beijing: Zijincheng chubanshe, 1992, pp. 73–76.
Another reference to the zhongsi is in the Shishuo xinyu 世說新語. Lady Liu,
a wife of Xie An, a statesman of the Eastern Jin (317–420), “curtained off
her female attendants and had them come out in front and perform music
and dancing. She let Xie watch them momentarily and then lowered the
curtains. When Xie sought to have them opened again, Lady Liu said, “I fear
it might damage your abundant virtue.” They explained the moral of the
poem about the zhongsi. Lady Liu, realizing they were criticizing her, asked,
“And who wrote those songs?” They replied, “The Duke of Chou.” Lady Liu
retorted, “The Duke of Chou was a man and wrote them for himself, that’s
all! Now if it had been the Duchess of Chou, the tradition wouldn’t have
contained these words!” See Liu I-Ch’ing with commentary by Liu Chün,
Shih-Shuo Hsin-Yü — A New Account of Tales of the World. Translated with
introduction and notes by Richard B. Mather. Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese
Studies, The University of Michigan, 2002, p. 378.
31 For example, when Daoguang’s mother received a new title on the occasion
of her sixtieth birthday, and when Cixi received the title Cixi (Kind and
Joyful) in the first year of the Tongzhi reign. See Daoguang shiwunian
enshang riji dang 道光十五年恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of favour and rewards
from the fifteenth year of Daoguang [1835]); Tongzhi yuannian enshang riji
dang 同治元年恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of favour and rewards from the first
year of Tongzhi [1862]). Held in the National Library of China.
32 Only four Qing emperors married after becoming emperors, so these dramas
were mainly performed for princes. See Jiaqing ershisannian zhiyi dang 嘉慶
二十三年旨意檔 (Records of imperial edicts from the twenty-third year of
Jiaqing [1818]); Daoguang sannian enshang riji dang.
33 Xisan was a Peking custom. Herbs and coins or other valuables were placed
in a washing basin, and the ritual was performed by a midwife on the third
day after birth. See Chang Renchun 常人春, Lao Beijing de fengsu 老北京的風
俗 (Customs of old Peking), Beijing: Yanshan chubanshe, 1996, pp. 182–185.
34 Fengbo and yushi were stars in the traditional twenty-eight houses of the
four constellations. The Blue Dragon constellation was in the Eastern palace,
the Vermilion Bird in the Southern palace, the White Tiger in the Western
palace and the Tortoise in the Northern palace. Fengbo was the seventh star
in the Blue Dragon of the East, and yushi was the nineteenth star in the
White Tiger constellation of the West. See Joseph Needham, Science and
Civilisation in China, vol. III, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959,
pp. 186–252. The allusion to yushi “sprinkling water” and fengbo “sweeping
the dust from the road for sage rulers” is from Hanfeizi. See Shao Zenghua
邵增樺 , trans. and annot., Hanfeizi jinzhu jinyi 韓非子今註今譯 (Modern
translation and commentary of Hanfeizi), 2 vols. Taibei: Taiwan shangwu

yishuguan, 1982, vol. 6, p. 813.
35 These two drama scripts are held in the National Library of China.
36 Guo Chengkang 郭成康 and Cheng Congde 成崇德, eds., Qianlong huangdi
quanzhuan 乾隆皇帝全傳 (Complete biography of the Qianlong emperor),
Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 1994, pp. 543–544.
38 The term is written with either 燕 yan “swallow” or 宴 yan “banquet, feast.”
The script here uses the latter.
39 The Baiyunguan belongs to the Quanzhen 全真 (Complete Perfection) School
in Daoism. Its history can be traced to the Tang. On the Yanjiu, see Susan
Naquin, Peking — Temples and City Life, 1400–1900, Berkeley: University of
California Press, 2000, p. 53, p. 277; Chang Renchun, Lao Beijing de fengsu,
pp. 43–47.
40 Tun Li-ch’en, Annual Customs, p. 9, pp. 14–15.
41 As, for example, in Tun Li-ch’en, Annual Customs, p. 26.
42 Legge, Chinese Classics, vol. V (Chunqiu, Zuozhuan), pp. 191 ff. Quoted in
Tun Li-ch’en, Annual Customs, p. 26. Bodde adds the note: “But the accounts
in the Tso Chuan and the Shih Chi (…) make no mention of this burning,
and the whole explanation sounds like a rationalization of the ancient prac-
tice, found in many parts of the world, of marking the interval between the
extinction of the old fire and the lighting of the new.”
43 Tun Li-ch’en, Annual Customs, p. 51.
44 The five poisonous cakes were normal cakes with five creatures on the top.
See Tun Li-ch’en, Annual Customs and Festivals in Peking, pp. 42–44.
46 This girl served Cixi for many years, even following her to Xi’an during the
Boxer Uprising. She was married to a eunuch named Liu, who was a barber
in the palace. During her later years, she lived in poverty and became a
servant for some scholars. On qiqiao in the palace, see Jin Yi and Shen
Yiling, Gongnü tanwanglu, pp. 166–183. This book is an oral history of her
life in the palace, recorded by the scholars she served.
47 Legge, Chinese Classics, vol. IV (Shijing), pp. 355–356. Legge comments: “The
sisters, with all their weaving, working on the woof, with no warp, made
nothing out for the afflicted east.” The revised drama provided a more posi-
tive interpretation of their efforts.
48 Legge, Chinese Classics, vol. III (Shujing), p. 99: “Its articles of tribute were
varnish and silk; the baskets from which it was filled were woven ornamental
fabrics.”
49 Tun Li-ch’en, Annual Customs, pp. 61–62; slightly modified. For details of the
origins of the term yulan penhui, see p. 62.
50 Ordinary fachuan were made from paper to help wandering spirits cross the
sea of hunger, thirst, and torment into which their sins had led them when
they were overtaken by death, so that they could reach the Buddhist
paradise. There is a photo of the fachuan made for Cixi immediately after
her death during the Zhongyuanjie 中元節 . See Wang Laiyin 汪萊茵 ,
“Zhongyuanjie wei Cixi fen fachuan” 中元節為慈禧焚法船 (Burned fachuan
for Cixi during the Zhongyuanjie), in Shangguan Feng 上官豐 ed., Jinggong
tanmi — gongwei diangu, yishi, qiuwen 禁宮探秘：宮闈典故．軼事．趣聞
(Search for the secrets of the forbidden city — allusions, tales, and
interesting stories of the inner court), Beijing: Zhongguo wenxue chubanshe,
1991, pp. 151–154.
51 The Donghuamen was the gate through which the emperor’s coffin left the
palace. See Liu Shaojun 劉韶軍 and Liu Xiaoqin 劉曉勤, Jiehui hechu ren
qianchao: Huanggong guizhi 劫灰何處認前朝：皇宮規制 (Remembering the
former dynasty through the dust of history: Rules and regulations of the
palace), Wuhan: Huazhong ligong daxue chubanshe, 1994, pp. 126–127.
52 Jin Yi and Shen Yilin, Gongnü tanwanglu, pp. 191–196.
53 Xin Xiuming, Lao taijian, pp. 103–104.
54 Tun Li-ch’en, Annual Customs, p. 69
55 See Ye Xiaoqing, “On the symbolic significance of Chinese garden plants,” in
Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia 35 (2003), pp. 30–37.
58 Xin Xiuming, Lao taijian, p. 106.
59 Jin Yi and Shen Yilin, Gongnü tanwanglu, p. 72.
60 On The Tale of a Tattered Cave Dwelling (Poyaoji), later also called The Story
of the Multicoloured Chamber (Cailouji 彩樓記 ), see Wang Qi 王起 , ed.,
Zhongguo xiqu xuan 中國戲曲選 (Selected Chinese dramas), Beijing: Renmin
wenxue chubanshe, 1998, zhong ce, pp. 545–55. In some versions, the father-
in-law has Lü’s interests at heart. He recognises that Lü is an extremely
promising young man, and creates a desperate situation for the young couple
in order to inspire Lü to do his best to succeed.
61 An ancient game dating back to Han Wudi 漢武帝 (156–87 BCE).
62 Liu I-ch’ing, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, p. 67.

63 Zhaolian, Xiaoting zalu, p. 374.
64 This dance is mentioned in The Analects: “Confucius said of the head of the
Chî family, who had eight rows of pantomimes in his area. If he can bear to
do this, what may he not bear to do?” Legge commented: “Yi: a row of
dancers, or pantomimes rather, who kept time in the temple services, in the
ting, the front space before the raised portion in the principal hall, moving
or brandishing feathers, flags or other articles. In his ancestral temple, the
king had eight rows, each row consisting of eight men, a duke or prince had
six, and a great officer only four. For the Chî, therefore, to use eight rows
was a usurpation, for through it may be argued, that to the ducal family of
Lû royal rights were conceded, and that the offshoots of it might use the
same, still great officers were confined to the ordinances proper to their
rank.” See Legge, Chinese Classics, vol. I (Lunyu, Daxue, Zhongyong), pp.
154–155. The word “pantomime” has a different meaning nowadays, and
more recent translators render the term as “dancers.” For example, D. C. Lau,
Confucius — The Analects, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1979, p. 67: “They use
eight rows of dancers each to perform in their courtyard. If this can be
tolerated, what cannot be tolerated?” Simon Leys, The Analects of Confucius,
New York: Norton, 1997, p. 10: “The head of the Ji Family used eight rows
of dancers in the ceremonies of his ancestral temple. Confucius commented: ‘If
he is capable of that, what will he not be capable of?’”
65 Yu here is not the Great Yu 大禹, but another name for Shun. Shun was the
chief of a tribe known as the Youyushi 有虞氏.
66 Legge, Chinese Classics, vol. III (Shujing), p. 88: “[Xiao] and [Shao] are to be
taken together as the name of the music of Shun, and to have been made by
him in the 5th year of his reign.” Xiaoshao 簫韶 is also called dashao 大韶, or
shaoyue 韶樂. In The Analects, it is called Shao: “When the Master was in
Ch’i, he heard the Shâo, and for three months did not know the taste of
flesh. ‘I did not think’, he said, ‘that music could have been made so excellent
as this,” Legge, Chinese Classics, vol. I (Lunyu, Daxue, Zhongyong), p. 199. This
music had been long lost before the Qing; only its name was preserved.
67 The title Gaozong Chun huangdi 高宗純皇帝 could only be used until after
Qianlong’s death, and so this particular script can be dated to this period.
68 A nao is a bronze music instrument, shaped like a bell, struck with a small
mallet. It accompanied military music and could be played on horseback
when on the march.
69 The Chinese term used here is Yuenan 越南, not the older term Annan 安南.
This incident was recorded in Fairbank and Teng, Ch’ing Administration —

Three Studies, p. 163: “In 1666 the oldest son of (the king of) Annam, Li
Wei-hsi, handed in the patent and seal of the Ming period, whereupon he
was appointed by imperial command King of Annam. In 1789 the Li family
lost the throne. The country chose Juan Kuang-p’ing to be head of the
country (kuo-chang). He came (lit. knocked at the gate) to offer allegiance
and asked that he might come to Court. Thereupon Juan Kuang-p’ing was
appointed by imperial command King of Annam. In 1802 Juan Kuang-tsuan
again lost the throne. The head of the state of Nung-nai (Nung was in
Tongking-Kwangsi), Juan Fu-ying, sent an envoy to present (at Court) a
memorial and tribute. He also tied up and sent escaped pirates from the
seas of Fukien and Kwangtung and presented the patent and seal formerly
received by Annam. The Emperor Jen-tsung (Chia-ch’ing period) approved
his respectful submissiveness and issued a proclamation changing the name
of country to Yue-nan, whereupon by imperial command he appointed Juan
Fu-ying King of Yueh-nan.”
70 The term jinyue yuanlai is from The Analects, Chapter 13, para. 16: “The
duke of Sheh asked about government. The Master said, ‘Good government
obtains, when those who are near are made happy, and those who are far
off are attracted’” Legge, Chinese Classics, vol. I (Lunyu, Daxue, Zhongyong), p.
26.
71 The term “nine services” (as translated by Legge), refers to the provision of
the six things necessary to sustain life (water, fire, metal, wood, earth and
grain) and the rectification of virtue, the provision of comforts in life and
the securing of sustenance for the people, listed by Yu in his advice to the
emperor on how to run a perfect state. Yu added, “When the nine services
thus indicated have been orderly accomplished, let that accomplishment be
accompanied by songs.” See “The Counsels of the Great Yu” in Legge,
Chinese Classics, vol. III (Shujing), pp. 55–56.
72 Wang Zhizhang, Qing Shengpingshu zhilüe, 1991, p. 94.
73 Zhou Mingtai, Qing Shengpingshu cundang shili manchao, vol. 70, p. 352.
74 On Chang Ling, see Hummel, Eminent Chinese, pp. 68–69.
75 Yidang, Neiwufu, packet 456.
76 Daoguang banian enshang riji dang 道光八年恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of
favours and rewards from the eighth year of Daoguang [1828]).
77 For details, see Hummel, Eminent Chinese, pp. 632–634.
78 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 91, Xianfeng wunian enshang riji dang.
80 Hunting as ritual was by no means unique to the Qing; it had parallels in

many pre-modern empires. “The medieval kingdoms of France, Germany and
Italy directly, and those of England and Spain less directly, were all heirs to
Carolingian institutions and traditions and ideology. European kings and
emperors from the Middle Ages down to the twentieth century were inaugu-
rated at the outset of their reigns by means of rituals which, as far as
western Europe was concerned, were of Carolingian origins: anointing and
coronation.” “The hunt was especially significant. It is hardly a coincidence
that the ninth-century royal annals so often mention the royal hunt
following assemblies where major political crises were resolved. For the hunt
was an exercise in, and a demonstration of, the virtues of collaboration. The
aristocracy who hunted with the king shared his favour, his sport, his mili-
tary training and his largesse, and helped at the same time to provision the
palace, their magnadomus. Because it also served these other vital purposes,
the hunt could offer king and faithful men alike vivid experiences of collec-
tive action and reward: an apt corollary to and continuation of political and
military co-operation.” See Janet L. Nelson, “The Lord’s anointed and the
people’s choice: Carolingian royal ritual,” in David Cannadine and Simon
Price, eds., Rituals of Royalty — Power and Ceremonial in Traditional Soci-
eties, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987, pp. 137–180, on p. 137, p.
169.
81 “The imperial preserve of Muran was situated 117 kilometres north of
Chengde. Its name came from the Manchu word muran (to call deer), refer-
ring to the Manchu method of hunting deer by imitating the stag’s mating
call.” See Rawski, The Last Emperors, p. 20.
82 Joanna Waley-Cohen also refers to the significance of the hunt: “Unlike
Chinese military rituals, which took place only intermittently to mark specific
moments surrounding imperial military campaigns, the hunts were distin-
guished by their regular, seasonal occurrence. Yet hunting rituals also had
been known in China since distant antiquity, and also were associated with
military preparedness. In important respects, the annual Qing hunts did
resemble other military rituals, both because of their theatricality and
because one of their principal purposes was to impress the centrality of
military preparedness in the Qing policy upon an audience that was both
domestic and foreign. They were, in short, another form of ritual in which
the Qing sought to draw together the different traditions from which they
derived legitimacy and to make each meaningful to the other, in the process
creating a new, specifically Qing, cultural context.” See Joanna Waley-Cohen,
“Military Ritual and the Qing Empire,” in Nicola Di Cosmo, ed., Warfare in
Inner Asian History (500–1800), Leiden: Brill, 2002, pp. 405–444, on pp.
431–432.
83 Qianlong’s sixth visit to the South was during the White Lotus rebellion.
Local officials actually witnessed Qianlong murmuring black spells to himself,
evidently having forgotten the presence of his officials. One day, when
Jiaqing and Heshen went to see Qianlong for advice, Qianlong did not say a
word for a long time, while both of them knelt in front of him. Suddenly
Heshen said, “Gao Tiande 高天德, Gou Wenming 苟文明.” Jiaqing had no
idea what was going on. After they left, Heshen said, “This behavior of the
emperor is a secret, you mustn’t reveal it to anyone. During his later years,
the emperor has come to believe in the magic spells of Tibetan monks from
the Western regions. Whenever he feels like it, he recites a spell, and it
works very well. When he recites it, he closes his eyes, looking as if he is
fast asleep. But you can hear his soft murmuring. You were behind me, and
you are also short-sighted. That’s why you couldn’t hear anything.” Jiaqing
asked what this particular spell was about. Heshen replied, “This spell was
taught to him by a Tibetan monk. It is very secret. Anybody with evil
thoughts, or doing anything evil, even a thousand li away, will die at once,
once this spell has been recited. Even if he does not die, he will be struck
with a terrible disaster. It works so well for the Tibetan monks, and that’s
why the emperor practices it so diligently.” Jiaqing asked what was the
meaning of the six characters of the spell. Heshen replied that they were the
names of two rebel leaders of the White Lotus rebellion. See Xu Zhiyan 許指
嚴, Nanxun miji 南巡秘記 (Secret records of the visit to the south), Shanghai:
Guohua shuju, 1916–1918; reprinted Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1997, pp.
113–114. Zhaolian also mentioned the “black spells” or “black curses” of
Tibetan monks in his Xiaoting zalu (p. 357), but he did not include the
above story.
84 Xin Xiuming, Lao taijian, p. 146.
85 “Barbarian kings” coming to pay tribute to the court was a very common
theme in the Ming as well. See Cyril Birch, Scenes for Mandarins — The
Elite Theatre of the Ming, New York: Columbia University Press, 1995, p. 7.
86 Lin Yin 林尹, Zhouli jinzhu jinyi 周禮今注今譯 (Translation and annotations
of the Rites of Zhou), Taibei: Taiwan shangwu yishuguan, 1972, pp. 400–418.
87 Qinding Da Qing huidian shili, vol. 6, pp. 1055–1059, 1186–1188. The Qing
instituted the system of grand sacrifices immediately after the establishment
of its capital in Peking. The grand secretaries Feng Quan 馮銓 (1595–1672)
and Hong Chengchou 洪承疇 (d. 1665) wrote, “Grand sacrifices must be
accompanied by music. In previous dynasties, the names of musical compo-
sitions all contained an auspicious character indicating the particular nature
of that dynasty. The Liang used ya 雅 ‘elegant’, the Northern Qi and Sui
used xia 夏 ‘great’, the Tang used he 和 ‘harmony’, the Song used an 安 ‘peace’,
the Jin used ning 寧 ‘peaceful’; the Yuan used ning 寧 ‘peaceful’ for ancestral
sacrifices and xian 咸 ‘complete’ for suburban temple sacrifices. As our
dynasty crushed the rebels and inherited the mandate, it is appropriate to
use the character ping 平 ‘pacification’.” Qingshigao, vol. 11, pp. 2733–2734.
Their suggestion was accepted and all ceremonial musical compositions
during the Qing had the character ping in their titles.
88 Qinding Da Qing huidian shili, vol. 6, p. 959. Zito, Of Body and Brush, pp.
28–29, provides some information and analysis of the various banquets held
by the emperor.
89 This is Zito’s translation (Of Body and Brush, p. 123). James L. Hevia, Cher-
ishing Men from Afar — Qing Guest Ritual and the Macartney Embassy of
1793, Durham: Duke University Press, 1995, translates the term as “cherishing
men from afar.” This may have been its meaning in the Shujing, from which
the allusion came, but Zito’s translation is probably closer to its meaning in
the Qing.
90 Qingshigao, vol. 11, pp. 3000–3007.
91 See Xiangyun Wang, “The Qing Court’s Tibet Connection,” Harvard Journal
of Asiatic Studies 60, no. 1 (June 2000), pp. 125–163, on pp. 152–160; Chen
Kengyi 陳鏘儀 and Guo Meilan 郭美蘭, “Liu shi Banchen Chengde rujin
shulüe” 六世班禪承德入覲述略 (Account of the visit of the Sixth Panchen
Lama to Chengde), in Qingdai gongshi yanjiuhui 清代宮史研究會 , ed.,
Qingdai gongshi qiushi 清代宮史求實 (A factual history of the imperial palace
during the Qing dynasty), Beijing: Zijincheng chubanshe, 1992, pp. 141–157.
92 This piece of music was still performed during the late Qing. See Yidang,
Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian, Shengpingshu, packet 3941; Shengpingshu, packet 69.
93 Jin Qicong was an authority on Jurchen and Manchu studies. He spent many
years looking for the words of these songs, which he found almost by acci-
dent in a little-known collection written by a Qing official, Liang Zhangju 梁
章鉅, who was working in the Board of Rites during the Jiaqing period. See
Jin Qicong 金啟孮, Monan ji 漠南集 (Essays from south of the desert), Huhe-
haote: Neimenggu daxue chubanshe, 1991, pp. 183–207.
94 There are several collections of ritual drama. In 1941, the Shanghai Commer-
cial Press published four volumes, entitled Guben Yuan Ming zaju 孤本元明雜
劇 (Rare zaju of the Yuan and Ming), which contain the scripts of 16 palace
ritual dramas compiled by the Jiaofangsi of the Ming. In 1936, the Palace
Museum published Shengpingshu yueling chengyingxi 昇平署月令承應戲
(Monthly routine dramas of the Shengpingshu). There are more than ten
thousand copies of drama scripts used by the Qing court, a considerable
number of which are ritual dramas, preserved in the Palace Museum in
Peking. In this book, unless otherwise noted, the texts of the Qing ritual
dramas are from the collection of the Palace Museum in Peking.
95 Guben Yuan Ming zaju, vol. 4.
96 Zhang Zhao 張照 was a jinshi of the Kangxi period who served several
times as minister of the Board of Punishments under Yongzheng and
Qianlong. He was regarded as a talented scholar, and Qianlong was said to
have considered his calligraphy the best since Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (321–379).
See Hummel, Eminent Chinese, pp. 24–25; Qingshigao, vol. 35, pp. 10493–
10495; Ye Yanlan 葉衍蘭 and Ye Gongchuo 葉恭綽 , Qingdai xuezhe
xiangzhuan heji 清代學者象傳合集 (Portraits and biographies of Qing
scholars), Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1989, p 136. On Prince
Zhuang, see Hummel, Eminent Chinese, pp. 925–9269 (under Yin-lu);
Qingshigao, vol. 30, pp. 9049–9050.
97 For example, a drama titled The Precious Raft of Ascendant Peace (Shengping
baofa) was based on a story in the sixteenth-century novel, the Xiyouji 西遊記.
In the finale, the pantheon of Buddhas and bodhisattivas comes onto the
stage to praise the achievements of the emperor, including his synthesis of
Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. Almost exactly the same language was
used in the Ming palace drama Immortals and Sages Celebrating the Lantern
Festival (Zhongshen qinghe yuanxiaojie 眾神慶賀元宵節). See Guben Yuan Ming
zaju, vol. 4, pp. 1–8. The drama performed on the Double Ninth Festival
was The Prefect of Jiangzhou Presents Wine (Jiangzhou songjiu), the main
character in which was Tao Yuanming. It is almost the same as the Ming
palace drama Tao Yuanming Appreciating Chrysanthemums at the Eastern
Fence (Tao Yuanming dongli shangju 陶淵明東籬賞菊). See Gugong bowuyuan,
Shengpingshu yueling chengyingxi, pp. 70–71.
98 Dramas presented by local officials and scholars were not used in the Kangxi
court, and they remained in the local libraries. Qianlong had some of them
sent to the palace in Peking.
99 In 110 BCE, when Han Wudi visited Songshan 嵩山 Mountain, his men
shouted wansui 萬歲 three times. Later songhu 嵩呼 (cheering at Songshan)
became an allusion to cheering the emperor. See Li Yanling et al., Zhongguo
gongting lisu, p. 19. The scripts are in the Capital Library in Peking. Some
literati from Suzhou wrote a drama in six episodes on the occasion of
Kangxi’s birthday; the title of each episode starts with the character wan “ten
thousand”. See Fu Xihua 傅惜華 , Qingdai zaju quanmu 清代雜劇全目 (A
complete catalogue of the zaju of the Qing dynasty), Beijing: Renmin wenxue
100 Fu Xihua, Qingdai zaju quanmu, pp. 357–360.
101 Fu Xihua, Qingdai zaju quanmu, pp. 354–356.
102 Fu Xihua, Qingdai zaju quanmu, pp. 361–365; Zhuang Yifo 莊一拂, Gudian
xiqu cunmu huikao 古典戲曲存目彙考 (A study of the catalogue of extant
classical dramas), 3 vols., Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1982, zhong ce, p.
744.
103 Fu Xihua, Qingdai zaju quanmu, pp. 383–386. These six dramas remained in
the palace under the title Xunxing Wutai chengying 巡幸五台承應 (Dramas
provided for the Imperial Tour of Inspection of Wutai Mountain). In 1982
Wu Xiaoling found the same six dramas in the Gest Library of Princeton
University, under the title Glowing Clouds in an Azure Sky (Bitian xiaoxia 碧
天霄霞). Wu did not realise that this collection was the same as the one in
Peking. He also mistakenly thought the scripts were written for Kangxi. See
Wu Xiaoling 吳曉鈴, “Glowing Clouds in an Azure Sky: A Newly Discovered
Royal Pageant,” trans. Lindy Li Mark and Samuel H. N. Cheung, in Chinoperl
Papers, no. 14 (1986), pp. 1–13.
104 Fu Xihua 傅惜華, “Zhuiyuxuan cangqu zhi” 綴玉軒藏曲志 (Collected lyrics
from the Hall of Carved Jade), in Xiju congkan. Beiping: Beiping guoju
xuehui, 1935; reprinted Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1993, pp. 525–566,
on pp. 546–548. Zhuiyuxuan 綴玉軒 was the name of Mei Lanfang’s 梅蘭芳
study. This article is an introduction to Mei’s private collection of drama
and other related books.
105 On the three-tiered stages, see Wilt Idema, “Performances on a Three-tiered
Stage: Court Theatre During the Qing Era,” in Lutz Bieg, Erling von Mende,
and Martina Siebert, eds., Ad Seres et Tungusos — Festschrift für Martin
Gimm zu seinem 65 Geburtstag am 25 Mai 1995, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz,
2000, pp. 201–219.
106 Zito, Of Body and Brush, pp. 63–64, translates biaowen as “petition.”
108 Chuimei Ho and Bennet Bronson, Splendors of China’s Forbidden City, pp.
75–77.
109 The nine yi and the eight man are generic terms for various non-Chinese
ethnic groups, mentioned in the chapter The Hounds of Lü in the Shujing

(Legge, Chinese Classics, vol. III (Shujing), pp. 345–346. Legge mentions that
the rong and the di (and other similar terms) appear also in the Li Ji and
the Zhou Li. See also Fairbank and Teng, Ch’ing Administration—Three
Studies, p. 137.
110 Jiu Tangshu, vol. 16, p. 5274.
111 The same drama was recorded by a Korean envoy, Pak Chi-w n, on the
occasion of Qianlong’s seventieth birthday in 1780. At that time its name
was Sketches of Foreign Kings (Wanghuitu 王會圖 ), a title closer to the
quotation in the Jiu Tangshu. See Pak Chi-w n, Rehe riji, p. 517; Idema,
“Three-tiered Stage,” p. 212.
112 Weng Lianxi 翁連溪, Qingdai gongting banhua 清代宮廷版畫 (Engraved print
paintings of the Qing Imperial Court), Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2001, pp.
285–286.
113 Daoguang qinian enshang zhiyi chengying dang 道光七年恩賞旨意承應檔
(Records of favours and rewards, imperial edicts, and performances from the
seventh year of Daoguang [1827]); Daoguang jiunian enshang dang 道光九年
恩賞檔 (Records of favours and rewards from the ninth year of Daoguang
[1829]); Xianfeng qinian enshang riji dang 咸豐七年恩賞日記檔 (Daily records
of favours and rewards from the seventh year of Xianfeng [1857]); Tongzhi
wunian enshang riji dang 同治五年恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of favours and
rewards from the fifth year of Tongzhi [1866]); Tongzhi liunian, shiernian
enshang riji dang 同治六年, 十二年恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of favours and
rewards from the sixth and twelfth years of Tongzhi [1867, 1873]); Guangxu
ershinian enshang riji dang 光緒二十年恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of favours
and rewards from the twentieth year of Guangxu [1894]). These documents
are all held in the National Library of China.
114 Guben Yuan Ming zaju, vol. 32, pp. 1–12.
115 Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’anguan, ed., Yingshi Majia’erni fanghua dang’an
shiliao huibian 英使馬戛爾尼訪華檔案史料彙編 (Historical materials from the
archives relating to the visit of the British ambassador Macartney to China),
Beijing: Guoji wenhua chuban gongsi, 1996, p. 147.
116 Cranmer-Byng, An Embassy To China, pp. 137–138.
117 Idema based his suggestion on the mention of a sea turtle (aoyu 鰲魚). Ao
鰲 means turtle, but aoyu in this play refers to a whale, as Macartney
reported. In 1950, Zhu Jiajin interviewed Geng Jinzhong, a eunuch who
entered palace service in 1894 at the age of 15. Geng gave Zhu a very
detailed description of the technical details of the production of Arhats
Crossing the Sea. Zhu Jiajin, Gugong tuishilu, pp. 419–420.

118 Idema, “Three-tiered Stage,” p. 205 gives the following description: “The three
stages in a three-tiered stage building are called, from top to bottom, the
stage of Happiness (fu), the stage of Riches (lu), and the stage of Longevity
(shou). In the case of the three-tiered stage building in the Yiheyuan, the
lowest stage (the stage of Longevity), has a height of 1,43 mtr. and a surface
area of 17,18 by 14,85 mtrs. The two higher stages have an increasingly
smaller surface area. Actually, the playing area on the highest stage is
restricted to the front area only, because otherwise the actors cannot be
observed from the throne of the Emperor. Moreover, there was a mezzanine
stage at the backside of the lowest stage, called the Platform of the Immor-
tals. Actors could move from one level to another by using staircases at the
back of the stages. By removing the boards, openings (heaven-holes) could
be made in the upper stages, whereupon actors might be lowered to lower
floors using pulleys and ‘cloud-trays’. Below the lowest stage floor there was
an open space. By removing boards, five openings (‘earth-holes’ or ‘pits’)
could be made, through which special stage props could be cranked up. The
space below the lowest stage floor also hid a pumping device for special
efforts. The stage building stood in an open courtyard, that was surrounded
by buildings providing seating space for the spectators. The imperial pavilion
was located right opposite the stage.”
119 Both Arhats Crossing the Sea and Golden Lotuses Rising from the Earth had
been performed on Qianlong’s eightieth birthday three years earlier. See
Idema, “Three-tiered Stage,” p. 212.
120 There is another drama with the same title mentioned in Wu Xiaoling,
“Glowing Clouds in an Azure Sky,” pp. 6–7, but the content, and especially
the musical tunes, are different. The drama script is held in the library of
the Institute of Literature in the Academy of Social Sciences in Peking.
121 Xiao shen is a Buddhist term meaning an inferior saint, as compared with
the Buddha.
122 On the combination of northern and southern tunes in drama, see Zhou
Weipei 周維培 , Qupu yanjiu 曲譜研究 (Studies of the musical scores of
Chinese opera), Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1999, pp. 312–316.
123 The performance started at eight o’clock and ended shortly before one o’clock.
See Cranmer-Byng, An Embassy to China, pp. 136–137.
124 Hevia, Cherishing Men from Afar, p. 110.
125 For this and other related edicts, see Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’anguan, ed.,
Yuanmingyuan 圓明園 (The Yuanmingyuan), 2 vols. Shanghai: Shanghai guji

chubanshe, 1991, shang bian, pp. 342–352.
126 Shuhai and Hengzhang were famous ancient travellers.
127 Qing Gaozong yuzhishi, vol. 5, juan 84, in Gugong zhenben congkan, vol.
567, pp. 339–341.
128 This tapestry is now held in National Maritime Museum, Greenwich,
England. A photo of it can be seen in Nigel Cameron, Barbarians and
Mandarins — Thirteen Centuries of Western Travelers in China, New York and
Tokyo: Walker/Weatherhill, 1970, p. 301.
129 Qianlong liked to annotate his own poems, sometimes extensively. This is
just as well; otherwise modern readers would have little idea what the poems
are about.
130 Wills, Embassies and Illusions, pp. 69, 122, 130–137, 160–161, 164–169.
131 Qin Guojing 秦國經 and Gao Huanting 高換婷 , Qianlong Huangdi yu
Majia’erni — Yingguo shouci qianshi fanghua shilu 乾隆皇帝與馬戛爾尼：英國
首次遣使訪華實錄 (The Qianlong Emperor and Lord Macartney: An account
of the first British embassy to China), Beijing: Zijincheng chubanshe, 1998, p.
107.
132 Lu Ban was a famous artisan, later deified as the patron saint of carpenters.
133 Leshantang quanji 樂善堂全集 (Collected works of Leshantang), juan 19, in
Gugong zhenben congkan, vol. 549. Ed. Gugong bowuyuan. Haikou: Hainan
134 Legge, Chinese Classics, vol. III (Shujing), p. 349.
135 Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’anguan, ed., Yuanmingyuan, shang bian, p. 350.
136 Qin Guojing and Gao Huanting, Qianlong Huangdi yu Majia’erni, pp.
115–116.
137 Yidang, Neiwufu zou’an, packet 323.
138 Qinding Da Qing huidian shili, vol. 6, pp. 1248–1252; Qingshigao, vol. 11, pp.
2952–2982.
139 Dolby, Chinese Drama, p. 131.
140 Zhongren 中仁, ed., Kangxi yupi 康熙御批 (Vermilion endorsements of the
Kangxi emperor), 2 vols. Beijing: Zhongguo Huaqiao chubanshe, 2000, shang
ce, p. 492.
141 Zhongren, ed., Kangxi yupi, xia ce, p. 1106.
142 Crossley, A Translucent Mirror, pp. 263–266.
143 Guy, The Emperor’s Four Treasuries, p. 4.
144 Hevia, Cherishing Men from Afar, p. 199.
145 Guy, The Emperor’s Four Treasuries, p. 4. Guy also notes on p. 163 that it is
not clear why Qianlong instituted the literary inquisition in 1774. Kuhn, Soul
Stealers, p. 51, concludes that a comprehensive study of the Qianlong
emperor may prove impossible, one reason being that the “material for
Hungli’s biography is so overwhelming.” Harold L. Kahn, Monarchy in the
Emperor’s Eyes — Image and Reality in the Ch’ien-lung Reign, Cambridge
(Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1971, p. 3 also noted that “no ruler in
history is more obscured by the mechanics and embellishments of historiog-
raphy than Qianlong.”
146 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 1933, “Zhubi gaiding Nanfu chengying shichai.”
147 When the Tongzhi emperor married, the old ritual drama was performed,
with a few appropriate changes ordered by Cixi. See Yidang, Shengpingshu,
packet 98, Tongzhi jiunian enshang riji dang 同治九年恩賞日記檔 (Daily
records of favours and rewards from the ninth year of Tongzhi [1870]).
Some of the Qianlong scripts were not even adapted, except for changing
the term sheng tianzi 聖天子 (the sage son of heaven) to shengmu huang-
taihou 聖母皇太后 (the sage empress dowager).
149 Yidang, Neiwufu qita, Qian 8–Xuan 3 內務府其他──乾八–宣三 (Imperial
Household [archives] — Other, Qian[long] 8 [1743]–Xuan[tong] 3 [1911]).
150 In the library catalogue, no. 606 was written by Guan Hanqing; nos.
514–522, 688 and 4811–4823 were by Li Yu.
151 On zhiyu, see Xu Zhengui 徐振貴, Zhongguo gudai xiju tonglun 中國古代戲劇
統論 (Discussions on ancient Chinese drama), Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu
chubanshe, 1997, pp. 445–448.
152 Zhaolian, Xiaoting zalu, pp. 378.
153 We know almost nothing about them, except that Zhou was a member of
the Jiangnan literati. See Chen Fang 陳芳, Qianlong shiqi Beijing jutan yanjiu
乾隆時期北京劇壇研究 (Research on the theatres in Peking during the Qian-
long period), Taibei: Xuehai chubanshe, 2000; reprinted Beijing: Beijng
wenhua yishu chubanshe, 2001, pp. 228–229.
154 Zhaolian, Xiaoting zalu, pp. 377–378.
155 Such as Qi Rushan, “Tan sijue,” pp. 103–192, on p. 146.
156 Zhou Huabin 周華斌, Zhongguo xijushi lunkao 中國戲劇史論考 (A study of
the history of drama in China), Beijing: Beijing guangbo xueyuan chubanshe,
2003, pp. 501–518.
157 I interviewed Zhu Jiajin 朱家溍, an authority on the palace history and
Peking Opera, in 2001. He told me that all costumes and props for this
drama are still kept in the Palace Museum in Peking where he worked. He
said that these two dramas, about Buddha and demons, were like no other
dramas performed in the palace.
159 Kahn, Monarchy in the Emperor’s Eyes, pp. 98–114.
160 Zhaolian, Xiaoting zalu, p. 21, pp. 178–179; Dai Yi, Qianlong di ji qi shidai,
pp. 66–68; Xin Xiuming, Lao taijian, pp. 103–104.
161 For a biography of Hongzhou, see Qingshigao, vol. 30, p. 9087; Guo Cheng-
kang and Cheng Chongde, Qianlong huangdi quanzhuan, pp. 89–90.
162 To add to the complications of the relationship between the two brothers, a
descendant of Prince He, the famous calligrapher Qigong 功, claims in his
oral history that because Qianlong’s biological mother raised Hongzhou (the
Qing imperial consorts often raised the children of other consorts), she was
actually was more fond of Hongzhou than of Qianlong. Qianlong was very
jealous and alarmed by his mother’s preference. According to Qigong, that
was the real reason Qianlong took his mother everywhere he went, not, as
people presumed, out of filial piety. We should be cautious about such
claims. On the one hand, the descendants of the imperial family and other
Manchu nobles do have some inside knowledge; on the other hand, they can
be very partial. In this book there are some extraordinary claims unknown
to conventional historians, such as the assertion that Xianfeng committed
suicide in Rehe and asked Cixi to take care of state affairs. See Zhao Rengui
趙仁珪 and Zhang Jinghuai 章景懷, eds., Qigong koushu lishi 功口述歷史
(Oral history by Qigong), Beijing: Beijing shifan daxue chubanshe, 2004, pp.
11–16; 26.
163 Another name for this drama is Clear Wind Pavilion (Qingfengting). See
Xikao daquan 戲考大全 (Compilation of Xikao [Researches into opera]), 5
vols. Shanghai: Zhonghua tushuguan, 1913–1925, reprinted Shanghai shudian,
1995, vol. 1, pp. 658–669. During the Republican period, Retribution of
Lightning from Heaven (Tianleibao) was banned by the Nationalist govern-
ment on the grounds that it “promoted superstition.” See Su Shaoqing 蘇少卿,
“Yanjin shangyan yinxi” 嚴禁上演淫戲 (Strict ban on the performance of
pornographic dramas), Xiju chunqiu 戲劇春秋, no. 60 (1943), p. 1.
164 Shengpingshu, Zhiyi dang, Guangxu ershiliunian, quoted from Zhou Mingtai,
Qing Shengpingshu cundang shili manchao, p. 94.
165 On Xiao Changhua, see He Shixi 何時希, “Xiao Changhua xiansheng sheng-
ping” 蕭長華先生生平 (Biography of Xiao Changhua), in Zhongguo renmin
zhengzhi xieshang huiyi Beijingshi weiyuanhui wenshi ziliao yanjiu
weiyuanhui, ed., Jingju tanwanglu, sanbian, pp. 212–240. This particular

quotation is from Mei Lanfang 梅蘭芳, recorded by Xu Jichuan 許姬傳 and
Xu Yuanlai 許源來, Wutai shenghuo sishinian 舞台生活四十年 (A forty-year life
on the stage). Shanghai: Pingmin chubanshe, 1952-54; reprinted Beijing:
Zhongguo xiqu chubanshe, 1961, 1987, p. 603.
166 Rawski, “The Creation of an Emperor in Eighteenth Century China,” pp.
150–174, on p. 157.
167 Luke S.K. Kwong, A Mosaic of the Hundred Days — Personalities, Politics, and
Ideas of 1898, Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1984, p. 15.
168 On the percussive drum, see Elizabeth Wichmann, Listening to Theatre —
The Aural Dimension of Beijing Opera, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press,
1991, pp. 238–241.
169 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 107, Guangxu ershisinian enshang riji dang 光緒
二十四年恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of favours and rewards from the twenty-
fourth year of Guangxu [1898]).
170 According to the regulations, only the emperor could issue an edict (zhi);
the empress dowager could only issue a “gracious command” (yizhi 懿旨).
Cixi chose to neglect this regulation.
171 Shengpingshu, Guangxu ershijiunian enshang riji dang 昇平署, 光緒二十九年恩
賞日記檔 (Daily records of favours and rewards from the twenty-ninth year
of Guangxu [1903], quoted from Zhou Mingtai, Qing Shengpingshu cundang
shili manchao, p. 116.
172 Yidang, Shengpingshu packet 133: Guangxu ershisinian liuyue ershiwuri chaishi
dang 光緒二十四年六月二十五日差事檔 (Duty record for the twenty-fifth day
of the sixth month of the twenty-fourth year of Guangxu [12 August 1898]).
Connected Barracks (Lianyingzhai) was also called Burning Seven Hundred li
of Barracks (Huoshao lianying qibaili 火燒連營七百里). For details of the story,
see Xikao daquan di 20 ce, pp. 805–817.
173 Ding Ruqin, Qingdai neiting yanxi shihua, pp. 273–277.
174 For details, see Ye Xiaoqing 葉曉青, “Guangxu di de zuihou dushu dan” 光緒
帝的最後讀書單 (The last reading list of the Guangxu Emperor), Lishi yanjiu
歷史研究, no. 2 (2007), pp. 180–183.
Chapter Three
Performers in the Palace*
There were different palace performers at different times. Under the

Nanfu, there were three groups: eunuchs, Chinese recruited from
Jiangnan, and bannermen from the three banners of the Neiwufu. During
the Daoguang period there were no civilian recruits from outside, only
palace eunuchs. By the late Qing, eunuchs in the Shengpingshu were the
main performers, and commercial actors were summoned when needed.
The Role of Eunuchs as Actors and Intermediaries

Ministers of the Neiwufu were usually Manchu princes or other highly
trusted Manchu officials. 1 The Neiwufu was actually run by a small
number of bondservants (boo-i) as supervisors or managers, and a large
number of eunuchs. 2 In criticizing the Ming dynasty’s extravagance,
Kangxi claimed he only had four to five hundred eunuchs in his palace
(not including those in the Imperial Retreat at Rehe or the Yuan-
mingyuan).3 By the Qianlong period, the total number of eunuchs in the
Forbidden City alone exceeded three thousand. In addition, there were
over a thousand eunuchs serving in the Nanfu.4
Restrictions on the eunuchs

The early Qing emperors held the view that the intervention of eunuchs
in the military, intelligence, diplomacy, and economics was the main
reason for the fall of the Ming. From the very beginning of the Qing,
eunuchs were strictly banned from involving themselves in state affairs.5
In 1653 the emperor issued an edict ordering that no eunuch could be
promoted higher than the fourth rank. “Unless on an official mission,
eunuchs are forbidden to leave the Inner City. They are forbidden to
intervene in any matter beyond their duties. They may not have any
contact with outsiders. They must not associate with non-palace officials.
They must not collude with their brothers, nephews, or other relatives.
They must not buy property in the name of their brothers, nephews, or
others.” Two years later, an iron tablet was displayed in the palace with a
list of restrictions on eunuchs. They also limited the number of eunuchs
in the palace to about one thousand.6
As a matter of principle, unintelligent and uneducated eunuchs were
preferred, especially for those who served the princes. Kangxi commented:
“Liang Jiugong 梁九功 is very smart. I keep a close eye on him whenever
I give him some task … Gao Sanbian 高三變 is not a smart talker, but
he is honest in performing his duties. What is more, he can read
Manchu. He can be promoted to a high rank.”7 Yongzheng’s comments
were similar: “Smart eunuchs cannot be chosen. I am afraid they might
mislead the a’ge 阿哥 (princes) into becoming involved in extraneous
matters. It is better to choose stupid but honest eunuchs to serve the a’ge.”8
If young princes did not behave properly, their personal eunuchs would
be blamed and punished. When Qianlong’s young brother, the two-year-
old Prince Guo 果親王 (1733–1765), called Qianlong “Khan A’ge” 汗阿哥,
Qianlong thought this was disrespectful and blamed Prince Guo’s eunuch,
Wang Zili 王自立. On another occasion, the six-year-old Prince Guo was
watching fireworks in the Yuanmingyuan. When Qianlong approached,
the boy appeared very shy and wanted to hide. Qianlong was so angry
he dismissed the young prince’s eunuchs, including Wang Zili. They
received sixty strokes of the cane as punishment.9
The Qing court did not want eunuchs to have much education.
Qianlong said: “Our court is respectful and proper. Eunuchs are never
allowed to become involved in official matters. There is no harm if they
are illiterate.” Prior to 1769, a Chinese teacher was employed to teach a
dozen or so eunuchs to read and write Chinese. Qianlong disapproved:
“Eunuchs are there to be ordered around. Even if they learn to read, they
only need to know a few characters. Why send a graduate to teach them
the classics?” These teachers were dismissed and replaced by members of
the Neiwufu, who had only a rudimentary knowledge of written
Chinese.10
As a result of this policy, very few eunuchs were literate, including
those serving in the archives. In 1827, the minister of the Neiwufu
submitted a memorial: “In obedience to the edict, I asked Luxi (the chief
eunuch of the Shengpingshu). According to him, there are fourteen
3 | Performers in the Palace 131
eunuchs working in the archives. The following six (names omitted) can
read. The other seven cannot read at all. The eunuch Li Dexi, who
receives a salary of two and half taels of silver a month, could read a bit
but not write. In the whole inner school, only the eunuchs who perform
drama are literate. There is no one else who can read and write. It is very
difficult to select eunuchs for the Qianliangchu (the Accounts Section) .”11
The low literacy level of the eunuchs is clear from the Shengpingshu
archives. “Personally received edicts” (mianfeng yuzhi 面奉諭旨 ) are
records of spoken orders from the emperor to the head eunuch or the
chief eunuchs. Almost all of the edicts transmitted by eunuchs are of this
type. The language is colloquial, unpolished, repetitive, and with many
miswritten characters and incorrect syntax.
Even in the late Qing, such restrictions on eunuchs still existed.
During the Daoguang period, an old eunuch in the Yuanmingyuan, Guo
Yao 郭耀, was fond of reading the Four Books and the Yijing 易經. He
was punished several times for expressing views on matters which did
not concern him. He was eventually assigned gardening duties, because in
that job he was not likely to cause trouble. But the transfer did not
diminish his zeal. When the palace decided to change the theatrical stage
from two tiers to three, he wrote a petition against it, claiming this
would damage the fengshui 風水. He attached quotations from the Yijing
and a chapter from a book on traditional mathematics to support his
argument. He also submitted some plants from his garden, as an
auspicious sign. Guo asked the chief eunuch to pass on these materials to
Daoguang. When the Neiwufu investigated the matter, the chief eunuch
reported: “Eunuch Guo Yao has been very diligent in his duties. He is
not (mentally) ill, he just loves reading books. There is really no evidence
that he has any connection with outsiders engaged in unlawful activities.”
Despite the chief eunuch’s words, Guo was sentenced to exile to
Heilongjiang as a slave, wearing the cangue as a deterrent to others.12
During the Guangxu period, a eunuch called Kou Liancai 寇連才 wrote a
memorial discussing various state affairs. He went to see Cixi and knelt
with the memorial held over his head. Cixi was very surprised: “Doesn’t
this fellow want to live?” When Li Lianying 李蓮英 received Cixi’s decree,
he was very sarcastic: “What a lad! Do we really have someone as
outstanding as you?” He was immediately executed at Caishikou 菜市口.
This case was concerned with the Hundred Days Reform, and sometimes
he is portrayed as a hero.13
The unique position of the eunuchs

The eunuchs were closely supervised by the bondservants and were
subject to many regulations. They were also in a privileged position
because of their intimacy with the emperor, closer than high officials or
princes. Qianlong remarked: “Eunuchs are no more than stupid villagers,
very insignificant and extremely base. When they are accepted into the
palace, they are given official ranks and thus enjoy extraordinary imperial
favour. What is more, many Manchu and Chinese bannermen who have
served me for a long time do not have the privilege of daily gazing on
the imperial countenance and entering or leaving the palace at will.”14
Kangxi repeatedly remarked that eunuchs could not be trusted.
“Eunuchs are extremely base. They are like insects and ants.” “I have
noticed that there were very few good eunuchs in history … Eunuchs are
yin 陰, so their hearts and natures are different from ordinary people.
When they are old and weak, their language and movements are like
babies. On the surface they appear honest, but in fact they are very
unpredictable … These types are different from ordinary people, they can
only be used for service in the palace.”15 On the other hand, many edicts
Kangxi sent to his chief eunuch Gu Wenxing 顧問行 from his military
expeditions are similar to personal letters. Kangxi told Gu about the
weather, his health, and his observations on the local area and people.
Kangxi did not write to his consorts, mother, or anyone from the inner
court, but asked Gu to pass on his regards to his mother and to tell “those
inside” (libian 裏邊, that is, the women in the palace) not to worry about
him. The closeness and warmth in these letters reveal the intimacy
between them.16
Every emperor had a number of favourite eunuchs, who enjoyed
power and influence as a result. Such power and influence was inevitably
seen as abuse in the eyes of the succeeding monarch. As soon as Shunzhi
died, his trusted and closest eunuch Wu Liangfu 吳良輔, who had been
sent to a temple for refuge by Shunzhi five days before his death, was
executed.17 Wei Zhu 魏珠, Kangxi’s favourite eunuch, was demoted and
later executed under Yongzheng.18 Qianlong objected to Yongzheng’s chief
eunuch, Su Peide 蘇培德, on the grounds that he had forgotten his lowly
position. Two months after Yongzheng’s death, Qianlong issued an edict
to the Neiwufu, particularly criticising Su for his perceived lack of respect.
According to this edict, Su only bent his knee slightly in performing the
qing’an 請安 greeting on seeing the imperial princes, and even held their
hands in conversing with them. Prince Zhuang, Yongzheng’s brother, was
very close to Su Peide. The future Qianlong emperor did not approve,
but at the time he did not want to offend his father’s trusted eunuch
and kept silent. In the edict he mentioned that some years earlier he and
some other princes saw Su drinking with others in the Yuanmingyuan.
Su beckoned them over. Some of the princes accepted the invitation, but
Hongli (the future Qianlong) was very angry at the fact that Su dared to
invite princes to drink with him. He had enough wisdom and patience
not to challenge Su, and even sat with them for a while. 19 However,
Qianlong remembered this, and waited until he was in a position to
punish Su for his impertinence.
Singing their way to success

A quick way for a eunuch to distinguish himself from the thousands of
other eunuchs in the palace was to excel at singing or acting in the
drama. There are few detailed records of individual eunuchs, but we can
learn something about their lives from other materials. From Kangxi’s
edicts we can see that his chief eunuch Wei Zhu was an expert in drama.
Especially during the late Qing, without exception, all the powerful
eunuchs, such as An Dehai 安德海 (d. 1869), Li Lianying (1848–1911),
Xiao Dezhang 小德張 (Zhang Lande 張蘭德, 1876–1957) and Cui Yugui
崔玉貴 (1860–1925), were outstanding opera performers. Li Lianying was
serving in the Shengpingshu before he became powerful. His role was the
xiaosheng “young man,” but he could perform many different roles. His
performance was as good as those of the famous actors summoned from
outside the palace, and he received the same compliments and rewards.
After the Boxer Uprising, Li specialised in the role of chou “clown,” to
please Cixi.20 Xiao Dezhang’s successful promotion mainly depended on
his performances, which pleased Cixi’s vanity, as her own troupe was
often better than the outside professional troupes.21 The last generation
of eunuchs, such as Xin Xiuming 信修明 and Sun Yaoting 孫耀庭 (1902–
1996), recalled that a sure way to “succeed” in the palace was through
singing in the opera.22
There were no clear administrative bonds between apprentice and
master in most areas of the palace, and eunuchs could be assigned to
various duties as the occasion demanded. The exception was the
Shengpingshu. Once a eunuch was accepted into the Shengpingshu he

would not be assigned to other duties. The name lists in the Sheng-
pingshu records often mention with which teachers the particular eunuchs
had learned to perform.23
After each performance, the actors would usually be given a gift.
During the Daoguang and Tongzhi periods, such gifts might be material
for clothing, fans, fruits, or sometimes a few taels of silver.24 If their
performance was outstanding, they would be immediately noticed, and
this would be an avenue for promotion.
Desperation and escape

Most eunuchs were from very poor families and had chosen castration as
a means into palace service and out of poverty. They had sacrificed a
normal life in the hope of becoming rich. There were, however, three or
four thousand eunuchs in the palace, and most of them were menials.
Their salary was two taels of silver a month, barely enough to live on.
There was little left over to help their families. Once they entered the
palace, they were not allowed to go out without special permission.25 Life
was hard and lonely, and it was common for eunuchs to become
addicted to gambling, alcohol, or opium. Thievery was very common
amongst them. Qianlong had some executed for stealing, but the practice
continued.26 In 1825, four eunuchs stole five hundred taels of silver from
the palace treasury. From then on, every year the head eunuch of every
section had to write a guarantee that there were no members of his
particular group who gambled, smoked opium, or had been caught
stealing.27 Despite this, it was impossible to eradicate such vices, and
there are lists of opium addicts in the Shengpingshu archives. The situa-
tion worsened in the later years of the Guangxu period.28 Eunuchs often
started fighting amongst themselves over trivial matters, after drinking
too much. The chief eunuch of the Shengpingshu, Bian Dekui 邊得奎,
once reported that one eunuch had broken another’s nose after a fight
over an insignificant matter.29 Occasionally one might be killed.30 Suicides
also occurred.31 In 1846, Zhang Xianhe, a eunuch from the Shengpingshu,
hanged himself in his room. According to the memorial prepared by the
chief eunuch Li Luxi, on that day, during a rehearsal, Zhang was repri-
manded and was hit a few times with a stick. That was the ostensible
reason for his suicide.32
Though initially searching for employment in the palace as a eunuch

was voluntary, there were many instances of eunuchs running away.
Strict regulations and excessive punishments were common reasons for
escaping, as with the bannermen.33 A very common and comparably
light punishment was a deduction from their salaries, especially for the
eunuchs in the Shengpingshu. For example, in 1838, in a performance of
Gathering of Foreign Kings under Ascendant Peace, a eunuch named Liu
Wu’er missed the correct time to appear on the stage. The chief eunuch
Li Luxi suggested that Liu be fined two and half taels of silver and
beaten thirty times with a bamboo rod. Two stage managers should
receive thirty strokes of the bamboo, and four head eunuchs be fined
the equivalent of their salaries for two months. Daoguang approved the
reduction of Liu Wu’er’s salary but spared him the bamboo strokes. The
two stage managers were to receive twenty strokes instead of thirty, and
the four head eunuchs were fined two months’ salary.34 There are many
such records.35
Sometimes escape was accidental, as when they had permission to go
out but failed to return within the time allowed. In 1826, two eunuchs
went out to do some shopping and bumped into someone from their
home village. They started chatting and forgot the time. By the time they
returned, the city gate was closed. Scared of the consequences, they ran
away.36 Another unplanned escape was in 1788. A eunuch named Wang
Jinxi, from the Jingshan Palace Drama Section (Jingshangong xixue 景山宮
戲學), had permission to go home to get some more clothes. He met up
with three people and engaged in a sexual relationship with them for a
few days. The eunuch did not return to the palace on time. Six days
later, the four of them were caught. In his confession, Wang said: “I am
from Wanping 宛平 county. I am seventeen years old. After castration at
the age of thirteen, I first served in the kele 克勒 (Commandery Prince’s
residence).37 In the fiftieth year of the Qianlong period (1785), I was sent
to the Jingshan palace drama section to learn how to perform. The same
year, on the fifth day of the second month, I was granted permission to
return home to get some more clothes. I fell into an adulterous relation-
ship with Qida, Gaoqun’er, and Guanlao’er for a few days.” In the memo-
rial to Qianlong, the Neiwufu suggested:
Qida is a vagrant without a proper occupation. He knew very well that Wang
Jinxi was a eunuch, but he still dared to seduce him, first by words and then by
sexual relations. This is very evil. If he is only exiled to Heilongjiang as the regu-
lation states, it would not be enough. We suggest he be sent to Ili as a slave for
Ertute’er. Gaoqun’er and Guanlao’er were strangers (to Wang) and took advan-
tage of his youth to seduce him. This is also illegal. This sort of troublemaker
should be punished severely. It would not be enough to send them to
Heilongjiang in accordance with the law. They should be sent to subtropical
disease areas (yanzhangdi 煙瘴地).38 Wang Jinxi is a eunuch. He did not abide by
his position and duty, and dared to run away. He willingly let other people
perform illicit acts; this is really shameless. He should be sent to Dasheng-wula
39
打牲烏拉 as a slave for the soldiers.
The “Records of Abscondment” of the Shengpingshu of 1894 indicate

that 178 eunuchs had run away that year, mostly because of their reluc-
tance or inability to learn to sing and perform in the dramas.40 In such
cases, the escaped eunuchs, if captured, would be demoted to a lower
rank. In the Shengpingshu records of 1858, the chief eunuch suggested
that “the music eunuch Li Delu has always been stupid in learning and
has run away many times. The Neiwufu should arrange to have him
captured. Then he should be demoted to perform base duties.”41
In 1800, a young eunuch in the Nanfu, Pan Yucheng, who was
castrated by his father and sold when he was ten, heard that his father
had died. He escaped in search of his aunt. He found his way to Tianjin,
but was arrested when the local authorities became suspicious about his
appearance. In his confession he said:
This humble person is from Pan village 潘家村 of Ningjin county 寧津縣 in
Hejian prefecture 河間府. After my father, Pan Caoqing, threw my mother out,
when I was ten, he took me to the capital to be castrated. I first sang opera in the
Residence of Prince Zhang. When I was seventeen, I went to Master Heshen’s resi-
dence as a performer. Last year, when his residence was raided and everything
confiscated, I was sent to the Nanfu. This year, on the third day of the sixth
month, I escaped due to lack of money. Since my father is now dead, I want to
return to my home village. I have an aunt, named Han, who lives in Hanjiaji of
Leling county 樂陵縣 in Shandong. I want to go to her place. On the ninth day, I
was arrested in Tangguantun 唐官屯. I did not escape to become a bandit, I beg
for compassion.42
From the record we only learn that his case was reported by the
Governor-General of Zhili and that he was sent back to the Board
of Punishment.
Capture and punishment

Some of the escaped eunuchs joined the residence of one or another of
the princes. In theory this was not allowed, but it was not uncommon.
In 1739, a tea kitchen eunuch named Wang Lun changed his name to
Gao Jinglu and joined Prince Yi’s 怡親王 residence. He was only discov-
ered after he had stolen some money and had escaped again. He
confessed that he had done so because he had not been able to learn the
required skills in the tea kitchen, and that the old eunuchs there had
been so strict.
However, if the case were a high-profile one for whatever reason, it
would be treated with severity. Whoever employed escaped eunuchs, even
without knowing their real identities, would be also punished. In 1827, a
young eunuch in the Shengpingshu, Yuan Changqing, escaped and hid in
the residence of Prince Dun. The Neiwufu discovered that his escape had
been encouraged by an older eunuch, Zhang Mingde 張明德.43 Zhang was
very familiar with Prince Dun and introduced Yuan to him. At that time
Prince Dun did not know Yuan had escaped from the palace and agreed
to employ him as an actor. Yuan was well treated by the prince, who
even gave his mother some money as a gift when she visited. When the
palace discovered that Yuan was hiding in Prince Dun’s residence, the
prince panicked and ordered his servants to disguise Yuan in ordinary
clothing to aid his escape. Eventually Yuan was caught. Daoguang was
furious and made his views known to Prince Dun in an edict to the
chief eunuch of the Shengpingshu:
Li Luxi is recording this edict: Recently I called Prince Dun to my presence. I told
him the Shengpingshu is no more important than the kitchen. It’s nothing special.
Prince Dun treats them as if they were important. My late father expressed
himself very forcefully on this until his throat was dry, but it was of no use. What
is more, these two are not the only people in the palace who can sing. What would
happen if everyone in the palace acted like that? Zhang should be punished, and
so should Yuan. If I do not punish Yuan, it would seem that Prince Dun and I are
quarrelling over him.
In the edict to the Neiwufu, Daoguang expressed his view in more

formal way:
In reference to the case of the Shengpingshu eunuch Yuan Changqing escaping
and hiding, Prince Dun should have handed the escaped eunuch over to the
Neiwufu to be punished according to the regulations. However, Prince Dun let
him hide. Even when a document from the yamen was issued, Prince Dun still
didn’t hand him over to the authorities; he even issued orders to assist his escape
and then tried to cover the matter up. The Neiwufu has now arrested the eunuch
and interrogated him. Everything is clear and is backed up with evidence. All
involved will be punished by the yamen according to the regulations. Prince Dun
improperly associates himself with bandits and has no self-discipline. I order that
he be handed to the Zongrenfu to be punished severely.44
In his confession, Yuan Changqing said:

I am a eunuch from the Shengpingshu. I am twenty-seven years old. Due to
poverty, I asked my master eunuch Zhang Mingde to lend me some money, but he
would not do so. I started to think about escaping. I knew that Zhang Mingde
often goes to Prince Dun’s residence, so I begged him to introduce me to a posi-
tion there. He agreed. I escaped from the Shengpingshu on the seventh day of the
twelfth month. I found Zhang Mingde’s brother, Zhang Yonggui, who took me to
the residence. The prince didn’t know that I was a eunuch from the Shengpingshu.
He employed me and paid me five taels of silver a month. He let me stay in a
room in the west court of the residence….
Yuan also confessed that when his mother and brother came to visit
him, they got to meet the Prince and were given money as a gift.45
While Prince Dun was dealt with by Daoguang himself, the Neiwufu
decided to exile Zhang Mingde to Heilongjiang, giving him as a slave to
a local official and sentencing him to wear the cangue for two months.
Yuan Changqing was exiled to Dasheng-wula,46 also as a slave to a local
official, and was sentenced to wear the cangue for one month. The chief
eunuch of the Nanfu, Li Luxi, was fined three months’ salary. The head
eunuchs were fined six months’ salary. When the Neiwufu submitted the
sentence to Daoguang for approval, he wrote: “Zhang Mingde and Yuan
Changqing should first be put on public display wearing the cangue
outside the offices of the Shengpingshu. When their sentence has been
served, they must immediately be sent into exile. The fine of the chief
eunuch of the Shengpingshu, Li Luxi, will be reduced to two months’
salary, as a sign of my consideration. The other three head eunuchs will
have their fines lessened to four months’ salary.”47
In 1834, seven years later, on the fourteenth day of the third month,
Daoguang issued an edict: “Li Luxi transmitting the edict: Yuan
Changqing has been released and should return to the Shengpingshu. The
chief and head eunuchs must control him strictly. It is not permitted
that he form any associations outside in the near future. If he makes a

mistake again, you will all be severely punished.” Less than two months
later, another edict was issued to release Zhang Mingde, allowing him to
return to the Shengpingshu. The usual fate of eunuchs sentenced to exile
was that they never returned to the palace. Clearly Daoguang appreciated
the talent of these particular two eunuchs. The records show that in the
same year, Daoguang gave Yuan Changqing gifts several times for his
excellent performance.48
Their talents were too desirable for the palace to lose. The eunuchs
of the Shengpingshu were specialised performers, and if one were to leave,
a whole drama would have to be cancelled. The number of eunuchs in
the Shengpingshu was less than in the Nanfu, which made them more
indispensable. In 1827, when Daoguang changed the Nanfu to the Sheng-
pingshu, the Grand Ministers of the Neiwufu, Xi’en 禧恩 (1784–1852) and
Muzhang’a 穆彰阿 (d. 1856), submitted a memorial requesting that
escaped eunuchs from the Shengpingshu be treated leniently and be
allowed to return to their original duties. This contrasted with the
general rule for escaped eunuchs, which included physical punishment
and exile. They were never allowed to return to their original duties. 49
During the Qianlong period, two eunuchs escaped to a monastery, prefer-
ring to become monks. When they were caught, they were ordered to
resume their secular status and were exiled.50
In 1827, special regulations were devised for the eunuchs of the
Shengpingshu. The Revised Statutes of Punishments give relevant punish-
ments for the first, second, third, fourth, fifth, and sixth escapes. These
punishments were relatively light compared to those for other crimes.
The punishment for a eunuch who returned of his own accord after the
first escape was forty strokes. He was permitted to return to his former
position, but not allowed to take leave for three months. For the third,
fourth, and fifth escapes, whether he returned voluntarily or was
captured, the punishment was one hundred strokes. For the third escape,
the culprit had to wear the cangue for one month, for the fourth escape
two months, and for the fifth, three months. They too were permitted to
return to their original positions but not allowed to take leave for two
years. The punishment for a eunuch who escaped six times was to wear
the cangue for the rest of his life.51 It is clear from the records of forty-
six escapees during the Daoguang and Xianfeng periods that several of
them had run away twice or three times.
For the majority of eunuchs in the palace, the consequences would

be very different. If escapees ran away without a careful plan, they could
not survive outside the palace. Some were sold into servitude, some were
assaulted and raped. Some of them, out of desperation, had to return to
the palace to face severe punishment. In 1788, a eunuch escaped from
the Jingshan. He returned within nine days, after having been raped
many times by several men.52 After Puyi was expelled from the palace,
many of the eunuchs were forced into prostitution. This became a
common scene around the Di’anmen 地安門 area.53
Abuse of power
After the Shengpingshu became a supervisory organ for the performers
and performances outside as well as inside the palace, the eunuchs became
intermediaries between the palace and the (non-eunuch) actors outside.
The chief eunuchs of the Shengpingshu had been in the Inner School
of the palace for many years and were experts in all aspects of the
drama. Each chief eunuch was in charge of a number of sections, each
of which had one to three head eunuchs. The chief eunuch was respon-
sible for the selection of plays and performances and had his own special
seat at the theatre.
Given the low status of actors in society and the peripatetic nature
of their occupation, there were security considerations to be considered
when the court summoned them to perform in the palace. It was up to
the chief eunuchs in the Shengpingshu to decide which troupes would be
invited, and which dramas were to be performed. There was even a
special theatre, the Fuchengyuan 阜成園, designated for the purpose of
selection. The Fuchengyuan was located just outside the Fuchengmen. It
was purchased by the Shengpingshu in 1861, and only actors or troupes
chosen by the Shengpingshu could perform there.54 The outside actors
were paid low salaries, much the same as the eunuchs, and the rewards
for even excellent performances would not be more than twenty taels of
silver — much less than they could earn outside the palace. They were,
however, in close proximity to the emperor and the imperial family, and
it was a great honour which would increase their reputation and their
money-earning ability outside. To be invited to perform in the palace was
regarded as the peak of their careers. The emperor had to approve the
choice made by the chief eunuch, but this was a formality.55 As Daoguang
commented in edict to the Nanfu on the selection of performers: “Once

you have made your decision, that’s it. All there is left for me to do is
give it the nod.”56
Officials did not dare offend the eunuchs of the Shengpingshu. Li
Yongquan 李永泉 (d. 1914), a performer who specialized in hualian 花臉
roles (warriors, heroes, and statesmen), was arrested for gambling by the
Banner Infantry and incarcerated in the yamen. Li’s family sought the
help of the eunuchs in the Shengpingshu. The chief eunuch only had to
drop a hint to the Commander of the Banner Infantry: “The Old Buddha
likes listening to Tan Jinfu 譚金福 in the opera Cao Cao’s Capture and
Release (Zhuofang Cao 捉放曹).” Tan Jinfu, better known as Tan Xinpei,
was a famous singer. Li Yongquan played the role of Cao Cao in the
same opera. The hint was clear, and Li was released.57
As the power of the Shengpingshu eunuchs was very great, abuse was
inevitable. This led to their impeachment by the Censor Jia Duo 賈鐸
(jinshi 1853). He claimed that the eunuchs had misused silk which was
sent to the court as tribute. After every performance they received further
emoluments of several thousand taels of silver. He requested this practice
be stopped.58 This action was ostensibly against the eunuchs, but the real
object of attack was Cixi. As a consequence, Cixi and Ci’an 慈安 (1837–
1881) issued an edict in the name of the Tongzhi emperor denying the
allegations.59 Ten years later (1872) another censor, Yuan Chengye 袁承業
(jinshi 1873), wrote a memorial alleging that the eunuchs owned several
shops in the city and even ran their own drama troupe, called the Sheng-
chunkui 勝春奎, which gave public performances. He called on the Grand
Minister of the Neiwufu, the Commander in Charge of the Banner
Infantry, the Shuntian Prefect, and the Censor of the Five Precincts to
investigate this matter. 60 During the early Guangxu period, there were
several orders from the Jingshifang 敬事房 (eunuch office) to the Sheng-
pingshu to the effect that eunuchs in their ceremonial music section must
stop misbehaving — drinking, fighting, climbing palace walls, involvement
in commercial activities, practicing martial arts, and so on.61 However, the
commercial activities of the eunuchs were not stopped; they increased.
During the late Guangxu period a shop called the Xiangyihao 祥義號 in
Dashalar 大柵欄 was completely owned by the eunuchs from the palace.
The shop specialised in silk and best-selling imports. It also monopolised
the business with the palace in these goods, especially the theatrical
costumes of the Shengpingshu.62
Civilian Actors
When the early Qing replaced female yuehu with eunuchs as musicians,
male yuehu still remained in the palace. The archives from the Qianlong
period refer to these male yuehu as shiye zidi 世業子弟, indicating that
they had inherited their positions from their ancestors who performed in
the Ming court. 63 Their legal status as jianmin, or “debased people,”
remained until Yongzheng’s abolition of their jianmin status in 1723.
The jianmin of the Ming and Qing dynasties can be divided into
two groups. The former, concentrated in a particular locality, were
mainly descendants of people who had been persecuted for political
reasons and forced into certain base occupations under the previous
dynasty. They compulsorily inherited their status and occupation genera-
tion after generation, and for many of them, the original circumstances
that led to their low status were no longer known. Yuehu in the palace
belonged to this category.64 The latter were not limited to a particular
area but were classified as debased because of their chosen occupation.
These included opera performers and prostitutes — the lowest class of
jianmin. Yongzheng abolished the status of jianmin for the former group,
but not the latter.
Legal status of the yuehu

In 1723, the first year of Yongzheng, the Provincial Censor Nian Xi 年熙
submitted a memorial advocating the abolition of the category of yuehu
in Shanxi and Shaanxi. Nian noted that these people were descendants of
Ming officials who had supported the emperor Jianwen against the coup
of Prince Yan 燕王, the future emperor Yongle. When his coup succeeded,
Yongle decreed that the daughters and wives of the supporters of the
former emperor would be condemned to the status of guanji 官妓 (official
prostitutes) “generation after generation.” Nian proposed that, as these
people were the descendants of loyal officials, it was unjust that they had
been reduced to this status. Retention of the category of yuehu was of
no benefit to the state, and its abolition would be a moral act. Yong-
zheng approved and ordered the Board of Rites to draft the appropriate
regulations. Yongzheng then formally rescinded the status of jianmin for
these particular yuehu, the descendants of the loyal Ming officials resident
in Shanxi and Shaanxi.65
Four months after Nian’s memorial, the Salt Investigating Censor

of Liangzhe, Ge’ertai 噶爾泰 , submitted a memorial advocating
rescinding the debased status of the duomin 墮民 (fallen people) and
gaihu 丐戶 (beggar households) of Shaoxing 紹興 , as they were the
descendants of “rebellious generals” during the Song. After listing a
number of discriminatory regulations regarding occupation, clothing,
and so on, Ge’ertai wrote: “These people have been in disgrace for
several centuries, since appropriate punishment during the Song. Have
they not had to eke out a livelihood generation after generation in the
most shameless manner? This is because they have had no way to
reform themselves. If it were not for your Majesty’s unbounded benev-
olence, they would be reincarnated generation after generation and will
finally be buried in the sea of sin. This slave regards with awe your
majesty’s love for the welfare of living things, even to insects and
grasses. Now I beg an abundance of your gracious benevolence and
humbly suggest an extension of the favour already granted to the
Shanxi and Shaanxi yuehu.” 66 Yongzheng approved this, but it was
vetoed by the Board of Rites, on the grounds that it was improper and
impractical. 67 The Board of Rites argued that relieving them of their
traditional occupations would deprive them of their livelihood. Yong-
zheng then ordered the Board of Rites to resubmit the memorial,
noting, “This is a good thing. The Board’s process of examination and
advice should not disagree with it. I am returning the original memo-
rial for reexamination and resubmission.”68 Finally, the abolition of the
categories of duomin and gaihu in Shaoxing was approved.69
Nian Xi initiated this policy during a period when both he and his
father, Nian Gengyao 年羹堯 (d. 1725), enjoyed Yongzheng’s favour. Nian
Xi’s sister was Yongzheng’s consort, and Nian Gengyao was the Governor-
General of Sichuan and Shaanxi. Shanxi was also under his jurisdiction.
Nian Xi must have consulted his father on this matter; perhaps it was
even his father’s idea. When Nian Gengyao lost favour with Yongzheng,
one of the crimes in the impeachment proceedings was that he attempted
to steal the credit from Yongzheng on this issue.70 On the basis of these
two memorials, the Board of Rites issued the following regulations: “The
category (of jianmin) will be abolished for the yuehu of all provinces,
and for the duomin and gaihu of Zhejiang, and they will take up respect-
able occupations. Local tyrants and local bullies who continue to insult
or take advantage of them as in the past, or any (former jianmin) who

willingly continue their debased lifestyle will be punished in accordance
with the regulations. If local officials do not implement this (regulation)
properly, the Governor-General and the Provincial Governor should
impeach them and refer the matter to the Board of Civil Appointments
for discussion and sentence.”71
These various categories of debased people were abolished because
the court could see there was no need to continue to discriminate
against certain people because of the political activities of their ances-
tors. There were various theories about the origins of the gaihu of
Zhejiang. Ge’ertai’s information came from the local gazetteers. The
key point was that they were now permitted to change their occupa-
tions for a respectable one (gai ye wei liang 改業為良).72 Various types
of occupations, or trades, however, remained “debased occupations,” or
jianye 賤業. After the abolition of the category of yuehu as jianmin,
the palace no longer selected yuehu from the provinces, and there was
a sharp drop in the number of musicians in the Jiaofangsi (the Bureau
of Instruction). No one wanted to replace the yuehu, mainly because
of the tainted reputation of the Bureau. For this reason, in the seventh
year of his reign (1729), Yongzheng ordered that the name of the
Bureau of Instruction be changed to the Bureau of Harmonious
Sounds (the Heshengshu).73
The legal status of the male yuehu who chose to stay in the Hesh-
engshu does not seem to have changed. In 1742, Qianlong wanted to
dismiss all the musicians in the Heshengshu, due to their lack of skill.
The three ministers of the Board of Music presented a memorial,
requesting that 40 musicians in the Heshengshu should continue with
their duties, but that those who were going to leave the palace should be
allowed to change their status. “These musicians, apart from those
recruited from amongst ordinary people, are hereditary yuehu, who,
according to law, are not allowed to enter civilian status. After we dismiss
them, we should allow them to settle in the counties of Wanping and
Daxing as liangmin 良民 (respectable people). They can each go their
own way. Other people are no longer allowed to point at them, call them
yuehu, or insult and mistreat them however they like.”74 This clearly
suggests that the yuehu could only change their status when they changed
their occupation.
Legal status of actors by chosen occupation

Yongzheng exempted some groups from the debased category, but the
category itself remained, and the occupation of entertainer or actor
remained a debased one. A reliably attested story gives an insight into
Yongzheng’s attitude towards actors: “Yongzheng was watching a drama
called The Embroidered Coat (Xiuruji 繡襦記). One episode was called
Zheng Dan Beats His Son (Zheng Dan da zi 鄭儋打子). In this drama,
Zheng Dan was the Prefect of Changzhou. The singing and acting were
excellent; the emperor was pleased and gave the actors a banquet. One of
the actors casually asked who the present Prefect of Changzhou was. The
emperor lost his temper: ‘You actors belong to the debased class; how
dare you ask about official positions? This impertinence cannot be allowed
to continue!’ The emperor had the actor beaten to death immediately.”75
Sommer claims that Qianlong’s “decision to open civil examinations
to the descendants of Yue households and other debased groups was the
last nail in the coffin of an aristocratic vision of hereditary status and
fixed social structure that had been on the decline ever since the Song
dynasty.”76 The question is, however, whether Qianlong’s decision really
changed the status of entertainers.
In 1771, Qianlong issued the following order on the question as to
whether the sons and grandsons of former jianmin should be allowed to
participate in the imperial examinations. “The fourth generation may take
part in the examinations if all members of their clan, and all their rela-
tives, remain clean. If their uncles, aunts, or sisters still remain in their
debased occupation, they will not be allowed to contaminate the ranks of
the scholars. The second and third generation will not be allowed to do
so under any circumstances.”77
In 1788, however, Qianlong issued another regulation: “prostitutes,
actors, and yamen runners, and their children and descendants, are not
allowed to participate in the examinations or purchase a degree. If some-
body changes their name in order to participate through deception, they
will forfeit their degree, and in accordance with the law, they will be
beaten one hundred times.” This regulation did not specify the number
of generations. Xue Yunsheng 薛允升 (1820–1901), a minister of the
Board of Punishments78 and a specialist in the Legal Code, interpreted
this regulation as meaning that “no (jianmin) are allowed to participate
in the examination or purchase degrees. But if some have changed their
occupation for more than three generations, it seems that this exclusion
should not apply to them.”79 There is little information on whether many
third-generation descendants of jianmin actually enjoyed this privilege.
Even during the final years of the dynasty, Cheng Changgeng, one of
the founders of Peking Opera and one of the greatest performers of his
time, recalled that he had ended up in a “debased occupation” because of
poverty. He claimed that he had come from a respectable family, and
since he had accumulated enough money to support his family, he
wanted to be restored to his respectable status. He had one of his sons
adopted by another family so that he could pursue an official career.
Cheng Changgeng’s grandson, Cheng Shaotang 程紹唐, studied German in
the Tongwenguan 同文館 and interpreted for Li Hongzhang 李鴻章
(1823–1901) in his negotiations with foreigners after the Boxer Uprising.
Qi Rushan 齊如山 (1877–1962) was a classmate of Cheng Shaotang in the
Tongwenguan. According to Qi, Cheng Shaotang never openly acknowl-
edged that he was the grandson of Cheng Changgeng, although it was
common knowledge. On one occasion, Duanfang 端方80 directly asked
Cheng Shaotang’s brother whether he was related to Cheng Changgeng.
The brother said, “Same surname, different clan.” Duanfang knew very
well what the relationship was, but just said, “Same surname, different
clan, eh?” This conversation took place after 1900, but clearly a family
relationship with an opera performer was something to be denied in
polite society.81 The imperial family, the princes, and the aristocrats of
late Qing society were particularly keen on Peking Opera. There is a
well-known story to the effect that Cheng Changgeng was appointed an
official of the sixth rank because of his skill on the stage.82 However, I
can find no record of this in the actual archives of the time.
Bannermen were forbidden to attend or perform in any type of opera.
The original reason for this had to do with moral discipline in the army.
In 1806, Jiaqing issued an edict condemning the Manchu princes and offi-
cials for their decadence. He particularly pointed out, “Among the
bannermen there are even some who join drama troupes and perform
dramas. They are utterly vile and extremely shameless. This has a great
effect on moral values.”83 However, by the late Qing, it was not uncommon
for bannermen to attend the opera and even perform on the stage them-
selves. Some individual bannermen had become opera singers and were
consequently alienated from their families and expelled from their banners,
together with their children.84 An example is the case of the famous actor
De Junru 德珺如 (1852–1925), a grandson of Muzhang’a. Muzhang’a was

one of the most powerful Manchu nobles and officials during the mid-
nineteenth century.85 When De Junru decided to become a professional
actor, his uncle accused him of “willingly falling into a debased lifestyle” (zi
gan xia jian 自甘下賤). De was expelled from the clan.86
Social status of actors

Theoretically, after Yongzheng exempted the yuehu from the status of “mean
people,” they were allowed to change their occupations and consequently
their legal status. Legally, then, the category of yuehu no longer existed.
Basing their work on written documents, scholars have sometimes overes-
timated the effectiveness of this change in legal status.87 As the Board of
Rites pointed out to Yongzheng in 1723, it would be no easy matter for
the jianmin to change their base occupations. The yuehu of Shanxi, to be
sure, were no longer expected to serve in the palace after Yongzheng’s
edict. They remained, however, servants in local county yamens, a practice
which continued into the twentieth century. During the 1990s, sociologists
and anthropologists from Mainland China and Taiwan conducted a field
survey in Shanxi among several hundred descendants of yuehu born
during the Republican period. As late as 1926, the yuehu of Hejin 河津
still worked one month every year as servants in the county offices, for
which they received no payment. They entertained guests, played music,
and sang at banquets, much as their ancestors did.88 The survey revealed
that, even after two hundred years, the yuehu were still in low-class occu-
pations, and social distinctions and prejudice, even in such matters as
clothing and living conditions, had not changed. The yuehu were not
allowed to intermarry with others, which led to inbreeding and congenital
abnormalities. During the Qing, these people were unlikely to insist on
their eligibility to participate in the imperial examinations.89
In Suzhou, the yuehu also remained a distinctive social group. During
the Republican period, children of yueju 樂局 (the local term for yuehu)
families were sent to a free school established by a rich industrialist to
promote kunqu, which was in decline. Their parents agreed to this as
they knew their ancestors had offended the emperor for some reason
which had now been forgotten, but they were resigned to the fact that as
yuehu they belonged to the lower strata of society, and it was appropriate
that their children become opera performers.90
In both popular parlance and official documents, the terms chang 娼

“prostitute” and you 優 “actor” were used indiscriminately, and usually
together.91 Many actors who played the role of dan 旦 in Peking Opera
and other local operas92 were similar to courtesans in the services they
provided to clients off the stage.93 The popular view was that you (actors)
were even lower than chang (prostitutes). A prostitute could always “marry
and reform” (congliang 從良). Actors, however, could not alter their status,
at least for three generations. In acknowledgement of this distinction in
status, actors would bow on greeting a prostitute.94
Even after the Republic social contact with actors, especially the dan,
would bring opprobrium. Respectable people would avoid them. Qi
Rushan loved the opera and was an admirer of the famous female imper-
sonator Mei Lanfang 梅蘭芳 (1894–1961), but he hesitated for a long
time before making any personal contact with him. In his memoirs, he
wrote: “After the gengzi 庚子 year of the Guangxu period (1900), I came
to know many people in the theatre. Some of my friends disapproved of
my having any contact with Mei Lanfang. Even in the second year of the
Republic, my own family, relatives, and friends, would keep a distance
from me.”95
Intimacy between Kangxi and actors

Under special circumstances, however, certain outstanding actors had the
opportunity to gain wealth and influence, precisely because of their close-
ness to powerful officials. Kangxi loved the opera, and it was he who
established the convention of bringing Jiangnan kunqu performers and
artisans skilled in making musical instruments into the palace.96 There is
evidence of contact between Kangxi and southern musicians in the secret
correspondence between Kangxi and the Suzhou textile commissioner. On
one occasion, Kangxi specifically mentioned a particular old artisan from
Suzhou who could make bamboo musical instruments. On another occa-
sion, Li Xu, the Suzhou commissioner, offered to send Kangxi some
young girls from Suzhou to form a drama troupe. As there were already
too many kunqu troupes, he suggested they be taught the yiqiang style.
As there were no yiqiang teachers in Suzhou, Kangxi appointed a teacher
and sent him to Suzhou to teach the members of the troupe.97
One such actor, Yao Tianjin 姚天津, received word that his relatives
in Suzhou had become involved in a legal dispute over land. He sought
the assistance of Kangxi. Kangxi was willing to help, but it was not
appropriate to do so through official government channels. He ordered
the chief eunuch Wei Zhu to deal with this matter.
According to Qing regulations, the eunuch was not permitted to
contact local officials directly. As a member of the Neiwufu, however, he
could raise the matter with another member of this department, the
Textile Commissioner in Suzhou, Li Xu. In a secret memorial to Kangxi,
Li Xu wrote:
This slave’s retainer has returned to Suzhou from Peking with a report that the
chief eunuch Wei Zhu has transmitted an edict from Your Majesty: “The teacher
Yao Tianjin had a plot of land reserved for his family tomb, which was stolen.
The circumstances of this affair should be investigated and reported, and a
memorial submitted. Respect this.” This slave immediately called Yao Zikai 姚子
開, Yao Tianjin’s brother, and his nephew, Yao Zaiming 姚在明, and asked them
the location of the land in question. They replied it was close to Huqiu 虎丘, in
Zahualin 雜花林. This slave then accompanied Yao Zikai to that place. There
was, in fact, a Yao family tomb there, and there were still stone tablets there. I
carefully questioned the neighbours. They said that when Yao Tianjin’s grandfa-
ther, Yao Jinghuai 姚敬懷, bought this land from the family of Li Aiqiao 李愛橋,
the original owner was still alive. Yao Jinghuai was a devout Buddhist, so he
invited a Buddhist monk, Qianlin 千林, to live in a house on that land so that
they could offer incense and pray together. Both are now dead. Later, Yao Zikai
had a legal dispute with a man named Wu 吳, so he asked another monk, Xue Fu
雪鳧, to go to the yamen to speak on his behalf. The monk expected a gift in
gratitude, but Yao didn’t have any money, so he gave him the land instead. Xue
Fu did not live on the land himself, but let his nephew live there. Last winter
they sold this land to the Gu 顧 family to build a tomb. The Yao family decided
to sue. This slave visited all concerned to make the matter clear. He called Xue
Fu, Yao Zikai, Yao Zaiming, and witnesses to be questioned. Xue Fu said, “This
land used to belong to the Yao family, but because I did something for them,
they gave it to me. Now that they are suing me, I dare not keep it.” This slave
thinks that if a monk becomes involved in litigation, it sullies the purity of
Buddhism. Moreover, to ask for property in return for services is not in accor-
dance with the law. Now he realizes he was wrong and is willing to return the
land. It should be returned to the Yao family, and all outsiders should move out
immediately. The house and the tomb site should be returned to Yao Tianjin’s
nephew, Yao Zaiming, to manage it. Now everyone has agreed, and I can report
to you in this memorial.98
This case was not dealt with by the state bureaucracy. Li Xu’s memo-
rial seems to be the only record of it. The Yao family did not raise the
matter with the local officials but directly sought the emperor’s support.
The Suzhou textile commissioner theoretically did not involve himself in
local legal disputes, but the local officials feared him because of his direct
access to the emperor. This was not an isolated incident. During the
Kangxi period a retired actor, after having served the palace for over
twenty years, was able to enjoy his wealth and success in his hometown
Suzhou, wearing clothing and living in dwellings otherwise not permitted
to someone of his background.99
Special treatment during the Qianlong period

During the Qianlong period, Suzhou performers could even use their
privileged position to request admission into the banner system. Qianlong
approved their request, thus granting them the privileges and protection
reserved for bannermen. This was very unusual for Qianlong, considering
his preoccupation with Manchu identity and privileges. There is a
possible factor which may have partly influenced his attitude. It was a
common belief among the actors that the mother of the Jiaqing emperor
had been an actress from Jiangnan. The evidence was that in the Nanfu,
and afterwards in the Shengpingshu, there was a shrine with a female
statue. It was called the Sacred Mother Who Loved Music (Xiyin shengmu
喜音聖母). In front of the statue, there were tablets of both Jiaqing and
Daoguang. According to Wang Yaoqing 王瑤卿 (1881–1954), when he was
selected to perform in the palace, the first thing the chief eunuch took
him to do was to go to the shrine to kowtow, and then to go to the
Hall of the Patron God of Actors to kowtow. When the Shengpingshu had
to shift from their premises to make way for Yuan Shikai’s guards, the
Shengpingshu took this shrine with them to the Jingshan. There are two
published photos of this shrine, taken in the Jingshan in 1932.100 If this
is true, Qianlong had an actress, or at least a retired actress, as one of
his consorts.101 According to Hummel,
His mother, Empress Hsiao-i (née Wei, 1727–1775), was a favorite secondary
consort of Emperor Kao-tsung and was posthumously elevated to the rank of
Empress after Yung-yen was publicly designated Heir Apparent in 1795 … It is
reported that Yung-yen’s mother Empress Hsiao-i, was an actress from Soochow
who was either bought or employed by the bureau in the Imperial Household,
known as Sheng-ping Shu, which had charge of theatrical entertainment. It is

even asserted that in the Sheng-ping Shu area there is a small temple erected to a
female divinity known as Hsi-yin sheng-mu, “Sacred Mother Who Loved Music”,
and that at her feet were once placed two tablets bearing the temple and posthu-
mous names of Yung-yen and his son, Min-ning, as if they were her descendants.
However this may be, the official accounts state that Empress Hsiao-i came from a
family listed in the pa-ch’i Man-chou shih-tsu t’ung-p’u … as having been for at
least three generations bond-servants in the Imperial Household. She appears to
have been the favorite concubine of Emperor Kao-tsung — her residence in the
summer palace, Yuan-ming Yuan, being the famous court known as T’ien-ti-i-chia
ch’un where Yung-yen was born. 102
Qigong 功 (1912–2005), a descendent of Prince He, Qianlong’s

brother, claims in his oral history that when the tomb of the Qianlong
emperor was pillaged by the warlord Sun Dianying 孫殿英 (1889–1947)
in 1928, the bodies of Qianlong, his two empresses and his three consorts
were thrown from their coffins. Among the six bodies, only the body of
Jiaqing’s mother, Empress Xiaoyi 孝儀 (1727–1775) was intact and clearly
identifiable. The most amazing claim from Qigong was that she had
bound feet. However, while everything else Qigong states on this event
can be proven accurate by other accounts, as far as I am able to tell this
particular claim has not been mentioned elsewhere.103
The year Qianlong decided to change his policy of allowing actors to
join the banner system was the year Jiaqing’s mother died. This may just
have been a coincidence. However, we know that in later life Qianlong
regretted this special treatment of Suzhou actors and forbade his succes-
sors from following this practice. He was concerned that the performers
would usurp the limited resources of the Manchu bannermen.104
Generally speaking, in the early Qing access to the court was
restricted to the performers from the Suzhou area. In the late Qing, most
of the famous opera performers in Peking had the opportunity to
become acquainted with the inner court, the palace eunuchs, and the
families of the imperial princes. This put them in a position to protect
their own interests and even challenge government officials. There were
occasions when the actors were able to challenge the authority of the
ward-inspecting censors who were directly responsible for them.
In Peking, the inner city was under the administration of the
Commander of the Banner Infantry; the outer city was under the control
of the ward-inspecting censors, who were responsible to the Censorate.
The streets were patrolled twice a day. While on patrol the censors rode
in a mule-cart preceded by a horse, and in front of them walked four
servants, two holding placards and two holding whips, who shouted
loudly as they cleared the way. Their placards were very large and could
be used to beat any rowdy persons who might block the way. If the
censors suspected any illegality, they had the power to order any drama
performance to be stopped on the spot, and the theatre closed down.105
In 1774 the Inspecting Censor of the South Ward asked a troupe
sponsored by one of the imperial princes to perform an opera. They
arrived somewhat late, and the censor slapped one of the actors on the
face. Even the carriage driver who carried their luggage was beaten. After
the performance, the censor refused to pay the fee. A few days later a
memorial was sent to Qianlong:
This official Fulong’an 福隆安 respectfully reports a matter. I have heard that the
Inspecting Censor of the South Ward, Lu Zanyuan 魯贊元 [b. 1726; jinshi 1757],
personally struck an actor and refused to pay the fee for the performance. So I
secretly sent the sergeant of police (fanzi toumu 番子頭目), Tuoxing, to investi-
gate the matter. I also called the actor who was beaten, Zhu Sanguan, to give
detailed answers. According to his testimony, “I am a xiaosheng in the new troupe
of the imperial prince’s household. On the twenty-fourth day of this month, Old
Master Lu of the Southern Ward originally agreed to pay thirty strings of cash for
one performance. It was performed in the Guild Hall of the Temple of the God of
Wealth outside the Xuanwumen 宣武門. On that day, we had to rush there after
performing at another place. Originally a meal was included. But the costumes
arrived a bit late. A retainer of Old Master Lu shouted and cursed at us in the
theatre. I explained the matter and tried to persuade him, but he took no notice.
What I did not expect was that Old Master Lu himself would rush into the theatre
and shout and curse. Then he personally slapped me across the face. He then told
Xiao Ma to tie me up and beat me thirty times. The members of the troupe
begged him repeatedly before he changed his mind. Afterwards I also heard that
Xiao Ma and others slapped the face of the porter who carried our luggage. On
that day we performed until the second watch before we were able to rest. It is
true that his fee for the performance was not paid.” The responsibility of the
ward-inspecting censor was to collect information on local conditions and to
arrest criminals. If actors or entertainers acted illegally, of course that should be
investigated and punished. But it is not appropriate to beat an actor without
reason during a private performance. Lu Zanyuan is a ward-inspecting censor,
and just because the troupe arrived late he beat them and forced them to perform
into the middle of the night, and then refused to pay them. This is really a case of
his relying on his official position to bully people as he pleases. My investigations
show that this testimony is accurate. This memorial looks forward to Your Majes-
ty’s perspicacious judgment. The twenty-eighth day of the first month of the
thirty-ninth year of the reign of Qianlong [10 March 1774].106
Generally speaking, it would not have been a matter of great impor-

tance if an official slapped an actor, but this particular actor was part of
a troupe sponsored by the imperial princes. The author of this memorial,
Fulong’an (d. 1784), was the son of Fuheng 傅恆 (d. 1770), the brother
of Qianlong’s empress Xiaoxian 孝賢 (1712–1748). He was married to
Qianlong’s fourth daughter, Princess Hejia 和嘉公主 (1745–1767).
Fulong’an, together with his brothers Fukang’an 福康安 (d. 1796) and
Fuchang’an 福長安 (d. 1817), and their father, Fuheng, were the four
most important grand councillors of the Qianlong period. 107 Through
Fulong’an, the actor was able to have the case brought to the attention
of Qianlong.108
Late Qing cases

After Xianfeng died, the actors who had accompanied him to Rehe
returned to the capital. Two years later, in 1863, they were dismissed by
the court. An actor who played the role of laosheng 老生 (old man),
named Dong Wen 董文 (1832–1902), served Xianfeng in Rehe and was
summoned into the palace again in 1891 with the Sixi Troupe. When
Xianfeng died in Rehe, Cixi was with him, as a young consort. She had
not seen Dong Wen for twenty years. Cixi asked him, “Are you the Dong
Wen from Rehe?” Dong replied that he was. Cixi said, “You are still here,
but your old master had been long gone. The trees on his tomb have
grown so much.” Cixi was very emotional, bursting into tears. She
presented Dong with twenty taels of silver.109
During the Guangxu period there was a dispute between the actors
as a group and the ward-inspecting censor. In 1889 the Yucheng Troupe
玉成班 was performing in the Qingheyuan 慶和園 Theatre in Dashalar
when several servants (a cook, a sedan chair porter, and a carriage
driver) of the Left Censor, Xu Yingkui 許應騤 (b. 1830, jinshi 1850), and
the Vice Censor-in-Chief, Yang Yi 楊頤 (1824–1899), provoked an inci-
dent. Two of the ward-inspecting censors, Zai Cai 載彩 and Zhang
Zhongxin 張仲炘 (b. 1857, jinshi 1877), supported the troublemakers, as
they were the servants of their superiors. The proprietor was ordered to
close the theatre and apologise. This incident infuriated the Peking-based
drama troupes. Leading actors such as Sun Juxian 孫菊仙 (1841–1931),
Yang Yuelou 楊月樓 (1844–1890), and Yu Runxian 俞潤仙 (1838–1914),
together with the heads of the drama troupes and the proprietors of the
theatres, decided to go on strike for seven days. A famous piaoyou, Wen
Ruitu 文瑞圖 (1859–1923), who was a bannerman, organized some fund-
raising activities to lend financial support to the striking performers. Wen
Ruitu had previously served in the Imperial Household Department and
was able to lobby his former colleagues in the palace.110 When Cixi heard
of this, she herself contributed a large amount of money to the support
fund. She also ordered the censors to hand over the troublemakers to the
authorities. They were ordered to wear the cangue and be held up to the
ridicule of the crowd in front of the Qingheyuan Theatre.111
This incident cannot be found in the archives in the palace, but
there was a precedent during the Qianlong period, and given the close
relations between the performing troupes and the court in the late Qing,
this account is entirely plausible. It was not so easy to bully the
performers of the capital as the performers in the provinces. This is also
clear from the Unofficial History of the Pear Garden (Liyuan waishi 梨園
112
外史), which describes the opera performers in the capital.
The case of Yang Yuelou

However, the above cases are the exceptions. Without protection from
people in high places, actors were in a vulnerable position. Amongst the
four famous “strange cases” of the late Qing, one involved Yang Yuelou, a
famous Peking Opera actor of the time.113 In Shanghai, in 1873, Yang
Yuelou was accused of kidnapping and marrying the daughter of a
Cantonese comprador. In fact the girl married him willingly, but the clan
objected and brought the case to court. The Shanghai magistrate
subjected both Yang and the girl to torture and demanded that the girl
remarry someone respectable. Yang appealed to the Governor of Jiangsu,
Ding Richang 丁日昌 (1823–1882). Ding refused the appeal on the
grounds that a “licentious actor” (yin ling 淫伶) like Yang would surely
be guilty of seducing a woman from a respectable family. Public opinion
and the Shanghai literati were divided on the basic issues: whether the
Wei clan and the Canton Association had any right to object to the
marriage of a Peking Opera performer to the stepdaughter of a respect-

able comprador, and whether Yang’s admission of guilt was true.
Although Yang had confessed to a charge of kidnapping, he had done so
only under severe torture, and elsewhere he had proclaimed his innocence
and the legality of the marriage. Acrimonious discussions were published
in the Shenbao 申報 for more than a month. One group supported the
Wei clan and the Shanghai magistrate; the other, Yang. In addition to
straight reporting on the Yang case, the Shenbao instigated a public
debate. Yang was sentenced to exile in Heilongjiang, but he was pardoned
as part of a general amnesty on the occasion of Cixi’s fortieth birthday.114
The other three cases were popularized by street performers, from
which form they were transformed into plays for the theatre and
later even into movies. The Yang case, however, was too sensitive
amongst the “Pear Garden Brotherhood” (Theatrical Guild), and it
was never publicised.115
Peking Opera in Shanghai

Most Shanghai theatres presented opera performances by Anhui theatrical
troupes, but, from about 1870 onwards, theatres in Shanghai began to
turn to Peking Opera. The two most famous theatres in Shanghai, the
Dangui 丹桂 (Osmanthus Theatre) and the Jingui 金桂 (Golden Cassia
Theatre), both offered performances of Peking Opera. In 1872, Yang
Yuelou was hired by the Jingui Theatre for a yearly salary of 800 yuan,
and he was an instant success. In the “Theatre News” column in the
Shenbao, we read: “The Jingui Theatre, relying on Yang Yuelou alone, has
caused a sensation. Horse-drawn carriages clog up the road in front of
its doors, hairpins and skirts take up all the seats. It is about to outdo
the Dangui.”116 The Dangui offered Yang 1200 yuan, and another theatre
also sought his services. The dispute over Yang grew acrimonious, and
ended up in the Mixed Court, 117 which sought Yang’s view. As the
Dangui offered him a higher salary, he elected to perform there. Yang
Yuelou’s fame continued to grow, and he was mentioned in several of the
“bamboo branch rhymes” of the time, mainly referring to his attractive-
ness to women. Wang Tao noted: “The Dangui Theatre gave the better
performance, but the upper class courtesans flocked to the Jingui, so that
they could catch a glimpse of Yang Yuelou.” Yang was “tall and graceful,
his looks and skills extraordinary.”118
Marriage between an actor and a comprador’s daughter

Not only courtesans were attracted to Yang Yuelou; “respectable ladies”
(liangjia funü 良家婦女) were too. These included the concubine of a
Cantonese merchant and her daughter, Wei Abao 韋阿寳. Mr. Wei had
property in Shanghai, but he was often out of town on business. The
concubine, Madame Wang 王氏, and Wei Abao, together with some of
Wei’s clan members, lived on the premises of the Taihe Company 泰和行,
which was owned by the clan. Madame Wang and Wei Abao were well
off and had plenty of leisure time. They spent much of their time in
the theatres.
In 1873 Yang Yuelou starred in a performance of a Peking opera
entitled The Palace of Brahma (Fanwanggong 梵王宮). It was set in the
final years of the Yuan dynasty. Yang played the role of a young general
under Zhu Yuanzhang 朱元璋 (1328–1398), who made a secret marriage
pact. He played the role with such charm that he attracted Shanghai
women even more than before. At that time Wei Abao was seventeen
years old. She was literate and fond of romantic traditional stories such
as The Western Chamber (Xixiangji 西廂記 ) and The Peony Pavilion
(Mudanting 牡丹亭). After seeing Yang’s performance in the Palace of
Brahma, she fell in love with him and was determined to marry him.
Her mother, Madame Wang, also felt strongly attracted to Yang. Madame
Wang knew the clan would never approve of such a marriage, but her
daughter was so persistent she agreed to support her. Abao wrote the
eight cyclical characters representing the time of her birth on a red sheet
of paper and sent it to Yang, through the intermediaries of her wet-nurse
and a theatre ticket agent. Yang feared a trap and refused to get involved.
Abao fell ill, and her mother contacted Yang again. This time Yang agreed
to see the mother and daughter, and he too fell in love with Abao’s
beauty and the strength of her emotion (and perhaps her money as
well). Thus began their secret liaison. Before long, they decided to marry.
When her mother leaked the news to a distant uncle, however, they
discovered the power of the clan, which demanded that the engagement
be broken off. Madame Wang told Yang, who discussed the matter with
some of his actor friends. They replied that the marriage was perfectly in
order: there was a marriage contract, marriage certificate, exchange of
gifts — everything had been done in accordance with conventional
requirements. Yang and Abao refused to cancel the marriage.
Madame Wang then arranged for the marriage to be held in secret.

On the early morning of 20 December 1873, mother and daughter
slipped out of their quarters in the Taihe Company without being
noticed by the watchman and went to Yang’s rooms. The clan members
discovered their disappearance about noon and soon found out they had
gone to Yang’s place. Two days later, on 22 December, the Wei clan, in
conjunction with the Canton Association, brought the matter to the
Mixed Court, accusing Yang of kidnapping. The Mixed Court sent the
police to arrest Yang. They arrived while the wedding ceremony was in
progress. Yang, hearing the commotion, jumped out of the window to try
to escape, but was caught by a policeman waiting outside the building.
The police took Yang, Wei Abao, and her wet-nurse into custody and
confiscated seven trunks containing the bride’s dowry, which included
four thousand yuan, a gift from her mother. This was regarded as
ransom, evidence that a kidnapping had indeed taken place. When she
was arrested and escorted to the police station, Wei Abao was wearing
the full traditional bridal regalia, a sight which attracted a large number
of onlookers.119
Elopement or kidnapping
The Mixed Court heard the case the day after they were arrested. The
Chinese Assessor called the head of the Wei clan, which had brought the
charge. He related how Yang had kidnapped the girl and stolen her prop-
erty and money. Yang was not called to testify. As the charge was a
serious one and did not involve any foreigners, the case was referred to
the Shanghai county yamen and heard that evening. The magistrate, Ye
Tingjuan 葉廷眷 (1829–1886), heard the charge as delivered by the head
of the Wei clan. He did not permit Yang a word of explanation but
ordered that he be beaten on his legs beneath the knees two hundred
times. Under this sort of torture, Yang confessed.
Ye Tingjuan ordered Wei Abao to remarry, but she refused, quoting
the Chinese proverb “if you marry a chicken you follow a chicken; if you
marry a dog you follow a dog.” Ye was furious and ordered the yamen
runners to slap her on the face two hundred times. After this punish-
ment her face was terribly swollen and covered in blood.120 Ye ordered
her to be sent to a women’s prison and arranged for a midwife to
examine her to see if she were still a virgin. When it turned out she was
not, Yang admitted that he had made love to her several months earlier.
Ye sentenced Yang to be hanged by his thumbs from the rafters, and that
a heavy wooden beam be used to apply pressure to his throat, making it
excruciating for him to breath. Whilst Yang was in this position, the
magistrate further ordered that he be beaten another hundred times on
his ankles. Yang may have been physically strong, but under such torture,
supported only by his thumbs, he lost consciousness.121
While this was going on, the Assessor of the Mixed Court, Chen
Baoqu 陳寶蕖, sent his men to search Yang’s rooms. They discovered a
box of black fragrant medicinal powder, which they declared to be an
aphrodisiac. Chen had the evidence sent to the yamen as proof that Yang
had used aphrodisiacs to seduce respectable women. A few days after-
wards, Wei Abao’s mother, Madame Wang, went to the yamen to defend
her daughter, admitting that it was she who had arranged the marriage.
This did not help Yang or Abao, who remained in prison. A few weeks
later the Shenbao reported that the mother had suddenly died, worried to
death by the turn of events.122
The wet-nurse was arrested for complicity. Her role was likened to
that of Wang Po 王婆, the procuress in The Water Margin, who had
facilitated the illicit affair between Pan Jinlian 潘金蓮 and Ximen Qing 西
門慶. She was sentenced to two hundred strokes of the cane and to be
paraded around the streets for ten days, wearing the cangue.123
On 27 January 1874, not long after the girl’s mother died, her step-
father returned to Shanghai. The magistrate ordered him to take Abao
home, but he refused. Ye then ordered Abao to be caned a hundred
times on the palms and sent to a charitable hall to be married off.124
In July the Shenbao reported: “The female protagonist in the Yang
Yuelou case, Wei Abao, was sent to a charitable hall to await marriage.
Recently an old man, over seventy years old, one Mr. Sun 孫老爺, went
to the charitable hall to take her as his bride. We understand that an
agreement has been reached. That such a flower should have fallen in the
ditch is distressing, but an old man with white hair cannot be a suitable
match for a gaily attired young woman. So we have decided to expose
this matter, hoping that Mr. Sun’s conscience will force him to regret this
decision and not allow this beauty treated so badly by fate to again fall
into the sea of bitterness.”125
When Abao’s wet-nurse was paraded through the streets in February,
Yang was taken from his cell and beaten five hundred times with a pole.
Onlookers noted that his “legs were wounded and frostbitten, and he
could walk only with great difficulty.”126 He was then returned to prison
to await the decision of the provincial yamen on his appeal.
At the beginning of April 1874, the Shanghai county yamen received
the decision of the Jiangsu Commissioner on the Yang Yuelou case: The
crime was that of kidnapping, and according to the Qing Legal Code the
punishment was exile into military service. He ordered the Shanghai
county yamen to escort Yang to the Songjiang prefectural 松江府 yamen
for a re-examination of the case. If it were confirmed as a case of
kidnapping, Yang should immediately be sent into exile four thousand li
away. When Yang was brought before the Songjiang prefectural yamen, he
begged the prefect for pity, knocking his head continuously on the floor
in the traditional kowtow. He claimed that his confession had been
extracted from him under torture in the Shanghai county yamen and
that this was a miscarriage of justice. The prefect was so moved by all
this that he said: “Now I know that you have indeed been the victim of
a miscarriage of justice.” Hearing this, Yang saw some ray of hope and
kowtowed again in a gesture of thanks.
According to the regulations, if an appeal to the provincial yamen
was successful, the case should be referred back to the lower yamen for
re-examination. But Prefect Qian 錢太守 sent the case to Lou 婁 county,
one of several counties which made up the Songjiang prefecture. When
the magistrate of Lou county heard that Yang claimed he was a victim of
injustice, he ordered him to be beaten a further two hundred times. Yang
again admitted his guilt.127 The original verdict was reconfirmed.
Yang was escorted to Nanjing, where the matter was examined by the
Jiangsu provincial yamen. This time he made another attempt to have the
verdict reversed. He said that his marriage to Abao had been arranged by
her mother. Both sides had matchmakers and certificates, and there was
no question of kidnapping. The money and property involved constituted
the bride’s dowry. He claimed he had admitted to the charges under
torture and went on to describe Ye Tingjuan’s mistreatment of him in
detail. By this stage, however, a year had passed since his imprisonment
and torture, and few visible traces remained. More unfortunate for Yang,
however, was the fact that the Governor of Jiangsu, Ding Richang, a stern
moralist, was very concerned about the moral standards of society. His
view was that Yang was a “lascivious entertainer” (yin ling), exactly the
type who would seduce respectable women, and that he was guilty
beyond doubt. This type of behaviour merited severe punishment. He

confirmed the sentence of military service in exile, four thousand li away,
namely to Heilongjiang. While this was going on, the Tongzhi Emperor
died (12 January 1875) and the Guangxu Emperor acceded to the throne,
as a result of which confirmation by the Board of Punishments was
delayed until May. The Empress Dowager’s fortieth birthday followed in
November, and the Qing government declared a general amnesty in
honour of this occasion. Criminals who had been sentenced to military
service were to have their sentences reduced. The document reducing
Yang’s sentence was processed by the Shanghai county yamen, the Jiangsu
provincial yamen, and the Board of Punishments. It was not until
January that the final decision on Yang’s case was formally transmitted to
Shanghai county, where Yang was in custody. On 5 February, the Prefect
of Songjiang sent one of his yamen runners to escort Yang from Shanghai
to his place of origin, Anqing 安慶, where he was handed over to the
local constables. The case lasted from December 1873 to February 1876.
Legal Grounds of the Yang Yuelou Case

The Yang Yuelou case caused a sensation in Shanghai. The legal issues
were complex. According to the Qing Legal Code, “government and
private slaves, prostitutes, entertainers, government runners and such
regionally defined groups as the yuehu in Shansi and Shensi, the ‘beggars’
in Kiangsu and Anhui, the ‘lazy people’ in Chekiang, the boatmen in
Kwangtung, belonged to the ‘mean persons’ group, all those whose social
and legal status was, according to the law, inferior to that of the common
people, the so-called ‘good’ people.”128 Marriage between jianmin (mean
persons) and liangmin (good people, or commoners) was forbidden.
However, although a man from the commoner class could not marry a
woman from the “mean” class, there was no objection to his taking her
as a concubine, and in practice such arrangements were common. For
example, Sai Jinhua 賽金花 (1874–1936), a prostitute, became the concu-
bine of Hong Jun 洪鈞 (1839–1893) and even accompanied him on his
missions overseas. There was, however, an absolute prohibition on men
from the “mean” class marrying a woman of the commoner class. A
woman’s status depended on that of her husband, not vice-versa. A
woman marrying a man of the “mean” class herself became a member of
that class, as did the children of that marriage.
The Qing Legal Code decreed that a man from the “mean” class
marrying a woman from the “good” class was to be punished by one
hundred strokes of the heavy bamboo and the marriage was to be
annulled. 129 However, the question of whether or not the marriage
between Yang and Wei was legal, according to the Qing Legal Code, was
not a major issue in the Yang Yuelou case. The Wei clan and the Canton
Association had accused Yang of kidnapping. Since Yang could produce
evidence that the girl was willing to marry him and had the permission
of her mother, as well as matchmakers and marriage contracts, he could
defend himself against this. The fact that the marriage was conducted in
secret, however, was considered a case of qiang qin 搶親, or “taking a
bride by force,” a practice quite common in Shanghai at that time. It
took two forms: either the woman was unwilling to marry because the
dowry was insufficient, or had changed her mind for some other reason,
whereupon the man would simply take her by force and marry her. Or
the girl’s parents might be unwilling, but the girl herself might be happy
to be “taken by force.” Yang Yuelou and Wei Abao did not formally notify
the Wei clan of their impending marriage, and so this could be consid-
ered a case of taking a bride by force. If the bride were really unwilling
in such cases, she might struggle and shout in the bridal sedan chair. If
the police in the International Settlement noticed this, they would be
sure to intervene. Chinese officials, and the populace at large, did not
regard “taking a bride by force” as kidnapping. From this point of view,
too, the charge of kidnapping could not be sustained. The only way the
magistrate, Ye Tingjuan, could make Yang admit to kidnapping was
through torture.
Six months after Yang’s arrest, the North-China Herald condemned
Chinese officialdom, and the Canton Association, in the following terms:
Our readers will not have forgotten the unfortunate actor Yang Yuh-liu, and the
torture to which he was subjected for daring to marry the daughter of a Cantonese
comprador. Cantonese Society was outraged and was influential; Yang was a play-
actor and an easy victim. So Yang was imprisoned, tortured and condemned to
perpetual banishment, and his wife separated from him and placed in a Refuge,
till some other applicant for her hand should arise. The case seemed to be ended,
unless the higher powers should interfere; but this contingency was so improbable
that it was assumed the chapter had been closed. We were counting, however,
without the formalities of Chinese law, and the further opportunities of torture
and persecution which it affords. The history of the past six months furnishes a
second chapter, which will be read by Foreigners with indignation as great as was
excited by the first. It will be remembered that, as far as could be learned, Yang
Yuh-liu married the girl with the full concurrence of her mother, and with all due
formality. There was therefore no offence. But Cantonese Society had been
outraged; and as Chinese legal procedure allows torture, the problem of satisfying
it was easy. Yang was tortured into admitting that he had abducted the girl, and
was punished by the Che-hsien for that crime.130
The charge of illegal marriage (according to Qing law) had not been
alleged, and the crime of kidnapping was clearly without basis, so Yang
must be considered innocent of either crime. There was a further compli-
cation, however, that the prosecutors did not know about. Yang was
already married, to a woman in his home town. According to Qing Law, “a
man could have only one wife (a concubine was another matter). In such
a case, the man’s second marriage was not recognised, and both he and
his new wife, as well as any others who might have assisted in making
the match, were punished … In Ming and Ch’ing times the man was
given ninety strokes, the woman was returned to her parents, and the
marriage was annulled.”131
Yang married Wei as his wife. This was a legal offence. If Yang had
tried to take Wei as his concubine, the Wei clan would have been even
more outraged — a respectable woman becoming the concubine of a
“mean” person. The fact that Yang was already married, however, did not
come out in any of the hearings, appeals, and investigations. It was
discovered only a century afterwards, when Yang’s family records were
discovered in his hometown of Huaining 懷寧 in Anhui.132 The Yang
Yuelou case caused such a sensation it is hard to imagine that his earlier
marriage could have remained unknown. Yang was even held in custody
there. Such, however, appears to have been the case.
Wei Abao being sent to a charitable hall until a marriage could be
arranged for her was the appropriate way of dealing with a woman who
had contracted an illegal marriage, at least according to Qing law. She
had been returned to her father, but seeing she was the daughter of his
concubine and had brought such shame upon the house, he was
unwilling to take her back into his family. After her mother died, Abao
had no direct ties to her step-father. She was in effect homeless, and the
charitable hall was the only place she could stay. Women convicted of
some crime were often sent to the charitable halls to be (re)married off
and “acquire respectability.” This was a sort of protection for their future,
and it was not unusual for prostitutes or mistreated women to apply to

the yamen and the Mixed Court for admission to a charitable hall in the
expectation of eventual marriage (or concubinage) and some sort of
security. Usually women in the charitable halls could refuse a suitor, but
Wei Abao had been through such physical and psychological trauma she
did not care what happened to her, and a marriage to a seventy-year-old
was no better or no worse than any other possibility. No more was heard
of Wei Abao.
Considering Yang Yuelou’s low status, the fact that his case caused
such a furore must be considered a result of the arrival of the modern
press in China. The other three “strange cases” could have happened at
any time or place in pre-modern China, but the Yang Yuelou case could
not have occurred except in the rapidly changing environment of late-
nineteenth century Shanghai. Women in the Settlements had become used
to the idea of attending the theatre or going on “devotional” excursions
by themselves, and deciding for themselves with whom they would mix.
Traditional expectations of women’s virtue, however, were also still very
strong. Opera performers could mix freely with the merchant classes, but
legally they were still considered “mean persons,” at least by Chinese law.
Family structure was also changing. The relationship between individual
families and their clan in an immigrant society did not have the cohe-
siveness of traditional society, but the clan, especially a powerful one,
could still exert a degree of control over its members. The Yang Yuelou
case reflects many aspects of a society in rapid transition from a tradi-
tional to a modern one.133
Ten years later: Yang Yuelou in the palace

When Yang Yuelou was in Shanghai he performed on a commercial basis.
He had no official protection when taken to court. He appealed against
his sentence many times, but without success. He was tortured many
times and his ankles broken in the process, as a result of which he could
no longer play the role of the wusheng 武生 (martial arts warrior) and
had to change his role to the laosheng (old man). He adopted a new
stage name, Yang Houzi 楊猴子 (Monkey Yang), indicating his loss of
dignity. Ten years later, in 1888, he was chosen by the Shengpingshu to
perform in the palace. There was little communication between the palace
and the provinces, and the eunuchs in the Shengpingshu clearly did not
know anything about the high-profile legal case involving Yang in

Shanghai ten years earlier. Despite Yang’s imposing appearance and acting
prowess, his “unconventional and unrestrained” character worried the
chief eunuch, Bian Dekui. He twice requested Cixi to dismiss Yang: “As
to the civilian teacher (minji jiaoxi 民籍教習) Yang Yuelou, his character
and language are ostentatious. This slave fears he may cause trouble. I
sincerely beg that Yang Yuelou be dismissed. This slave does not dare to
act by himself and awaits your instruction.”134
In another memorial, Bian Dekui stated: “This slave Bian Dekui
memorialises: The civilian teacher Yang Yuelou caught a cold last night
and was not able to get out of bed. He cannot perform his duties and
reported this matter to this slave. This slave thought about it, but as he
does not understand the official regulations, this slave sincerely begs that
Yang be temporarily dismissed. I have investigated this person, and I have
discovered that his behaviour outside is loose and intemperate. This slave
does not dare act by himself and awaits your instruction.”135 Bian was the
chief eunuch, but his recommendations were not accepted.
These memorials were written during Yang’s first year or so in the
palace. Yang continued to perform until his death three years later. The
empress dowager was clearly fond of Yang Yuelou. Some years later,
Yang’s son, Yang Xiaolou, the most proficient martial arts opera
performer at the time, also performed in the palace. It was rumoured
among other actors that the elderly Cixi found him very attractive.136
The case of Mu Changshou

Performing in the palace may have been an honour, but there was a
price to pay. During the Nanfu period, once outside actors were chosen
for the palace, they had no freedom to return to their home town as
they liked. In 1774, the famous scholar Yuan Mei 袁枚 (1716–1797) met
a Jiangnan actor. He told Yuan that he had served the court for over
thirty years. One of his parents had died, and this was the reason he had
permission to return for the burial.137
In the Shengpingshu period, the actors could work in commercial
theatres when not wanted by the palace. However, they were always on
call and were not allowed to leave the capital without the permission of
the Shengpingshu. Leaving without permission was considered absconding.
Mu Changshou, a hualian, left of his own accord to perform in Shanghai
in 1892. The only person who performed in the palace at the same time
as Mu and who had also performed in Shanghai was Yang Yuelou. It
seems likely that Yang must have told him of the attractions of Shanghai,
and how easy it was to make money there. Even Cixi was not immune
from some curiosity about Shanghai. In 1893 she commanded the
Yucheng Troupe to perform a Peking opera titled Travelling in Shanghai
in a Dream (Mengyou Shanghai 夢遊上海), twice within two months.138
One of the Shanghai literati, Sun Yusheng 孫玉聲 (1862–1940), who
wrote novels under the name Haishang Shushisheng 海上漱石生 (The
scholar who washes his mouth with stones), had seen Mu Changshou
perform in Shanghai: “Little Mu, a eunuch (sic)139 of the imperial court,
is very good at singing heitou 黑頭 roles … In the past he served in the
palace and did not leave the Forbidden City. During the later years of
the Guangxu period, he suddenly had a strange idea to leave Peking of
his own accord and to come to Shanghai to demonstrate his art in the
Dangui Teahouse in Daxin Street. He became very famous amongst the
people of Shanghai, and those who wanted to see his performance had
to book seats in advance … Before dark, the theatre was full, and there
was no space for latecomers …”140
Mu’s disappearance was quickly discovered.141 An official document
was issued and sent to Shanghai. The following year the Shanghai daotai
道台 (Intendant) arrested Mu Changshou and had him escorted back to
Peking. The Jingzhongmiao yamen posted an announcement on the doors
of all the theatres and troupe headquarters. It started by reiterating that
the Shengpingshu was in charge of all matters relating to drama troupes
and performers, including approving applications to leave Peking. It
continued: “Last year Mu Changshou did not apply for leave but dared
to run away of his own accord. He fled to Shanghai, and performed in a
variety of dramas. This was really outrageous behaviour. Now the daotai
of Shanghai has arrested him and sent him back to Peking.” The matter
was reported, and an edict from Cixi ordered that since Mu was escorted
back to the Shenxingsi 慎刑司 (the Punishment Review Office) in Peking,
he should be dismissed from his position in the outer school. “The
Shenxingsi is to be informed that Mu Changshou’s sentence is to wear
the cangue for three months. From now on, he is only permitted to
make a living in the capital and not to go to the provinces to perform.
Mu Changshou, because of imperial favour, was treated leniently, but
from now on all actors in the Shengpingshu who dare to break the law
will definitely be severely punished. There will be no leniency. Do not say

you were not warned. This proclamation has been issued to inform all
the troupes.”142
Eunuchs and actors

Before the establishment of the Shengpingshu, supervision of the drama
troupes was the responsibility of the censors of the precincts in the
capital, as was the content of the dramas: the degree to which they
served social order and public morality. In 1798, that task was entrusted
to Heshen, at that time “the single top official responsible for steering
much of central government decision making and implementing many of
the policies that resulted.”143 Unlike these officials, the eunuchs of the
Shengpingshu were professional performers, especially the chief eunuch
and the head eunuchs, who had been in the Nanfu or the Shengpingshu
for many years. They were experts in all aspects of the drama perfor-
mances and were directly involved in the internal affairs of the troupes.
When Mu Changshou absconded from Peking, it took only a few days
for the Shengpingshu to locate him in Shanghai and send orders to the
daotai to arrest him. He was escorted back to Peking, forbidden to
perform again, and disappeared from the stage. He reappeared on the
Shanghai stage for a few days in 1912, a short time before his death.144 It
is doubtful that the state bureaucracy could have had such an intimate
knowledge of the internal workings of the Pear Garden, or would have
been able to control the drama troupes and actors so effectively.
Changes in social status in the twentieth century

During the Republican period, the situations of various jianmin groups
varied significantly. Regional jianmin, like the yuehu, remained in their
ancestral villages or counties. Their lives had changed little since Yong-
zheng’s edict of 1723, and they continued along the same lines for
several more decades. On the other hand, actors in the major cities were
able to take advantage of political changes to improve their status. Even
before the end of the Qing, opera performers were involved in a number
of campaigns to try to change their role and status, especially the impli-
cation that they were prostitutes. In 1911 the director of the Jingzhong-
miao, Tian Jiyun 田際雲 (d. 1925), himself a dan, proposed abolishing
the siyu 私寓 (private dwellings) so as to break the link between dan

and chang (prostitutes). He also proposed abolishing the practice of the
dan parading in front of the stage before the performance as if seducing
the audience.145
At that stage, however, he was unsuccessful. As soon as the Republic
was established, on April 15, 1912, Tian submitted a request to this effect
to the General Police Station of the Outer City (the Qing did not permit
any theatres in the Inner City), which was approved five days later. The
police station issued a public order:
We strictly forbid the following things: There are many siyu and xianggong tangzi
相公堂子 in Hanjiatan 韓家潭, Wailangying 外廊營, and other places, which
often attract young men of respectable families under the pretext of teaching the
performing arts and adorn them with feminine charm and singing skills. Literary
types and romantic scholars occasionally use these places as venues for banquets
and other gatherings. With the passage of time, they became repositories of evil
and filth. This old practice continues and is a phenomenon unique to the capital.
It brings the whole country into disrepute, and we have become the laughing
stock of foreigners. These people are called xianggu 像姑 and engage in unnat-
ural practices. Let it be known that opera can make a contribution to the reform
of society. The profession of actor does not harm one’s status as a citizen. But as
for those who seduce people for a living and imitate the behaviour of prostitutes,
their character has reached the limits of depravity. Now the Republic has been
established, old depraved customs should be reformed. This office has the
responsibility of reforming social customs and protecting human rights
(baozhang renquan 保障人權). We will certainly not allow this sort of decadent
behaviour to continue in the capital city of our country. For this reason, it has
been strictly forbidden. We expect you will thoroughly reform your previous
misdeeds, and each of you should find a respectable occupation. Respect your
integrity and become a noble citizen. Now there is a National Law, and from now
on this office will not be lenient if anyone outwardly obeys orders but secretly
ignores them and hires young boys to work in a siyu or xianggong tangzi. Do not
dare disobey this order!146
When Yongzheng issued his edict, it was necessary to change one’s

occupation to change one’s debased status. Now actors as a profession
were not debased: it was the personal behaviour of individuals which
determined whether they were respectable or not.
Tian Jiyun and some other famous Peking Opera actors changed the
name of the Jingzhongmiao to the Zhengyue yuhua hui 正樂育化會 (Society
for the Rectification of Music Education), hoping to raise the status of

Peking Opera as an art form with a didactic purpose. Social prejudice
was not so easily overcome. One of the four famous dan of the twentieth
century, Cheng Yanqiu 程硯秋 (1904–1958), recalled that the Shandong
warlord Zhang Zongchang 張宗昌 (1881–1932) would not allow him to
remove his theatrical costume after a performance and demanded his
company in drinking wine, in full female attire. Cheng was furious about
this and vowed never to allow any of his children to become opera
performers.147
Some time later Mei Lanfang achieved fame, self-respect and popular
support. He performed in Japan, the United States, and Russia during the
1920s and 1930s. He became the first Chinese actor to gain international
recognition, being awarded two doctorates (from Pomona College and the
University of Southern California) and was often addressed as “Dr.
Mei.” 148 This became a turning point in the status of Peking Opera
performers, and many of them became respected and respectable figures
in Republican China. In the twentieth century, it became more common
for female performers to perform the role of dan in the Peking Opera. A
news item in the People’s Daily in 2000 reported a performance of the
last active male dan in China, whose name was Song Changrong 宋長榮.149
If this is the case, it marked the end of one of the most characteristic
features of traditional Peking Opera.
Notes
* Chapter 3 is partially a revised and updated version of an essay “The Legal
and Social Status of Theatrical Performers in Beijing during the Qing” first
published in East Asian History Journal 25/26, (June/December 2003), pp.
69–84.
1 Rawski, The Last Emperors, p. 180.
2 On the boo-i 包衣, see Torbert, The Ch’ing Imperial Household Department,
pp. 53–80; Spence, Tsao Yin and the Kang-hsi Emperor, pp. 2–18. On various
types of servants in the Neiwufu, see Rawski, The Last Emperors, pp. 160–181.
3 Guochao gongshi, shang ce, p. 13.
4 Guochao gongshi, xia ce, pp. 471–472.
5 Shih-shan Henry Tsai, The Eunuchs in the Ming Dynasty, Albany: State
University of New York, 1996.
6 Guochao gongshi, shang ce, pp. 2–3, xia ce p. 437.

9 Guochao gongshi, shang ce, pp. 37–38, 41.
10 Hu Zhongliang 胡忠良, “Qianlong shiqi gongzhong xiaceng taijian” 乾隆時期
宮中下層太監 (Lower class eunuchs in the palace during the Qianlong
period), in Qingdai gongshi yanjiuhui, ed., Qingdai Huanggong lingqin, pp.
266–277, on p. 268; Torbert, Ch’ing Imperial Household Department, p. 49.
12 Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’anguan, ed., Yuanmingyuan, vol. 1, pp. 541–542.
This eunuch did not come from North China, which is where almost all the
others came from; he was from Taiwan. There seems to be nothing in the
records to explain how and why he became a eunuch in Peking.
15 Guochao gongshi, shang ce, p. 7, 10, 14. For Kangxi’s comments on eunuchs,
see Jonathan Spence, Emperor of China: Self-portrait of K’ang-hsi, New York:
Alfred Knopf, 1974, pp. 45–46.
16 The letters to the eunuchs do not concern state affairs and were not sent to
the bureaucratic archives. They were kept in a box in the Maoqindian 懋勤殿,
Kangxi’s personal study. When Yongzheng assumed the throne, he ordered
that these letters be left in the Maoqindian and not be read without permis-
sion from the emperor. Unauthorised reading of these letters was punishable
by death. See Guoli gugong bowuyuan 國立故宮博物院, ed., “Qing Shengzu
yuzhi” 清聖祖諭旨 (Edicts of Qing Shengzu [Kangxi]), in Biji xiaoshuo
daguan 筆記小說大觀, 12 bian, 9. Taibei: Xinxing shuju, 1988, pp. 1–9. For an
English translation of some of these letters, see Spence, Emperor of China,
pp. 158–166.
17 Tang Yinian 唐益年, Qinggong taijian 清宮太監 (Eunuchs in the Qing court),
Shenyang: Liaoning daxue chubanshe, 1993, pp. 129–131.
19 Guochao gongshi, shang ce, pp. 35–37.
20 Jia Yinghua, Modai taijian, p. 284; Guo Yongjiang, “Wang Yaoqing de wutai
shengya,” p. 137; Beijingshi yishu yanjiusuo 北京市藝術研究所 and Shanghai
yishu yanjiusuo 上海藝術研究所 , eds., Zhongguo jingju shi 中國京劇史 (A
history of Peking Opera), 3 vols. Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1990,
shang juan, p. 222, p. 228; Dolby, Chinese Drama, p. 161.
21 Wang Zhengyao, Qingdai xiju wenhua shilun, pp. 87–88.
22 Xin Xiuming, Lao taijian, pp. 164–165; Jia Yinghua, Modai taijian, pp.
94–106. Xin Xiuming entered the palace in 1900. As part of the Boxer
Indemnity, the Qing court agreed not to recruit new eunuchs. However, the
Neiwufu was able to replace escaped eunuchs with new recruits. Xin Xiuming
spent twenty taels of silver to take the place of an escaped eunuch, Zhang
Xianxi 張獻喜. During his interview, he claimed that he was indeed Zhang
Xianxi and that he had run away once, and was now returning to the palace.
This was a formality to get around the Boxer Indemnity restrictions and was
often used by new recruits. Xin Xiuming adopted the name Zhang Xianxi in
the palace. See Xin Xiuming, Lao taijian, p. 176. Sun Yaoting was from the
countryside, and arranged for his own castration in 1916, not knowing that
the Qing had been replaced by the Republic. He first found employment in
the residence of one of the Princes and later followed the Qing court to
Manchoukuo. See Jia Yinghua, Modai taijian, p. 38, p. 73, pp. 326–331.
23 Yidang, Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian, Shengpingshu, packet 3942. The teacher of
many of the eunuchs is noted as being Bian Dekui. See also Xin Xiuming,
Lao taijian, p. 99.
24 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packets 70, 72, and 97.
25 There are many wedding invitations in the archives of the Shengpingshu. The
weddings were of the brothers, nephews, and nieces of various eunuchs. The
wedding banquets were held in the restaurants or at home. Clearly, the invi-
tations were evidence that they should be given leave to attend. Yidang,
Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian, Shengpingshu, packet 270.
27 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packets 71–99.
28 Yidang, Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian, Shengpingshu, packets 3939, 3942.
30 Yidang, Neiwufu shangchuan dang, vol. 35.
31 In 1742, the Neiwufu received Qianlong’s edict to investigate the suicide of a
eunuch, Liang Dacheng. The coroner from the Board of Punishment reported
that Liang hit his head many times before he hanged himself. Yidang,
Neiwufu zou’an, packet 38.
32 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 83, Daoguang ershiliunian enshang riji dang.
33 Yidang, Baqi dutong yamen qiwu 八旗都統衙門旗務 (Yamens of the lieutenant-
generals of the Eight Banners: banner affairs [archives]), packet 36; Zongrenfu
tang 宗人府堂 (Department of the Imperial Clan Court), renshi 人事
(Personnel), Jiaqing 嘉慶, packet 358. These are reports from the banners to
the Board of Punishment, and usually give no indication of the reasons for
escape. If a bannerman were to abscond, the banner would initiate a search.
If he returned within a month, voluntarily, he would not be punished. From
the records, it is clear that some of them had run away many times.
34 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 77, Daoguang shibanian enshang riji dang 道光
十八年恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of favours and rewards from the eighteenth
year of Daoguang [1838]).
35 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 46, packet 50.
37 The title Commandery Prince (junwang 君王) was normally granted to sons
of Imperial Princes (qinwang) by their principal wives, except for the eldest
sons.
38 According to Chinese traditional medicine, subtropical and tropical regions
are not suitable for habitation due to dampness and the venom from
poisonous insects and snakes.
39 Yidang, Neiwufu zouzhe, packet 3, Qianlong wushiyinian [1786], wushijiunian
[1794].
40 Yidang, Sheng pingshu, packet 434, Taozoudang 逃走檔 (Records of
Abscondment); Xin Xiuming, Lao taijian, p. 179.
41 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 95, Xianfeng banian enshang riji dang 道光二年
恩賞日記檔 (Daily record of imperial favour and bestowals from the eighth
year of the Daoguang reign [1828]).
42 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 1945, Zhili zongdu zisong nanfu taozou taijian
wen 直隸總督咨送南府逃走太監文 (Document sent by the Governor-General
of Zhili regarding a runaway eunuch of the Nanfu).
43 Zhang Mingde joined the Nanfu in 1791, when he was eight. After thirty
years service in the Nanfu, he was promoted to assistant head eunuch in
1824, three years before this event occurred. He returned to the Shengpingshu
from exile in 1834. In 1850, he was finally promoted to head eunuch, only
to be demoted again in 1852. See Wang Zhizhang, Qing Shengpingshu zhilüe, p.
338, p. 348. His career might be compared to that of Li Luxi, who joined
the Nanfu in 1792 at the age of eleven and became head eunuch in 1801. In
1803 he was promoted to chief eunuch and remained in that position until
his retirement in 1856. He maintained his fifth-rank title and received an
emolument of seven taels of silver monthly. Wang Zhizhang, Qing Sheng-
pingshu zhilüe, pp. 332–333, p. 349.
46 Dasheng-wula is in Jilin, on the banks of the Sungari River. Pearls for the
Qing court were collected there. See Zhao Xiong 趙雄, “Guanyu Qingdai
Dasheng-wula dong zhu caibuye de jige wenti” 關於清代打牲烏拉東珠採捕業的
幾個問題 (A few questions on the pearl industry in Dasheng-wula in the
Qing dynasty), in Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’anguan, ed., Ming Qing dang’an
lunwen xuanbian, pp. 932–944, on p. 932.
47 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 69: Daoguang qinian qiyue zhi shieryue enshang
riji dang 道光七年七月至十二月恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of favours and
rewards from the seventh to twelfth months of the seventh year of Daoguang
[1827]); Neiwufu zou’an, packet 454.
48 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 72 (Daoguang shiwu nian enshang riji dang).
49 Qinding gongzhong xianxing zeli, juan 4, pp. 20–21.
50 Yidang, Neiwufu zou’an, packet 9, no. 2.
52 Hu Zhongliang, “Xiaceng taijian,” p. 275.
53 Chen Cunren 陳存仁, “Nanxing kuxing taijian kao” 男性酷刑太監考 (Research
on cruel torture on male eunuchs), quoted in Jia Yinghua, Modai taijian, p.
274.
54 The Fuchengyuan was established during the Jiaqing period. It had five
hundred seats and was burnt down during the 1900 Boxer Uprising. See
Hou Xisan 侯希三, Beijing lao xiyuanzi 北京老戲園子 (Old theatres of Peking),
Beijing: Zhongguo chengshi chubanshe, 1996, pp. 327–328; Li Chang 李暢,
Qingdai yilai de Beijing jiuchang 清代以來的北京劇場 (Theatres in Peking
since the Qing dynasty), Beijing: Beijing Yanshan chubanshe, 1998, p. 112.
55 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packets 1494, 1497, 1488, and 1490 contain material
on the selection of actors to perform in the palace.
56 Daoguang sannian enshang riji dang. National Library of China.
57 Tan Xinpei related this story to Qi Rushan. See Qi Rushan, “Suibi - Qian
Qing de Neiwufu yamen,” in Qi Rushan quanji, vol. 7, pp. 4236–4237.
58 Qinding gongzhong xianxing zeli, juan 4, pp. 62–63.
60 Qinding gongzhong xianxing zeli, juan 1, p. 124.
61 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 123 (Guangxu qinian).
62 Jia Yinghua, Modai taijian, p. 317
63 Yidang, Neiwufu chenggao — Zhangyisi, packet 1, document 29.
64 Sommer, Sex, Law and Society in Late Imperial China and Anders Hansson,
Chinese Outcasts — Discrimination and Emancipation in Late Imperial China,
Leiden and New York: E. J. Brill, 1996 are studies on these regional groups.
The former concentrates on yuehu and the latter deals with several different
groups of jianmin.
65 Shizong shilu 世宗實錄 (Veritable records of the Shizong [Yongzheng] reign),
juan 6, in Qingshilu, vol. 1, p. 136. According to fieldwork conducted
amongst yuehu in Shanxi during the 1990s, many claimed they were in fact
descended from the Ming Prime Minister Zhang Juzheng 張居正 (1525–1582)
and had honoured his spirit tablet for generations. Xiang Yang 項陽, Shanxi
yuehu yanjiu 山西樂戶研究 (Research on the yuehu of Shanxi), Beijing:
Wenwu chubanshe, 2001, pp. 25–27.
66 Yongzhengchao Hanwen zhupi zouzhe, vol. 1, p. 652. On “beggar households,”
see also Hansson, Chinese Outcasts, pp. 76–106.
67 On the process of ratification and examination of Qing edicts, see Thomas A.
Metzger, The Internal Organization of Ch’ing Bureaucracy — Legal, Normative,
and Communication Aspects, Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press,
1973, p. 160.
68 Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’anguan ed., Yongzhengchao qiju zhuce 雍正朝起居注
冊 (Diary of rest and repose of the Yongzheng period), 5 vols. Beijing:
Zhonghua shuju, 1993, vol. 1, p. 96.
69 Shizong shilu 世宗實錄 (Veritable records of the Shizong [Yongzheng] reign),
juan 11, in Qing shilu, vol. 7, p. 209.
70 Guoli gugong bowuyuan, ed., “Nian Gengyao zouzhe” 年羹堯奏摺 (Memorials
of Nian Gengyao), Wenxian congbian 文獻叢編, no. 8 (1930), pp. 42–43;
reprinted Taipei: Tailian guofeng chubanshe, 1964, vol. 1, pp. 150–151;
Hansson, Chinese Outcasts, pp. 164–165.
71 Xue Yunsheng 薛允升, Du li cun yi 讀例存疑 (Lingering doubts after reading
the substatutes), Beijing: Hanmaozhai, 1905, reprinted Taibei: Chengwen,
1970, in Chinese Materials and Research Aids Service Centre Series, no. 8,
vol. 2, 1970, pp. 235–346.
72 A similar point was made by Sommer, Sex, Law and Society, p. 265.
73 Yidang, Junjichu lufu zouzhe, microfilm 085–857.
74 Yidang, Neiwufu chenggao Zhangyisi, packet 1, document 29.
75 Zhaolian, Xiaoting zalu, p. 12.
76 Sommer, Sex, Law and Society, p. 272.
77 Feng Erkang 馮爾康, Xu Shengheng 許盛恆, and Yan Aimin 閻愛民, Yongzheng
huangdi quanzhuan 雍正皇帝全傳 (A complete biography of the Yongzheng
emperor), Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 1994, p. 212.
78 In 1896, some eunuchs were involved in a fight over seating in the Qinghe
theatre. The case was referred to Guangxu. The emperor wanted to punish
them, but they were protected by Cixi and her favourite eunuch, Li Lianying.
Xue Yunsheng, the minister of the Board of Punishments, insisted that the
eunuchs be punished according to the law, thereby offending Cixi. She found
a pretext to demote him, and he resigned soon after. See Zhong Jing 鐘近,
“Taijian zhaoshi Qingheyuan” 太監肇事慶和園 (Eunuchs causing trouble in
the Qinghe theatre), in Ming Qing gongting quwen 明清宮廷趣聞 (Interesting
events in the Ming and Qing palace), Beijing: Zijincheng chubanshe, 1995,
pp. 298–304, on pp. 303–304.
79 Xue Yunsheng, Du li cun yi, vol. 2, p. 240.
80 Duanfang (1861–1911) was a member of the Manchu Plain White Banner.
From 1901 to 1905 he held the positions of Governor of Hubei, Acting
Governor-General of Huguang and Liangjiang, and Governor of Hunan. See
Hummel, Eminent Chinese, pp. 780–781.
81 Cheng Changgeng yanjiu wencong bianji weiyuanhui 程長庚研究文叢編輯委員
會 , ed., Gujin Zhongwai lun Changgeng — Cheng Changgeng yu Jingju
xingcheng yanjiu ziliao ji 古今中外論長庚 — 程長庚與京劇形成研究資料集
(Views on Cheng Changgeng, then and now, in China and abroad — Collec-
tion of research materials on Cheng Changgeng and the development of
Peking Opera). In Cheng Changgeng yanjiu wencong (er) 程長庚研究文叢, 二
(Collected articles on research on Cheng Changgeng: Two). Beijing:
Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1995, p. 37; Qi Rushan 齊如山, Qi Rushan huiyilu
齊如山回憶錄 (Memoirs of Qi Rushan), Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe,
1998, p. 65, p. 89, pp. 337–338; Mackerras, The Rise of the Peking Opera, pp.
177–184; Colin Mackerras, The Chinese Theatre in Modern Times — from
1840 to the Present Day, London: Thames and Hudson, 1975, pp. 38–41.
82 Zhang Cixi, Qingdai Yandu Liyuan shiliao, xia ce, pp. 829–830; Cheng
Changgeng yanjiu wencong bianji weiyuanhui, Gujin Zhongwai lun
Changgeng, pp. 95–96. In this source Cheng’s rank is given as the fifth rank.
83 Yidang, Zongrenfu, Tongjichu, dang’an buce, 宗人府，統計處，檔案簿冊 no.
326; Zongrenfu zeli 宗人府則例, juan 21, Jinling, 1840, no p.n.
84 Xue Yunsheng, Du li cun yi, vol. 5, p. 1115.
85 Mu became very powerful after 1820. In 1828 he became a Grand Councillor
and in the following year became Chancellor of the Hanlin Academy. Later
he was appointed President of the Board of Revenue and Chief Grand
Councillor. See Hummel, Eminent Chinese, pp. 582–583. According to Chen
Moxiang 陳墨香, De Junru was not Mu’s grandson but his great-grandson.
See Chen Moxiang, “Guanju shenghuo sumiao, Di ba bu” 觀劇生活素描，第八
部 (Sketches from a life of opera appreciation, Part eight), in Juxue yuekan

劇學月刊 3, no. 2, pp. 1–17, on p. 11.
86 Beijingshi yishu yanjiusuo and Shanghai yishu yanjiusuo, eds., Zhongguo
jingju shi, zhong ce, pp. 472–475.
87 Cf. Hansson, Chinese Outcasts, p. 74: “After the eighteenth century no more
information appears to be available either in official records or in other
writings about the former musicians’ households. This suggests that the
musicians ceased to exist as distinct social group within a few generations.”
88 Xiang Yang, Shanxi yuehu yanjiu, pp. 211–212.
89 Xiang Yang, Shanxi yuehu yanjiu, pp. 117–119; pp. 123–130; Qiao Jian 喬健,
“Yuehu zai Zhongguo chuantong shehui zhong de diwei yu jiaose” 樂戶在中
國傳統社會中的地位與角色 (“The Status and Role of Musicians in Traditional
Chinese Society”), Hanxue yanjiu 漢學研究 16, no. 2 (December 1998), pp.
267–284, on pp. 268–274.
90 Zhou Chuanying and Luo Di, Kunju shengya liushinian, pp. 3–4. Lu Xun
recalled there were still “fallen people” and “beggar people” in a similar situ-
ation in his hometown of Shaoxing. See Qiao Jian, “Yuehu,” pp. 281–282. Lu
Xun’s comments are corroborated by government statistics. As late as 1928,
statistics for all the counties of Zhejiang still listed the category of jianmin
and the numbers of people in this classification. See Jing Junjian 經君健,
Qingdai shehui de jianmin dengji 清代社會的賤民等級 (The status of jianmin
in Qing society), Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 1993, p. 204.
91 Wang Liqi 王利器, Yuan-Ming-Qing sandai jinhui xiaoshuo xiqu shiliao 元明清
三代禁毀小說戲曲史料 (Materials on prohibited novels and operas of the
Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties), Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1981,
pp. 169–170. Sommer, Sex, Law and Society, p. 230 also mentions this point.
92 Women first performed in this role in the Shanghai foreign settlements
during the last years of the Qing as an exception to the conventions of
Peking Opera. It was not until the 1930s that this practice became more
accepted. See Beijingshi yishu yanjiusuo and Shanghai yishu yanjiusuo, eds.,
Zhongguo jingju shi, shang ce, pp. 280–291; zhong ce, pp. 41–42.
93 This aspect of the dan’s role is described in detail in Roger Darrobers, Opéra
de Pékin — Théâtre et société à la fin de l’empire Sino-Mandchou, Paris: Bleu
de Chine, 1998, pp. 123–149; also see Mackerras, The Rise of the Peking
Opera, pp. 145–153.
94 Pan Guangdan 潘光旦, Zhongguo lingren xueyuan zhi yanjiu 中國伶人血緣之研
究 (Research on the blood ties of Chinese actors), Shanghai: Shangwu yins-
huguan, 1941, p. 256.

95 Qi Rushan, Huiyilu, p. 337.
96 The practice of recruiting performers to serve in the palace began during the
Kangxi period, not after Qianlong’s first visit to the South in 1751, as is
generally thought. See Ye Xiaoqing, “Imperial Institutions and Drama in the
Qing Court,” European Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (Autumn 2003),
pp. 329–364.
97 Gugong bowuyuan Ming-Qing dang’an bu 故宮博物院明清檔案部, ed., Li Xu
zouzhe 李煦奏摺 (Secret memorials of Li Xu), Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1976,
p. 4, p. 127.
98 Gugong bowuyuan, Li Xu zouzhe, pp. 201–202.
99 Mackerras, The Rise of the Peking Opera, p. 44.
100 Qi Rushan 齊如山, “Jiaqing shengmu wei gezhe zhi chuanshuo” 嘉慶生母為歌者
之傳說 (On the rumour that Jiaqing’s birth mother was an actress), Guoju
huabao 國劇畫報 1, no. 7 (4 March 1932); Wang Yaoqing 王瑶卿, “Guanyu
Xiyin shengmu” 關於“喜音聖母”(On the “Sacred Mother Who Loved Music”),
in Guoju huabao 國劇畫報 1, no. 9 (18 March 1932). The first photo of this
shrine was taken by Qi Rushan. He removed the Jiaqing and Daoguang
tablets, thinking they blocked the view of the statue. After Wang Yaoqing’s
response, he realised that these two tablets could prove that the statue was
of Jiaqing’s mother, that is, Daoguang’s grandmother. Only a few months
had passed since he took the first photo, but when he returned, Daoguang’s
tablet had gone. In the photo taken on this second visit, we still can see
clearly Jiaqing’s tablet and the base of Daoguang’s.
101 According to Qi Rushan’s article, Prince Cheng’s mother was also an actor.
Prince Cheng’s 成哲親王 (1752–1823) mother was not the same as Jiaqing’s.
We can conclude that Qianlong had at least two consorts who had been
actors.
102 Hummel, Eminent Chinese, pp. 968–969.
103 For more information on Qigong’s claims, see Qigong koushu lishi (Oral
history by Qigong), pp. 7–18; Xu Guangyuan 徐廣源, Qinghuangling digong
qintanji 清皇陵地宮親探記 (Personal record of the investigation into the Qing
imperial mausoleums), Beijing: Zijincheng chubanshe, 2007, pp. 32–33, 61–63.
104 Qinggui 慶桂 et al, ed., Guochao gongshi xubian 國朝宮史續編 (Sequel to
history of the palace of the dynasty), 2 vols. Beijing: Beijing guji chubanshe,
1994, p. 34. In fact Qianlong in his later years was concerned that the
number of bannermen had increased to the degree that the state could not
support so many of them. He also issued an edict permitting Chinese

bannermen to leave their inherited positions and seek employment elsewhere.
See Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’anguan, ed., Qianlongchao shangyudang, vol. 1, p.
791.
105 Qi Rushan, Qi Rushan quanji, vol. 10, Beiping 北平, pp. 5922–5923; vol. 4,
“Xijie xiaozhanggu” 戲界小掌故 (Anecdotes from opera circles),” p. 2367,
2499.
106 Yidang, Junjichu lufu zouzhe, microfilm, no. 97: 974–975.
107 Beatrice S. Bartlett, Monarchs and Ministers — The Grand Council in Mid-
Ch’ing, 1723–1820, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991 p. 174;
Qingshigao, vol. 35, pp. 10445–10453.
108 Fulong’an paid a price for taking on the censor. Three months after this
memorial, he was impeached by the censor Li Shufang 李漱芳 (b. 1736, jinshi
1757) on the grounds that his family servant got drunk and caused trouble
in a restaurant. Qianlong referred the matter to the Board of Civil Appoint-
ments for their “examination and advice,” which was that Fu should be
dismissed. Qianlong did not accept their advice and decided that Fu should
be retained at his post. See Man-Han mingchen zhuan, vol. 4, pp. 4074–4078.
109 Dong Wen was the teacher of Wang Guifen 汪桂芬. See Wang Zhizhang 王芷
章, Qingdai lingguan zhuan 清代伶官傳 (Biographies of drama performers of
the Qing dynasty), 3 vols. Beiping: Zhonghua shuju, 1936, vol. 2, p. 17.
110 Wen Ruitu was his stage name. His original name was Wen Lin 文麟, a
bannerman of the Neiwufu. His father was a chief official of the Neiwufu
and the Minister of War. He was dismissed by the court and became more
involved in Peking Opera. See Wang Zhizhang 王芷章, Zhongguo jingju bian-
nianshi 中國京劇編年史 (Chronology of the Peking Opera), 2 vols. Beijing:
Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 2003, shang ce, p. 239.
111 Zhou Mingtai, Dao-Xian yilai Liyuan xinian xiaolu, p. 70; Li Tiyang, “Qingdai
gongting xiju,” pp. 61–73, on p. 69.
112 One of the authors, Chen Moxiang, was born in 1884. His father, Chen
Xuefen 陳學棻 (jinshi 1862, d. 1900), was a Vice-Minister in the Board of
Revenue and an academician of the Grand Secretariat; he also served as a
Provincial Education Intendant in Shandong, Fujian, Jiangxi, and Zhejiang.
He died while fleeing Peking, together with Cixi and Guangxu, when the
Allied Armies entered Peking in 1900. Chen Moxiang did not seek personal
advancement in the bureaucracy but contented himself with enjoying the
opera and writing libretti. He was the patron of Xun Huisheng 荀慧生
(1900–1968), one of the four famous dan of the time. See Pan Jingfu 潘鏡芙
and Chen Moxiang 陳墨香, Liyuan waishi 梨園外史 (Unofficial history of the
Pear Garden), Beijing: Baowentang shudian, 1989, pp. 310–312, pp. 521–527.
113 The other three achieved notoriety because they involved (1) the murder of
a young man by his widowed mother and her lover, a monk, (2) the assassi-
nation of the Governor of Liangjiang, Ma Xinyi 馬新貽 (1821–1870), and (3)
the case of a juren from Zhejiang who was maligned by the local magis-
trate’s son and accused of murder. See Zhou Lengjia 周楞伽, Qingmo si da
qi’an 清末四大奇案 (Four strange cases from the late Qing), Beijing:
Qunzhong chubanshe, 1985.
114 Ye Xiaoqing, “Unacceptable Marriage and the Qing Legal Code — The Case
of Yang Yuelou,” Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia 27/28 (1995–1996),
pp. 195–212.
115 In 2001, when I interviewed Zhu Jiajin, a recognised expert on Peking Opera
expert and an amateur actor himself, who was very close to Yang’s son, Yang
Xiaolou, I was surprised to learn that he had never heard of the Yang Yuelou
case.
116 Shenbao, 4 June 1872.
117 The Mixed Court was established in 1864 to deal with Chinese in the Inter-
national Settlement and disputes between Chinese and foreigners in Shanghai.
Cases were heard by the British Consul (or another Western consul) and a
Chinese Assessor, the deputy of the Chinese magistrate in the Chinese city.
Serious cases which did not involve foreigners were routinely referred to the
yamen in the Chinese city. See A. M. Kotenev, Shanghai: Its Mixed Court and
Council, Shanghai: North-China Daily News & Herald Limited, 1925;
reprinted Taipei: Ch’eng-Wen Publishing Company, 1968; Thomas Blacket
Stephens, Order and Discipline in China: The Shanghai Mixed Court, 1911–
1927, Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1992.
118 Wang Tao 王韜 (Songbei Yushensheng 淞北玉魷生), Haizou yeyoulu 海陬冶遊
錄 (A guide to the brothels of Shanghai), Shanghai, 1879, juan 2, p. 30.
119 Shenbao, 24 December 1873.
121 It is possible that the number of blows actually delivered was less than the
number prescribed in the formal sentence. This seems to have been the
practice. See Derk Bodde and Clarence Morris, Law in Imperial China,
Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1967, p. 77.
122 Shenbao, 16 January 1874.
123 Shenbao, 3 February 1874.

125 Shenbao, 29 August 1874.
127 Shenbao, 27 May 1874.
128 T’ung-tsu Ch’ü, Law and Society in Traditional China, The Hague: Mouton
and Co., 1965, pp. 129–30.
129 William C. Jones (trans.), The Great Qing Code, Oxford: Clarendon Press;
New York: Oxford University Press, 1994, pp. 352–353.
130 “The Yang Yeh-liu case,” North-China Herald, 6 June 1874.
131 T’ung-tsu Ch’ü, Law and Society in Traditional China, pp. 123–124.
132 Shang Fei 賞非, “Yang Yuelou fengliu an” 楊月樓風流案 (The romantic case of
Yang Yuelou), in Xin Zhi 信之 and Xiao Ming 瀟明, eds., Jiu Shanghai shehui
baitai 舊上海社會百態 (One hundred aspects of society in old Shanghai),
Shanghai: Renmin chubanshe, 1991, pp. 116–117.
133 Ye Xiaoqing, “Unacceptable Marriage and the Qing Legal Code,” pp. 195–212.
134 In the archives catalogue this document is given the number Shengpingshu
1499, but is noted “missing.” I located it in the Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian,
Shengpingshu packet 3946.
135 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 1450. This is a literal translation of Bian’s
memorial; the style reveals his relative lack of education. Neither of these
documents is dated. However, Yang Yuelou served in the palace for only
three years, from 1888 to his death in 1891. See Wang Zhizhang, Qing
Shengpingshu zhilüe, p. 562, which gives a table indicating that Yang died in
1890. However, records in the Shengpingshu archives indicate that Yang was
still performing in 1891. After that his name disappears from the records.
Bian Dekui died in 1889, so these documents must date from 1888–1889.
136 Qi Rushan, “Tan sijue,” pp. 103–192, on pp. 147–148.
137 Chen Fang, Qianlong shiqi Beijing jutan yanjiu, p. 164.
139 This was a misunderstanding. Mu Changshou was an actor, but not a
eunuch.
140 Haishang shushisheng 海上漱石生, “Xiao Mu sixing xianzao najie” 小穆私行現
遭拿解 (The absconding and arrest of Xiao Mu), in Xiju yuekan 1, no. 8
(1929), p. 7.
143 See the imperial edict of 1798 in Dolby, Chinese Drama, pp. 155–156. On
Heshen, see Bartlett, Monarchs and Ministers, p. 175; Qingshigao, vol. 35, pp.
10752–10760.
jingju shi, shang ce, pp. 534–535.
145 On Tian Jiyun, see Wang Zizhang, Qingdai lingguan zhuan 清代伶官傳 (Biog-
raphies of drama performers of the Qing dynasty), vol. 3, pp. 41–44.
146 Quoted from Su Yi 蘇移, Jingju erbainian gaiguan 京劇二百年概觀 (General
description of Peking Opera over the past two hundred years), Beijing:
Beijing Yanshan chubanshe, 1989, pp. 170–171; Zhang Cixi, Qingdai Yandu
Liyuan, xia ce, p. 1243; Hou Xisan, Beijing lao xiyuanzi, p. 48.
147 Liu Yingqiu 劉迎秋, “Wode laoshi Cheng Yanqiu” 我的老師程硯秋 (My teacher
Cheng Yanqiu), in Beijingshi zhengxie wenshi ziliao weiyuanhui 北京市政協文
史資料委員會 ed., Liyuan wangshi 梨園往事 (Past events from the Pear
Garden), Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2000, pp. 231–251, on p. 236.
148 Joshua Goldstein, “Mei Lanfang and the Nationalization of Peking Opera,
1912–1930,” in Positions — East Asia Cultures Critique 7, no. 2 (1999), pp.
377–420; A. C. Scott, Actors are Madmen — Notebook of a Theatregoer in
China, Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1982, pp. 9–10.
149 The Peoples Daily, 17 June 2000.
Chapter Four
Cultural and Political Control
If not the most enthusiastic opera fan among the Qing emperors, Qian-
long certainly was the one who spent the most human and financial
resources on it. His visits to the south promoted a broad fascination with
drama and left many romantic stories, particularly in Jiangnan. In these
stories, Qianlong was a gallant and talented martial emperor who loved
Jiangnan culture. There was, and still is, a widespread story that Qianlong
was the son of a distinguished Jiangnan gentry family but had been
substituted for a baby girl of Yongzheng not long after his birth. This
story is so widely believed that even historians have felt it necessary to
discredit this claim in scholarly work.1
Ironically, contrary to his popular image, Qianlong was the Qing
emperor who was most suspicious about Jiangnan culture and literati.
Many policies during his reign clearly bore the imprint of his personal
preoccupations. His reign lasted over sixty years, and his personal traits
inevitably became inseparable features of the dynasty.
Although there were precedents during the reigns of Kangxi and
Yongzheng, Qianlong’s literary inquisition was four times greater, in scale
and in number of cases investigated, than those of the previous reigns
put together.2 There were rational necessities for such actions during the
early Qing, but this was no longer the case by the Qianlong period. As
Kent Guy pointed out, there was no single event in the political and
intellectual history of the 1770s and 1780s which can be said to have
triggered Qianlong’s literary inquisition.3 In 1780, Qianlong extended the
campaign into censorship of the drama. This attempt was not as
successful as the literary inquisition, for practical reasons. However, the
theme was the same and reflected his deep anxiety with the issue of
Manchu legitimacy. This matter did not particularly concern his grandfa-
ther and father; nor was it shared by his successors.
The Nationwide Censorship Campaign on Drama

following the Literary Inquisition
In 1772, the first month of the thirty-seventh year of Qianlong’s reign,
he issued his first edict on possibly offensive books. Provincial officials
did not respond as promptly as Qianlong expected, and he issued more
edicts to speed up the process. As provinces gradually handed over the
books they had collected, it became clear there were no “offensive” books
among them. Qianlong was not at all satisfied. In an edict, he stated:
I have already issued edicts ordering all provincial governors and governors-
general to collect books from earlier times. Several months have passed, but few
have responded. They must have been afraid that some old books contain offen-
sive contents, and that the book owners understood what was in them. So every-
thing was suppressed. So I issued another edict, to make my intentions clear. Even
if there are some offensive contents in the books, they reflect prejudices of
previous people and have nothing to do with the current owners. You do not have
to shrink and flinch. I definitely will not punish the book owner, just because
some books contain inappropriate contents. If you act as before, and you are not
willing to hand over your offensive books, when this is discovered, it will be
regarded as intentionally keeping those books, and the crime will be considered
much greater. My intentions in the edicts are very clear. The edicts have been
transmitted to the governors and governors-general in Jiangsu and Zhejiang. If
there are books which contain offensive or absurd words, they should not be
allowed to harm and confuse future scholars. When the books are handed over,
the only thing we will do is to destroy them. We will inform the owners not to
keep them, and then the owners will not be in trouble. The task of the governors
and governors-general is only to pass on these books. They are even more unlikely
to be blamed. I always do things honourably and justly. All governors and gover-
nors-general should know this very well. Why do they not trust me? … Now, over
ten thousand books have been submitted by all provinces. But none has been
found which could be considered even slightly offensive. How can it be possible
that among such a quantity of literature bequeathed by former generations, not
one should contain a trace of sedition? What is more, at the end of the Ming,
unauthorised histories were very numerous, and in them both defamatory and
eulogistic comments were expressed according to the prejudices of the authors.
Surely there must be some comments which are defamatory to our present
dynasty. All officials should deal with this matter and do their best to destroy
them, in order to lessen the rumours. This is called correcting the mind and
encouraging good customs. Under no circumstances can this be disregarded. This
4 | Cultural and Political Control 183
sort of literary nonsense is more likely to happen in the two provinces of Jiangsu
and Zhejiang. However, Jiangxi, Fujian, Guangdong, Hubei, and Hunan are not
necessarily immune. How can we not check carefully?4
Provincial officials appreciated the gravity of Qianlong’s words. More

and more books were submitted to the court. The literary inquisition
lasted over a decade. This campaign was thorough, but it only involved
the educated elite. But then Qianlong realised that drama was a much
more effective form of influencing the general population.
The first edict on drama censorship

As in the literary inquisition, Qianlong thought Jiangnan was the key
area. But this time he wanted the investigation to be conducted more
discreetly. He first ordered the Suzhou Textile Commissioner, Quande 全德,
to search for and to buy drama scripts in the Jiangnan area. Qianlong
thought Quande’s knowledge of literary Chinese was not up to the task,
so he ordered the Lianghuai Salt Commissioner, Yiling’a 伊齡阿 (d. 1795),
to assist. An edict received by the Grand Council on the eleventh day of
the eleventh month of the fortieth year of Qianlong (6 December 1780)
was sent to Yiling’a:
I formerly ordered officials in every province to do their best to search out and
confiscate all offensive books, and to hand over them over to the capital to be
destroyed. There were very many such books handed over by governors and
governors-general. It has now occurred to me that the scripts of dramas are not
necessarily without seditious passages. For example, stories based on events
during the late Ming and the early Qing must have borne some reference to the
current dynasty. This should be thoroughly checked. Moreover, in drama scripts
about the Southern Song and the Jin, the roles are inevitably portrayed in an
exaggerated way. Some were simply untrue. These stories have been handed down
for a very long time. The ignorant masses might think that the contents of such
dramas are factual. This is really important and should also be investigated. This
sort of drama is more likely to be concentrated in the Suzhou and Yangzhou area.
This edict is being transmitted to Yiling’a and Quande. They should seriously
investigate this matter. If there are scripts which should be revised or deleted, they
should deal with them with care, and make appropriate judgments according to
the circumstances. Original copies of the dramas should be handed over to the
capital, along with the expurgated passages indicated by pasted tally-slips, to
present to the emperor for inspection. However, all these must be done in secret,
so as to avoid causing the slightest panic or alarm. Quande is not conversant with
written Chinese, and I am afraid that he would be unable to act properly, if he
alone is put in charge of proceedings. For all cases requiring investigation and
prohibition in the Suzhou region, Yiling’a is to assist him. This edict therefore
should also be also transmitted to him.5
Quande received the edict on the twentieth day of the eleventh

month. He sent a memorial two days later:
In the humble opinion of this slave, there are very many drama troupes in Suzhou
and many stores which sell drama scripts. If this investigation is not kept secret,
even a slight alarm would scare the stupid masses. They would then hide the sedi-
tious dramas, and as a result we would fail to confiscate all of them. Therefore this
slave is very discreet at the moment and searches everywhere to buy drama scripts,
either published or hand-copied editions. Then we will carefully examine the
contents. Anything which refers to the current dynasty or the Southern Song and
the Jin, or anything which is inappropriately portrayed, will be changed or
deleted. We will present them with pasted tally-slips to Your Majesty for inspec-
tion, and we will be waiting respectfully for your imperial decision. Harmless
dramas will be allowed to be performed as usual. Seditious ones should be
changed in the appropriate places. Only then should the book stores be notified
of the edict, and they will be able to sell only the revised editions. Drama troupes
should be ordered only to perform according to the new editions. All original
offensive editions and wooden printing plates should be destroyed completely.
The masses will not be disturbed and the mission will be accomplished. This slave
is, however, only able to read and write a little bit, just as your imperial edict says,
6
and is not conversant with literary Chinese. I am afraid that there might be some
things missed. All the collected scripts from Suzhou, after this slave examines
them, will be handed over, checked and sealed, with pasted tally-slips, harmless or
seditious, to Yiling’a for re-examination. This slave reverently waits for your
instructions. In Suzhou, the custom is to be keen on things which are new and
novel, and new dramas are compiled quite often. There might be some new scripts
which have not been performed. This slave now will do his best to search for such
scripts discreetly, and not to let any copy escape our scrutiny. Furthermore, when
this slave was in Jiujiang 九江, he learnt that there were qinqiang, chuqiang 楚腔,
yiyangqiang 弋陽腔, and shipaiqiang 石牌腔 being performed, and these were
outrageously improper. I am afraid that some of them would inevitably contain
seditious passages and improper acting. These should be investigated and dealt
with as well. As to how to search, obtain and correct or delete them, let this slave
discuss the matter with Yiling’a. We will send a separate memorial on this.7
About ten days later, on the fourth day of the twelfth month, Quande
sent another memorial to report that he had sent men all over Suzhou
and its environs to look for bookshops and stores selling drama scripts.
So far he had collected 237 copies of drama scripts, and he had started
examining them. Among those which had been checked, he discovered
that nine should be banned and destroyed, three should be changed, and
only two were harmless. They were then forwarded to Yiling’a.8
A suggestion from the bondservant Yiling’a

Yiling’a was a bondservant from the Neiwufu. The bondservants there
had a reputation for being well off, but lacking education. There was a
saying among bannermen in Peking, “The house is new, the tree is small,
the painting is not old. He must be from the Neiwufu.”9 However, like
Cao Yin 曹寅 (d. 1712), Yiling’a was an exception. He was talented in
calligraphy and painting, and he and Cao Yin were accepted by the
Jiangnan literati as equals, and registered among the names of literati in
the Record of Flower Boats of Yangzhou (Yangzhou huafang lu 揚州畫舫
10
錄). Mixing in Jiangnan scholarly circles, drinking and creating poems,
paintings, and calligraphy, they were also the emperor’s secret
informants.11
As soon as Yiling’a received the edict, he established a special bureau
to carry out the task. He also suggested to Qianlong that all provinces
should do likewise. Within two days of receiving the edict, he replied:
This slave humbly concludes that the drama performances do indeed reflect the
scene of ascendant peace. However, there are many cases of exaggerated acting
and unfounded rumours. As the edict says, in order to manifest your purpose of
promoting filial piety and loyalty, we cannot let these go unchecked. We must
eradicate them. It has been six centuries since the Southern Song, the Yuan, and
the Ming. There are many drama scripts in circulation. Book stores sell reprinted
editions, and drama teachers in Suzhou and Yangzhou probably have unpublished
scripts. At all such places, we have to examine their stock carefully, to ascertain
that the content of the dramas is distinct and clear, and the acting appropriate.
The important thing is that this must be handled secretly, and that the search
must be extremely thorough. This slave followed the instructions in the edict and
immediately ordered the Deputy Salt Commisioner Zhang Fu 張輔, the leading
chief merchant Jiang Guangda 江廣達, and others to establish a bureau. This
bureau is responsible for collecting new and old drama scripts of the Song, Yuan,
and Ming dynasties from all book stores and investigating all scripts kept by
private individual teachers. Whatever form they may have, printed or hand-
copied, all scripts must be handed over. Then this slave will lead members (of the
bureau) to examine them meticulously. If there are any contents involving the late
Ming and the early years of the current dynasty, or the Southern Song and the Jin,
or inappropriate acting resulting from inaccurate facts, all should be revealed and
changed or deleted. Only then can we make intelligent people be moved, and
stupid people be warned, by what they see and hear. Only then we can effectively
correct the minds and morality of the people. Please allow this slave to investigate
these matters one by one, and I will present the scripts with pasted tally-slips on
them to your majesty for inspection. I prostrate myself to wait for instruction ...
This slave has more to request. The gentry and official families in Suzhou,
Yangzhou, and Jiangnan in general are fond of kun troupes; country towns,
villages, Shangjiang 上江, and Anqing 安慶, however, prefer luantan 亂彈, which is
originally from Shipai 石牌 in Shangjiang. This is why it is called shipaiqiang.
Furthermore, there is qinqiang in Shanxi; yiyangqiang in Jiangxi; chuqiang in
Hubei and Hunan. Drama performances in Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou, Guang-
dong, Guangxi, Fujian, and Zhejiang all derive from novels and traditional poems.
There must be some which refer to the Southern Song and the Jin. Some even
dare to wear the costumes of the current dynasty. Although these dramas are
fictional, the words in them are still unorthodox. If we do not strictly forbid and
eliminate them, the stupid ignorant masses would accept them as true. I am really
concerned. Could I respectfully beg your majesty’s celestial benevolence to secretly
order all provincial governors and governors-general to investigate them thor-
oughly? If there are seditious contents, they should be banned immediately. The
humble masses then would be warned, and propriety, righteousness, a sense of
shame and innocence would be maintained. This is the limited view of this slave;
he bows and awaits your majesty’s instruction.12
In this memorial, we learn that Yiling’a, following the precedent of

the Censorship Bureau, which had been established to examine books, set
up a special bureau for drama censorship. Qianlong wrote on his memo-
rial “Noted.” He did not object to what Yiling’a was proposing. On the
contrary, he accepted Yiling’a’s suggestion that all provinces should follow
his suggestion. He then issued the edict to the grand secretaries, with a
note to the effect that Yiling’a’s suggestion be implemented. “I command
that Yiling’a’s memorial be copied and sent to all provincial governors
and governors-general. They should investigate the matter carefully, but
must remain calm and not cause the slightest perturbation. Transmit this
edict to all governors and governors-general.”13
Responses from the provinces — Zhili, Shanxi and Jiangsu

The governor-general of Zhili, Yuan Shoutong 袁守侗 (1723–1783), replied
to the effect that he would send all collected drama scripts to the provin-
cial censorship bureau for books to be examined.14 As Shanxi was partic-
ularly mentioned in the edict as a qinqiang area, the governor of Shanxi,
Kening’a 喀寧阿 (d. 1790), reacted immediately. “This servant finds it is
on record that drama performances in Shanxi province are mostly qinq-
iang. The contents and words are derived from novels and ancient
poems. Sometimes there are also kunqiang troupes from other places, but
their number is very small. However, drama scripts handed down from
the Song and the Yuan dynasties, which are preserved in gentry families
and book stores, often contain seditious passages and inappropriate
acting. As the edict says, this cannot be left unchecked.” He went on to
say that he would immediately establish a bureau in the provincial capital
and order all prefectures and counties to follow its instructions. All avail-
able drama scripts would be examined and handed over.15
The position of the governor of Jiangsu, Min Eyuan 閔鶚元 (d. 1797)
was somewhat delicate. The Suzhou Textile Commissioner and the Liang-
huai Salt Commissioner were in Jiangsu, and they were obviously trusted
by the emperor. Quande and Yiling’a had already initiated the censorship
campaign, and there was no real role for him to play. On the other
hand, Min received the edict as did every other provincial governor. He
had to go through the motions, saying that he would carefully search
and collect drama scripts and get rid of any offensive contents.16
Responses from Anhui

Anhui was another province specifically named in Yiling’a’s memorial,
and the governor of Anhui had to show his earnestness in this matter. At
the same time, he tried to play down the seriousness of the problem in
his province. He responded:
Anhui is in the upper Yangzi area, adjacent to Jiangsu in the lower Yangzi region.
In most parts, kunqiang is performed, except in Huaining county, forty li from
the provincial capital, where shipaiqiang is performed. Shipaiqiang is very vulgar
and decadent, and the rhythm has no order. This town is located in the western
part of Anhui, next to Jiangxi, Hunan, and Hubei provinces, where kunqiang is
not often performed and shipaiqiang is very popular. However, shipaiqiang is not
popular within Anhui, not more than two or three performances out of ten. This
servant has already started searching and checking, under the pretence of appreci-
ating drama. All the scripts are hand-copied; there are no printed ones. Their
contents are mostly drawn from novels like The Journey to the West, Tales of the
Sui and Tang, and similar works. The language is uncouth and full of contradic-
tions, and the stories are unconvincing. The rest of the scripts are only drum
songs; there is nothing referring to the current dynasty. However, in the stories
about the Tang, Song, and Five Dynasties, there are non-specific barbarian women
wearing the costumes of the current dynasty, or showing disrespect to the ancient
sages. All the seditious parts have been deleted and forbidden by this servant. Over
twenty drama scripts have been checked. Some are performed elsewhere, by itin-
erant troupes. This servant will examine them one after the other when they
17
return to their hometowns.
Responses from Hunan and Hubei

The governor-general of Huguang and the governor of Hubei submitted
a joint memorial:
Kunqiang arose in Suzhou and Yangzhou. The words and tunes follow the rules of
gong and shang; the language is clear and coherent. Printed copies can be bought
in book shops. Your servants have sent people to search and collect seditious
material. If there are any drama scripts which should be banned, they will
certainly be confiscated. Seditious passages will be deleted and noted with pasted
tally-slips and will be submitted for imperial inspection. However, shipaiqiang,
qinqiang, yiyangqiang, chuqiang, and the like are extremely vulgar and philistine,
regardless of their different tunes. They are easy to understand, and copies are
available to study and perform. If there are lewd passages and unorthodox views,
they must not be given free rein to fabricate rumours and delude people’s hearts.
We should be very careful and strict about their contents, even if it is only slightly
seditious. Your servants have already ordered officials in all prefectures and coun-
ties to collect all scripts, but without causing any panic. No matter whether they
are hand-copied or printed, owned by local or itinerant performers, all will be
inspected. Only after they have been checked will they be allowed to continue. At
the same time they will still need to register with the officials in order to keep
records….
Qianlong noted in vermilion ink: “Take this seriously, but do not

create any disturbance.”
The governor of Hunan, Liu Yong 劉墉 (1720–1804), said more or
less the same thing. “Kunqiang dramas have printed versions available in
stores. Only actors from Jiangsu are good at it. Very few Hunan troupes
can sing kunqiang. Even if there were seditious passages in those scripts,
it would be easy to find out and control. Most people like shipaiqiang
and the like, because the customs and dialects are similar, and they are
easy to understand. So locals prefer to watch and listen to them. The
words and tunes are vulgar and philistine.” Liu Yong goes on to say he
would order his officials to deal with the matter. Furthermore, he assured
Qianlong, if there were some old scripts not currently being performed,
he would also look into the matter.18
Response from Jiangxi

Jiangxi was the birthplace of yiqiang, and many other regional dramas
and itinerant troupes also had a presence there. Yiling’a made a special
reference to Jiangxi in his memorial. The governor of Jiangxi, Hao Shuo
郝碩 (d. 1784), had to respond in greater detail.
This servant has determined that there is little presence of kunqiang in Jiangxi.
There are many popular entertainments, like gaoqiang 高腔, bangziqiang 梆子腔,
luantan, and the like. Bangziqiang is also called yiyangqiang. This servant checked
the Yiyang county gazette 弋陽縣志 and discovered there has always been such a
term. I was afraid there might be some drama scripts circulating in the area. I have
commanded the county magistrate to investigate the matter. According to his
report, it is not known when the name yiyangqiang originated. There are no leads
as to its origin. What is nowadays sung is in fact the same as gaoqiang and does
not have any separate, distinct nature whatsoever. Furthermore, acting upon a
report from Nanchang prefecture and following the transmission of the decree to
all drama troupes about dramas which treat the end of the Ming dynasty or
matters of the Southern Song and Jin dynasties in an unsuitable manner, I ordered
that these be rigorously suppressed and eliminated. I dispatched officials to
examine the scripts that had been handed over. Two dramas, Family Happiness
(Quanjiafu 全家福) and The Scabbard of Heaven and Earth (Qiankunqiao 乾坤鞘),
contain seditious passages. In the Red Gate Temple (Hongmengsi 紅門寺), charac-
ters wear costumes of the current dynasty. These should be reported and investi-
gated. This servant, along with two provincial-level offices (the Provincial
Administration Commission and the Provincial Surveillance Commission)
re-examined the material and confirmed this finding. All gaoqiang troupes in
Jiangyou 江右 (Jiangxi) use local dialect and slang. It is so vulgar, and there is no
written text. Stupid villagers sing casually and change whatever they like. Gaoq-
iang cannot be compared with kunqiang chuanqi 崑腔傳奇, which was created by
literati and properly printed and circulated. For this reason, all the scripts which
have been handed over are tattered, torn, and incomplete. Among hand-copied
scripts, three of those discovered have been banned. The Red Gate Temple, in
which the costumes of the current dynasty are worn, and The Scabbard of Heaven
and Earth, which is based on the history of the Song and Jin, should be banned.
As for Family Happiness, it is just too absurd, both in its title and its text. It is not
worth revising and should be destroyed completely. This servant carefully pasted
tally-slips on the original copies and respectfully presents them for imperial
inspection. As for isolated mountain areas, like the prefectures of Ruichuan 瑞川,
Linjiang 臨江, and Nankang 南康, there are no local actors, and troupes from else-
where rarely reach there. In the prefectures of Jiujiang 九江, Guangxin 廣信,
Raozhou 饒州, Ganzhou 贛州, and Nan’an 南安, which are close to Jiangsu,
Zhejiang, and Fujian, shipaiqiang, qinqiang, and chuqiang troupes come and go.
This servant has commanded those prefectures to keep an eye on things. When-
ever itinerant troupes come into their areas, they should make it very clear to one
and all that they must do their utmost to observe the prohibitions and mend their
ways, so as to bring further glory to Your Imperial Majesty’s perfect reign that
seeks to restore fundamental moralities and reform social customs.19
Guangdong — a misinterpretation of Qianlong’s intentions

Officials reacted to Qianlong’s edict differently. Some, like the governor of
Jiangsu and the governor-general of Liangguang, just went through the
motions. The latter simply said that he would “investigate and deal with
the matter, following the precedent of Jiangsu.” 20 However, the governor
of Guangdong, Li Hu 李湖 (jinshi 1739, d. 1781), was a Han Chinese. He
did not seem to appreciate the gravity of Qianlong’s concern for Manchu
legitimacy and interpreted his edicts more as a campaign to maintain
orthodox morality in general. His memorial first copied whatever had
been said in the transmitted edict. He then raised the issue of an old
ban dating from the Yongzheng period, namely that troupes were not
allowed to play the part of immortals, deities, gods, or sages. 21 His
memorial then continued:
From your servant’s investigation, kun performances are mostly based on printed
editions. Luantan, qin, chu, and yiyangqiang are just put together by philistines in
the marketplace. They are copied from each other; these copies are called jiaoben.
They have never been printed by book stores. As for the offence of seditious
passages or inappropriate costumes, all dramas, be they kunqiang or luantan,
should be deleted, changed, or banned according to the imperial instructions. Our
investigation shows that most theatres and book stores are concentrated in the
provincial capital. Not more than one or two in ten are in the prefectures and
counties. Even there, they are still concentrated in the cities. So it is not as if it is
difficult to instruct everybody immediately, even in the more remote and back-
ward places. I shall therefore deal with this matter in accordance with the prece-
dent of Jiangnan and will transmit the edict to book stores and actors, ordering
them to hand over all scripts, printed or hand-copied, to responsible officials for
examination.… However, eastern Guangdong is a melting pot of merchants from
everywhere, both land and water. The customs there are mixed and morality is
licentious; the people are greedy and violent. The drama performances in the
marketplaces are absurd; the acting is seductive and erotic, and portrays bandits
as heroes. The stupid masses have been imperceptibly influenced; they are fasci-
nated with these stories and even envy and adore the bandits. This is particularly
important for the minds and hearts of the people in the coastal border regions. In
the records, there is a prohibition against playing immortals and gods in drama
performances. However, this prohibition does not apply to those dramas the
purpose of which is to educate people to be filial and virtuous. If a drama contains
anything erotic, seditious, or threatening to the social order, it should be thor-
oughly banned. I have dispatched officials to investigate and deal with this matter.
Banning those which should be banned will help to transform the customs and
social morality.
Qianlong’s vermilion endorsement was: “Yes, but cause no distur-

bance. Implement conscientiously and appropriately.”22
Li Hu seemed to be one of the very few provincial officials who did
not understand the real concern of Qianlong for this policy. It had little
to do with maintaining orthodox morality. Although Yiling’a’s memorial
had been transmitted to every provincial governor and governor-general,
the censorship campaign was focused on Jiangnan. The other provincial
governors sent only one memorial in acknowledgement of this edict.
The search continues in Jiangnan

Meanwhile, Quande and Yiling’a continued to report on the progress of
the campaign to collect drama scripts. Quande became its central figure.
On the second day of the New Year in 1781, he sent another memorial
to Qianlong advising that within one month of submitting his previous
memorial he had collected a further 139 hand-copied scripts. Among the
36 he had examined, 10 should be banned and destroyed, 19 should be
revised and have certain parts deleted; only 7 were harmless. The 36
copies with pasted tally-slips would be sealed and sent to Yiling’a for
rechecking. 23 Qianlong did not trust Quande’s literary abilities, but
Quande did not want miss any opportunity to impress his master. He
was unwilling to transfer the collected scripts directly to Yiling’a. He
wanted to be the one to pick up offensive scripts; Yiling’a could only
confirm what he had already decided.
A month earlier, Qianlong had ordered Yiling’a to assist Quande, so
he obviously valued Yiling’a’s views highly. Only one month after Qian-
long ordered that Yiling’a’s memorial be sent to the provincial governors,
he suddenly transferred him from the position of Lianghuai Salt
Commissioner to the position of Superintendent of Customs in Guang-
dong. Yiling’a did not respond to this order for over a month. Qianlong
was very angry. He demanded to know why Yiling’a, who had always
been very prompt in responding to edicts, did not do so this time. He
issued an edict to the Grand Council: “It has been the rule that all
personnel being appointed to a new position submit a memorial, giving
thanks for the emperor’s benevolence. Could it be that Yiling’a is not
happy with being transferred from Salt Commissioner to Superintendent
and has deliberately delayed replying, acting as he pleases? If that is the
case, transmit this edict to order Yiling’a to memorialise truthfully
explaining immediately why he did not express thanks for my benevo-
lence.” When Yiling’a memorialised about the drama scripts, which was
after he must have received this edict, he still did not mention his
transfer to Guangdong. This time Qianlong was furious. He sent the
following edict to the Grand Council: “Yiling’a still pretends not to know
and is trying to delay matters, acting as he pleases. It is clear that he is
resentful about being appointed Superintendent. Transmit this edict to
Yiling’a, and question him as to why this is so. He must memorialise
truthfully. What is more, there is no need for him in Guangdong any
more. Commend him to reflect upon himself.”24
The new Salt Commissioner was Tuming’a 圖明阿, another bondser-
vant who was also a very erudite scholar. On 25 February 1781, Quande
reported that he had bought 21 new hand-copied scripts. By that time he
had collected a total of 376 drama scripts. Among those he had exam-
ined, he recommended that five should be destroyed, 16 should be
changed, and 13 were to be considered harmless. He sent the checked
copies to Yiling’a for re-examination. In this memorial Quande mentioned
that he would cooperate with the new salt commissioner in continuing
this task.25 On 28 March, Quande sent another memorial reporting that

he had bought a further ten scripts. The total reached 397. Among 84
which had been examined, 8 should be destroyed, 28 needed to be
changed, and 47 were harmless. He had already sent those on to
Tuming’a. 26 At the same time, Tuming’a received an edict which
responded to earlier memorials sent to Qianlong. The vermilion endorse-
ment says, “Do not overdo it.” Tuming’a had reported to Qianlong that
apart from the 120 scripts Quande had sent him, he had also found
some new ones. Excluding duplicates, there were still 284 unchecked
copies of scripts. Qianlong wrote, “Good, noted. This is a way of
correcting men’s hearts. But there should be no disturbance.”27
One month later, on 2 May 2 1781, in a memorial reporting on
progress, Tuming’a mentioned the names of a few offensive dramas: The
Story of the Golden Sparrow (Jinqueji 金雀記), a love story supposedly
from the Jin 晉 dynasty (266–420); The Story of the Singing Phoenix
(Mingfengji 鳴鳳記), which was based on the political struggles in the
court during the late Ming; The Story of a Thousand Pieces of Gold
(Qianjinji 千金記), which was from the Shiji, about the struggles between
Chu and Han. This story was also the original source of the later The
Hegemon Bids Farewell to His Concubine (Bawang bie ji 霸王別姬) and
The Story of Planting Jade (Zhongyuji 種玉記). In his memorial, Tuming’a
made a particular point of assuring the emperor that he would not dare
to cause any panic. Qianlong wrote routinely, “Seen.”28 Things seemed to
be going well as far as Qianlong was concerned.
Qianlong changes his mind

However, over a month later, on the 29th day of the fifth month (20
June), Qianlong issued an edict to the Grand Council in which he
condemned Tuming’a for not being discreet and for being too wasteful:
Previously, due to popular dramas containing references to the Southern Song
and the Jin, or new stories or words based on events of the current dynasty, or
inappropriate acting which distorted the truth, the ignorant masses were likely to
take all this as fact. For this serious reason, I transmitted an edict ordering the
Salt Commissioner to investigate this matter. There are surely some which
require changes or deletions. He should deal with each case appropriately.
However, according to Tuming’a’s memorial on the investigation of drama
scripts, he has been overdoing it. There are drama scripts such as Caodi 草地 and
Bai Jin 拜金,29 which describe the recovery of lost territory by the Southern Song
and the retreat of the Jin after a defeat. In this drama, the acting is exaggerated
and very improper. I doubt that it could be true. Therefore I issued an edict
ordering the Salt Commissioner to investigate carefully and only treat similar
scripts with changes and deletions. The rest have no offensive passages and
should not be treated like the others. Now, Tuming’a dares to go so far as to
establish a bureau in Lianghuai to check and revise all popular drama scripts and
then present them to me. This will no doubt cause a disturbance. What is more,
since these scripts will be copied again, why decorate them so lavishly? I order
that all copies be returned to Tuming’a and Quande when this edict is trans-
mitted to them. They must follow the previous edict, maintain discretion, and
cause no disturbance.30
In fact it was Tuming’a’s predecessor, Yiling’a, who initiated a special

bureau, following the precedent of the censorship bureau for books. At
that time, Qianlong obviously approved of what Yiling’a was doing, and
he ordered that Yiling’a’s suggestion be transmitted to all provinces as a
model. Tuming’a had only been in the job for a few months before
angering the emperor. Probably he was indeed over-enthusiastic, as indi-
cated by his decorating the presented copies and so on. Another possi-
bility is he did not get along with Quande, who may have submitted
unfavourable reports about him. When Qianlong issued this edict,
Quande was in the capital31 and was not mentioned in the edict. When
Tuming’a received the edict, he was in a panic,
This slave is reverently holding the edict and reading it while kneeling. Looking
upon the sage ruler’s clear and kind instruction, this slave sincerely reflects upon
himself, knowing he was really improper. The only thing this slave can do is to
regret with fear and to give thanks for the celestial benevolence. The special
bureau had already been established last year. There were a few empty rooms in
the yamen of the Salt Commission near the bureau. That is why I designated
personnel to lead copyists in examining scripts there. Now I have received the
edict instructing that in the future it will not be necessary to examine and change
all popular dramas, since there are not many which need to be revised. Now there
is even less reason for a special bureau to exist. This is too indiscreet. By the time
you receive this edict, it will have been dismantled. This slave can only follow and
obey your instructions not to cause panic. I will lead the others to check the
collected scripts. If there is any reference to the Southern Song and the Jin; or if
any of the newly compiled dramas are based on stories about the current dynasty,
or use exaggerated acting in order to confuse ignorant people, they certainly need
to be changed and deleted. Those scripts will be copies, and along with the orig-
inal versions, will be presented for imperial inspection. I do not dare to decorate
them or misuse funds in order to reverently appreciate the sage ruler’s sincere
intention of cherishing things. The rest of the harmless scripts will not be changed
or submitted, so as not to cause you any trouble.
Qianlong wrote: “Yes.”

On the same day, Quande also memorialised. The edict did not criti-
cise him, so he did not need to apologise for excessive zeal. In his
memorial, he reported that he had collected 434 drama scripts, of which
315 had been checked and sent to the Salt Commissioner to recheck. He
also mentioned that drama troupes had been informed that they were
not allowed to perform certain dramas which had been selected to be
destroyed.32
The difficulty of maintaining secrecy

This campaign was recorded briefly in both the Veritable Records (Shilu
實錄) and the Sacred Edicts (Shengxun 聖訓) of the Qianlong reign. The
first edict on this matter was transmitted to the Suzhou Textile and Salt
Commissioners through the Grand Council.33 The other extant Qing
source containing information on this matter is the Record of Flower
Boats of Yangzhou (Yangzhou huafang lu). We learn from Yiling’a’s
memorial that he had set up a special bureau and allocated the task to
the Deputy Salt Commisioner Zhang Fu and the chief merchant Jiang
Guangda. In his memorial, Yiling’a did not mention the names of the
literati recruited for this task. According to the Record of Flower Boats
of Yangzhou, the chief examiners were Huang Wenyang 黃文暘 (b. 1736)
and Li Jing 李經; Ling Tingkan 凌廷堪 (1757–1809) and three others
were examiners. 34 Huang Wenyang, Ling Tingkan, Li Dou 李斗 (the
author the Record of Flower Boats of Yangzhou, fl. 1764–1795), and Jiao
Xun 焦循 (a famous expert on drama, 1763–1820) were close friends.
Ling Tingkan became a jinshi in the fifty-fifth year of the Qianlong
period (1790). From the beginning, Qianlong made it very clear that he
wanted the campaign carried out thoroughly but secretly. However, since
the Lianghuai Salt Commission had established a special bureau to
recruit literati to carry out the task, inevitably the news would leak out.
Jiangnan literati were interested in drama themselves, and they could

hardly resist the temptation of showing off their knowledge on a
popular subject. The chief examiner, Huang Wenyang, later compiled a
work in twenty volumes, Titles and Explanations of Dramas Presented to
the Emperor (Jincheng xiqu tijie 進程戲曲題解 ). This work has not
survived. The only record of its existence is in the Record of Flower
Boats of Yangzhou. It was never published or circulated widely. Huang
compiled the book after the event, but it was still during Qianlong’s
lifetime, and there must have been some misgivings about openly
mentioning this project. Jiao Xun’s Study of Drama (Qukao 曲考) also
mentions Huang’s work, but this book is also lost. Other than Li Dou
and Jiao Xun, no other reference to Huang’s work has come to light.
They were both close friends of Huang’s and were all from Yangzhou. In
another words, this confidential information probably did not extend
beyond a small circle of literati in Yangzhou. Though he was a close
friend, Li Dou himself did not know all the details. There are only a
few lines in the Record of Flower Boats of Yangzhou referring to this
campaign, but there are two mistakes in it. Yiling’a did not receive the
edict and establish the bureau in 1777, as Li Dou recorded, but in
1780–1781. Li Dou also mistakenly wrote that this campaign lasted four
years. Actually the bureau was closed in 1782.35
Only the preface of Huang’s work was recorded in the Record of
Flower Boats of Yangzhou:
In the year xinchou 辛丑 of the reign of Qianlong (1781), I was employed by the
Salt Commissioner. Therefore I had the chance to join the group revising and
changing the drama scripts. I was also appointed chief editor of drama scripts
presented to the emperor by the Suzhou Textile Commissioner. I then had the
opportunity to read both ancient and contemporary zaju and chuanqi. This lasted
a year or so. In retrospect, when I think of its grandness, my intention is to
compile all the titles and brief synopses of ancient and contemporary authors in
one work. Since it will be a complete catalogue, it must record the authors’ names.
However, most authors of such works concealed their names, and many borrowed
famous names in order to deceive the world. The dates are even more difficult to
work out. In short, compiling this complete catalogue has not been an easy task.36
Though brief, this preface is more accurate than Li Dou’s account.

The year, and the fact that the bureau had to check scripts transferred by
the Suzhou Textile Commissioner, are consistent with the archival records.
The difficulties of censoring drama

Censoring drama was inspired by the success of censoring books.
However, it presented some unique problems which Qianlong did not
encounter during the literary inquisition. Based on the memorials from
provincial officials, we can learn something about the state of drama in
many parts of the empire. The kun drama was still a major entertain-
ment in gentry and official families all over the country, while the
general population enjoyed regional opera sung in the local dialect.
There was a mechanism for the government to scrutinise and control
such activities. In the capital, there were censors responsible for main-
taining social order. The censors had the power to close the theatres. In
Suzhou, a well organised actors’ guild played the role of enforcing
government prohibitions. However, there were many exceptions. Away
from the big cities and towns in rich areas, itinerant troupes came and
went. They often did not have printed scripts. At most their scripts
were hand-copied or transmitted orally from one generation to the
next. Their remote locations made official scrutiny and control impos-
sible. During the campaign, Suzhou was the only place that the troupes
were informed about the prohibition. The governor of Jiangxi
mentioned he would exhort them to do their utmost to observe the
prohibition. There is no way we can learn if this exhortation had any
effect at all.
When the government was collecting books, the scholars involved
were most erudite and famous ones. Censoring books was only one of
the aims of the project. The ultimate outcome would be the compilation
of the Siku quanshu 四庫全書. This was not the case with censoring
drama. Hundreds of drama scripts were sent to the court, but there was
no plan as to what to do with them. No scholars or officials were
involved in editing or revising the scripts, and not even catalogues were
required. So those “seditious” drama scripts were left in the palace,
waiting to be discovered and appreciated by later emperors.
A Shift in Focus — Social Order and Orthodox Morality

Jiaqing inherited an empire in crisis. During the White Lotus rebellion,
even the palace was attacked by rebels. State security was his main
concern throughout his reign. However, he did not link social unrest
with the issue of Manchu legitimacy. The policies regarding political

and cultural control were noticeably different from those of the Qian-
long period.
Political events reflected in the palace drama

Jiaqing was confronted with the White Lotus Rebellion not long after
coming to power. The name of the main leader of this uprising, Liu
Zhixie 劉之協,37 appeared as one of the characters in a drama performed
in the palace at that time, Heaven Grants Great Peace (Tian xian taiping
38
天獻太平). After Liu’s execution in 1800, Jiaqing ordered that the name
Liu Zhixie in the drama be changed to Gou Wenming 苟文明 , the
surviving leader of the rebellion. In 1802, on the eighteenth day of the
sixth lunar month, Gou’s family was captured. Jiaqing issued an edict to
the Nanfu and the Jingshan: “Gou Wenming’s family has been captured,
and Gou himself will be captured before long. In anticipation of such
good news, it would be usual for the chief eunuch and the apprentice
performers to present me with a ruyi 如意. This time, however, it will
not be necessary for the apprentices to present me with one. Even the
best of them is no more than an apprentice. The present edict is to
order the chief eunuch and the head eunuchs to present a ruyi. The rest
of them need not do so.”
One month later, when Gou was eventually surrounded and
committed suicide, Jiaqing was elated. He sent an edict to the chief
eunuch and head eunuchs of the Nanfu and the Jingshan: “On the
twenty-sixth day, when I arrived in Rehe, the happy news arrived. The
rebellious bandit Gou Wenming has been captured. I am transmitting
this news so that you can share the joy and elation. In a previous edict I
said that if we capture Gou Wenming, the chief eunuch and the head
eunuchs should present a ruyi to me as a sign of congratulations.
However, it is not convenient to do so in Rehe. So I order you that
when you welcome me on my return to the Yuanmingyuan on the
second day of the tenth month, you should present me with a ruyi. You
do not need to send people to congratulate me at the present time.”39 In
the same year, the Veritable Records note: “Edict to the Grand Secretariat:
Today I arrived in the imperial retreat at Rehe. As soon as I dismounted,
I received an urgent report40 from Eledengbao 額勒登保 ([1748]–1805)
and others, informing me that imperial troops had destroyed the rebel
leader Gou Wenming and had captured and killed the rest of them. This
is excellent news. Heaven has shown us favour, and my late father has
protected us. I was extremely elated, and was so moved I wept.”41
The Jiaqing version of Eight Rows of Men Dance in the Courtyard
of Yu included the celebration of the suppression of the White Lotus
rebellion. Jiaqing, like Qianlong, liked to insert references to current
affairs in the drama. Jiaqing adapted the tributary drama Ascendant Peace
in the Four Seas, originally compiled for Macartney’s visit, to reflect
contemporary affairs. The Jiaqing edition made specific changes to suit
the occasion; for example, “we are going to the Divine Land to offer
congratulations” was changed to “now is the period of the Mid-Autumn
Festival; we are going to Rehe to offer our congratulations.” More signifi-
cantly, when the dragon kings of the four seas reply to Wenchang’s ques-
tion as to why the sea was so turbulent, they say:
We report to you, current sage Son of Heaven: Your literary virtue is most illus-
trious, your military achievements are known to all, the four seas have been at peace
for a long time, not one of the ten thousand spirits is not compliant. However, there
has always been a recalcitrant and stupid giant turtle in the southern sea. From time
to time his huffing and puffing stirs up the wind and waves, which causes a slight
amount of poisonous miasma. As a result, Cai Qian 蔡牽 (a rebel leader, 1761–
1809) and others were contaminated by this foul atmosphere. So they raised a
rebellion in the areas of Min 閩 and Yue 越 (Fujian and Zhejiang). They looted and
killed. The sage Son of Heaven has now made manifest the punishment of Heaven.
He has captured them and punished them in accordance with the law. But there
were still some pirates who did not understand this. They formed gangs and caused
trouble along the coasts of Yue and Min, looting and stealing from merchants and
attacking travellers. Relying on the awesomeness of Heaven, you again eliminated
them with no survivors. No more fungus, no more ulcers. In truth the four seas are
at peace for ten thousand years. Wenchang! The sea creatures you saw interfering
with your holy barque must be the result of this turtle causing trouble.42
Wenchang replies, “The virtue of the sage Son of Heaven responds to

the way of Heaven. There is not a moment when he does not concern
himself with the welfare of the people. The pirates are disturbing the
people; the people are harmed by them. When the pirates are eliminated,
the people reap the benefit. This clearly shows the benevolence of the
sage Son of Heaven in giving peace to the people.”
Cai Qian began his attacks on Xiamen in 1802, with more than
thirty ships and four or five hundred men. In 1809 he was defeated in a
sea battle and killed himself. The following year his followers surrendered.
During this period, battles were fought over a wide area, including the
coastal areas of Zhejiang, Guangdong, and Fujian, and even as far as
Taiwan. Between 1806 and 1810, the suppression campaign cost as much
as seven million taels of silver.43 When news of Cai Qian’s suicide reached
the North, Jiaqing was in Rehe. He immediately conferred the title of
viscount, second class, on Wang Delu 王得祿 (d. 1842), the military
commander of Fujian, and the title of baron, third class, on Qiu Liang-
gong 邱良功 (1769–1817), the military commander of Zhejiang.44 This
version of the play must have been adapted for this occasion and
performed in 1810 or soon after. Only Qianlong and Jiaqing had refer-
ences to current affairs written into the dramas. There is no evidence
that other Qing emperors did so.45
The late Qing versions of Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas do not
have any reference to current affairs. References to the rule of the sage
Son of Heaven were replaced by the term “tutelage of the sage Empress
Dowager.” Wenchang says he is going to the capital, rather than the
Divine Land, to offer his congratulations on a long life. In this we can
see the hand of Cixi, who obviously had this play performed on the
occasion of her birthday.
After the attack on the palace in 1813 by the Tianlijiao, Jiaqing was
in such in a nervous state that anything remotely connected with rebel-
lion alarmed him. In an edict after the event, he stated, “Drama perfor-
mances have been always been allowed among the people, but dramas
with violent and aggressive content often mislead ignorant people into
believing that bandits are heroes and rebellion is righteousness. This is
extremely harmful. There have been similar edicts ordering investigation
and suppression of such drama performances. This time all local officials
must take this order seriously; do not treat it as a routine matter, as in
the past.”46 Though he did not mention any particular drama, Jiaqing
banned one of the four Qianlong-period dramas, Jade Portrait of Loyalty
and Righteousness (Zhongyi xuantu), which was based on The Water
Margin. Despite its being compiled under Qianlong’s orders and based on
the modified version of the final chapters in the novel, in which the
rebels are surrounded and become obedient subjects of the government,
the mere mention of rebels was too sensitive for Jiaqing. This drama was
never performed in the palace.47
The Qing ban on theatres in the inner city

Various restrictions on bannermen were well known. Policies such as
forbidding theatres in the inner city had been, in principle, current
during the whole of the Qing period. In reality, however, the story was
somewhat different. Even during the Qianlong years, there were theatres
and other premises under the name of teahouses or restaurants in the
inner city providing entertainment. There were periodic edicts banning
such premises through different reigns, but the policy never seems to
have been very effective.
In 1772, Fan Shishou48 memorialised to Qianlong:
There is certainly no lack of bannermen who are thrifty and live simply. However,
many bannermen are gluttonous and lazy, spending money as they like when they
have it, and never making a budget for their monthly income. They don’t know
how to manage money and they don’t know how to make a living, so their living
standards are falling … Recently, more and more teahouses and restaurants are
appearing. In the inner city, the Variety Show Theatre (Shijinji zashua) is a newly
opened theatre which provides various forms of entertainment. There are many
bannermen among the audience, and even among the performers…. Practicing
archery and other martial skills should be the bannermen’s fundamental duty.
How could they indulge themselves in playing and frolicking? This is more costly
than going to teahouses and restaurants … (I) beg your majesty to transmit an
imperial command to the Commander-General of the Metropolitan Infantry
Brigade and Ward-Inspecting Censors of the Five Precincts to carry out a thor-
ough investigation and forbid all theatres, including the Variety Show Theatre, to
engage in business. As for the theatres outside the Qianmen, they should be
encouraged to praise our ascendant peace.49
Decades later, when Qianlong died in 1799, Jiaqing used the occasion
to raise the matter again: “It has always been forbidden to open theatres
within the nine gates of the capital. Due to the loose implementation of
this policy, theatres appear more and more as time passes. As a result,
bannermen spend all their time and money in such pleasure-seeking
venues. Their customs have become ostentatious and flashy, and their
financial situation gets tighter and tighter. We are now in a period of
mourning. In due course, only those theatres outside the city gates will
be allowed to reopen. All theatres in the inner city are banned and will
never be allowed to reopen.”50
Special policy in strategic areas — Xinjiang

After the suppression of Zungharia, or the Tianshan Northern Circuit
(Tianshan beilu 天山北麓) as the Qing called it, the Ili ( 伊犂) region
became strategically vital to the Qing. “The Qing made development of
Zungharian agriculture a key element in its imperial strategy. Zungharia’s
prime agricultural lands, where the dynasty established its most fruitful
colonies in the first years after the conquest, lay along the valley of the
westward-flowing Ili River.”51
As early as the beginning of the Qing conquest of Xinjiang in 1760,
Qianlong encouraged migration from China proper into the frontier
areas. This policy was continued by succeeding emperors. From 1778,
Han Chinese bannermen were allowed to settle with their families in Ili.
According to 1807 figures, 17,000 Qing troops along with their depen-
dents were stationed in Ili. The number of bannermen and their families
also increased in Kashgar (喀什嘎爾), Yangi Hisar (英吉沙), Yarkand (葉爾
52
羌), and Aksu (阿克蘇).
The court expected the garrison bannermen to lead a spartan life in
order to maintain their martial vigour, but the influx of immigrants,
both bannermen and Han Chinese civilians, inevitably changed the fron-
tier areas into a more comfortable and more enjoyable environment.
Qianlong had foreseen the consequences of this migration policy and was
disgusted with the Ili bannermen. When the Ili military governor,
Mingrui 明瑞 (d. 1768), suggested to Qianlong that an endowment be
established, the interest from which would be used for events such as
weddings, funerals, rewards, and so on for the garrison population, Qian-
long replied: “The soldiers garrisoning Ili are all from Zhuanglang 莊浪
and similar places and are steeped in Han customs. They are good-for-
nothing rubbish.53 We specially ordered them to submit to hard labour
and train their military skills. An endowment? That would let them
profit. Certainly not.” 54 It seems that both military governors of Ili,
Mingrui during the 1760s and Songyun 松筠 (1754–1835) during the
early 19th century, had more sympathetic and realistic attitudes towards
garrison soldiers and their families than emperors living thousands of
miles away.
Drinking became a serious problem in garrison communities. It often
led to violence and resulted in many deaths. In 1775, Qianlong issued an
edict to forbid garrison bannermen from drinking together. He also
forbade them going to theatres. In that edict drinking was the real focus,
but theatrical entertainment was mentioned as something equally harmful
to the morality and discipline of the bannermen.55
Although Qianlong forbade bannermen in Xinjiang from getting
involved in drama performances, it was he who encouraged the
bannermen to sing zidishu 子弟書 (bannermen songs), eulogizing his
military achievements. Later the zidishu developed into a more mature
form of entertainment, which became extremely popular in the army and
society in general. Bannermen took advantage of Qianlong’s endorsement
to overindulge, and singing zidishu became somewhat of an epidemic.
Jiaqing was greatly concerned. He not only banned its performance in
the army but also ordered all itinerant troupes to be expelled from the
frontier areas.
In 1808, Jiaqing learnt from Songyun, the Military Governor of Ili,
that there were two drama troupes in Ili. Songyun reported that he had
dealt with the situation by restricting new recruits. Jiaqing found this
measure too lenient. He insisted on the absolute restriction of drama
performance in the area and issued an edict: “There are currently two
opera troupes in Ili. I am afraid that their number will increase year by
year. That will seduce young men from farming families into the troupes
to learn that art. What is more, garrison lads in the future will also
gradually fall into this debased occupation. Songyun suggested that the
numbers of troupes not be allowed to increase, and those seducing
peasant lads into learning opera should be punished. Songyun’s handling
of this matter is too weak. Ili and the other areas are stationed by garri-
sons; they are military camps. Their duty is to concentrate on their mili-
tary skills, their training, and their drill. They must learn to be
courageous and virtuous. How can we tolerate such things as opera
entertainment?” The records in the Veritable Records end here, but in the
original edict, Jiaqing continued to command the Grand Ministers (dachen
56
大臣) of all areas to send guarantors to the court directly at the end of
each year, and specifically mentioned that they did not need to go
through the military governor of Ili as they would usually do.57
The next year, 1809, Jiaqing sent a further edict to Songyun:
Places such as Ili and the like are crucial frontiers. Furthermore, the army is
stationed there. How could we allow drama performances in military barracks? As
a result, the bannermen and the people would be lured; social customs would be
defiled. My late father, Gaozong, issued edicts forbidding this. But the generals
and officials act more and more perfunctorily as time goes on. Now it even
happens that itinerant troupes are invited inside. I am afraid this is not a problem
only in Ili. You should have been punished for violating the rules. This time,
however, I exempt you from punishment. From now on, you must rectify this
with great effort. I command Songyun to notify all the dachen of the Southern
and Northern Marches and order all stationed officials to obey without exception.
Be on the lookout. If there are any troupes or individuals who do not obey, they
should be driven out immediately. They should be ordered to return inland to
make a living and not be allowed to stay in the frontier regions. Every responsible
official should send memorials directly to the court at the end of each year. They
do not need to hand their memorials over to the military governor of Ili to collec-
tively send to court. If any official complies in public but opposes in private and
makes untrue claims in their memorials, once I find out, they will be punished
with the crime of deceiving the emperor and will not be pardoned.58
The official annual guarantors covered areas in Ili, Hami (哈密),

Kashgar, Yangi Hisar, Kucha (庫車 ), Aksu, Karashahr ( 喀喇沙爾), and
Yarkand. All of them mention Jiaqing’s edict in the beginning of their
memorials, so it is clear that this became the annual routine after Jiaq-
ing’s edict of 1808.59
Despite all these official memorials guaranteeing that there were no
itinerant troupes in their areas, the reality was quite different. In 1838,
Daoguang wrote:
The West and North Marches are strategic frontiers. Generals and officials
stationed in those areas should be examples of righteousness and incorruptibility.
Soldiers and other personnel should practice their skills and not engage in frolic
and entertainment. Only then they can be well-prepared. I have heard that there
are very often drama performances and other leisure games going on in these
areas, all under the name of Taiping ge (songs of ascendant peace). They dress up
in colourful costumes and shout and cheer on the stage. Even more outrageously,
soldiers participate in these performances. Soldiers must practice their skills dili-
gently and persistently; only then can they become a strong army. If they engage
in unlawful activities like this, how could I expect they could resist and defeat any
invaders? I command Yishan 奕山 (d. 1878), Lianjin’en, and Teheng’e to investi-
gate this matter thoroughly. If there are people engaged in such vicious customs,
they should be punished severely and immediately. We must not allow this
phenomenon to continue to spread. This is most important.60
From then on, the annual reports not only had to guarantee that
there were no itinerant troupes; they also had to guarantee that no
bannermen were involved in zidishu or performances of any sorts.61 The

extant documents of 1847, 1848, 1854, and 1857 are from Ili and Tarbag-
atai 塔爾巴哈台 (Northern Circuit); Hami and Urumqi 烏魯木齊 (Dihua
迪化, Southern Circuit), and Khotan (和田), Kashgar, Yangi Hisar, Shayar
(沙雅), Aksu, Karashahr, Ush (烏什), Kucha, and Yarkand all claimed that
there were no itinerant troupes in the areas and no bannermen partici-
pating in dramatic performances. 62 The policy continued during the
Daoguang reign. Annual reports kept coming in, guaranteeing the disci-
pline of the army. Even the language in the memorials was the same.63
During the nineteenth century, the importance of Xinjiang became
more and more a debatable topic among high officials. Li Hongzhang’s
view was that times had changed and that now the court should give up
the west region and concentrate on the coastal areas. We cannot be
certain that there are no missing records on this issue. From existing
records, the last year local officials sent in their guarantees was 1857, not
long before the Russians took over control of Ili in 1864 and Qing power
became irrelevant in that area.64
Special policy in Mukden

Mukden was not a military strategic area like Xinjiang. However, it had
particular importance to the Manchus. During the Yongzheng period,
there were more than a thousand restaurants in Mukden which provided
wine and entertainment. The officials and bannermen indulged themselves
in drinking and drama. Some officials never even went once to the
yamen to attend to their duties during the whole year. When Yongzheng
found out about this, he issued an edict: “Mukden is the place where our
dynasty was established. It has great importance to us.” He banned any
drama performances in Mukden.65
In 1830, Daoguang ordered that all drama troupes be expelled from
Mukden. “Under no circumstances could we allow drama troupes to
gather in the Peidu 陪都 (secondary capital) and allow social morals to
become more and more decadent day by day. I order Fu Jun 富俊
(1748–1834) to immediately expel all drama troupes, and to direct local
officials to take care not to let any troupes sneak in again. At the end
of each year, the military commander of Mukden, along with the vice-
ministers of the five ministries and the governor of Fengtian, must
jointly memorialise guaranteeing that there are no drama troupes in the
area.”66 However, in reality the situation was more relaxed, and excep-
tions were readily granted. For example, in the spring of 1859, rain fell
after a long drought in Mukden. The merchants and local people begged
for permission to put on a drama performance to thank Heaven. The
Commander of Mukden, Yuming 玉明 , and the Vice-Minister of the
Board of Revenue in Mukden, Woren 倭仁 (jinshi 1829, d. 1871), jointly
memorialised the emperor. In his edict, Xianfeng responded, “Fengtian is
an important secondary capital. During the Daoguang period, an edict
was issued forbidding drama troupes from corrupting local customs.
Now, according to the memorial of the commander and others,
merchants and local people have asked permission to put on a drama
performance to show their gratitude to Heaven. I shall certainly respect
this and conform to public sentiment. From now on, in this area, if
there are such cases like praying for rain or thanksgiving in autumn and
so on, the merchants and local people are allowed to put on drama
performances for three to five days. In order to recognise the official
restriction, they must still report to the local officials. In other cases, all
officials and merchants, and the local population, must still obey the
previous edict.”67
This precedent was followed in the Tongzhi period as well. In
the sixth year of the Guangxu reign, Prince Li 禮親王 (1845–1914),
misbehaved so much at a banquet in Mukden that he was punished by
the Zongrenfu. The relevant document admitted that the atmosphere in
Mukden among the bannermen was so corrupt that excessive drinking,
going to the theatre, and spending money extravagantly were a common
part of their lifestyle.68
Stories based on current events banned

Orders and bans from earlier times were often inherited by succeeding
emperors as a formality. Qianlong, as well as repeating these bans, had
his own particular agenda. Both Qianlong and Jiaqing added current
events or achievements into the palace dramas. For the general popula-
tion, however, stories based on current affairs were forbidden.
In 1806, an incident in Suzhou attracted Jiaqing’s attention. A
troupe had compiled a new drama based on a murder case in Shou-
zhou 壽州 . The Textile Commissioner of Suzhou, Shuming’a 舒明阿 ,
found out about it and directed the local officials to ban it. He did not
think it was important enough to report to the emperor. When Jiaqing

learnt about it from some other source, he issued an edict to Shuming’a
to show his displeasure:
Last year, in autumn, there was a new drama called Shouchunyuan 壽椿園, which
alluded indirectly to the Shouzhou case. It was performed and spread. The Textile
Commissioner knew very well it was wrong, and that it concerned the stability of
the government, so he directed the local official to ban it. But why, then, did he
not report this matter until an edict was transmitted to him to make enquiries?
Shuming’a is now ordered to inform the drama troupe that the compilation of
chuanqi stories based on ancient tales in order to educate and warn the people is
not forbidden. If the story refers to current affairs, however, and authors fabricate
stories as they like, thus confusing public opinion, then this contravenes the ban
on commoners discussing state affairs. The Shouchunyuan text should be strictly
forbidden. The authors, Mao Wenlong and Tao Qunsheng, and the leaders of the
troupe, Zhou Tingyu and Qian Baiyuan, must all be dealt with by the Textile
Commissioner according to the seriousness of the matter. People in Shouzhou are
keen on novel and unusual things. From now on, if anybody dares to compile a
drama referring to current affairs, once they are found out, they will be certainly
punished severely with no pardon.
Shuming’a immediately admitted his mistake and replied that he

would do as Jiaqing had instructed. Jiaqing’s vermilion comment reads:
“The whole script of the drama should be sealed and submitted. Dispatch
somebody to send it to the capital. If there are more such drama scripts,
they should be presented together.”69 However, this incident did not result
in any wider campaign.
Late Qing — Ethnicity of no significance

Qianlong was initially concerned that dramas about the end of the Ming
might subtly refer to the Qing. As a result of this censorship, many
dramas based on historical conflicts between China and its nomadic
neighbours were banned, especially stories about the Song and the Jin,
since the Jin were the ancestors of the Manchus. The practice of non-
Chinese characters in drama wearing Manchu costumes, in order to
distinguish them from the Chinese, was also banned. Any drama based
on stories which supposedly occurred during the Qing was strictly
forbidden. One of these dramas was The Temple of the Red Gate (Hong-
mensi 紅門寺 ). It was based on several judicial cases solved by the
Governor of Zhili during the Kangxi period, Yu Chenglong 于成龍

(1638–1700). Although the authorship of a drama script is often impos-
sible to determine, the estimated date of this drama would have been the
mid-18th century, the early Qianlong period.70
However, Xianfeng saw no need to maintain such a ban. He reversed
the order and specifically pointed out that in The Temple of the Red
Gate all male characters should wear “the costumes of the current
dynasty” and that Yu Chenglong should wear his full official costume.71 It
then became a convention that all nomadic characters in drama wore
Manchu costumes.72 All the drama scripts which had been sent to the
capital during the Qianlong period and left in the palace became a
source of palace drama under later emperors.73 Dramas which had previ-
ously been considered particularly seditious, like The Temple of the Red
Gate, The Golden Bird (Jinqueji), A Thousand Pieces of Gold (Qianjinji),
and other similar pieces, were now frequently performed in the palace.
After the Jiaqing period, even dramas based on the braveness and loyalty
of Yue Fei, the Chinese general who fought the Jin, the ancestors of the
Manchus, was often performed in the palace.74 This would have been an
unambiguous offence during Qianlong’s drama censorship campaign.
No sex or violence
Qing policies regarding drama in theatres were orthodox Confucian. Sex
and violence were considered immoral and had always been of concern
to the state. During the Qianlong period, various regional dramas became
popular in the theatres of Peking. These dramas, as distinct from kun
and yiqiang, were collectively called luantan “chaotic playing” or kuaqiang
侉腔 “unwieldy tunes.” They were less restrained and sexually more
daring. In 1779, a Sichuan qinqiang actor Wei Changsheng 魏長生 (1744–
1802) arrived in Peking. His skill and sexually explicit performances
caused a huge sensation. Such was his appeal that many actors in Peking
lost their livelihoods.75 Wei was so popular that there was a rumour that
even Heshen could not resist his charm and that they were engaged in a
homosexual relationship.76
As for the theatres outside the palace, “indecent drama” had always
been forbidden. Sex and violence were specifically prohibited in the
recommencement of performances after the period of national mourning
for the death of Xianfeng. In 1863, the second year of the Tongzhi
period, drama troupes in the capital were allowed to recommence perfor-

mances. The Jingzhongmiao guanli shiwu yamen, the yamen in charge of
the administration of the affairs of the Jingzhongmiao, issued the
following order. “Now that the time for national mourning is over, drama
performances should celebrate our great prosperity, but must also obey
the regulations. After the fifth day of the third month, that is, from the
sixth day, they are permitted to resume their performances as usual.
Proscribed forms and indecent lyrics are banned, as before. It is
forbidden to form drama troupes without permission. Anyone who dares
to disobey will be pursued and punished. This matter is communicated
to the officer-in-charge of the Jingzhongmiao, to all drama troupes, and
to the proprietors of all the theatres.”77
A few months later the Jingzhongmiao yamen issued a further
similar order to the head of the Jingzhongmiao:
Drama performances must celebrate our great prosperity and must desist from
lewdness and violence, in order to preserve propriety. We fear that after the period
of mourning, some performers will revert to their old ways and perform indecent
operas. This is extremely injurious to public morality. This order is especially
issued to the head of the Jingzhongmiao, Cheng Changgeng, and others, to pass it
on to all the troupe leaders and theatre proprietors in the capital.... If any
performers should pretend to agree but actually disobey or make false allusions,
either in a theatre or in a private residence, the huishou is authorised to truthfully
report the facts to this office, which will dispatch yamen runners to arrest them
and manacle them immediately and hand them over to the Office of Palace
Justice. There will be no leniency. Should such a situation occur in any troupe, the
head, Cheng Changgeng, is also authorised to report. Offenders will be manacled
and arrested and severely punished. Should Cheng Changgeng discover such a
situation but not report it, he will be punished along with the offenders, without
leniency. This communication has been sent to the Censorate and the members of
the Office of Bannermen Infantry Command of Shuntian prefecture 順天府, and
the five precincts, and the officials of the two counties. All must obey. Conscien-
tiously carry out this order, in order to rectify public morality. Performers must
all strictly obey. Do not try to test the limits of the law. This will result in a crime.
Copies of this order were pasted on the doors of every theatre

in Peking.78
In an order of 1894 from the Jingzhongmiao yamen, violence was
also banned.
The purpose of actors dressing up and performing is to contrast chastity and

lewdness in a startling and shocking way, in order to improve moral standards.
That is why good actors can portray all sorts of human behaviour as if it were
their own experience. They thus have the ability to move the audience to joy,
anger, sorrow, and happiness. However, there have been certain events since
ancient times which are too unbearable even to talk about, not to mention being
portrayed on the stage. For example, the play Forced to Leave the Palace (Bigong 避
宮) in Hui opera has been banned for a long time. The kun drama Jianwen Dies
for His Country (Jianwen xunguo 建文殉國) is so miserable. Like Searching the
Mountain and Opening the Carts (Soushan dache 搜山打車) and other such
dramas, it should be banned.79
The emperor’s personal interest

The archival records show that some emperors were not keen on morally
educational drama, especially after the Daoguang period. Daoguang
preferred popular forms of entertainment, including wanxiaoxi 玩笑戲
(comedy), bianxifa 變戲法 (miscellaneous entertainments), shibuxian 十不
閑 (five persons dancing and singing ballads to the accompaniment of
gongs, castanets, and drums), and story-telling. Daoguang resorted to all
of excuses to cancel or reduce the scale of ritual drama performances,
but he often arranged small and informal performances in his private
residence, the Yangxindian 養心殿, before he went to bed.
The Yangxindian didn’t have a stage, but, following an ancient tradi-
tion known as quyu 氍毹, a piece of red carpet was placed on the floor
to symbolise the stage. This sort of performance was called mao’erpai 帽
兒排 or mao’erxi 帽兒戲 (a performance without full costumes). For
example, in the records of the eighteenth day of the twentieth month,
the chief eunuch, Li Luxi, transmitted an edict, “Add a humorous drama
on the occasion of celebrating the festival into the drama programme, to
be performed in the Shoukanggong 壽康宮 on the twelfth day of the
twelfth month.” This additional item was performed by a single person.80
Two days later, Daoguang issued another edict: “I don’t want the
arranged programme for the twenty-third day of the twelfth month.
Soon after supper, perform a mao’erxi in the Yangxindian. The perfor-
mance must be three hours (twelve ke 刻) long.” The edict does not tell
us what the arranged programme was, but seeing that on that day
people send the Kitchen God to Heaven, the palace would have had the
usual routine drama. Clearly Daoguang didn’t like it. On that day, as a
private individual, he preferred to watch mao’erxi for three hours before
he went to bed.81
One of Daoguang’s favourite entertainments was the Huagu xi 花鼓
戲 (Flower Drum Song). This is about a man and wife wandering the
streets singing folk songs and dancing folk dances. Some onlookers flirt
with the woman; the husband tries to stop them. Then they make fun
of each other. The dialogue is full of dirty jokes.82 Another comedy was
Hitting the Flour Vat (Damiangang 打面缸). The main character in the
story is a prostitute, Zhou Lamei 周臘梅. She goes to the yamen asking
to be “restored to decency” (congliang). The magistrate decides she
should marry a yamen runner. Immediately afterwards, the magistrate
orders the husband to go on an official trip. In the evening the magis-
trate and his adviser sneak into Zhou Lamei’s house in search of sexual
adventure. Zhou resists them very skilfully. Suddenly the husband
returns. The magistrate and the adviser hide under the bed and inside
the flour vat. They are discovered and subjected to a good deal of abuse,
and they eventually agree to pay the husband two hundred taels of
silver. He then allows them to leave. In the drama the official is
portrayed as being stupid, dirty, even illiterate. Zhou Lamei asks him,
“Master, you cannot read! How did you manage to become an official?”
The magistrate replies, “I don’t know myself. I just muddled through.”
In this drama the reformed prostitute is intelligent and has moral integ-
rity; the officials are the scoundrels. A similar comedy was Caught in
Adultery (Zhuo jian 捉姦).
Like his father, Xianfeng liked popular entertainment and informal
performances, and he often ordered mao’erxi during the daytime.83 There
are many records in the archives, such as “Performing bianxifa and
shuoshu 說書 in the Yangxindian”; “New Year’s Eve and New Year’s Day:
performing wanyi 玩藝, bianxifa”; 84 “The chief eunuch of the Sheng-
pingshu leads a few eunuchs in singing xiaoxi 小戲”;85 “Banquet in the
Yangxindian: Performances: The first should be xifa 戲法 with bears, the
second should be shibuxian”; “Perform xifa, a bear is necessary, also
shibuxian.” On the third day of the fifth month, Xianfeng ordered both
programme and venue on the Duanwu Festival to be changed. “Two
episodes of Expounding the Way and Exorcising Evil (Chandao chuxie)
were originally arranged to be performed at the Chonghuagong on the
fifth day of the fifth month. These should be cancelled. Instead, perform
bianxifa and shibuxian at the Zhongcuigong 鍾粹宮.” A few days later

another edict was issued: “The tenth day of the month: perform bianxifa
and shibuxian at the Shoukanggong.”86 Xianfeng was clearly tired of the
old same dramas. He wanted to see something new and did not mind if
it was “inappropriate.” “The Emperor wants to see the jingben 淨本
(approved scripts) which have not been performed before. If there is no
jingben, present the caoben 草本 (draft script). The edict says you are not
allowed to just copy the jingben of old drama.”87
The edict of 1872, while stressing that all young eunuchs must learn
to be versatile, mentions in passing that eunuchs should learn to perform
dramas demonstrating “loyalty, filial piety, chastity, and righteousness, not
wanxiaoxi (comedy).”88 However, this sort of wanxiaoxi was continuously
performed during the late Qing. Quite a few of the “indecent dramas”
banned by local officials were favourite choices of the palace. For
example, in 1874, the Shanghai daotai issued an order under the influ-
ence of Shanghai gentry to ban eighteen “indecent operas.” Among them
there were Cuiping Mountain (Cuipingshan 翠屏山), The Sea Tide Pearl
(Haichaozhu 海潮珠), The Double Nail Murder (Shuangdingji 雙釘記), Torn
Between Wife and Concubine (Shuangyaohui 雙搖會), Delivering Anhui
Noodles (Song Huimian 送徽面), and Selling Rouge (Maiyanzhi 買胭脂).89
Some of them were even banned by the Beiping police during the early
Republic. 90 Be that as it may, they very often appear in the palace
records.91
Notes
1 Dai Yi, Qianlongdi ji qi shidai, pp. 56–57, p. 389.
2 Zhou Xuan 周軒, Qinggong liufang renwu 清宮流放人物 (Historical figures of
the Qing palace in exile), Beijing: Zijincheng chubanshe, 1993, p. 19.
3 Guy, The Emperor’s Four Treasuries, p. 163.
4 Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’anguan, ed., Zuanxiu Sikuquanshu dang’an 纂修四庫
全書檔案 (Archival records of the compilation of the Sikuquanshu), 2 vols.
Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1997, shang ce, pp. 239–240.
5 Yidang, Gongzhong zhupi zouzhe wenjiao lei, packet 205 no. 9. This edict is
the only document related to this instance of drama censorship which has
been published and which is therefore known to scholars. See Guy, Four
Treasuries, pp. 191–192; Dolby, Chinese Drama, pp. 135–136.
6 Quande defended his knowledge of Chinese, saying he “had a rough idea of

the meaning of the characters” (cu shi ziyi 粗識字義).” According to Deng
Changfeng 鄧長風 , Ming Qing xiqujia kaolüe sanbian 明清戲曲家考略三編
(Studies on playwrights during the Ming and the Qing, Part Three),
Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1999, pp. 315-316, Quande was an expert
on drama and even wrote some pieces. It may have been the case that he
was a patron of drama and had ghostwriters to polish his Chinese.
7 Yidang, Gongzhong zhupi zouzhe wenjiao lei, packet 205, no. 9.
9 Fangxin shuxiao huabugu, ci ren bi shi Neiwufu 房新樹小畫不古，此人必是內
務府.
10 Li Dou, Yangzhou huafang lu, juan 2, p. 43, p. 51.
11 Spence, Ts’ao Yin and the K’ang-hsi Emperor, pp. 65–66, pp. 213–225.
17 Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’anguan, ed., Zuanxiu Sikuquanshu dang’an, xia ce,
pp. 1398–1399.
19 Yidang, Gongzhong zhupi zouzhe wenjiao lei, packet 205, no. 22. This docu-
ment is the only document from a provincial governor to the court
published, by the Palace Museum in 1931. See Shiliao xunkan 史料旬刊
(Historical documents weekly), no. 22 (1931), pp. 792–793; Dolby, Chinese
Drama, pp. 136–137.
21 The ban on actors playing gods or sages can be traced to the Yuan dynasty.
During the Kangxi and Yongzheng reigns, this ban was reinforced. See Wang
Liqi, Yuan-Ming-Qing sandai jinhui xiaoshu xiqu shiliao, p. 4, pp. 34–35.
24 Qing shilu, vol. 23, pp. 16–17, p. 29.
29 The title of the drama should be Bai Jin 敗金 (Defeating the Jin). Here the
character bai 敗 “defeat” is avoided and replaced by the homophone bai 拜
“respect”; the title therefore becomes incomprehensible. On the origin of this
drama, see Zhu Jiajin and Ding Ruqin, Qingdai neiting yanju shimo kao,
p. 67.
33 Qing shilu, vol. 22, p. 939.
34 Li Dou, Yangzhou huafang lu, juan 5, p. 107. See also Antonia Finnane,
Speaking of Yangzhou — A Chinese City, 1550–1850, Cambridge (Mass.) and
London: Harvard University Asia Center, 2004, pp. 280–283.
35 Li Dou, Yangzhou huafang lu, juan 5, p. 107; Wang Zhangtao 王章濤, Ling
Tingkan zhuan 凌廷堪傳 (Biography of Ling Tingkan), Yangzhou: Guangling
shushe, 2007, p. 34.
36 Li Dou, Yangzhou huafang lu, juan 5, p. 111.
37 On Liu Zhixie, see Susan Mann Jones and Philip A. Kuhn, “Dynastic decline
and the roots of rebellion,” in Denis Twitchett and John K. Fairbank, eds.,
The Cambridge History of China, Volume 10: Late Ch’ing, 1800–1911, Part 1,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978, pp. 107–162, esp. pp. 136–144.
38 The script of this drama is no longer extant.
39 Yidang, Shengpingshu dangbu 昇平署檔簿 (Archives on the Shengpingshu),
vol. 8, Zhiyi dang 旨意檔 (Records of imperial edicts). There is no date on
this document (it bears the annotation wuchaonian 無朝年 because the first
few pages are missing). As it refers to Gou Wenming, it can be dated 1802.
40 Liubaili jiajin zoubao 六百里加緊奏報 was the most urgent type of message,
carried six hundred li every day until it reached its destination.
41 Renzong shilu, juan 101, in Qing shilu, vol. 29, p. 352.
42 The “holy barque” fazhou 法舟, also fachuan 法船, is the barque that ferries
men across the sea of mortality and reincarnation to Nirvana.
43 Zhang Kaiyuan 章開沅, ed., Qing tongjian 清通鑑 (Comprehensive mirror of
the Qing), Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 2000, vol. 3. pp. 126–258; Chen Feng 陳鋒,
Qingdai junfei yanjiu 清代軍費研究 (Research on military expenditure during
the Qing dynasty), Wuchang: Wuhan daxue chubanshe, 1992, p. 273.
44 Zhang Kaiyuan, Qing tongjian, pp. 250–251.
45 During the White Lotus Uprising, whenever one of the leaders whose name
appeared in the drama was captured or executed, Jiaqing ordered that the
names of surviving rebel leaders be substituted. For details, see Ye Xiaoqing,

“Imperial Institutions and Drama in the Qing Court,” pp. 329–364, on pp.
139–141.
46 Renzong shilu, year 18, guiyou 癸酉, twelfth month, guichou 癸丑, juan 181,
in Qing shilu; Wang Zhizhang, Zhongguo jingju biannian shi, shang juan, p.
70.
47 Wang Zhizhang, Zhongguo jingju biannianshi, pp. 70–72. This fact was also
pointed out by Zhaolian, Xiaoting zalu, though he claimed that Jiaqing
banned all serial drama, not just this one. According to the archival records,
this is not correct.
48 Fan Shishou was a member of the Chinese Bordered Yellow Banner (Xiang-
huang qi 鑲黃旗) and a grandson of Grand Secretary Wen Cheng 文程. In
Qianlong 31 he was appointed Minister of the Gongbu 工部 (the Board of
Works). In Qianlong 36, he was appointed Minister of the Xingbu 刑部 (the
Board of Punishments). For a biography of Fan Shishou, see Man-Han
mingchen zhuan, vol. 2, pp. 1419–1421.
49 Yidang, Junjichu lufu zouzhe, microfilm no. 285–066, 19–779.
50 Renzong shilu, 4 nian, yi mao 乙卯 (27th day of the 11th month), in Qing
shilu.
51 James A. Millward, Beyond the Pass — Economy, Ethnicity, and Qing Central
Asia, 1759–1864, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998, p. 23.
52 Millward, Beyond the Pass, p. 51, 79.
53 Feiqi wuyong zhi ren 廢棄無用之人.
54 Millward, Beyond the Pass, p. 83.
55 Zhao Zhiheng et al., eds., Da Qing shichao shengxun, vol. 8, pp. 4440–4441.
56 See Hucker, Official Titles, no. 5888, p. 463: Dachen: “Ch’ing: Grand Minister,
common suffix to the duty assignments of Imperial Princes (ch’in-wang) and
other nobles and dignitaries who served as senior officials of the Imperial
Household Department (neiwufu).”
57 Yidang, Gongzhong zhupi wenjiao lei, packet 206, no. 4.
58 Yidang, Gongzhong zhupi wenjiao lei, packet 204 no. 4. Cf. Millward, Beyond
the Pass, p. 137: “In 1808, there were two opera troupes in the Ili region.
Dramatic pursuits were not, of course, what Gaozong or his son had in
mind for the homesteaders and bannermen defending the frontier, and to
prevent farmers and bannermen youths (zidi) from falling into low class
(xialiu) ways, Military Governor Song-yun simply forbade the troupes from
recruiting any new members. The Jiaqing emperor found this response
wanting in severity, however, and, reminding Song-yun that Ili was a military
camp where the banners should dedicate themselves to martial drilling, he

ordered that the troupes be driven back to China proper.”
59 Yidang, Gongzhong zhupi wenjiao lei, packet 206, no. 5–15.
61 The same practice continued until Daoguang 28 (1848). Yidang, Gongzhong
zhupi wenjiao lei, packet 206, no. 34–37.
62 Yidang, Gongzhong zhupi wenjiao lei, packet 204, no. 4–8, 9–15.
63 Yidang, Gongzhong zhupi wenjiao lei, packet 206, no. 16–32.
65 Wang Liqi, Yuan-Ming-Qing sandai jinhui xiaoshuo xiqu shiliao, pp. 32–33.
68 Yidang, Zongrenfu tang, renshi, packet 395.
70 Yu Chenglong was appointed Governor of Zhili in 1698. Cf. Hummel,
Eminent Chinese, pp. 937–938: “He was one of the famous officials of the
Ch’ing period and, like Peng Peng and Shih Shih-lun, was idealised by the
common people. From verbal legends, partly true but mostly imaginary, their
life stories were written by anonymous authors in the form of narratives
known as Kung an, or records of interesting judicial cases, which bear a
remote resemblance to the detective stories of the West. The tale relating to
Yu Cheng-lung, entitled Yu Kung-an ch’in-wen, 8 chuan of 292 chapters, was
probably written in the middle of the eighteenth century.”
71 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 91, Xianfeng wunian enshang riji dang.
72 Paintings of drama costumes in the palace during the Xianfeng period
demonstrate this very clearly. For example, in a drama about the Song and
the Liao, the Khitan Princess Tiejing 鐵鏡公主 wore Manchu costume in
order to distinguish her from the Chinese. This has now become standard
practice. See Zhu Jiajin, Gugong tuishilu, xiace, pp. 652–653.
73 During the Republic, Dong Kang 董康 (1867–1947) obtained four volumes of
a hand-copied book, Yuefu kaolüe 樂府考略, which was from the palace. In
Sheng Xuanhuai’s 盛宣懷 (1844–1916) private collection, there were thirty-
two volumes of Yuefu kaolüe. Dong had an opportunity to compare these
volumes and based a detailed study on the drama list recorded in Yangzhou
huafang lu. He came to the conclusion that the dramas recorded in Yuefu
kaolüe were the ones sent to the palace during the censorship. See the
preface to Dong Kang 董康, ed., Qu hai zongmu tiyao 曲海總目提要 (General
Index to the Sea of Drama), Shanghai: Dadong shuju, 1926.
74 Dramas such as Zhuxian Town (Zhuxianzhen 朱仙鎮), the story of the victo-
rious battle between the Song General Yue Fei and the Jin army at Zhuxian,
The Pacification of Tanzhou (Zhen Tanzhou 鎮潭州), The Yue Family Village
(Yue jiazhuang 岳家莊), and others were on the list of performances during
Xianfeng’s exile in Rehe. See Zhu Jiajin, Gugong tuishilu, xiace, pp. 578–579.
For Zhen Tanzhou and Yuejiazhuang, see Xikao daquan, Vol. 2, pp. 1073–
1080, pp. 25–33; and Beijing chubanshe, ed., Xinbian jingju daguan 新編京劇
大觀 (Newly compiled encyclopaedia of Peking Opera), Beijing: Beijing
chubanshe, 1989, pp. 472–475.
75 Zhang Geng and Gou Hancheng, Zhongguo xiqu tongshi, pp. 884–885.
76 Wang Zhizhang, Zhongguo jingju biannianshi, shangce, p. 15.
78 This document was in the private collection of Qi Rushan. See Qi Rushan,
“Xiban”, in Qi Rushan quanji, vol. 1, pp. 272–273. A similar document can
be found in Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 1936.
79 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 1938. It is noted “missing” in the catalogue. I
located it in Neiwufu Xinzheng zajian, Shengpingshu, packet 3945. The three
dramas refer to the fate of the emperor Jianwen, who was forced to abdicate
by Zhu Di (Yongle).
81 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 70, Daoguang jiunian enshang riji dang 道光九
年恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of favours and rewards from the ninth year of
Daoguang [1829]).
82 Yidang Shengpingshu, packet 83, Daoguang ershiliunian enshang riji dang.
83 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packets 93, 94.
84 Yidang, Shengpingshu packet 85, Xianfeng yinian enshang riji dang 咸豐一年
恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of favours and rewards from the first year of
Xianfeng [1851]).
85 Yidang, Shengpingshu packet 86, Xianfeng ernian enshang riji dang 咸豐二年
恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of favours and rewards from the second year of
Xianfeng [1852]).
86 Yidang, Shengpingshu packet 87, Xianfeng sannian enshang riji dang.
87 Yidang, Shengpingshu packet 90, Xianfeng sinian enshang riji dang 咸豐四年恩
賞日記檔 (Daily records of favours and rewards from the fourth year of
Xianfeng [1854]).
88 Yidang, Shengpingshu packet 99, Tongzhi shiyinian enshang riji dang 同治十一
年恩賞日記檔 (Daily records of favour and rewards from the eleventh year of
Tongzhi [1872]).
89 For the details of the order and the eighteen operas, see Ye Xiaoqing, “Unac-
ceptable Marriage and the Qing Legal Code,” pp. 195–212. For the
programme in the palace, see Yidang, Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian, Sheng-
pingshu, packet 3941, packet 3956; Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 450.
90 Su Shaoqing, “Yanjin shangyan yinxi,” p. 1.
91 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 141 Guangxu shijiunian, chengyingxidang 光緒
十九年 , 承應戲檔 (Archive of routine performances, nineteenth year of
Guangxu [1893]); packet 142 Guangxu ershiernian, chengyingxidang 光緒二十
二年 , 承應戲檔 (Archive of routine performances, twenty-second year of
Guangxu [1896]); packet 450 Guangxu ershisinian, yuexidang 光緒二十四年,
樂戲檔 Archive of monthly performances, twenty-fourth year of Guangxu
(1898).
Chapter Five
Peking Opera and the Court
It is well known that in the nineteenth century, the imperial court would
summon opera troupes into the palace for special performances, and that
the court exercised a form of censorship in the form of injunctions
prohibiting women and officials from attending the theatre. From the
material in the Neiwufu records, however, it is clear that the court was
also very active in the creation of a “cultural product” in the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries. Libretti for new operas to be performed in the
palace were carefully examined and amended, both for their contents and
in regard to the musical accompaniment. The court clearly aimed to
exercise moral leadership and inculcate elite values (including loyalty to
the throne, filial piety, and so on), and this influenced the content and
development of Peking Opera. Active participation on the part of the
court was one of the essential steps in the establishment of Peking Opera.
The Formation of the Peking Opera

Both Kangxi and Qianlong had very elitist tastes, and were particular
about the type of drama they appreciated. Kangxi, in particular, believed
that vulgar and indecent novels and dramas could indeed corrupt public
morals and threaten the political order, and he issued a series of orders
banning indecent books and songs. These regulations were reissued by
succeeding emperors.1 Kangxi regarded popular drama outside the palace
as vulgar and undisciplined, and he insisted that the “purity” of the
traditional drama should be preserved in the palace. Because the Nanfu
was relatively isolated from the outside world, it was able to retain such
“purity.” There was a great difference between drama performances inside
the palace and those among the populace at large. However, such a
situation could no longer be maintained when the late Qing court had to
summon commercial actors into the palace, and when the emperors
themselves were no longer interested in the more elitist art forms. Given
this combination of factors, several low-class regional dramatic styles were
transformed into a national art form, the Peking Opera, appreciated by
all classes well beyond the capital.
Elite standards in the early Qing court

Kangxi and Qianlong, especially the former, loved elite opera such as
kunqu. One of the three surviving edicts from Kangxi relating to the
Nanfu makes his views clear:
An edict transmitted by Wei Zhu (the chief eunuch of Kangxi): All of you have
your special duties: kunqu and yiqiang, music played on strings or on bamboo.
How could you take even one day’s leisure? What is more, your emoluments are
so high; you and your families lack nothing. How could you ever repay such
enormous favour from the emperor? In singing the kunshanqiang (kunqu), you
must stretch the voice but keep the tune; the rhymes must be harmonious, the
sounds distinguished, and the rhythm clear. The tunes are from both north and
south; the gong 宮 and shang 商 notes should not be confused. The music and the
singing must match; the actions of the hands, feet, eyes and gestures must be
coordinated. Such is the beauty of the Pear Garden. The yiyang style has been
transmitted for a long time. The Rainbow Garment Dance (Nishang yuyi wu 霓裳
羽衣舞) of the Tang was lost. There were a hundred or so Yuan dramas, which
were very popular everywhere. By the Ming, however, only a few dozen northern
tunes from the Yuan survived. Now they have all been lost. In recent times, even
the yiyangqiang has been contaminated by vulgar tunes. Of the ten or so surviving
tunes, not even one or two remain in their original form. It is only because of the
oral transmission of the old teachers that their true form has been preserved
inside the palace. You must practice even harder, reciting day and night, paying
particular regard to the level, rising, departing, and entering tones. Correct
pronunciation of each word will lead to the correct tune. The correct tune will
lead to its correct inner principles.2
During Qianlong’s reign, Prince Zhuang and Zhang Zhao, reputed to

be the most talented scholars of their time, were made responsible for
palace ceremonial music and drama. The dramas they compiled were
mainly kunqu; some were yiqiang. Xin Xiuming, regarded as one of the
few erudite eunuchs in the palace, was responsible for the dramas of
Cixi’s private troupe. Writing in a later period, he noted, “The dramas of
the Qianlong period were composed by Hanlin scholars. They were very
5 | Peking Opera and the court 221
literary compositions and not easily understood by the uneducated.…

Their tunes were different from those outside the palace; they were called
yuzhiqiang 禦制腔 ‘imperial tunes.’ The spoken dialogue was very precise.
They were not popular works, and the uneducated laughed at them.” 3
The “vulgar tunes” criticised by Kangxi, such as qinqiang, luantan, and
other regional styles, were very common in Peking during the Qianlong
period. The government regarded them as vulgar and harmful and
repeatedly banned them, but with little success.4
Because of Kangxi’s aesthetic tastes, in the palace only kun and yi
dramas were allowed. In 1785, after the sensation caused by qinqiang
actor Wei Changsheng, Qianlong ordered a ban on qinqiang and other
regional drama in commercial theatres as well. “From now on, in all the
drama troupes in the outer city, only kun and yiqiang can still be
performed; qinqiang troupes should be banned by the five precincts of
the bannermen infantry command. Now all the other troupes should
convert to kun or yi. If anyone is not willing to do so, they are allowed
to find another way of making their living. If anybody dares disobey and
continues to be steeped in evil, they will be handed over to the yamen to
be punished and escorted back to their native place.”5 Wei was arrested
and forced to join other troupes. Soon he left Peking in 1788 for
Yangzhou, and the qin style was banned.6
“Chaotic playing” in the palace

In 1789, the arrival of four Anhui drama troupes in the capital to offer
their congratulations to Qianlong for his eightieth birthday marked a new
era — the beginning of Peking Opera. Its earlier form, luantan “chaotic
playing” or kuaqiang “unwieldy tunes,” was banned by the government.
The Lianghuai Salt Administration organised the troupes to go the
capital. The archival records give us very exact numbers for the actors
involved in that celebration. According to the list of awards, 3,265 actors
and ten troupes from the capital, and 875 actors and four troupes from
Jiangnan, were involved. Each of them received two taels of silver. There
were also 6,302 performers performing various non-dramatic arts. They
were rewarded one tael of silver each.7 Well into the twentieth century,
lion dance and yangge 秧歌 troupes still wrote “Re-established on the
Occasion of the Eightieth Birthday Celebration in the Fifty-Eighth Year of
the Reign of Qianlong”8 on their banners.9
Although the court continued to issue orders banning these types of

popular drama, it did little to change reality. In 1798, an imperial edict
was issued to reinforce the earlier prohibition:
Not only is the music of Luantan, Bangzi, Xiansuo, Qin-qiang and such plays of a
nature which incites to lewd immorality, but the subjects of their performances
are invariably sordid, depraved, indecent and profane stories, or weird, monstrous,
seditious and rebellious tales, which have a considerable effect on social customs
and individual attitudes. Although these kinds of music arose in Shensi and
Anhwei, they have spread all over the country. Even in Suzhou and Yangzhou,
where Kunshan-qiang has always been the custom, there has recently been a sated
boredom with old things, and an infatuation with novelty, so that everyone has
come to regard Luantan and the other kinds of music as delightfully novel,
turning to them and deserting the old familiar Kunshan-qiang. Since the latter is
daily diminishing in public esteem, it is vitally necessary for a strict prohibition to
be enforced. Hereafter, apart from the Kunshan-qiang and Yiyang-qiang forms of
music, which are still permitted, plays using Luantan, Bangzi, Xiansuo and Qin-
qiang music are one and all no longer allowed to be performed. All areas of the
capital are to be assigned to Heshen for him to enforce the prohibitions with all
rigour. The edict is also to be sent to the governors of Kiangsu and Anhwei prov-
inces, the superintendent of silk manufacture in Suzhou and the salt commission
in the Two Huais [i.e. the region between the Yellow River and Yangtse in Anhwei
and Kiangsu], so that they shall uniformly, and in concert, carry out investigation
and enforce the prohibition with all severity.10
In theory, any drama which was not kunqu or yiqiang was forbidden,
and Daoguang and Tongzhi confirmed this.11 Although the kun and yi
retained their monopoly for another hundred years, other types of drama,
such as luantan and kuaqiang, did indeed penetrate the palace. We have
the earliest evidence in an edict from the beginning of the Jiaqing period
in 1802, only three years after Qianlong’s death: “Changshou 長壽 (the
chief eunuch) transmitting the edict: Since the two inner schools perform
kuaqiang, they should not use accompanying singing (the style of
yiqiang). Change it from now on. If they don’t change, kuaqiang will not
be needed at all.” It seems Jiaqing preferred something distinctively
different from the traditional palace drama style; otherwise they would
not have had kuaqiang at all.12 More than ten years later, eunuchs were
still being ordered to learn the musical score of luantan.13 Some scholars
have even suggested it is very likely that kuaqiang also existed in the
court of Qianlong.14 There is no direct evidence for such a claim, but at
least we can be sure that in the early Jiaqing reign, this regional low-class
form of drama had already made an appearance in the palace.
Nevertheless, it was a somewhat embarrassing matter, and the palace did
not want that fact known outside. Daoguang issued an edict: “In the
future, whenever the princes and high officials attend drama performances,
it is not permitted to present kuaqiang xi.”15 Judging by the frequency of
the performances, it is clear that as time passed it was more and more
commonly performed.16
Origins of the piaoyou

There are several different views on the origin of the piaoyou, amateur
Peking Opera performers. Qi Rushan maintained the political origin of
piaoyou. As described in the introduction, when the Manchus first
entered China, they were not sure they could consolidate their rule, so
they had to keep the retreat path to Liaodong secure. One of their
policies was to recruit and sponsor local performers of the dagu (big
drum), to form what we would now call propaganda units. Through
their non-commercial performances, they were able to win the hearts
and minds of people in those areas. These propaganda units were active
in the area to the east of Peking and to the west of Liaoning. These
performers held a license, known as the Dragon Ticket (longpiao), issued
by the court. Wherever they went, local authorities had to provide them
with accommodation and food. The term piaoyou (associates of the
dragon tickets) therefore later became the term for non-commercial,
amateur performers. Qi repeated this theory many times. 17 He also
claimed that he used to possess such a dragon ticket, but he did not
publish the exact details of its appearance. Unlike Qi Rushan, Zhu Jiajin
provides us with a detailed description of a longpiao: it had two pages,
right and left, and a woodblock print of a dragon pattern decorating
the four sides. In the middle, there was a space to fill in the name of
the banner, the zuoling 佐領 (banner commander), and the performer’s
name, age and appearance. 18 Such a detailed description seems to
suggest that the longpiao actually existed and that Zhu had seen one.
This was a policy of the early Qing and was implemented by a
government organization called the Dagu piaofang 大鼓票房 (Dagu ticket
office). According to Qi, this organization was abolished during the
Kangxi period.
Qi even associated this policy with the publication of a book of

traditional phonology, the Wufang yuanyin 五方元音 (Sounds of the five
regions). This book is about the phonology of the northern dialects,
based on the pronunciations used in various regional dramas and tunes.
In Qi’s opinion, this book was designed to serve the purpose of unifying
the pronunciation of the northern dialects, because the “big drum”
performers travelled in areas of different dialects. The pronunciation in
this book later became the standard for Peking Opera.19
Qi published his Complete Works in ten volumes in Taiwan, after
fleeing Beijing in 1949. They are mainly about drama, especially Peking
Opera. However, when he fled Beijing, he left his possessions and books
behind. He admitted that in Taiwan, he had to rely on his memory,
without access to necessary reference books. This being the case,
mistakes were inevitable. He claimed that Nian Gengyao, one of the
most influential and powerful officials during the early years of the
Yongzheng reign, wrote the preface for the book and that this was
evidence of its political importance. In fact, the preface was written by
Nian Xiyao 年希堯 (d. 1738), a brother of Nian Gengyao, in 1710,
during the Kangxi period.20
Another explanation is that the term piaoyou originated during the
wars on the two Jinchuan rivers, during the Qianlong period. The two
Jinchuan rivers, the large and the small, are tributaries of the Daduhe 大
渡河 in Sichuan, near the border with Tibet. Travellers, and even the
Qing army, were constantly harassed by bandits. Qianlong decided to
pacify the area once for all. It surprised him that the suppression of area
of the two Jinchuan rivers took so long and cost so much.21 During these
long years, while bannermen were away from their families and homes,
Qianlong encouraged them to seek comfort in entertainment. An official
license was issued to allow them to perform. The particular musical
instrument they invented was called bajiaogu, an octagonal drum. It had
leather on both sides, with two tassels symbolizing a double spike of
grain (guxiu shuangsui 穀秀雙穗). Each corner had three small bronze
cymbals. The eight corners symbolised the eight banners and the twenty-
four cymbals symbolised the twenty-four beizi 貝子 (Manchu princes).22
The songs accompanied by the bajiaogu were called chaqu “branch tunes.”
They were originally only sung for the celebrations of military victories.
Afterwards, bannermen sang chaqu for celebrating family occasions, but
the songs gradually disappeared in the early twentieth century. A

common view is that the term chaqu derives from the name of a
bannerman, Baoheng 寳恆, whose sobriquet was Xiaocha 小岔.23 However,
according to later bajiaogu performers, chaqu existed during the Kangxi
period, but it was not as popular as during the Qianlong reign. The
name chaqu was derived from its subordinate position to kun and yi
drama in the palace. 24 Qianlong ordered Zhang Zhao to compile a
collection of chaqu from the chaqu scripts in the palace. They are written
in a very scholarly and elegant style.
The third view on the origin of the term piaoyou is related to the
taiping drum 太平鼓 and the zidishu. During the Yongzheng period,
bannermen sent to the western battlefields sang songs accompanied by
the taiping drum and received “dragon tickets.”25 The taiping drum was
very much like the drum used by Manchu shamans, and its likely origin
connects zidi shu to Manchu indigenous culture.26 Whatever differences
exist among these views, all suggest a connection with the army.
Despite the various bans on drama, there was no lack of opera lovers
or connoisseurs among both the Manchu aristocrats and ordinary
bannermen. It is difficult to determine which was the earliest private
opera troupe in a prince’s residence. Evidence suggests that even during
the Yongzheng period, which was the least encouraging time for such
activities, princes could have private troupes.27 However it was during the
Qianlong period that this hobby began to be encouraged by the emperor.
Prince Zhuang, who was punished by Yongzheng for protecting one of
his private actors, was appointed by Qianlong to be in charge of drama
and music.
Manchu aristocrats and bannermen were under severe restrictions
on their actions, including their physical movements, even in the late
Qing. Relatively speaking, being an opera fan was a relatively harmless
vice. Zaitao 載濤 (Puyi’s uncle, 1887–1970) asked Prince Su 肅親王
(1866–1922) why he did not help the regent (Puyi’s father, Prince Chun
醇親王, 1883–1951) to get rid of Yuan Shikai. Prince Su answered, “You
should know that if we imperial princes even put one step wrong, it
would be a crime deserving death. Although I am an important official
in the court, how dare I act recklessly?” 28 This same prince, and his
whole family, brothers, and sons could all perform. Rumour had it that
one day Cixi asked him, “What is your reason for spending all day
performing, and not attending to official business?” Prince Su bowed
and answered, “My mother is old and loves opera. I cannot call actors
every day, so I lead the family members to entertain her, in imitation of
the laolaizi 老萊子 story from the Twenty-Four Examples of Filial
Piety.”29 Prince Su and his brothers are regarded as key figures in the
promotion of piaoyou associations in Peking.
All the late Qing emperors and the Empress Dowager Cixi were
enthusiastic opera lovers. Many of them participated in their production
one way or another. Not surprisingly, countless imperial clan members
were Peking Opera piaoyou. These included the powerful prince Qing 慶
親王 (1840–1918) and his family, as well as Zaitao, just to name a few.
Putong 溥侗 (c.1871–1950), better known by his sobriquet “Master of
the Red Bean Studio” (Hongdouguan zhu 紅豆館主), was regarded as the
best. He went as far as to want to be buried in Suzhou, the birthplace
of kun drama. 30 Indeed, most heads of piaoyou associations were
Manchu aristocrats.
Mutual influence between the palace and commercial theatres

When Daoguang dismissed the outer schools, they had to make a living
by performing among the lower classes, outside the palace. However, they
brought with them a high standard of performance and certain styles
previously only performed inside the palace, introducing them to a much
wider audience. In 1827, those who were allowed to stay in Peking joined
the major drama troupes.31 A large number of them went to Prince Yi 怡
親王 (d. 1861) for help. He sponsored them financially to form a
commercial drama troupe, the Songzhu troupe 嵩祝班. This became a
pioneer in producing outstanding performers and in the formation of the
Peking Opera.32
During Xianfeng’s reign, performers from outside the palace were
again selected for performances inside the palace. Consequently, palace
performances were influenced by popular traits. From the Tongzhi period
onwards, certain types of luantan, previously forbidden in the palace, at
least in theory, became openly popular in the court. Tongzhi even issued
an edict commanding the eunuchs in the Shengpingshu to learn luantan.33
From Kangxi’s concern that the eunuchs preserve the purity of the
traditional tunes, to Tongzhi’s positive encouragement of vulgar styles
inside the palace, we can see the mutual influence of different varieties of
drama, elitist and popular, inside and outside the palace. Cixi herself took
part in the adaptation of earlier (Qianlong-period) kunqu dramas to the

more popular erhuang 二黃 style.34
Cixi invited large numbers of troupes or performers specializing in
this style to perform in the palace. They were quite willing to modify
their style to suit the tastes of the court. This process, in turn, influenced
the style, content, and repertoire of the dramas performed in the theatres
of the capital, outside the palace. Theatres, indeed, advertised that their
dramas were performed in the palace, to attract audiences. Cheng
Changgeng’s troupe specialised in performing a series of dramas based on
the Romance of the Three Kingdoms, but retained the original title of the
palace version of the Qianlong period, Annals of the Tripartite Division.35
As late as 1914, Wang Yaoqing 王瑤卿 performed a traditional palace
drama in the theatres of Peking. This drama had previously only been
performed inside the palace, on the occasion of the Mid-Autumn Festival.
It attracted a large audience.36
The result of this close interaction between the court and
commercially-based drama performers was that the traditional styles
much loved by Kangxi became impossible to maintain. More and more
popular operas were accepted into the court. Some operas declared
“indecent” or “vulgar” by local authorities and forbidden by them were
performed in the palace. 37 Traditional palace routine dramas were
performed less and less, from about two hundred during the Qianlong
period to about ten in the late Guangxu period.38 The various luantan
styles became more refined to meet the expectations of the court.
The term jingju 京劇 (Peking Opera) first appeared in the Shenbao in
1876. Before that Shanghai newspapers used the term jingban 京班
“troupes from the capital.”39
There are different views among experts in the history of Peking
Opera as to its exact regional origin. The consensus is that it was
influenced by a number of regional styles and that it eventually
developed into the mature Peking Opera of the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries.
Theatres in Peking and Shanghai

Before 1900, in contrast with the laissez-faire atmosphere of Shanghai,
theatres in Peking operated under a range of restrictions particular to
the capital. These resulted in different theatre practices, audiences,
management of theatres and troupes, and even the different nature of

scandals surrounding actors. Since the early Qing, bannermen had not
been allowed to attend theatres, and no theatre was allowed in the inner
city. The reality was somewhat different. In the first year of Qianlong’s
reign, the Inspector of the North City, Deshan 德山 , memorialised:
“Nowadays when new theatres open, most of the audience are
bannermen. The prohibition on bannermen attending the theatre was
strictly enforced by the late emperor Shizong. Our current sage ruler is
particularly kind … My duty is to inspect the imperial city. I constantly
pay attention to things big and small, in order to perform my duty and
to repay the emperor’s grace. Now I notice that the eight banners have
received so much grace from the emperor, and yet they only care about
short-term pleasures and neglect long-term well-being. If I don’t entreat
you to forbid (such activities), there will be enormous consequences.”
Qianlong’s response was to transmit this memorial to the Commander
General of the Metropolitan Infantry Brigade and Eight Banners,
ordering them to reinforce the “old prohibition” (jiuli 舊例).40 During
the thirty-ninth year of Qianlong (1774), the Minister of the Board of
Punishments, Fan Shishou, sent a memorial to Qianlong suggesting that
there should be a further reinforcement of the prohibition of theatres in
the imperial city. “There is certainly no lack of frugal and hard-working
bannermen, but there are also many lazy and parasitic ones. Every
month, when they receive their emoluments, they do not make a
budget…. Recently more and more teahouses and restaurants, and even
new theatres, have opened in the imperial city. Many bannermen attend.
They neglect their proper occupation and pollute their hearts. Compared
with going to the teahouses and restaurants, it costs much more to go
to the theatres.” He went on to suggest that all theatres in the imperial
city should be banned and only those outside the Qianmen Gate be
allowed to continue to praise “the ascendance in the four seas.”41 The
fact that such memorials appear again and again is telling evidence of
the ineffectiveness of such bans.
However, some prohibitions, such as the ban on performances at
night and that on artificial lighting in theatres, were followed until the
end of the nineteenth century. Theatres started at noon and finished
about six o’clock. The best and most important performance was always
last. This meant that during the winter in Peking, where it gets dark
before five o’clock, the audience could not see the stage well, and
sometimes could not see it at all. 42 The appreciation of drama

performance was focused on listening, hence the expression ting xi 聽戲
(listening to the opera).
In Shanghai, following the introduction of gas and electric lighting
in the 1870s, night life became popular among those who could afford
it. 43 Night performances soon proved to be more popular than day
performances, and they became a major attraction for the theatres.44 In
1891, a new-style theatre, the Dangui Diyitai 丹桂第一台 , which was
designed by a western architect, opened for business in Shanghai. Long
before that, in 1883, the Shenbao published an editorial, “On the
Difference between Western and Chinese Theatres.” The author’s view was
that although the drama itself differed in the West and China, theatre
layout and management could be learnt from the West.45 The design and
lighting effects of the Dangui Diyitai were so different from those of the
traditional theatre.46 One of the four famous dan, Mei Lanfang, first
visited Shanghai in 1912. He was greatly impressed by the Dangui Diyitai.
When Mei came on to the stage, a line of electric lights along the stage
spontaneously lit up, and he found the semicircle-shaped theatre, without
huge pillars in the middle to block the view to the centre stage, very
exciting.47 With the new facilities of the theatres, audiences in Shanghai
developed high expectations for visual enjoyment. Going to the opera was
called kan xi 看戲 (watching opera), not merely listening to it. Preference
for particular roles and dramas also reflected the visual attractions of the
new theatres. Female impersonators and martial warriors acquired greater
importance in Shanghai, whereas in Peking, the laosheng was still the
leading character on the stage.
Historically, the status of the leading role in opera shifted depending
on the type of drama in fashion. Sometimes individual actors were able
to influence the trend. The themes of Ming chuanqi were mainly love
stories or about everyday life, and so the sheng (young man) and dan
(young woman) were the main characters. This was the case before
Cheng Changgeng’s career in Peking. In 1779, a qinqiang female
impersonator dan, Wei Changsheng, took his troupe to Peking. A few
years later, in 1790, the Anhui dan Gao Langting 高郎亭 brought his
troupe to the capital and consequently became head of the Jingzhongmiao.48
These high-profile actors dominated the theatre scene and made female
characters the main stars of the opera. This situation started to change
with the emergence of Cheng Changgeng and the popularity of the
historical drama. In these historical dramas, the heroes were usually the
laosheng (old man). Cheng was the most outstanding laosheng performer
at the time. Some experts commented, “Cheng Changgeng appealed to
the whole world through his role as a laosheng.”49
The difference in the management of the theatres was equally
obvious. In Shanghai, all financial and other arrangements were matters
between individual actors and theatres. Payment depended on the
popularity of each actor.50 Theatres often went to extremes to promote
individual actors in commercial advertising. When Mei Lanfang and Wang
Yaoqing visited Shanghai for the first time, they were horrified by the
exaggerated language in advertisements about them:
Both day and evening newspapers invented all sorts of strange variations on our
names. Wang Yaoqing was called Feng Erye 鳳二爺 (second master Feng). It was
claimed that this was the first time he had been invited to Shanghai. He was called
“Number One xusheng 鬚生 of the Wang school under Heaven; Number One
xusheng of the whole world.” I was also “sincerely invited to Shanghai, and was
visiting it for the first time. I was the unparalleled Number One qingyi 青衣 under
Heaven and Number One qingyi of the whole world”. Language such as this,
which was so shamelessly exaggerated, would never be seen in our Peking
newspapers. When we first arrived in Shanghai, everything was so unfamiliar and
we were in a constant state of alarm and apprehension.51
This experience was by no means unique. Wang Guifen 汪桂芬

(1860–1908), another actor, was advertised as being “Invited from Peking
to Shanghai, the First Class, the Number One in the Imperial City, Wang
Guifen.” 52 Actors in Shanghai were able to choose their theatres and
negotiate payment according to their popularity. Yang Yuelou got himself
into legal trouble by changing to a theatre with higher pay without
honouring his contract with the first one.
This was inconceivable in Peking. No individual actor could enjoy
any extra profit without sharing it with his fellow actors in the troupe.
Collective interest and individual loyalty to the troupe as a professional
ethic was emphasised in both common practice and in the regulations of
the Jingzhongmiao. One of the reasons Cheng Changgeng was so highly
respected was that on many occasions he put the interests of the whole
troupe before his own. He was arguably the best actor of his time, and
his responsibility was to look after less talented actors. Under no
circumstances would he have been able to accept an invitation which did
not extend to the whole troupe. 53 Regulations of the guild were also
reinforced by the Shengpingshu.54
In 1867, the deputy head of the Jingzhongmiao, the famous chou, Liu
Gansan 劉趕三 (1817–1894), secretly accepted an invitation to perform on
a private occasion. The rule was that unless the whole troupe was invited,
an individual was not allowed to accept an invitation. In that way,
secondary actors could still retain their livelihood. Cheng Changgeng, as
head of the Jingzhongmiao, wanted to expel Liu. After much begging
from Liu and forgiveness from a majority of the members, Liu was fined
five hundred taels of silver, which was used to restore an iron flagpole in
front of the Jingzhongmiao. His name and the dates of the event were
engraved on it.55
Female impersonators and homosexuals in Peking

This topic has been taboo for many decades in China. It is certainly the
case that “issues such as gender and sex involved in the art of female
impersonation remain sensitive to critical investigation,” as some scholars
have noted.56 More importantly, aficionados are not willing to reveal or
attract attention to this rather dark page in the history of Peking Opera.
Until recently, books on Peking Opera reluctantly addressed this issue
only from the point of view how things improved after the Peking Opera
reform in the early twentieth century.57 Male dan, in their teens, often
acted as courtesans in Peking. They accompanied and entertained male
clients with their skills at dinners and social occasions, much as
courtesans did in Shanghai. The most obvious explanation is that the
nature of the relationship between young female impersonators and their
male companions was a homosexual one. But this is probably a
somewhat simplistic view of the phenomenon, seeing that there was no
such practice in Shanghai and that it disappeared in Peking not long
after the fall of the Qing.
The attractions dan offered were often not only their artistic skills.
They were young and had little experience, and it was precisely their
youthfulness and sexual appeal which attracted a certain type of client.
Yet it cannot be said that this attraction necessarily involved a
homosexual relationship. In one of the poems devoted to Mei Lanfang,
we read that “not only girls, but even eighteen-year-old men, would have
liked to marry Mei.”58 In Shanghai, after Mei’s first visit, there was saying
that “if you’re after a wife, choose Mei Lanfang; if you want a son, try
Zhou Xinfang 周信芳 (1895–1975).”59
The consensus of opinion on the rise of the dan in Peking is that
the Qing court banned female performers and banned officials visiting
prostitutes. A bamboo branch rhyme of 1913, just after the fall of the
Qing, describes the decline of Hanjiatan, the area of dan dwellings:
“Xianggu tangzi 像姑堂子 have been well-known for a long time. Once
the social situation changed, however, when you look into Cherry Lane
and Peach Lane, you cannot see bright lights on the gates anymore.” A
note to this rhyme explains: “In the old days, a square lamp used to
hang from the gates of the xianggu tangzi. Cherry Lane was the most
prosperous area. Now there are none left. Even in Hanjiatan, Shanxi
Lane, and the like, they are as few as morning stars.”60 In fact this area,
which used to be full of dan dwellings, was quickly occupied by female
brothels. It has been known as the Bada hutong 八大胡同, the “Eight Big
Lanes,” since the early twentieth century.
Memoirs about the lifestyle of the dan argue that relationships with
the xianggu were not merely homosexual:
There is something elegant and romantic about the xianggu. Men who are rough
and vulgar pollute the more refined things in life. As a result, people who
associated with xianggu or dan were suspected of being fond of homosexual
activity. This cast quite a shadow on it. We deeply regret this, and we are disgusted
that a few vulgar men (cangfu 傖夫) stain the whole thing. In the old times,
scholar-officials were not allowed to visit prostitutes. They had no other
entertainment and had to call on female impersonators to join their banquets in
order to entertain the literati with their singing. They were wrapped in beautiful
silk and jade and provided elegant and witty conversation. One could not say that
the scholar-officials did not get any pleasure out of their company, but it is also
not true to say that they were burning with lust. We have no earlier evidence.
However, since the Ming and Qing, previous generations of literati such as Mu
Zhaizhi 牧齋芝, Lu Yuyang 麓漁洋, and Mei Cun 梅村 [Wu Weiye 偉業, 1609–
1672] indulged themselves in wine and poetry. From time to time they could not
resist the charm of female impersonators (yulang 玉郎 “jade youths”)… This
cannot be said to be the same sort of thing as the ways of “the cut sleeve” of more
boorish types.61
Whatever the explanation of the existence of xianggu might be, as a

social phenomenon it died out after the fall of the Qing.
Male actors and Shanghai women — a few famous cases

While women were banned from attending theatres in Peking, Shanghai
women were free to go in and out of all sorts of places of public
entertainment: teahouses, restaurants, the race course, and the theatres.
These occasions offered opportunities for men and women to meet and
form liaisons. In the 1870s, a type of singing troupe, the mao’erxi ban 髦
兒戲班, which featured female actresses, flourished in Shanghai. It was
banned in 1890 by the Chinese Assessor in the Mixed Court in the
Settlement. 62 However, this particular ban, like many other such
prohibitions in the Settlement, had no effect in reality. In 1894, a special
theatre, the Meixian chayuan 美仙茶園, was specifically opened for female
troupes to perform. More such theatres followed.63 Many courtesans in
Shanghai were skilful performers as well. The expression changyou yiti 倡
優一體 “prostitutes and actors are not distinguishable” reflected both
social prejudice and actual reality, especially in Shanghai.64
The social and sexual scandals surrounding theatres in Shanghai were
the opposite of those in Peking. Without exception, they were about actors
and women — courtesans or respectable women of one kind or another.
It was common in Shanghai for courtesans to accept actors as their
special customers. As we read in the Dianshizhai 點石齋, “Prostitutes and
actors are not distinguishable. Actors are not allowed to visit prostitutes;
such is the convention everywhere. However, in Shanghai, licentious
prostitutes prefer actors. If their patrons find out about it, out of shame
they will break up with the prostitutes and never visit them again. So,
although prostitutes are fond of actors, they are afraid of destroying their
own reputations and try every possible means to hide the relationship.
Actors, too, feel ashamed about it and always visit brothels after midnight.
Nevertheless, it is very common for actors and prostitutes to form a
relationship.”65 A story in the nineteenth-century novel Flowers on the Sea
(Haishanghua 海上花) also supports this observation.66
In Shanghai, from the nineteenth century to the early twentieth
century, many sexual scandals involved Peking Opera male actors,
especially those who played martial roles. The most famous three cases
involved Yang Yuelou, Zhao Xiaolian 趙小廉 , and Li Chunlai 李春來 .
Before Yang Yuelou’s legal troubles in the 1870’s, he had been an idol
among Shanghai women, both courtesans and respectable women. He
had liaisons with three of the four most famous courtesans in Shanghai.
Zhao Xiaolian did not get himself into serious legal trouble like the
other two, but he was notorious in the Shanghai press for his unbridled
sexual conduct.67 The “four famous courtesans” (sida jin’gang 四大金剛),
surnamed Lin, Hu, Zhang, and Lu, were his lovers at various times. Some
overlapped.68 In 1893, during his affair with Lu Lanfen 陸蘭芬, he got
into a fight with another client of Lu, one Mr. Zhu, and his followers.
Zhao called upon his friend, another martial actor, to join him. The scale
of the fighting got out of hand, until the police arrived to stop the
fracas. This was reported widely in the Shanghai press.69
A few years later, in 1897, while Zhao was having an affair with Lin,
they were caught by the police one night while having sex in a public
place.70 The following year, he was back in the news again, this time for
committing adultery with a rich merchant’s concubine. 71 In 1907, Zhao
got himself into more trouble by having a relationship with another rich
man’s concubine. Zhao escaped punishment, but the woman was
sentenced to prison for four months, after which she was ordered to be
sent to the guanmei 官媒 (official match-making agent), where she would
wait to be taken by any man interested in choosing her as a wife or
concubine. The sentence indicates that she was abandoned by her
husband. Two matchmakers involved in this affair were sentenced to one
year and nine months prison. This case was reported in the Shenbao.72
Li Chunlai (1855–1924) was from Zhili. He joined the Chuntai banzi
春台班子 troupe at the age of 11. His master was Tan Zhidao 譚志道
(1808–1887), Tan Xinpei’s father. At first, he studied to be a wuchou 武丑
(martial clown). He later changed to the role of wusheng (martial young
man). He was invited to perform in the biggest theatre in Shanghai, the
Mantingfang 滿庭芳 Theatre, in 1875. He was an instant success. In 1878
he went back to Peking to get married, but he returned to Shanghai in
1885 and remained there. After Yang Yuelou’s death, Li was regarded as
the best living martial actor. He was also the founder of the southern
school of martial arts acting (nanpai 南派 ), one of the three main
streams of this art. Li’s martial skill was precise, neat, and dexterous,
especially his somersaults, which were vigorous and robust. He creatively
adopted many moves from martial arts into Peking Opera choreography.
He designed his own costumes and facial make-up with great skill and
elegance. This worked particularly well on the Shanghai audience,
especially women.73 Li was adored by Shanghai women, and his affair
with the famous courtesan Lin Daiyu 林黛玉 added to his charm.
However, like Yang Yuelou, what got him into serious legal trouble and
even landed him in prison was his affair with a Cantonese “woman of
good family.”
In October 6, 1907, Shenbao reported the news under the title
“Licentious Actor Li Chunlai in Hiding”: “The actor Li Chunlai, since he
established his theatre, the Chungui chayuan 春桂茶園, has been gaining
great fame and prestige. He accompanies a certain widow everywhere,
riding in the same horse carriage, not at all discreet about it. When this
was found out by the Daotai of Shanghai, he sent a request to the Mixed
Court. Assessor Guan immediately sent his men to investigate the matter.
Li heard about it and now is in hiding. He will hire a lawyer to represent
him when he attends the court on Monday.”74 In this news item, the
woman’s name was not given. However, it still reveals an interesting
feature of the case: there was no prosecutor to press the case, and Li
Chunlai was going to hire a lawyer to represent him. This was quite
different from thirty years earlier, when Yang Yuelou was arrested over
his affair with a “woman from a good family.”
Three weeks later, the Shenbao published a few documents
representing various parties involved in this case. A letter from several
Cantonese directors of the Guangzhao gongsuo 廣肇公所 said that a
certain Cantonese delivered a letter from Zhou Shukui 周樹奎 of the Yitai
Shipping Company, but it did not indicate who Zhou Shukui was, and
what he had to do with the case. The letter went on to give the content
of Zhou’s letter: “The surviving concubine of the late ambassador, Huang
Ziyuan 黃子元 , Mme. Zhu 朱氏 , shamelessly associated herself with
bandits. The licentious actor Li Chunlai not only had an affair with her,
he even outrageously acts as if he were the master of the household. Li
cheated her out of a huge amount of money and then spent it lavishly.
Mme. Zhu also goes to his Chungui Theatre every day to watch opera.
Often, after the performance, both of them share the same carriage to
return to his residence. This notorious scandal has been spreading
everywhere; everybody knows about it.” The letter goes to say that as
soon as the directors received Zhou’s letter, they investigated the matter
and confirmed it: “Huang Ziyuan was a court official. He passed away
not even two years ago, and the soil of his tomb is still not dry. And yet
his good name has been tainted so publicly. This would not only anger
Huang Ziyuan in the other world, but it also angers all of us fellow
Cantonese. For this reason we present Mr. Zhou’s original letter and
another anonymous letter to Your Excellency. We beg Your Excellency to

order Assessor Guan in the Mixed Court to severely punish Li, in order
to correct social morality and warn against scandals.” The anonymous
letter was much shorter. Its only purpose was to incite the Chinese
officials: “He was your good friend when he was alive … His shame is
also your shame.”
The third letter was from Li’s American lawyer. The letter said that
they had heard that Chinese officials intended to extradite Li to the
Chinese City. Li was a resident of the Settlement and had joint business
with foreigners. When he was arrested, there was no arrest warrant, and
there was no statement of what crime he was accused of. Li must not be
transferred to the Chinese City.
The fourth document is the response from the Chinese Assessor of
the Mixed Court, which objected to the argument of Li’s lawyer. It said
that Li’s business was his theatre and that there was never any foreign
partnership involved. As to the absence of the arrest warrant, the police
knew what they were doing. The same went for what his crime was and
the extradition. Such matters were up to the court to decide, and so on.75
Li and his lawyer persuaded the Italian and Swedish Consuls to a
make a statement that Li owed certain citizens of those countries large
amounts of money, so Li had to remain in the Settlement in order to be
prosecuted by those foreigners. 76 During the time Li was in custody,
Mme. Zhu and her children visited him every day. The Cantonese said
that because Huang did not have relatives in Shanghai, they requested
Assessor Huang (Guan had left that position by this time) to represent
them. By this stage, it was still not clear what Li had been legally accused
of, apart from vague moral accusations. However, they managed to
discover that Li’s theatre employed an actor, Lin Zhicao, who had been
convicted of a crime and sentenced to be sent back to his hometown.
This was an offence according to the laws of the Settlement.77
In January 1908, the Chinese Assessor of the Mixed Court wrote to
the Shanghai Daotai that the extradition of Li to the Chinese City had
not been successful, because of the objections from American Consul and
the police. The Shanghai Magistrate visited the American Consul and
tried to put pressure on him. The Consul replied that they would
sentence Li to a few months in prison for having hired a convicted actor
who was not allowed to work in Shanghai. After serving the sentence, he
would be released, but he would still have to repay his debts. After all
these matters were dealt with, they could look at the case of the liaison
with Mme. Zhu. The Chinese officials insisted that Li should not be
released, even temporarily. He must stay in jail to serve all sentences
imposed. Moreover, Li should be tried according to the laws in the Qing
Code relating to “a common man committing adultery with the wife of
an official.” This is the first time the Chinese official actually specified
Li’s crime.78
Westerners refused to put Li on trial on the grounds of his
involvement with the woman and were only willing to keep him in jail
because of the Lin Zhicao case.79 During the trial on 21 February, Li’s
lawyer argued that Li had already been in jail for several months, and it
was still not clear what crime he was accused of. The case lacked a
prosecutor. It was illegal to keep people in custody more than six days
without trial. The Chinese Assessor responded to this with such
arguments as “Li seduced the wife of an official of the fourth rank and
extracted a lot of money from her. This is common knowledge. Everyone
in Shanghai knows it. You are the only one who does not know. You are
a lawyer. Why defend a licentious actor?” 80 Two days later, an
announcement was published in the Shenbao that the arrest warrant had
now been issued. But this was already six months after Li’s arrest. Shortly
afterwards, the American Consul sent a letter to the Daotai demanding
that the Chinese Assessor of the Mixed Court be replaced, because the
current Assessor had made offensive comments about the lawyer in the
last trial. “Li’s trial had not concluded, but Assessor Bao 寶讞員 already
treated Li as if he had been found guilty and used sarcastic language to
attack the lawyer. In the future, lawyers must be respected in the court.”
The Daotai made a brief statement that he would look into the matter.81
Meanwhile the Cantonese merchants were up in arms. They wrote to
the Daotai rejecting the idea of changing the Assessor. The next day the
trial started again. The court was packed with onlookers. The teahouses in
the surrounding areas were crowded, and the price of a pot of tea
increased to ten cents (one jiao 角).82 In June, the Shanghai Daotai, the
Mixed Court, the American Consul, and Li’s lawyer called a meeting to
try to work out some arrangements acceptable to both sides. Li’s lawyer
softened his stance and expressed willingness to compromise. The Daotai
also said that he did not insist on anything; justice was paramount. It was
not his intention to hurt the feelings between the two countries; nor his
intention to oppose the American lawyer. The end of the news report
noted: “Officials from both China and the West had very a very long talk,
to their hearts’ content. The meeting ended in a happy atmosphere.”83
But the Cantonese were not going to give up easily. They realised
that they lacked legal expertise in fighting the case. They too wanted to
hire a western lawyer and were clearly positioning themselves as formal
prosecutors. The lawyer argued that “innocent until proven guilty” was a
western legal concept; it was not part of the Qing Code. Li had seduced
the wife of an official; he had committed a crime violating the Qing
Code, so he should be tried according to it. However, since he lived in
the Settlement, the case had to be heard by the Mixed Court, but the
judge should be Chinese. Adultery was nothing outrageous in the West,
but it was a serious matter according to Chinese law. The accusing party
called a witness to testify that Li and the woman had indeed had a
sexual relationship.84
The turning point came a few days later. A new witness for Li’s side,
who was a sister of the dead husband, was called to give evidence. She
defended Mme. Zhu, asserting that what had really tainted her late
brother’s reputation was this court case. Huang’s oldest son had inherited
his father’s estate. At the moment that son was overseas, but the
inheritance was never claimed by Mme. Zhu. She also stated that she
used to go to theatres with Zhu often and had never seen Zhu and Li
together. A few more witnesses also testified to their innocence.
The sentence was a compromise between the Mixed Court and the
Chinese officials. Li was sentenced to three years in prison, after which
he would be escorted back to his hometown. 85 In July, the Chinese
Assessor wrote to the American Consul to protest about the treatment Li
was receiving in prison. Li could wear ordinary clothes, and three meals
a day were delivered to him from outside. His relatives and friends could
also visit him.86 The last news on Li’s case was that Li had changed into
prison uniform, with the number 450.87
It had been more than thirty years since the Yang Yuelou case. There
are surprising similarities and differences. Both cases involved actors and
women from “good families.” We can see that the legal and social
position of actors had not changed much. The function and power of
the Cantonese Native Place Association, and its determination to act as
moral police, were also similar. However, there were also significant
differences. Li was able to hire a lawyer, a western lawyer, to defend him,
and he successfully avoided being transferred to the Chinese City. Li was
able to escape the severe torture Yang suffered. According to the Qing
Code, Li’s crime, adultery with the wife of an official, was more serious
than Yang’s. However, the sentence Li received was more lenient. The
Qing Code prescribed that in such cases, both man and woman would
be “imprisoned until brought to trial at the Autumn Assizes.”88 We do
not know if Li served his full sentence, but we do know he was not
expelled from Shanghai, where he died of old age.89 Yang Yuelou had to
leave Shanghai; he was able to continue his acting career in Peking only
because the palace had no idea about Yang’s legal troubles ten years
earlier. The differences and similarities of these cases reflect the rapid
social changes in Shanghai.
Theatres in Peking before and after the Boxer Uprising

The Boxer Uprising was the turning point for theatres in the capital. The
temporary absence of the Qing court after the siege of the legations in
1900 led to a situation in which previous rules regarding theatrical
performances could no longer be enforced. Irreversible changes took place
in many aspects of theatrical practice, such as night performances, the
presence of women in the theatres, and the involvement of bannermen in
commercial theatres.
The turmoil of 1900

The palace records give us the impression — rightly or wrongly — that
the 1900 uprising created much more shock and dismay in the palace
than the 1911 Revolution. The latter is not even mentioned in the palace
records of 1911. When the Empress Dowager Cixi took Guangxu with
her, fleeing to Xi’an, 90 they left the capital in total chaos. Burning,
looting, and killing were rampant. Local hooligans joined the foreign
soldiers to exploit the situation. According to Qi Rushan, who was in the
city at the time, 30 percent of the damage and looting was caused by
foreign troops and 70 percent by local people. Shops and local residences
were all targets.91 This claim, no matter how surprising, is supported by
palace records as well. The chief eunuch of the Shengpingshu, Ma De’an,
was ordered in August 1901 to check and report on the damage done in
the Shengpingshu. He had to work out what needed to be replaced, so
that they would be able to carry on their duties again after the return of
Cixi to the palace. In his memoirs, Ma combined reports from the

various branches: “Last year, since the 21st day of the seventh month (15
August 1900), sixty-three trunks and twenty-two tiao 挑 (a load carried
on a shoulder pole) of theatrical costumes, props, and other items in the
Yiheyuan were robbed by bandits. From the 17th day of the third month
of this year (5 May 1901) to the 14th day of the sixth month (29 July
1901), thirty-nine trunks of costumes and flags were looted by German
soldiers from the Shengpingshu in the palace. From the 17th day to the
20th day of the third month (5–8 May 1901), local policemen Xiao Xi,
Wang Datu, and Shi Xiaowu pretended to be foreigners, and stole
countless costumes and other related items.” The head eunuch of the
Zhongheyue (ceremonial music section) also reported that on the 13th
day of the sixth month (28 July 1901), German soldiers looted over a
hundred costumes from the Zhongheyue.92 Very few local offenders were
punished for looting palace possessions.93
As residents in Peking, actors were also among the victims. Qi Rushan
described his first encounter with the actor Chen Delin 陳德霖:
We first met in the autumn of 1900 … I was passing by Baishun hutong 百順胡同.
I had just reached a house when I heard somebody saying, “You can take anything
else, but if you take away my costumes, you may as well kill me!” I immediately
realised that foreign soldiers were looting the house. I looked inside and saw three
soldiers grabbing some theatrical costumes and leaving with them. A man holding
a wooden bar, used to lock the gate in old Peking houses, was standing there and
blocking the way to the gate, but the soldiers were having fun. I recognised Chen
and asked him what was going on. When the soldiers knew I could speak German,
they asked me what Chen was saying. I told them that he was an actor, and you
are taking his costumes. Without costumes, he cannot make a living. The soldiers
were very sympathetic, shook his hand, and left.94
Although Qi rescued Chen this time, Chen was still robbed. After
Cixi returned to the palace, Chen begged the Neiwufu to help him, and
was granted four months’ pay in advance.95
The shock and sense of crisis after the 1900 catastrophe can be seen
in the otherwise dry and routine records of the Neiwufu. In 1901, in
order to prepare for Cixi’s return to Peking, the Neiwufu issued an order
to its sections that they should make reports on the losses suffered
during the turmoil. The Neiwufu had been notorious for its corruption.
Overestimating expenditure was one of its standard practices. But this
time it was different. A document of 28 March 1901, addressed to all

organizations under the Neiwufu, stated:
This fu has suffered greatly from the war. Some of our stores and buildings were
either burnt or torn down; some of our archival records were lost. All these need
to be fixed, one after the other. Preparations for welcoming the return of the
throne are particularly urgent, so we must avoid making mistakes due to haste.
We now order those responsible to manage each important task well. Do what is
needed and postpone whatever is not urgent. You must not spend money as you
please.... All employees in this fu are deeply in debt to the grace of the emperor. If
you have any conscience, you should all make allowances for the country which is
in troubled times. What is more, our monetary reserves are so short. You must be
honest and do your utmost to carry out your duties. Do not fail to follow these
sincere instructions.96
Proliferation of night performances

Since the Qianlong period, there were seven particularly famous theatres
in the capital: the Guanghelou 廣和樓 , the Guangdelou 廣德樓 , the
Sanqingyuan 三慶園 , the Qingheyuan, the Tongleyuan (later the
Tonglexuan 同樂軒), the Qingleyuan 慶樂園, and the Zhongheyuan 中和
園. With the exception of the Guanghelou, they were located in Dashalar,
the area immediately outside Qianmen. When the four Anhui troupes
came to Peking to celebrate Qianlong’s eightieth birthday in 1790, these
seven theatres were their venues.97 During the Boxer Uprising, six of
them were burnt down. On the twentieth day of the fifth month (16
June 1900), the Boxers set fire to a medicine shop, the Laodeji Yaopu 老
德記藥鋪 , in Dashalar, for no other reason than that they discovered
foreign medicine there. The fire was not restricted to the medicine shop
but burned out of control for over 24 hours. All the shops in Dashalar,
including the theatres, were destroyed. Even the Qianmen did not escape
the fire. This was the heart of commercial activity in Peking. The fire
destroyed approximately two thousand shops, civilian residences, guild
halls, and temples. It also destroyed the Peking Gold and Silver Mint. As
a result, there was a severe shortage of silver in Peking, so the native
banks had to close for some time.98 Actors lost their livelihood. Some
were so desperate they became itinerant performers in the streets; some
were forced to change their occupation. Some, such as Sun Juxian and
Liu Yongchun 劉永春 (1862–1926), left Peking, mainly to go to Shanghai.
A few, like Hou Junshan 侯俊山, followed Cixi to Xi’an.99
Meanwhile, residents in the capital gradually picked up whatever was

left to put their lives back together again. The remaining actors used
restaurants and guild halls as performing venues. With the absence of the
court and the Chinese government, and the presence of foreign armies,
many changes took place. The bans on lighting in the theatres and night
performances were relaxed. When the court returned after over a year in
exile, the previous regulations should have been, in theory at least,
restored. But now Peking audiences were used to having lighting in the
theatres, no matter how dim or how bright. It proved impossible to go
back to the time when the audience could sometimes not see the
performance at all. So the theatres lobbied and bribed the authorities to
get permission to light a candle near the musician beating the rhythm
drum. The audience could still not see the actors’ faces, but at least they
could see their actions and movements. A few months later, the theatres
continued to bribe the authorities and were allowed to add another
candle. The next stage was to use a bunch of oil-soaked incense, then
large oil lamps, to gas lights and finally electric lights.100 However, it was
not until the Republican period that night performances became openly
accepted. In 1909, the Zhili Jingwuchu 直隸警務處 (Zhili Police
Department) issued regulations which forbade performances starting later
than noon.101 Only fundraising performances did not have to obey this
regulation. As a bamboo branch rhyme of 1913 put it, “Night
performances are openly seen in the imperial capital; all compete in
praising ascendant peace in singing and dancing. Why are they not
banned? They all had the same excuse: fundraising.” A note adds, “There
had previously been no night performances in the capital. Now all the
drama troupes use the pretext of charitable performances (yiwu xi 義務戲).
It is getting more common day by day. Now there is a show on every
night. They are no longer forbidden.” New theatre lighting was an
indispensable part of the change. In the arrangement of the program, the
least attractive items would be put on first, the quality of the
performances increasing as the night wore on. By the time of the last
item, usually the best of all, it was already dark. This was even more the
case if the starting time had been delayed, as was the trend. Famous
actors would not perform until the lights were turned on. It had a
dramatic effect. When the actor came out from behind the curtain, the
bright electric lights were all suddenly turned on. This caused quite a stir
in the audience.102 From the programs of old theatres, we can see that in
1912 and 1913 normal commercial shows were still mainly presented
during the day time. The programs state that the performances “Start at
11 o’clock sharp” or “Start at 12 o’clock sharp.”103
When Yang Xiaolou made his first tour of Shanghai in 1912, he, like
Mei Lanfang, was overwhelmed by the new Western-style theatres there.
When a merchant proposed building a new-style theatre in Peking the
following year, Yang did not need much convincing. He and another
actor, Yao Peiqiu 姚佩秋 (1885–1936), invested in the project. This was
the first new Western-style theatre in Peking, thus its name: the Diyiwutai
第一舞臺, The Number One Theatre. The Diyiwutai, from its architecture
to its interior design and lighting, was a copy of the Dawutai 大舞臺,
The Grand Stage, in Shanghai. It was built specially for night
performances. Its opening in 1914 marked the end of a hundred-year-
long ban in the capital.104
Women attending theatres

Since the ban on women going to theatres was issued during the
Qianlong period, the entire audience in the commercial theatres
consisted only of men, for over a hundred years. Only a small number
of women, from official or rich families, had the opportunity to watch
opera in their private residences.105 When the theatres around Qianmen
were destroyed in 1900, restaurants and guild halls with a stage became
the main venues for opera performance. Just outside Qianmen, the
Tianheguan 天和館 (Heavenly Harmonious Restaurant), which specialised
in banquets following weddings and funerals, was first used by Tan
Xinpei’s troupe and transformed into a theatre. In 1907, it changed its
name to the Wenming Xiyuan (The Civilisation Theatre 文明戲院). The
newly renovated Wenming Xiyuan was unprecedented in providing a
separate section for women. Men were on the ground level and women
on the upper level, with separate entrances. Other theatres soon followed
suit.106 However, though women started to attend the theatre in 1907
(even if seated in areas separated from the men), two years later the
Zhili police could still not cope with this new reality. Nor did new
theatre regulations address this change. It was not until 1912 that the
Republican municipal police issued “New Regulations for Theatres,”
which contained details of how theatres should follow particular rules if
they wanted to accommodate women in the audience. Rule 8 states: “If
a theatre employs any female performer, the backstage must have a

separate changing room. Male and female actors are not allowed to
perform in the same program. As soon as the performances end, female
actors must leave the theatre immediately to avoid malpractice.” Rule 14:
“All theatres, with permission, may accommodate women on the upper
level. This area must be separate from [that for] the men; mixed seating
is not allowed. Theatre employees who guide customers to their seats or
serve tea also must be women. The areas for men and women must
have separate entrances. Theatres without adequate facilities are not
allowed to accept women in the audience.” Rule 15: “All theatres which
accommodate women must change their seating arrangements. The
ground-level seats must face the stage, as in the Diyiwutai. Theatres
which have not rearranged their seating are not allowed to sell tickets to
women.”107 In the older theatres, seating could be along the sides of the
stage. Making the rows of seats for men in front of the stage meant that
the lower-level male audience would not be able to see the female
audience on the upper level.
Although many theatres met these conditions and opened to women,
separation of men and women in the theatres continued as an aspect of
social morality. The situation changed little until the 1920s. In the
programs or advertisements of the time, there is always a note: “Men and
women have separate seating.” In the program of the most modern
theatre, the Diyiwutai, it was stated that men and women could share
boxes, but not ordinary seats. People who could share boxes were relatives
or close friends, but not strangers. The earliest evidence of men and
women sharing the same seating arrangements was in 1929, and it
became more common from 1930.108
The first to point out the implications of women attending theatres
was a local newspaper, Shuntian shibao 順天時報, in an article on the
opening of the Wenming Xiyuan in 1907. The author stated: “For over a
hundred years, the number one prosperous theatres have been in Peking,
and the number one barbaric practice in the theatre has also been in
Peking. Now, after over hundred years, the Wenming Xiyuan opened in
October 1907. Its name, The Civilisation Theatre, matches the reality.
Since the establishment of this theatre, all drama troupes take turns to
perform there, so all people of the decent class, men and women, can go
to the theatre any time they like.”109
The main reason the drama was considered “barbaric” was due to its
strong pornographic elements. All low-class drama had this characteristic.
The presence of women restrained actors from being too outrageous. The
same drama might be performed in its sanitised version in private
residences, where female members of the family could attend, while a
pornographic version was performed in the commercial theatres, where
all of the audience was male.110 In 1905, Lu Xun 魯迅 (1881–1936) and
his brother Zhou Zuoren 周作人 (1885–1967) arrived in Peking for the
first time. Zhou Zuoren recalled the unpleasant experience of seeing
Peking Opera. “All those (pornographic acts) are very difficult for me to
even write about. I hesitate and choose my words carefully. It was really
incredible they could be performed on the stage. This must be related to
the xianggu system, so there was no lack of actors who were willing to
act like this. I am afraid that it would be impossible to find such actors
afterwards (after the decline of the xianggu). To be fair, this was just one
part and a temporary phenomenon, and could not represent the whole
of Peking Opera. Although rationally I know very well that those
practices should be separated from Peking Opera itself, that sort of
performance still left a deep impression on me. I could not bring myself
to watch Peking Opera ever again.”111
Mei Lanfang himself admitted that Peking Opera contained many
such elements. In one of his best-known episodes, Yang Guifei Intoxicated
by Wine (Guifei zuijiu 貴妃醉酒), he changed certain parts which had
strong sexual movements and facial expressions.112 It is worth noting that
while the Qing government repeatedly forbade sexual content and acts in
the theatre, the bans were never really effective. It was the presence of
women in the audience who drove the change, forcing actors to refine
their performance.
The tastes of the female audiences also influenced fashionable roles.
As Mei Lanfang noted,
After the Republic, a large number of women flooded into the theatres. This
caused rapid changes in the whole theatrical world. In the past, laosheng and
wusheng (both male roles) dominated the field. Male audiences had long
experience of watching opera, and they were expert in judging and appreciating
the art of the sheng. The female audience, however, had just started to watch
opera. Far from being connoisseurs, they came to enjoy the bustling atmosphere
and excitement. Under these circumstances, it is natural that they preferred
visually beautiful images. Take a skinny old man like Tan Xinpei. If the audience is
unable to appreciate his skill, they would definitely not be interested in him. So
the dan became the favourite role of the women audience. It did not take long,
only a few years, for the qingyi and dan to attract large audiences, and so to leap to
the top of the profession. Such was the power of the new audience.113
By the 1920s, the dan was the leading role in Peking Opera.
Bannermen performers: from amateur to professional

Though the restrictions on bannermen did not prevent them becoming
connoisseurs or fans of Peking Opera, it did successfully prevent them
from becoming fully committed professional actors until the very end of
the dynasty. The term xiahai 下海 “jumping into the sea” was used to
describe an amateur who “turned professional.” Among them was Aisin-
Gioro Chunyuan 愛新覺羅．春元 (1886–1950), feng’en jiangjun 奉恩將軍
(Manchu General by Grace, Noble of the Imperial Lineage of the Twelfth
Rank). He first joined the private troupe of Prince Su, the famous
Cuifeng’an piaofang 翠峰庵票房 (Kingfisher Peak Monastery Troupe). In
1903, he formally became a xiaosheng and changed his name to Jin
Zhongren 金仲仁 . He was one of the disciples of De Junru, another
famous Manchu actor. 114 De Junru was from a distinguished Manchu
aristocratic family, but when he became an actor, his uncle denounced
him as “willingly falling into debasement” and he was struck from the
clan genealogy. Through marrying his daughter to Tan Xiaopei 譚小培
(1883–1953), the son of the famous Tan Xinpei, he genuinely became
part of the actors’ world. When he was summoned to the palace to
perform on the occasion of Cixi’s fifty-ninth birthday celebration in 1893,
he changed his name to Guo Junru 郭君如 , using a Han Chinese
surname to disguise his Manchu background. Considering his high
profile, it is not likely that the Shengpingshu or even Cixi herself was
unaware of his background. However, changing his name to a Chinese
one was a way of avoiding embarrassment for the court. Another
bannerman, Quanzi 全子, who had changed his name to Xue Junting 薛
115
俊亭, was also called to perform on the same occasion.
Such official bans existed in theory until the end of the dynasty. In
the annual reports forwarded by the various opera troupes in the capital
to the Shengpingshu in the palace, an important clause guaranteed that
there were no bannermen in the troupe, as well as no “criminals or
wanderers of unknown background.”116 However, towards the end of the
Qing, we know that some bannermen became major stars in the Peking
Opera and did not even feel the need to hide their background when
summoned to perform in the palace.
Chen Delin (1862–1930), mentioned earlier, was a Han bannerman.
Due to poverty, he joined the kun troupe of Prince Gong 恭親王 (1831–
1898) at the age of 12. When this troupe was disbanded, he joined the
Sanqing troupe under Cheng Changgeng. In 1890, he was chosen by the
Shengpingshu to perform in the palace.117 The actor Mu Changshou, who
had run away to Shanghai and was escorted back to Peking, was also a
Manchu.118 Jin Xiushan 金秀山 (1855–1915), Huang Runfu 黃潤甫 (d.
1916), Qing Chunpu 慶春圃, and Qian Jinfu 錢金福 (1862–1937) were all
bannermen who performed for the court as summoned commercial
actors.119 Another high-profile Shanghai-based bannerman was the Peking
Opera actor, Wang Xiaonong 汪笑儂 (1858–1918). His original name was
Dekejin 德克金 (Manchu: Dekjin[tuwa]). After acquiring the juren 舉人
degree, he was appointed as magistrate in Taikang 太康 , Henan. He
offended powerful members of the local elite and was prosecuted and
dismissed. He gave up pursuing an official career and became a
professional actor. During the late Qing, he was politically the most
active in Peking Opera circles.120
One of the most significant changes after 1900 was that bannermen
from poor families could become professional actors at a young age
without going through a piaoyou transition period. Two of the four most
famous dan of the twentieth century, Cheng Yanqiu and Shang Xiaoyun,
were from bannermen families. Cheng Yanqiu (1904–1958) was the fifth-
generation descendant of a high official, Yinghe 英和, of the Qianlong
period. Yinghe (1771–1839) became a jinshi in 1793 and was appointed
to the Hanlin Academy. In 1799, after the fall of Heshen, Yinghe was
favoured by the Jiaqing emperor for not having supported Heshen. He
became a Sub-Chancellor of the Grand Secretariat, and a year later was
made a Vice-President of the Board of Ceremonies. Under Daoguang, he
lost favour by failing in the task of building Daoguang’s tomb. 121 He
served three emperors and had quite a few ups and downs in his official
career. His last downfall, under Daoguang, deprived his descendents of
any social or financial privileges. Like many families which had declined
from their earlier high status, his descendants had only a vague
impression of past glories. What Cheng Yanqiu’s family remembered
about Yinghe was very different from the historical record. The family
still kept Yinghe’s seal.122 Even Cheng’s teacher, Rong Diexian 榮蝶仙 (b.
1893), was a bannerman.123
Shang Xiaoyun 尚小雲 (1899–1976) was a Han bannerman and a
descendent of Shang Kexi 尚可喜 (1604–1676), Pingnanwang 平南王
(Prince Who Pacifies the South), of the Kangxi period. 124 Shang’s
grandfather was a county magistrate. His father worked in Prince Na’s (那
彥圖王, 1867–1938) residence. When he died in 1905, the family was left
with no financial support. Shang Xiaoyun and his brother Shang Fuxia
125
尚富霞 (b. 1906) joined a drama troupe to learn to perform.
Mei Lanfang himself was a Han Chinese, but his wife Fu Zhifang 福
芝芳, a Peking Opera actress in her own right, was from a banner family
in Peking.126 Even Tao Mo’an 陶默厂, the niece of Duan Fang, a Manchu
and a Governor-General, became a piaoyou and then a professional
actress during the Republic.127
During the peak of Peking Opera in the early twentieth century, a
considerable number of actors came from a bannermen background.128
They included many of the Manchus mentioned above, such as Mu
Changshou, Jin Xiushan, Huang Runfu, and Qian Jinfu; another was Qian
Baofeng 錢寳峰 (1838–1895), who specialised in jing 淨 (painted face)
roles. Some scholars have suggested that the more vigorous nature of the
Manchus made hualian roles attractive to them.129
From the early Qing to the end of the dynasty, the court never
managed to fully implement the ban on bannermen attending the theatre.
It was not, however, until the fall of the Qing, that bannermen could
choose an acting career as a legitimate occupation.
Notes
1 See Wang Liqi, Yuan-Ming-Qing sandai jinhui xiaoshuo xiqu shiliao, pp.
23–39; Chun-shu Chang and Shelley Hsueh-lun Chang, Crisis and Transfor-
mation in Seventeenth-Century China — Society, Culture, and Modernity in Li
Yu’s World, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998, p. 340.
2 Gugong bowuyuan zhanggubu, Zhanggu congbian, p. 51.
3 Xin Xiuming, Lao taijian, p. 99, 180.
4 Zhaolian, Xiaoting zalu, pp. 234–235.
5 Da Qing huidian shili, quoted in Zhang Geng and Gou Hancheng, eds.,
Zhongguo xiqu tongshi, pp. 885–886.
6 Xihu Anleshanqiao 西湖安樂山樵, “Yanlan xiaopu” 燕蘭小譜 (A brief record of

beautiful actors in the capital), in Zhang Cixi, Qingdai Yandu Liyuan shiliao,
shang ce, pp. 3–52, on pp. 17–18, 32–33, 47; Zhaolian, Xiaoting zalu, pp.
237–238; Mackerras, The Rise of the Peking Opera, pp. 91–113. The qin style
was permitted again during the Tongzhi period.
7 Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’anguan, ed., Qianlongchao shangyudang, vol. 15, pp.
851–852.
8 Qianlong wushiwu nian baxun wanshou chongjian 乾隆五十五年八旬萬壽重建.
9 Tong Jingxin 佟晶心, “Babainianlai difangju de niaokan” 八百年來地方劇的鳥
瞰 (A bird’s eye view of regional drama of the eight hundred years), in
Juxue yuekan 劇學月刊 3, no. 9 (1934), pp. 1–19, on p. 14.
10 This edict was carved on a stele in the Laolangmiao 老郎廟 in Suzhou, the
location of the actors’ guild. See Beijingshi yishu yanjiusuo and Shanghai
yishu yanjiusuo, eds., Zhongguo jingju shi, shang ce, pp. 72–73. The transla-
tion above is quoted from Dolby, Chinese Drama, pp. 155–156.
11 Qi Rushan, Xiban, in Qi Rushan quanji, vol. 1, p. 261.
12 Zhu Jiajin and Ding Ruqin, Qingdai neiting yanju shimo kao, p. 79.
13 There is a luantan score from the twelfth year of Jiaqing (1807) in the
Palace Museum.
14 Wang Zhengyao, Qingdai xiju wenhua shilun, p. 56.
15 Zhu Jiajin, Gugong tuishi lu, xia ce, p. 560.
17 Qi Rushan, Qi Rushan quanji, vol. 4, “Piaoyou de laiyuan” 票友的來源 (The
origin of the piaoyou), p. 191–194; vol. 5, “Tan dagu yu piaoyou” 談大鼓與票
友 (Talks on the dagu and the piaoyou), pp. 1–24.
18 Zhu Jiajin, Tuishilu, xia ce, p. 864.
19 Qi Rushan, “Beifang nianzi fa” (The pronunciation of characters in the
north), in Qi Rushan quanji, vol. 6, pp. 561–586.
20 For Nian Gengyao and Nian Xiyao, see Hummel, Eminent Chinese, pp.
587–590; pp. 442, 588, 590.
21 For details, see Dai Yi, Qianlongdi ji qi shidai, pp. 168–182.
22 Beizi is the fourth highest of twelve titles of imperial nobility, a prince of
the blood of the fourth degree. See Li Hongwei 李宏為, ed., Han-Ying Ming
Qing lishi dang’an cidian 漢英明清歷史檔案詞典 (A Chinese-English Dictionary
of the Historical Archives in the Ming and Qing), Beijing: Zhongguo tiedao
23 Jin Shoushen 金受申, Lao Beijing de shenghuo 老北京的生活 (English title: Life
in Beijing), Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 1989, pp. 287–288.
24 Li Xinwu 李鑫午 , “Chaqu de yanjiu” 岔曲的研究 (Studies on chaqu), in

Zhong-De xuezhi 中德學誌 (Aus Deutschem Geistes Leben) 5, no. 4 (December
1943), pp. 666–693, on pp. 668–669.
25 Guan Jialu 關嘉祿, Liyuan chunhua: difang xiqu yu jingju 梨園春花：地方戲曲
與京劇 (Spring flowers in the Pear Garden: regional drama and Peking
Opera), Shenyang: Liaoning chubanshe, 1997, p. 114; Zhu Jiajin, Gugong
tuishilu, xia ce, p. 864.
26 There are photos of shamanic ritual musical instruments in Chuimei Ho and
Bennet Bronson, Splendors of China’s Forbidden City, p. 128.
27 An actor got himself into trouble after being dismissed from Prince Zhuang’s
residence. Prince Zhuang defended him and also accepted a bribe of a
certain amount of silver and silk from him. The prince was fined three
months’ income and demoted two ranks, and the bribe was confiscated. See
Yidang, Zongrenfu shuotanggao 宗人府說堂稿 (Miscellaneous records of the
Imperial Clan Court), Xinzhengdang 新整檔 (Newly sorted archives), packet
1237 (Manwendang: Yongzheng 13 nian 滿文檔：雍正十三年 (1735)).
28 Zaitao 載濤, “Zaifeng yu Yuan Shikai de maodun” 載灃與袁世凱的矛盾 (A
dispute between Zaifeng and Yuan Shikai), in Zhongguo renmin zhengzhi
xieshang huiyi quanguo weiyuanhui wenshi ziliao yanjiu weiyuanhui 中國人民
政治協商會議全國委員會文史資料研究委員會, ed., Wan Qing gongting shenghuo
jianwen 晚清宮廷生活見聞 (Stories about life in the palace in the late Qing),
Beijing : Wenshi chubanshe, 2000, pp. 72–76, on p. 73.
29 Zhang Cixi, Qingdai Yandu Liyuan shiliao, xia ce, p. 792.
30 Guan Jialu 關嘉祿, “Manzu yu jingju shulun” 滿族與京劇述論 (Comments on
Manchus and Peking Opera), in Yan Chongnian, ed., Manxue yanjiu, vol. 5,
Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, 2000, pp. 275–295, on pp. 285–286. See also the
memoir of Putong written by his son, Aisin-Gioro Yulai 愛新覺羅．毓崍, in
Jiang Yuanwei (or Yan) and Sui Hongyao, eds., Aixinjueluo shi de houyimen,
pp. 184–191.
31 Wang Zhizhang, Qingdai lingguan zhuan, vol. 1, pp. 66–67, p. 88.
32 Wang Zhizhang, Zhongguo jingju biannian shi, shang ce, pp. 192–198.
33 Zhu Xizu, “Zhengli Shengpingshu dang’an ji,” p. 449.
34 Xin Xiuming, Lao taijian, p. 40. Erhuang is another term for luantan.
35 Ding Bingsui 丁秉鐩, Jutan jiuwen lu 菊壇舊聞錄 (A record of old tales from
the chrysanthemum platform), Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1995, p.
424; Zhongguo renmin zhengzhi xieshang huiyui Beijingshi weiyuanhui
wenshi ziliao yanjiu weiyuanhui, Jingju tanwanglu, pp. 527–529.
36 Qi Rushan, Huiyilu, pp. 112–113.
37 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packets 147, 450, 427, 142. See also Ye Xiaoqing,
“Unacceptable Marriage and the Qing Code,” pp. 210–211.
38 Gugong bowuyuan, Shengpingshu yueling chengyingxi, p. 1.
39 Hu Shaoming 胡曉明, Zhao Shanlin 趙山林, Tian Gensheng 田根勝, and Zhu
Chongzhi 朱崇志, eds., Jindai Shanghai xiqu xinian chubian 近代上海戲曲系年
初編 (Drama in early modern Shanghai, a preliminary chronology), Shanghai:
Shanghai jiaoyu chubanshe, 2003, p. 79.
40 Yidang, Junjichu lufu zouzhe, microfilm 329–16, 022–387.
41 Yidang, Junjichu lufu zouzhe, microfilm no. 285–066, 19–779.
42 Only the Tanghui 堂會, which was a private residence, was not subject to
this restriction. See Qi Rushan, “Xijie xiaozhanggu,” 戲界小掌故 (Anecdotes
from opera circles), in Zhongguo renmin zhengzhi xieshang huiyui Beijingshi
weiyuanhui wenshi ziliao yanjiu weiyuanhui, ed., Jingju tanwanglu, sanbian,
pp. 421–422; Mei Lanfang, Wutai shenghuo sishinian, pp. 113–114.
43 On the effect of gas and electric lighting on Shanghai night life, see Ye Xiao-
qing, The Dianshizhai Pictorial: Shanghai urban life, 1884–1898, Ann Arbor:
Center for Chinese Studies, the University of Michigan, 2003, pp. 53–75.
44 An analysis of theatre advertisements in the Shenbao for 1878 clearly
indicates a shift from day performances to night performances. In July and
August, both were offered, but by September, some theatres only offered
night performances.
45 Shenbao, 16 November 1883: “Zhong Xi xiguan butong shuo” 中西習慣不同說
(Customs in China and the West are different).
46 Hu Shaoming, et al., eds., Jindai Shanghai xiqu xinian chubian, p. 132. The
new theatre, the Dangui Diyitai, was built on the location of the Xindangui
theatre. Capital for its construction was raised by floating shares.
47 Mei Lanfang, Wutai shenghuo sishinian, p. 132: “The old-style theatre had a
square stage with two large pillars in the middle which blocked the audi-
ence’s view. The new theatre is bright and spacious, and is an incredible
improvement. There is no comparison between the old and new theatres.
This gave me unlimited pleasure and excitement.”
48 Cheng Changgeng yanjiu wencong weiyuanhui 程長庚研究文叢編輯委員會 ed.,
“Luntan getan changjushen” 論壇歌壇唱劇神 (A discussion on the theatre and
praise of the god of drama). In Cheng Changgeng yanjiu wencong (yi) 程長庚
研究文叢，一 (Collected articles on research on Cheng Changgeng: One).
Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1992, pp. 121–122; 289–290; Gujin
Zhongwai lun Changgeng, p. 163; Zhang Cixi, Qingdai Yandu Liyuan shiliao,
xia ce, p. 915.
49 Luntan getan changjushen, pp. 122–123; 299. See also Goldstein, Drama Kings,
p. 18.
50 Catherine Yeh calls Shanghai a “star system,” as distinct from Peking, which
was more based on the collective troupe’s contract. See Catherine Vance Yeh,
“Where is the Center of Cultural Production? — The Rise of the Actor to
National Stardom and the Beijing/Shanghai Challenge (1860s–1910s),” Late
Imperial China, 25, no. 2 (2004), pp. 74–118, on p. 83–90.
51 Mei Lanfang, Wutai shenghuo sishinian, p. 143.
52 Dianshizhai, xu 戌 61.
53 Cheng Changgeng yanjiu wencong weiyuanhui, ed., Luntan getan changjushen,
pp. 42, 82, 105–106, 125–126; 158. Also Cheng Changgeng yanjiu wencong
weiyuanhui, ed., Gujin Zhongwai lun Changgeng, pp. 228–229.
54 Yidang, Gongzhong zajian, packet 2476: “All actors and other members of
troupes are not allowed to join two troupes at the same time; heads of
troupes are only allowed to lead one troupe; members of troupes are not
allowed to perform in markets.”
55 Cheng Changgeng yanjiu wencong weiyuanhui, ed., Gujin Zhongwai lun
Changgeng, pp. 45–46; p. 158; see also Li Tiyang, “Qingdai gongting xiju,” pp.
68–69. Liu Gansan’s proper name was Liu Baoshan 劉寶山; Gansan was his
childhood nickname (xiaoming 小名). See Wang Zhizhang, Zhongguo jingju
biannianshi, xia ce, p. 1079.
56 Min Tian, “Male Dan: the Paradox of Sex, Acting, and Perception of Female
Impersonation in Traditional Chinese Theatre,” Asian Theatre Journal 17, no.
1 (Spring 2000), pp. 78–97, on p. 78.
57 Zhongguo jingju shi is the most comprehensive and authoritative work on
Peking Opera published in the past two decades. Its view on the issue is
very typical. See Beijingshi yishu yanjiusuo and Shanghai yishu yanjiusuo,
eds., Zhongguo jingju shi, shang ce, pp. 240–242.
58 Min Tian, “Male Dan,” p. 82.
59 Chen Dingshan 陳定山, Chunshen jiuwen 春申舊聞 (Tales of Old Shanghai),
Taibei: Shijie wenwu chuhanshe, 1967, p. 114.
60 Zhang Cixi, Qingdai Yandu Liyuan shiliao, xia ce, p. 1179; Yang Miren 楊米人
et al., Qingdai Beijing zhuzhici: shisan zhong 清代北京竹枝詞：十三種 (Bamboo
branch rhymes of Peking in the Qing). Ed. Lu Gong 路工. Beijing: Beijing
chubanshe, 1962; reprinted Beijing: Beijing guji chubanshe, 1982.
61 Wang Mengsheng 王夢生 , Liyuan jiahua 梨園佳話 (Tales from the Pear
Garden), Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1915, pp. 143–144.
62 Hu Shaoming et al., eds., Jindai Shanghai xiqu xinian chubian, p. 77, 125.
63 Hu Shaoming et al., eds., Jindai Shanghai xiqu xinian chubian, p. 138, 158.
64 One of the most famous courtesans, Lin Daiyu 林黛玉 (d. 1921), was also a
skilled Peking Opera performer. See Beijingshi yishu yanjiusuo and Shanghai
yishu yanjiusuo, eds., Zhongguo jingju shi, shang ce, p. 283. The early twen-
tieth-century Peking Opera star Yang Cuixi 楊翠喜 was both a prostitute and
an actress. See Hou Xisan, Beijing lao xiyuanzi, p. 52; Ye Zufu 葉祖孚, Beijing
fengqing zatan 北京風情雜談 (Miscellaneous chats on customs in Peking),
Beijing: Zhongguo chengshi chubanshe, 1995, p. 125.
65 Dianshizhai, shen 申 23.
66 Han Ziyun 韓子雲, annotated by Zhang Ailing 張愛玲, Haishanghua liezhuan
海上花列傳 (The sing-song girls of Shanghai), Taipei: Huangguan zaizhishe,
1989, pp. 320–336; Wang Shunu 王書奴, “Ling yu ji de jiehe” 伶與妓的結合
(Combination of actor and prostitute), in Xiju huabao 戲劇畫報, Shanghai:
Shanghai xiju chubanshe, no. 5 (1939), n.p.
67 Zhao Xiaolian’s father was a famous Peking Opera rhythm drum musician
(gushi 鼓師), Zhao Songshou 趙嵩綬. His son Zhao Junyu 趙君玉 (1894-1943)
was also a Peking Opera actor. Zhao Songshou was a social activist with a
very high profile. He was enthusiastically involved in compiling new drama
scripts. He became the deputy director of the Actors’ Association in 1912.
See Hu Shaoming et al., eds., Jindai Shanghai xiqu xinian chubian, pp. 23,
91, 139. We do not have the dates of his birth and death, but the following
information has been recorded: “Zhao Xiaolian is a famous martial actor in
Shanghai. His outstanding energy and skill is comparable to that of Xia
Yuerun 夏月潤 (1878-1931) and Li Chunlai. It is pity that he is not as good
as he used to be. Luckily the audience has not tired of him yet.” See
Tiaoshui kuangsheng 苕水狂生, Haishang Liyuan xinlishi 海上梨園新歷史 (A
new history of Shanghai theatres), Shanghai: Shanghai xiaoshuo jinbushe,
1910. So we can conclude that Zhao was probably most active from the
1890s until the beginning of the twentieth century.
68 Wang Shunu, “Ling yu ji de jiehe,” n.p.
69 Chen Dingshan, Chunshen jiuwen, pp. 11–12.
70 See Dianshizhai, Yuan 元 87: “One day they went out carousing in their
horse-carriage, and were discovered under the shade of the trees around the
Jing’ansi 靜安寺, engaging in some rather intimate behaviour. They were
arrested by a Sikh policeman, who escorted them to the police station. The
Western inspector laughed and let them go.”
71 Dianshizhai, Zhen 貞 79.
73 Wang Zhizhang, Zhongguo jingju biannianshi, shang ce, p. 465. On Li’s artistic
skill, see Wu Tongbin 吳同賓, Jingju zhishi 京劇知識 (Facts about Peking
Opera), Tianjin: Tianjin jiaoyue chubanshe, 1995, pp. 56–57; Beijingshi yishu
yanjiusuo and Shanghai yishu yanjiusuo, eds., Zhongguo jingju shi, shang ce,
pp. 410–412; Hu Shaoming et al., eds., Jindai Shanghai xiqu xinian chubian, p.
111.
74 Shenbao, 6 October 1907.
75 Shenbao, 29 October 1907.
76 Shenbao, 4 November 1907.
77 Shenbao, 7 November 1907.
80 Shenbao, 22 May 1908.
81 Shenbao, 24, 27 May 1908.
82 Shenbao, 29 May 1908. We do not know the price before the increase.
85 Shenbao, 24 June 24 1908.
86 Shenbao, 4, 7 July 1908.
87 Shenbao, 25 July 1908.
88 Tian Tao 田濤 and Zheng Qin 鄭秦, eds., Daqing lüli 大清律例 (The Great
Qing Code), Beijing: Falü chubanshe, 1998, p. 521. On the term Autumn
Assizes, see E-tu Zen Sun, trans. and ed., Ch’ing Administrative Terms,
Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1973, p. 277.
89 Apart from Chen Dingshan’s account in Chunshen jiuwen, books on Peking
Opera never mention Li’s case. Even in Chunshen jiuwen, the information is
not correct. Zhu’s name is given as Zhang 張, and Huang is said to be a
Cantonese doctor. The reason Li got into trouble was because the Chinese
Assessor, Guan Jiongzhi 關炯之 (d. 1942), and Huang were sworn brothers.
The real motive behind Guan’s pursuit of the case was to punish Li and the
unchaste concubine of his late sworn brother. See Chen Dingshan, Chunshen
jiuwen, pp. 40–41. From reports in the Shenbao, it is clear than Guan was in
charge of the case for only a brief period. The Chinese Assessor was
surnamed Bao. He was later rewarded by the governor of Jiangsu for his
persistence and determination in dealing with this case. Shenbao, 30 August
1908.
90 In the palace records of the twenty-sixth year of Guangxu, we find only the
following brief statement: “The twenty-first day of the seventh month (15
August 1900). The Old Buddha departed the throne and travelled west to
Chang’an to avoid military conflict.” Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 53, Riji
dang.
92 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packets 1419 and 1420.
93 There is a record of only one such case in the archives. On 19 December
1905, the Board of Punishments informed the Shengpingshu that they had
caught the criminal Jiang De and several others, who had stolen some theat-
rical costumes from the Shengpingshu. Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 57.
94 Qi Rushan, “Tan sijue,” p. 137
95 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 54, Guangxu ershiliu, ershiqinian riji dang, 光緒
二十六，二十七年日記檔 (Daily records from the twenty-sixth and twenty-
seventh years of Guangxu [1900–1901]).
96 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packet 54, Guangxu ershiliu, ershiqinian riji dang.
97 Hou Xisan, Beijing lao xiyuanzi, p. 83, pp. 96–98.
98 Hou Xisan, Beijing lao xiyuanzi, p.101; Yang Miren et al., Qingdai Beijing
zhuzhici, p. 119; Li Chang, Qingdai yilai de Beijing juchang, pp. 103–104.
99 Hou Xisan, Beijing lao xiyuanzi, p. 102
100 Qi Rushan, “Xijie xiaozhanggu,” pp. 422–423.
101 Hou Xisan, Beijing lao xiyuanzi, p. 156.
102 Zhang Cixi, Qingdai Yandu Liyuan shiliao, xia ce, pp. 1178–1179.
103 Lou Yue 婁悅, ed., Jiujing laoxidan: cong Xuantong dao Minguo 舊京老戲單：
從宣統到民國 (Old theatre programs of old Peking: from Xuantong to the
Republic), Beijing: Zhongguo wenlian chubanshe, 2004, p. 9, 11, 16, 20, 21.
104 On Yang Xiaolou and the Diyiwutai, see Beijingshi yishu yanjiusuo and
Shanghai yishu yanjiusuo, eds., Zhongguo jingju shi, zhong ce, pp. 579–580.
On the Diyiwutai, see Hou Xisan, Beijing lao xiyuanzi, pp. 158–174. Before
1914, some theatres in Dashalar were rebuilt, but during the evenings they
no longer presented traditional dramas but rather showed movies. See Hou
Xisan, Beijing lao xiyuanzi, pp. 104–105
105 Mackerras, The Chinese Theatre in Modern Times, pp. 90–91.
106 Hou Xisan, Beijing lao xiyuanzi, pp. 121–122; Zhang Cixi, Qingdai Yandu
Liyuan shiliao, xia ce, p. 1178.
107 Hou Xisan, Beijing lao xiyuanzi, pp. 155–157; p. 176.
108 Lou Yue, ed., Jiujing laoxidan, p. 2, 25, 33, 37, 40–43, 51–52, 58, 60, 64–67.
109 Hou Xisan, Beijing lao xiyuanzi, pp. 122–123.
110 Qi Rushan, “Wushinian lai de guoju” 五十年來的國劇 (National opera of the
past fifty years), in Qi Rushan quanji, vol. 5, pp. 2787–2789.
111 Zhou Zuoren 周作人, Zhitang huixiang lu 知堂回想錄 (Memoirs from the
Hall of Knowledge), Hong Kong: Tingtao chubanshe, 1970, pp. 160–161.
112 Zhongguo xijujia xiehui 中國戲劇家協會, ed., Mei Lanfang wenji 梅蘭芳文集
(Writings of Mei Lanfang), Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, first edition
1962, reprinted 1981, p. 110; Liu Yanjun 劉彥君, Mei Lanfang zhuan 梅蘭芳傳
(Biography of Mei Lanfang), Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996, pp.
356–359.
113 Mei Lanfang, Wutai shenghuo sishinian, pp. 114–115.
114 On Jin Zhongren, see Beijingshi yishu yanjiusuo and Shanghai yishu yanji-
usuo, eds., Zhongguo jingju shi, zhong ce, pp. 618–620, shang ce, p. 475; Li
Chang, Qingdai yilai de Beijing juchang, pp. 132–133.
115 Wang Zhizhang, Zhongguo jingju biannianshi, shang ce, p. 640, 297.
116 Yidang, Shengpingshu, packets 1823; 1825–1869; 1881–1882; 1903; Gongzhong
zajian, packet 2476.
117 Wang Zhizhang, Qingdai lingguan zhuan, vol. 3, pp. 28–29; Chen Zhiming 陳
志明, Chen Delin pingzhuan 陳德霖評傳 (Critical biography of Chen Delin),
Beijing: Beijing wenjin chubanshe, 1998.
118 Wang Zhengyao, Qingdai xiju wenhua shilun, p. 154. Jin Xiushan, born in
1855, became an actor in 1877; see Wang Zhizhang, Qingdai lingguan zhuan,
vol. 4, p. 9.
jingju shi, zhong ce, p. 552; 761–762; shang ce, p. 523–524.
120 On Wang Xiaonong, see Beijingshi yishu yanjiusuo and Shanghai yishu yanji-
usuo, eds., Zhongguo jingju shi, shang ce, pp. 434–438; Zhang Cixi, Qingdai
Yandu Liyuan shiliao, xia ce, pp. 1204–1205; Guan Jialu, “Manzu yu jingju
shulun,” pp. 287–288; Wang Zhengyao, Qingdai xiju wenhua shilun, pp.
66–76. These sources differ in some details. Another bannerman actor was Ji
Changshou 紀長壽, born 1838, who joined the troupe of Prince Yu 豫親王 (d.
1868) and later became a professional actor during the early years of the
Guangxu period. See Wang Zhizhang, Qingdai lingguan zhuan, vol. 3, p. 18.
121 Hummel, Eminent Chinese, pp. 931–933.
122 Chen Peizhong 陳培仲 and Hu Shijun 胡世均, Cheng Yanqiu zhuan 程硯秋傳
(A biography of Cheng Yanqiu), Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996,
pp. 1–8.
123 Wang Zhizhang, Zhongguo jingju biannianshi, shang ce, p. 663.
124 On Shang Kexi, see Hummel, Eminent Chinese, pp. 635–636.
jingju shi, zhong ce, pp. 640–641.
126 Shen Hongxin 沈鴻鑫, Mei Lanfang, Zhou Xinfang he jingju shijie 梅蘭芳，周
信芳和京劇世界 (Mei Lanfang, Zhou Xinfang, and the world of Peking
opera), Shanghai: Hanyu dacidian chubanshe, 2004, p. 135.
127 Wu Xiaoru 吳小如, “Mingyuan yanxi — ximi xianhua zhi qi” 名媛演戲──戲
迷閒話之七 (Performances of female actors from famous families — Talks by
connoisseurs of drama. Part Seven), in Gudu yihai xieying 古都藝海擷英
(Outstanding figures of the artistic world of the old capital), Beijing: Beijing
yanshan chubanshe, 1996, pp. 208–211, on p. 208. Wu refers to Tao as Duan
Fang’s daughter, but she was the daughter of his younger brother Duan Jin
端錦. For more information on Duan Fang, see chapter 3 of the present
work, footnote 80.
128 For a nearly complete list of well-known bannermen actors, see Guan Jialu,
“Manzu yu jingju shulun,” pp. 287–292; Jin Qicong 金啟孮, Beijing de Manzu
北京的滿族 (The Manchus of Peking), Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2009, pp.
143–145.
Conclusion
Peking Opera and a New Political Focus
During the 19th and 20th centuries, Chinese drama underwent

fundamental changes. Kunqu, which had occupied the mainstream of elite
taste for several centuries, gradually declined and was replaced by the
newly emerging Peking Opera.1 The imperial court played a vital role in
the formation of the Peking Opera, accidentally and institutionally. The
downgrading of the Nanfu to the Sheng pingshu in 1827 largely
contributed to the significant growth in interaction between the palace
and commercial theatres, and finally resulted in the transformation of
Peking Opera from a humble regional opera to an art form enjoyed by
all classes well beyond the capital.
Kangxi had been appalled at the decline of traditional kunqu in the
theatres and warned the personnel in the palace to resist being polluted
by changes in practice outside. Due to the segregation of palace actors
from commercial performances, the palace troupes were able to maintain
the “purity of the tradition.” There was a significant difference between
drama performance inside and outside palace at this time. The policy of
only allowing yi and kun operas to be performed in the palace was
followed, in theory at least, until the last decades of the Qing.
Qianlong admired and imitated his grandfather in many ways and
wanted to maintain Kangxi’s artistic preferences. However, his extravagant
and ostentatious style was in contradiction to the principles of traditional
Chinese drama. His fancy for novelty led to an interest, indeed a
fascination, beyond kun and yi dramas. On the occasion of the
celebration of his eightieth birthday in 1790, the Lianghuai Salt
Administration sent four Hui opera troupes to the capital. This is
generally considered the first step in the development of Peking Opera.
Peking Opera did not reach its maturity until several decades later,
during the 1840s. Joshua Goldstein approached the construction of
Peking Opera within the context of colonial modernity.2 I would stress,
however, that the formation of Peking Opera, although not necessarily its
development during the 1920s and 1930s, came about with the active
participation of the imperial court and the elite classes. In the twentieth
century, as Peking Opera reached its heyday, it continued to draw on
traditional drama. At the same time, newly complied Peking operas
reflected many aspects of new political and social realities.
The legacy of Qianlong in drama and other

entertainment
While Qianlong’s campaign to censor drama during the 1780s did not
make any impact on the development of various types of drama, his
artistic tastes did. The development from the traditional expression of
abstract symbolism to visual splendour bore the personal marks of
Qianlong. From Qianlong to the end of the dynasty, drama changed
considerably in the commercial theatres, despite various bans from the
court. In the imperial domain, however, ritual drama followed the model
of previous dynasties and was little altered. Even before the restriction on
dramas other than kun and yi was relaxed in the late Qing, drama as
entertainment in the court could no longer maintain its elitist standards.
Changes were quietly happening under Qianlong. Traditional Chinese
drama was characterised by abstract symbolism rather than realistic stage
effects. Qianlong’s approach to the theatre was technically more
demanding. Martial arts, three-tiered stages, hundreds, even thousands, of
actors on the stage at one time, fanciful props, and realistic backdrops -
the incorporation of such elements challenged the basic principles of
Chinese drama.
Costumes constituted a visual language and a form of symbolism.
Their textiles, colours, embroidery, and designs were specifically designed
to suit the characters in the dramas. Under Qianlong, however, even such
basic principles were sacrificed for the sake of over-indulgent visual
splendour. The costumes of poor people, for example, were also decorated
with gold embroidery, hardly reflecting the nature or social status of the
characters concerned. This trend spread to the commercial theatres. The
task of making the costumes was the responsibility of the Textile
Commission in Jiangnan, and of course they exerted themselves to please
the emperor. Even now, although the silk fabric stored in the palace has
faded, the embroidery, which used genuine gold thread, still glitters.3 The
Conclusion 261
trend of using lavish costumes already existed in the early Qing among
the salt merchants and rich officials, but the scale of it and the
concentration of wealth could not compare with the imperial court. It was
not unusual for several hundred different sets of costumes and facial make
up to be used in one performance. Appearances by ghosts and immortals
were good occasions for the palace to employ even more props and
costumes, along with special effects to increase their magnificence.4
Qianlong’s invention of the three-tiered stage was also unprecedented.5
Traditional drama used dance to symbolise fighting. From Qianlong
onwards, these symbolic dances were often replaced by real martial arts.
It became essential that actors have excellent martial arts skills.6 This
trend had a more permanent impact. In extreme cases, such as in some
nineteenth-century Shanghai commercial theatres, real weapons appeared
on the stage. In 1893, Shanghai actors performed a new Peking opera
based on the battles between the Taiping rebels and the Qing army. This
was the first time a Peking opera used real weapons on the stage.7 This
was considered haipai 海派, a derogatory term for the cultural tastes of
the Shanghai bourgeoisie, but in fact it had its origins in Qianlong’s style
and personality.8
The late Qing court and Cixi

After the Daoguang reign, anxiety over the loss of Manchu identity was
gradually replaced by more urgent concerns. The power structure in the
cour t had changed, especially after the Taiping rebellion. The
involvement of Han Chinese officials in important decision-making in
the court and the appointment of Han Chinese governors in militarily
strategic regions such as Xinjiang would have been unthinkable earlier. 9
Under such circumstances, the late Qing emperors and Cixi did not
share many of Qianlong’s preoccupations. Though the political decision
of the court to lessen the boundaries between Manchus and Han
Chinese did not come until after the Boxer Uprising, later Qing rulers,
particularly from Xianfeng onwards, had no objection to historical
references to the wars between the Jurchen Jin and the Chinese Song,
not to mention more remote connections with the Manchus, such as
the Khitans and the Xiongnu.
Studies of late Qing politics, especially Cixi’s “New Policies”, have
shed light on the political response of the Qing court towards racial
tension between Manchus and Han Chinese and the rising demand for
reform.10 Inner court records, however, reveal some of Cixi’s personal
feelings on the matter. Her policy of ending racial discrimination on the
part of the Qing court towards Han Chinese, and her decision to allow
intermarriage, indicate that she had little of the suspicion and anxiety of
Qianlong on such matters. It is also clear from the drama she enjoyed
on private occasions that she was quite relaxed about ethnic issues.
The ban on many dramas involving sensitive themes was lifted by
Cixi. In fact, The Fourth Son Visits his Mother (Silang tanmu 四郎探母)
from the Female Generals of the Yang Family (Zhaodai xiaoshao) was her
favourite drama, and she ordered that it be converted from the earlier
kun version to the style of Peking Opera. She clearly identified herself
with the Khitan Empress Dowager Xiao. The famous dan Chen Delin, a
female impersonator, imitated Cixi’s personal movements and gestures
when playing the Empress Dowager Xiao, which pleased Cixi greatly. The
costume and hairstyle of the Khitan Empress Dowager, however, were not
Khitan, but unmistakeably Manchu.11
Political concerns of the court focused on social reform and current
affairs, but Cixi had her own personal problems. She was preoccupied by
the tension and hatred between the young emperor and herself. The
fiasco of the Boxer Uprising was another. After returning from Xi’an, she
became anxious to prove she was truly reformist, and she went out of
her way to please the foreigners whom not long ago she had been
conniving to get rid of. As well as publicly showing her change of heart
with lavish garden parties for western women, 12 on more private
occasions she was also keen to create this new image. A Peking opera All
Fortunes Reach the House of Shun (Yu ting ji fu 虞庭集福) was amended
for Cixi’s seventieth birthday.13 In the opera, a divine wolf announces: “I
am no ordinary wolf. I am the white wolf of King Mu of the Zhou.
King Mu also reared a white deer.14 Because of my bad temper, King Mu
kept the white deer but expelled me. So all these years I have been
travelling overseas. I have heard foreigners saying that the current
empress dowager’s virtue reaches heaven, that she is as intelligent as a
sage. Her benevolence shines over the four corners and benefits the ten
thousand areas.” A subtle hint as to how Cixi would like to be seen by
the foreigners, through the words of a wolf. Clearly she liked the idea.15
In an ironic way Cixi’s willingness to defuse the tension between
Manchus and Han Chinese was already developing some time before her
Conclusion 263
public decrees on the “new policies” after 1907. This suggests this change
of heart was based on genuine conviction.
The death of Huixing and the production of the new

Peking Opera
In the early twentieth century, newly compiled Peking operas with
references to current affairs proliferated in both Shanghai and Peking.
Most of them were ephemeral, but they were a distinctive feature of the
time. Although new Peking operas in the capital touched on ideas about
social progress, modern education, the equality of men and women, and
so on, they were still within political boundaries acceptable to the Qing
state. In Shanghai, however, which had enjoyed the protection of the
Foreign Settlements for half a century, radical Peking operas presented a
direct challenge to the regime.
In Peking, Madame Huixing (Huixing nüshi 惠興女士) was performed
by a leading actor and head of the actors’ guild, Tian Jiyun. It was based
on a true story, recorded in Crossley’s Orphan Warriors: “At Hangzhou, a
widow of a G walgiya lineage, and possibly a distant relative of Jinliang [a
descendant of the garrison in Hangzhou], named Huixing rented a house
in a tiny alley in the eastern part of the garrison and started a ‘practical
literacy school for girls’ in 1904. Her teaching was successful but within a
year her funds had run out. She appealed to the general-in-chief Ruixing
for aid. He refused, and in a protest suicide Huixing drank poison. Her
note: ‘When the goose is gone the echo of its call remains, when the
body is gone, the reputation remains. I take no pleasure in dying; but
there is no choice!’”16 This information is extracted from official local
gazetteers, but what was recorded there was quite different from the
whole story. The Shenbao published her entire suicide note in a news
item titled Madame Huixing Sacrificed her Life for Women’s Education.
“Madame Huixing of Hangzhou was a daughter of the late Assistant
Commander (xieling 協領 ), 17 Kunpu 崑璞 . She was the wife of the
supplementary student (fusheng 附生)18 Jishan 吉山. She became a widow
at the age of nineteen and maintained her chaste widowhood. After
reading the Exhortation to Study (Quanxuepian 勸學篇) of Zhang Zhidong
張之洞 [1837–1909], she became very keen on promoting education for
women … She died at the age of 35 and left a sixteen-year-old son, her
only child, who was born after her husband had died.”
The Shenbao then gave the text of Huixing’s suicide note.
Dear students: It has not been easy to found this school. I know myself that I lack
strength and ability. In the beginning I wanted to encourage capable people, like
Madame Feng, Madame Bo, and Madame Zhe. I had such enthusiasm in
undertaking this duty, but I did not imagine that these ladies would regard me as
a busybody. But I am not a busybody. The present situation is such that we must
reform. The Han Chinese have been reforming their education system. In a few
years’ time, you will see the difference from now. If you don’t believe it, just think
what it was like five or six years ago, and what it has been like over the past couple
of years. If I die now, it is to seek long-term financial support so that you can
continue to attend school. I hope that you will follow the principles of loyalty,
filial piety, chastity, and righteousness. You must be useful to the world. Although
I am now laying down my life, it is not a short-sighted decision. This is a
convention practiced from ancient times. It is called the supreme sacrifice. It is
done to accomplish a mission. For example, if you seek the protection of the
spirits in times of illness, when you get better, you must buy incense and candles
to express your gratitude.
Now the school has been established, it is like an illness being cured. Thanks
must be expressed. A girls’ school is like a patient. A request for long-term financial
support is like a prescription. If the request is met, it is like a cure. I had intended to
take my life during the eighth month. But at that time, because of lack of funds,
there was no money to pay teachers. So I just had to cope for the time being. I have
some faults, and I have offended almost all of you. I hope you will take pity on me.
If you do not hold a grudge against me, I will not have died in vain. You need not
weep for me, just follow my advice. Serve and respect the teachers, obey their
instructions, and it will serve you well. Only compete with outsiders; do not engage
in infighting within the banners, or you will be laughed at by outsiders. I have used
so many words to pour out the bitterness in my heart, but words cannot express it.
The 23rd day of the 11th month.19
In Peking, a memorial service in her honour was held in the

residence of Prince Su.20 Many schools and organisations throughout
China held similar services or fundraising activities to support Huixing’s
school. Sixteen girls’ schools and one boys’ school sent delegations to the
memorial service in the residence of Prince Su to pay their respects.21 A
playwright in Peking, Jia Runtian 賈潤田, wrote a script for an opera
based on Huixing’s story. The social activist Tian Jinyun, as a dan,
performed Huixing himself. Tian had the support of Tan Xinpei, and
both of them organised a fund raising performance. After three
Conclusion 265
performances of Madame Huixing, they were able to raise three thousand

taels of silver for the school.22
For those Manchu aristocratic women of the family of Prince Su,
who were also involved in women’s education, or, more precisely, in
establishing schools in their residences for girls of their families, Huixing
shared the same sense of mission. The suicide note clearly shows that
Huixing had a strong sense of “us” and “others,” a reflection of the
continued rivalry between Manchu and Han, even in the cause of
modernisation. In the first issue of the Bulletin of the Huixing School for
Women (Huixing nüxuebao 惠興女學報), Huixing’s successor, a company
commander of the White Banner in the garrison in Hangzhou named
Guilin 貴林, who had been a supporter of Huixing, made the point that
“Because a certain girls’ school announced they would not accept Manchu
girls, Huixing vowed to establish the Zhenwen 貞文 school.”23
To the Han Chinese, racial tension, although clearly indicated in the
Shenbao report, was ignored, either deliberately or inadvertently. In some
reports, Huixing’s racial background was omitted. 24 The event was
reported in such a way that Huixing’s story became part of the reform
effort in education, in particular woman’s education. Chinese literati in
Shanghai and actors in Peking portrayed Huixing as a heroic martyr in a
time of national crisis, without any reference to the ethnic undercurrent
of her actions.25
Such ambiguity reflects the subtle attitude of the Han Chinese before
the fall of the Qing. Divisions along racial lines were something they
preferred not to notice. This was, of course, in striking contrast with the
strategies of the revolutionaries to stir up public emotion on the basis of
race. A few years later, when Yan Fu 嚴復 (1854–1921) wrote the words
of the Qing National Anthem, he used the word tongpao 同袍 to refer to
people of the entire empire. Tongpao is an allusion from the Shijing 詩經
26
and was a common term in traditional China for sharing the same
goals and loyalties. The Qing emperor was not, by definition, a Han
Chinese, and tongpao was chosen deliberately in order to avoid any racial
connotations. In later versions of this anthem, reproduced after the 1911
revolution, many scholarly works and popular versions changed tongpao
to tongbao 同胞 , which does have r a cial connotations. 27 This
terminological shift reflects the dominant position of the Han Chinese in
the twentieth century, in contrast to the caution and delicate position of
the Han Chinese before the 1911 revolution.28
Manchu actors and revolutionaries

There are several examples of Manchu actors who joined the Han Chinese
revolutionaries and became involved in the production of the new
politicised Peking Opera. In Shanghai, a reform activist and a high-profile
actor Wang Xiaonong, who was Manchu, compiled many new Peking
operas with contemporary references which were based on kun dramas.
After the Hundred Days’ Reform, on hearing the news of six
reformists being publicly executed, he wrote a poem. “They looked up to
heaven and laughed; I sing my song instead of crying.” He then adapted
a drama script by Qiu Yuan 丘園（邱園）of the early Qing into a Peking
opera, The Conspirators’ Stele (Dangren bei 黨人碑). The story was based
on an historical incident during the Northern Song. The powerful and
corrupt prime minister Cai Jing 蔡京 (1047–1126) set up a stele listing
the names of more than three hundred of his political opponents, as a
public humiliation. These included Su Dongpo 蘇東坡 (1037–1101) and
Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086). Historically, the following year, under
pressure from public anger, the emperor, Huizong, ordered that the stele
be destroyed. In the opera, however, a drunken scholar passing by is so
outraged that he breaks the stele into pieces. When Cai Jing hears this
news, he orders his arrest. With the help of friends, the scholar escapes
from the capital to safety. This opera was first performed in 1901 in
Shanghai, with Wang Xiaonong playing the drunken scholar.
The implied comparison with the reformers and their enemies was
so obvious that this opera was not performed in Peking until after the
fall of the dynasty. One of Wang’s political operas was on Poland losing
its sovereignty, in which one character gives a long speech condemning
the government, clearly aimed at the Qing court.29 Though such operas
might be artistically unrefined and short-lived, they certainly reflected
the mood of the times. The audience responded strongly, and Wang
Xiaonong became famous and highly respected. His political activities
and the people with whom he closely associated, professionally or
socially, indicate that he was a revolutionary rather than a progressive
Manchu reformist. He was also involved in the production of a
revolutionary journal, The Great Stage of the Twentieth Century (Ershi
shiji dawutai 二十世紀大舞台) which he and a few friends established in
1904. The journal is recognised as “the first publication dedicated to
Conclusion 267
dramatic reform” and was also a platform for Chinese radicals to publish
anti-Manchu articles.30
The development of Peking Opera in the nineteenth century came
about through the interaction of different classes. In the early twentieth
century, regional influences, such as the cultural differences between
Peking and Shanghai, became more prominent. The distinctive feature of
twentieth-century Peking Opera was its wide range of new productions
and its more daring experimental approach. Artistically successful or not,
it did reflect the trend at the time, when social reform was such a
pressing issue. Peking Opera was more than entertainment; it became a
participant in social change.
Notes
1 When both kunqu and Peking Opera were both on the program, the audi-
ence used the occasion of the kun performance to go to the toilet. A vulgar
but common name for kun drama was cheqianzi 車前子, a Chinese herbal
laxative. See Xu Ke 徐珂, Qingbai leichao 清稗類鈔 (Miscellanous historical
comments on the Qing arranged in categories), 13 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua
shuju, 1986, vol. 2, p. 5014.
2 “What we call Peking Opera is a modern construction: its parameters,
performance, and disseminations were greatly affected by the conditions of
colonial modernity.” Goldstein, Drama Kings, p. 3.
3 Ding Ruqin, Qingdai neiting yanxi shihua, p. 77.
4 Huang Ke 黃克 and Yang Lianqi 楊連啟, eds., Qinggong xichu renwu hua 清宮
戲出人物畫 (Drawings of characters appearing in dramas in the Qing court),
shang ce, Shijiazhuang: Huashan wenyi chubanshe, 2005, pp. 15–17.
5 Idema, “Three-tiered Stage,” pp. 204–205.
7 Hu Shaoming et al., eds., Jindai Shanghai xiqu xinian chubian, pp. 135–136.
In 1898, another Peking opera based on the battles between the Taiping and
the Qing armies, The Hunan Army Pacifies the Rebellion (Xiangjun pingni ji
湘軍平逆記) also used real weapons on the stage. See Hu Shaoming et al.
eds. Jindai Shanghai xiqu xinian chubian, p. 149.
8 In Goldstein’s study, the “use of emotive singing and acrobatic fight scenes”
is seen as part of a new experiment in artistic variation. See Goldstein,
Drama Kings, pp. 90–95; 103. However, these “innovations” did have their
historical roots.
9 Cf. Millward, Beyond the Pass, p. 250. “It is a well-known aspect of China’s
modern history that Han Chinese officials, commanding new provincial
Chinese armies, successfully repressed the Taiping and other rebellions in
China proper and thereafter exercised increasing influence on Qing domestic
and foreign affairs. There was a less well known but parallel process
underway, however, on the peripheries of the Qing empire. Han colonization
and implementation of Chinese-style administration in the frontier regions,
from Xinjiang, Mongolia, Manchuria and Taiwan became the standard
dynastic policy as foreign pressures mounted in the latter half of the
nineteenth century.… The new officials in charge of these jurisdictions
included many Han as well as Manchus — indeed, until after the fall of the
Qing, the Xinjiang governors were, with one exception, all Han.”
10 Edward J. M. Rhoads, Manchus & Han — Ethnic Relations and Political
Power in Late Qing and Early Republican China, 1861–1928, Seattle and
London: University of Washington Press, 2000, pp. 70–120.
11 Qi Rushan, “Tan sijue,” pp. 132–133.
12 She did indeed gain some Western admirers. An example was Katherine Carl
(d. 1938), who painted her portrait for the St. Louis Exposition of 1904. See
Katherine A. Carl, With the Empress Dowager of China, New York: Century,
1905; London: E. Nash, 1907; reprinted London and New York: KPI, 1986.
13 The drama script in the Palace library only indicates that the original version
is from the Nanfu, which covers the period of Kangxi to Daoguang.
However, judging by its style, it is more than likely a product of the Qian-
long period.
14 This is an allusion from the Guoyu 國語 (Discourses of the states): When
Zhou Mu Wang conquered the tribes of the quan 畎 and the 戎 rong, he
brought back four white wolves and a deer. See also the Biography of the
Xiongnu 匈奴傳 (Xiongnu zhuan) in Hanshu 漢書, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
1982, vol. 11, p. 3744.
15 Kunyi kaichang chengyingxi 崑弋開場承應戲 (Kun and yi opening perfor-
mances), in Gugong zhenben congkan, vol. 662. Ed. Gugong bowuyuan 故宮
博物院. Haikou: Hainan chubanshe, 2001, pp. 290–291.
16 Cf. Pamela Kyle Crossley, Orphan Warriors: Three Manchu Generations and
the End of the Qing World, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990, pp.
195–196, p. 272, note 71: “Together with the provincial governor Zhang
Zengyang (who the next year would order the execution of Qiu Jin), he
memorialized the court on Huixing’s behalf, and she was posthumously titled
‘Pure heart, resolute effort (zhen xin yi li)’. The people of the Hangzhou
Conclusion 269
community contributed the money necessary to continue the school … In

1906 the Huixing School for Women (Huixing nü xuetang) was opened by
the garrison community … The Huixing School was renamed the Huixing
Girls High School in 1949 and in 1956 was merged with another school to
form the present Hangzhou Number Eleven Middle School.”
17 The rank of xieling (assistant commander), who was in charge of provincial
forces, was superior to that of the garrison commandant in the hierarchy of
provincial bannermen. See Li Hongwei, ed., Han-Ying Ming Qing lishi
dang’an cidian, p. 210.
18 Candidates for the provincial examinations who had been certified in prelim-
inary examinations by the provincial education commissioners.
19 Shenbao, 30 December 1905: “眾學生鋻：愚為首創之人，並非容易。自知力弱無
能，初意在鼓動能事之人，如三太太鳳老太太，柏哲二位少奶奶。以熱心創此義
務，誰知這幾位都嫌我好事。唉，我並非好事，實因現在的時勢，正是變法改良的
時候。你們看漢人創興學務，再過幾年，就與此時不同了。你們不相信，自己想
想，五六年前是怎樣，這兩年是怎樣啊？我今以死，替你們求領長年經費，使你們
常常在一嗽上學。但願你們都依著忠孝節義四字行事，萬於世界有益。我今雖然捐
生，這不叫短見，這是古時定下的規矩，名叫盡犧牲，是為所興的事求其成功。譬
如為病求神保佑，病好之後，必買香燭還願。如今學堂成了，就如同病好了，這個
願一定是要還的。女學堂如病人，求常年經費的稟，如同病方。呈准了稟，如同病
好了。我八月閒，就要死的，因為經費沒定準，沒錢請先生，只得暫且支吾。我有
些過失，幾乎把你們都得罪了。望你們可憐我些，不記恨我，則我雖死如生矣。你
們不必哭我，只要聽我一言，以後好好事奉先生，聽先生教訓，總有益身的。與外
人爭氣，不要與同部人爭意氣，被外人笑話。話長心苦，不盡所言。十一月二十三。”
20 Prince Su, Shanqi 善耆, was a descendent of Haoge 豪格, the oldest son of
Huangtaiji 皇太極. Haoge was designated the first Prince Su in 1636 for his
military achievements. Shanqi was the ninth Prince Su, and the last one. For
details about Haoge and a brief introduction to Shanqi, see Hummel,
Eminent Chinese, pp. 280–281. According to Shanqi’s grandson, Aisin-Gioro
Lianjing, Shanqi was the tenth-generation descendant of Prince Su, not the
ninth. See Aisin-Gioro Lianjing 愛新覺羅．連經 (Jin Lianjing 金連經), in Jiang
Yanwei and Sui Hongyao, eds., Aixinjueluo shi de houyimen, pp. 284–291, on p.
285. Shanqi was the biological father of the Japanese agent Kawashima
Yoshiko 川島芳子 (1906-1948), whose Chinese name was Jin Bihui 金璧輝.
Her adoption by a Japanese r nin, Kawashima Naniwa 川島浪速 (1865–1949),
was arranged by Prince Su for political purposes. Prince Su and his two
brothers, Shanyu 善豫 (popularly known as Shan Erye 善二爺) and Shanjing
善旌 (Shan Siye 善四爺) were active Peking Opera connoisseurs and had their
own private opera troupe. See Zhongguo renmin zhengzhi xieshang huiyi
Beijingshi weiyuanhui wenshi ziliao yanjiu weiyuanhui, ed., Jingju tanwang lu,
xubian, pp. 125–126.
21 Isaac Taylor Headland (1859–1942), an American missionary, came to Peking
in 1888. He later became a professor at Peking University. His wife was a
physician and had many encounters with Manchu aristocrats and the court.
She was invited to attend Huixing’s memorial service at Prince Su’s residence.
The following is her account: “A lady of Hang Chou, finding it impossible to
secure sufficient money by ordinary methods for the support of a school
that she had established, cut a deep gash in her arm and then sat in the
temple court during the day of the fair, with a board beside her on which
was inscribed the explanation of her unusual conduct. This brought her in
some three hundred ounces of silver with which she provided for her school
the first year. When it was exhausted and she could get no more, she wrote
letters to the officials of her province, in which she asked for subscriptions
and urged the importance of female education, to which she said she was
willing to give her life. To her appeal the officials paid no heed, and she
finally wrote other letters renewing her request for help to establish the
school, after which she committed suicide. The letters were sent, and later
published in the local and general newspapers. Memorial services were held
in various parts of the empire at all of which funds were gathered not only
for her school but for establishing other schools throughout the provinces.
The school of the Third Princess at which this service was held was
profusely decorated. Chinese flags floated over the gates and doorways.
Beautifully written scrolls, telling the reason for the service and lauding the
virtues of the lady, covered the walls of the schoolroom. At the second
entrance there was a table at which sat a scribe who took our name and
address and gave us a copy of the ‘order of exercises.’ Here we were met by
the Third Princess, who conducted us into the main hall. Opposite the
doorway was hung a portrait of the lady, wreathed in artificial flowers, and
painted by a Chinese artist. A table stood before it on which was a plate of
fragrant quinces, candles, and burning incense, giving it the appearance of a
shrine. Pots of flowers were arranged about the room, which was unusually
clean and beautiful. The Chinese guests bowed three times before the picture
on entering the room, which I thought a very pretty ceremony. The girls of
this school, to the number of about sixty, appeared in blue uniform,
curtseying to the guests. Sixteen other girls’ schools of Peking were
represented either by teachers or pupils or both. One of the boys’ schools
Conclusion 271
came en masse, dressed in military uniform, led by a band, and a drillmaster

with a sword dangling at his side. Addresses were made by both ladies and
gentlemen, chief among whom were the Third Princess and the editress of
the Woman’ Daily Newspaper, the only woman’s daily at that time in the
world, who urged the importance of the establishment and endowment or
schools for the education of girls throughout the empire.” See Issac Taylor
Headland, Court Life in China: The Capital, Its Officials and People, second
edition, New York, Chicago, Toronto, London, and Edinburgh: Fleming H.
Revell Company, 1909, pp. 223–225.
22 Jing Guxue 景孤血, “You sida huiban shidai kaishi dao jiefang qian de jingju
bianyan xinxi gaikuang” 由四大徽班時代開始到解放前的京劇編演新戲概況
(General description of the development of new Peking Opera from the
period of the four Anhui troupes to the eve of liberation), in Zhongguo
renmin zhengzhi xieshang huiyi Beijingshi weiyuanhui wenshi ziliao yanjiu
weiyuanhui, ed., Jingju tanwanglu, pp. 526–556, on p. 535.
23 Xia Xiaohong 夏曉虹, Wan Qing nüxing yu jindai Zhongguo 晚清女性與近代中
國 (Women in the late Qing and early modern China), Beijing: Beijing daxue
24 Xia Xiaohong, Wan Qing nüxing, p. 229.
25 Madame Huixing was performed for only a short period, and it did not
become part of the repertoire. Even some Peking Opera experts are not clear
about what it was about. Wang Zhizhang mixed up Huixing with Qiu Jin 秋
瑾 (1875–1907), the female revolutionary hero executed by the Qing govern-
ment in 1907. See Wang Zhizhang, Jingju biannianshi, xia ce, p. 874.
26 “How shall it be said that you have no clothes? I will share my long robes
with you (yu zi tong pao). The king is raising his forces; I will prepare my
lance and spear, and will be your comrade.” Legge, Chinese Classics, vol. IV
(Shijing), The Odes of Qin: Wu yi, pp. 201–202. Legge commented: “The
people of Ts’in declare their readiness, and stimulate one another, to fight in
the king’s cause. I can get no other meaning but the above out of this
perplexing piece.”
27 Cf. Sun Zhendong 孫鎮東, Guoqi guoge guohua shihua 國旗國歌國花史話 (The
history of our national flag, national anthem, and national flower), Taipei:
Zhang Qinghuang; Zhuanji wenxue zazhishe, 1986, p. 12; Ye Xiaoqing 葉小青
(not the author of this book), “Da Qing guo de guoge” 大清國的國歌 (The
national anthem of the Qing dynasty), Xungen 尋根 3 (2006), pp. 90–91.
Even the National People’s Congress website writes tongbao for tongpao.
Matthews’ Chinese-English Dictionary defines tongpao as “fellow soldier,
comrade,” and Lin Yutang’s Chinese English Dictionary of Modern Usage gives
the definition “soldiers in the same army,” but it is no longer part of the
vocabulary of modern Chinese as it is used in mainland China. It is not
in the standard Xiandai Hanyu Cidian 現代漢語詞典 (Modern Chinese
dictionary). It is sometimes used in Taiwan and Hong Kong.
28 For more details on the Qing national anthem, see Ye Xiaoqing and Lance
Eccles, “Anthem for a Dying Dynasty — The Qing National Anthem through
the Eyes of a Court Musician,” T’oung Pao, 93 (2007), pp. 433–458.
29 Wang Zhizhang, Jingju biannianshi, xia ce, pp. 942–943; Beijingshi yishu
yanjiusuo and Shanghai yishu yanjiusuo, eds., Zhongguo jingju shi, shang
juan, pp. 434–438; Goldstein, Drama Kings, pp. 95–97.
30 Goldstein, Drama Kings, p. 99.
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Index
Operas and other works Arhats Crossing the Sea, 62, 89, 92, 122
n. 117, 123 n. 119
(English) Arriving at Yingzhou, 109 n. 14, n. 15
A Banquet to Celebrate a Thousand
Ascendant Peace, 66
Springs, 67
Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas, 1, 87,
A Beauty Appears in a Dream, 76 89, 91, 96–97, 199–200
A Blind Man Watching the Lantern Auspicious Stars Fill the Household, 64
Festival, 61 Autumn in the Palace of the Han, 2
A Family Celebrates the New Year by
Playing the Game of Hide the Hook, Beautiful Women Imploring Ingeniousness,
75 69
A Family of Luoyang is Presented with the Biography of Chu Liang, 109 n. 14
Pill of Immortality, 73 Buddha Transformed into a Golden Body,
A Fishman Talks about Happiness, 68 68
A Hundred Children Presenting Good Buddha’s Decree on Saving (or,
Wishes, 63 Redeeming) the Demon, 8, 71, 101
A Hundred Flower Fairies Present Burning Seven Hundred li of Barracks,
Longevity Presents, 67 127 n. 172 (see also: Connected
A Presentation to the Jiaqing Emperor on Barracks)
the Victory Over and Extermination
of Heterodox Teachings, 78 Cao Cao’s Capture and Release, 141
A Thousand Pieces of Gold, 193, 208 Caught in Adultery, 211
Adding Length to the Coloured Thread, 59 Composing Poems to Appreciate Snow, 66
All Fortunes Reach the House of Shun, (see also: Duixue tishi)
262 Congratulations to the Court in Early
All the Constellations Come from Afar, 64 Spring, 66
An Immortal Releases Storks, 73 Connected Barracks, 105, 127 n. 172 (see
Analects, 77 also: Burning Seven Hundred li of
Annals of the Tripartite Division, 98–99, Barracks)
101, 227
Appointment with Flower Fairies, 76 Double Stars Celebrating, 64
Appreciating Chrysanthemums at Jiuhua Dragon and the Phoenix Present Their
Mountain, 72 Good Wishes, 63
304 Index
Drama for the Imperial Chariot Returning Illustrations of the Regular Tribute States
to the Palace, 65 of the Qing Empire, 87
Drama for the Imperial Tour of Inspection, Immortals and Sages Celebrating the
64–65 Lantern Festival, 120 n. 97
Dramas provided for the Imperial Tour of Interlocking Stratagems, 41
Inspection of Wutai Mountain, 121
n. 103 (see also: Glowing Clouds in Jade Portrait of Loyalty and Righteousness,
an Azure Sky) 98–99, 200
Jia Dao Offers Sacrifice to the Muses, 75
Eight Rows of Men Dance in the Court- Jianwen Dies for His Country, 210
yard of Yu, 77, 78, 80, 95, 199 Jingde Fishing, 60
Eighteen Scholars Arrive at Yingzhou, 109
n. 14 Lü Mengzheng Makes a Sacrifice to the
Exhortation to Study, 263 Kitchen God, 74–75
Expelling Evil and Welcoming the Festival,
68 Making a Report in the Golden Pavilion,
Expounding the Way and Exorcising Evil, 75
68, 107 n. 4, 211 Many Beauties Dance like Flying Rosy
Clouds, 72
Female Generals of the Yang Family, 98, May the Benevolent Cloud Protect Him
100–101, 262 Forever, 64
Flowers on the Sea, 233 Mulian Saves his Mother, 99
Forced to Leave the Palace, 210 Music on the Achievement of a Victory, 65
Fortune, Wealth, and Longevity, 89
Four Books, 131 New Songs to Welcome the Imperial
Chariot, 84
Gatherings of Foreign Kings, 87 Noble Moral Integrity Praised, 67
Glowing Clouds in an Azure Sky, 121 North-China Herald, 161
n. 103, 123 n.120 (see also: Dramas
provided for the Imperial Tour of Obtaining Auspiciousness in Hunting, 80
Inspection of Wutai Mountain) Offering a Dance and Raising a Goblet,
Golden Lotuses Rising from the Earth, 89, 80
119
Golden Rules for Promoting Virtue, 98, 99 Palace Flowers Radiating Happiness, 61
Good Fortune Bestowed, 75 People’s Daily, 168
Granting Joy and Fortune, 74 Pepper Flowers Presented at the New Year,
61
Hanging Lanterns in Anticipation, 66 Praising Willow Catkins at the Xie Family
Health and Prosperity Year after Year, 85 Courtyard, 75
Heaven Grants Great Peace, 198 Presenting Lingzhi to Aid Longevity, 63
Hitting the Flour Vat, 211 Presenting the Rainbow Garment Dance,
71
Index 305
Receiving Many Good Fortunes, 61 The Conspirators’ Stele, 266

Recollections of Mianshan, 67 The Cross-shaped Slope, 61
Record of Flower Boats of Yangzhou, 185, The Demon King Responds to Buddha, 8,
195–196 71, 101
Red Gate Temple, 189–190 (see also: The The Double Nail Murder, 212
Temple of the Red Gate) The Eighteen Scholars of Yingzhou, 59, 84
Retribution of lightning from Heaven, 104 The Embroidered Coat, 145
Retribution of Thunder and Lightning, 8, The Empress gathers Mulberry Leaves, 49
103 n. 48
Righteousness Leads to Immortality, 68 The Female Locusts Offer their Congratu-
Rites of Zhou, 77, 82 lations, 63
The Floating Fragrance of Osmanthus, 71
Sacred Mother Who Loved Music, 150 The Fourth Son Visits his Mother, 262
Searching the Mountain and Opening the The Gathering of Buddha and the
Carts, 210 Immortals, 63
Selling Rouge, 212 The Gathering of Foreign Kings under
Sending La Gruel to Gushan Mountain, Ascendant Peace, 80, 86–87, 135
73 The General of the Imperial Insignia
Sermons of the Sixth Patriarch, 68 Inspects the Arrow, 59
Seven Times She Weaves, and Silk is The Gods of Happiness of the Five
Woven, 69 Locations Congratulate the Emperor,
Sketches of Foreign Kings, 122 n. 111 60
Song of the Panchen Erdeni, 83 The Golden Bird, 208 (see also: The Story
Sounds of the Five Regions, 224 of the Golden Sparrow)
Spirits Clearing the Way for the Imperial The Great Stage of the Twentieth Century,
Chariot, 65 266
Suite to Celebrate the Peace, 82 The Hegemon Bids Farewell To His
Suite to Control and Pacify, 82 Concubine, 193
The Hunan Army Pacifies the Rebellion,
Taihe Reports the Best, 74 267 n. 7
Tales of the Northern Song, 100 The Hundred Creatures Express Their
Ten Thousand Envoys Come to Pay Devotion, 84
Tribute, 86 The Immortals Come to the Gathering, 66
Ten Thousand Good Fortunes Come The Immortals Wish Longevity, 84
Together, 61 The Journey to the West, 17, 98, 188
Ten Thousand States Cheer Loftily, 84–85 The Love of the Lotus, 28
Ten Thousand States Come to Pay Tribute, The Mirror of Evil, 2
84, 87 The Pacification of Tanzhou, 217 n. 74
The Ancient Custom of Releasing Life, 60 The Palace of Brahma, 156
The Arrival of the Three Stars of Fortune, The Peony Pavilion, 156
Wealth and Longevity, 75 The Precious Raft for a Peaceful Era,
The Chief Minister of the Imperial Stud 98–99
Explains the Rites, 59 The Precious Raft of Ascendant Peace, 120
306 Index
n. 97 Zheng Dan Beats His Son, 145

The Prefect of Jiangzhou Presents Wine,
72, 120 n. 97 (Pinyin)
The Rainbow Garment Dance, 220 Baihuan xianshou (see: A Hundred Flower
The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, 98, Fairies Present Longevity Presents)
101, 103, 227 Bailing xiaorui (see: The Hundred
The Scabbard of Heaven and Earth, Creatures Express Their Devotion)
189–190 Baizi chengxiang (see: A Hundred
The Sea Must Not Cause Waves, 85, 87 Children Presenting Good Wishes)
The Sea Tide Pearl, 212 Bawang bie ji (see: The Hegemon Bids
The Star of Longevity Goes Hunting, 81 Farewell To His Concubine)
The Stars Surround and Protect, 65 Bayi wu yuting (see: Eight Rows of Men
The Story of a Thousand Pieces of Gold, Dance in the Courtyard of Yu)
193 Beisong yanyi (see: Tales of the Northern
The Story of Planting Jade, 193 Song)
The Story of the Golden Sparrow, 193 (see Bigong (see: Forced to Leave the Palace)
also: The Golden Bird) Bitian xiaoxia (see: Glowing Clouds in an
The Story of the Singing Phoenix, 193 Azure Sky; see also: Xunxing Wutai
The Tale of a Tattered Cave Dwelling, 74, chengying)
114 n. 60
The Temple of the Red Gate, 207–208 (see Caixian tianchang (see: Adding Length to
also: Red Gate Temple) the Coloured Thread)
The Water Margin, 98 Canggou jiaqing (see: A Family Celebrates
The Wen Family Celebrates the New Year, 60 the New Year by Playing the Game
The Western Chamber, 156 of Hide the Hook)
The Yue Family Village, 217 n. 74 Chandao chuxie (see: Expounding the Way
Titles and Explanations of Dramas and Exorcising Evil)
Presented to the Emperor, 196 Ciyun xilei (see: May the Benevolent
Torn Between Wife and Concubine, 212 Cloud Protect Him Forever)
Travelling in Shanghai in a Dream, 165
Twenty-Four Examples of Filial Piety, 226 Dajia huangong chengying (see: Drama
for the Imperial Chariot Returning to
Veritable Records, 195, 198, 203 the Palace)
Visiting the Monks in the Xiao Temple, 73 Damiangang (see: Hitting the Flour Vat)
Dangren bei (see: The Conspirators’ Stele)
Whistling Loftily at the East Fence, 72 Dangui piaoxiang (see: The Floating
Winter Grain in Early Spring, 61 Fragrance of Osmanthus)
Worthies and Immortals Offer Birthday Da Qing huidian, 23, 25, 27, 83
Wishes, 84 Deng Yingzhou (see: Arriving at
Worthies Offer Birthday Wishes, 89 Yingzhou)
Desheng yue (see: Music on the Achieve-
Yang Guifei Intoxicated by Wine, 245 ment of a Victory)
Index 307
Dingzhi chunqiu (see: Annals of the Huangqing zhigong tu (see: Illustrations of

Tripartite Division) the Regular Tribute States of the
Diyong jinlian (see: Golden Lotuses Rising Qing Empire)
from the Earth) Huoshao lianying qibaili (see: Burning
Dongli xiao’ao (see: Whistling Loftily at Seven Hundred li of Barracks; see
the East Fence) also: Lianyingzhai)
Duixue tishi (see: Composing Poems to
Appreciate Snow) Jia Dao jishi (see: Jia Dao Offers Sacrifice
to the Muses)
Ershi shiji dawutai (see: The Great Stage Jiangzhou songjiu (see: The Prefect of
of the Twentieth Century) Jiangzhou Presents Wine)
Jianwen xunguo (see: Jianwen Dies for His
Fangjie xingyin (see: Noble Moral Integrity Country)
Praised) Jiaohua xiansong (see: Pepper Flowers
Fangsheng gusu (see: The Ancient Custom Presented at the New Year)
of Releasing Life) Jiaqing tianmie xiejiao xianjie chengying
Fanwanggong (see: The Palace of Brahma) (see: A Presentation to the Jiaqing
Fo xian huiyi (see: The Gathering of Emperor on the Victory Over and
Buddha and the Immortals)
Extermination of Heterodox
Fohua jinshen (see: Buddha Transformed
Teachings)
into a Golden Body)
Jingde diaoyu (see: Jingde Fishing)
Fozhi dumo (see: Buddha’s Decree on
Jinqueji (see: The Story of the Golden
Saving [or, Redeeming] the Demon)
Sparrow; The Golden Bird)
Fu Lu Shou (see: Fortune, Wealth, and
Jincheng xiqu tijie (see: Titles and
Longevity)
Explanations of Dramas Presented to
the Emperor)
Gonghua huaxi (see: Palace Flowers
Jinting zoushi (see: Making a Report in
Radiating Happiness )
the Golden Pavilion)
Guifei zuijiu (see: Yang Guifei Intoxicated
Jinwu kan jian (see: The General of the
by Wine)
Imperial Insignia Inspects the Arrow)
Gushan song la (see: Sending La Gruel to
Jiuhua pinju (see: Appreciating Chrysan-
Gushan Mountain)
themums at Jiuhua Mountain)
Jiyao chongting (see: Auspicious Stars Fill
Hai bu yang bo (see: The Sea Must Not
Cause Waves) the Household)
Haichaozhu (see: The Sea Tide Pearl)
Hangongqiu (see: Autumn in the Palace of Lianhuantao (see: Interlocking Stratagems)
the Han) Lianyingzhai (see: Connected Barracks; see
Haishanghua (see: Flowers on the Sea) also: Huoshao lianying qibaili)
Hongmensi (see: The Temple of the Red Liesu yaolin (see: All the Constellations
Gate; Red Gate Temple) Come from Afar)
Huanghou cai sang yuezhang (see: The Liuzu jiang jing (see: Sermons of the Sixth
Empress gathers Mulberry Leaves) Patriarch)
308 Index
Longfeng chengxiang (see: Dragon and the Qingping zhi zhang (see: Suite to Celebrate
Phoenix Present Their Good Wishes) the Peace)
Luohan duhai (see: Arhats Crossing the Qixiang baozhang (see: Seven Times She
Sea) Weaves, and Silk is Woven)
Luoyang zengdan (see: A Family of Quanshan jinke (see: Golden Rules for
Luoyang is Presented with the Pill of Promoting Virtue)
Immortality) Quanxuepian (see: Exhortation to Study)
Qunxian fuhui (see: The Immortals Come
Maiyanzhi (see: Selling Rouge) to the Gathering)
Meiren rumeng (see: A Beauty Appears in Qunxian zhushou (see: The Immortals
a Dream) Wish Longevity; and Worthies Offer
Mengyou Shanghai (see: Travelling in Birthday Wishes)
Shanghai in a Dream) Qunxing gonghu (see: The Stars Surround
Mengzheng jizao (see: Lü Mengzheng and Protect)
Makes a Sacrifice to the Kitchen Quxie yingjie (see: Expelling Evil and
God) Welcoming the Festival)
Mingfengji (see: The Story of the Singing
Phoenix) Ruiying sanxing (see: The Arrival of the
Mowang da Fo (see: The Demon King Three Stars of Fortune, Wealth and
Responds to Buddha) Longevity)
Mudanting (see: The Peony Pavilion)
Mulian jiu mu (see: Mulian Saves his Sanguo yanyi (see: The Romance of the
Mother) Three Kingdoms)
Shen xiao qingbi (see: Spirits Clearing the
Niannian kangtai (see: Health and Way for the Imperial Chariot)
Prosperity Year after Year) Shenbao, 155, 158, 227, 229, 234–236,
Niejingtai (see: The Mirror of Evil) 264–265,
Nishang yuyi wu (see: The Rainbow Shengping baofa (see: The Precious Raft
Garment Dance) for a Peaceful Era; and, The Precious
Nishang xianwu (see: Presenting the Raft of Ascendant Peace)
Rainbow Garment Dance) Shiba xueshi deng Yingzhou (see: Eighteen
Scholars Arrive at Yingzhou)
Poyaoji (see: The Tale of a Tattered Cave Shijing, 63, 69, 110 n. 30, 113 n. 47, 265,
Dwelling) 271 n. 26
Shilu (see: Veritable Records)
Qianchun yanxi (see: A Banquet to Shinü qiqiao (see: Beautiful Women
Celebrate a Thousand Springs) Imploring Ingeniousness)
Qianjinji (see: A Thousand Pieces of Gold; Shizi po (see: The Cross-shaped Slope)
and The Story of a Thousand Pieces Shouxing dawei (see: The Star of
of Gold) Longevity Goes Hunting)
Qiankunqiao (see: The Scabbard of Shuangdingji (see: The Double Nail
Heaven and Earth) Murder)
Index 309
Shuangxing yongqing (see: Double Stars Wufang yuanyin (see: Sounds of the Five
Celebrating) Regions)
Shuangyaohui (see: Torn Between Wife
and Concubine) Xiangjun pingni ji (see: The Hunan Army
Shuihuzhuan (see: The Water Margin) Pacifies the Rebellion)
Shujing, 70, 94, 113 n. 48, 115 n. 66, 116 Xianweng fanghe (see: An Immortal
n. 71, 119 n. 89, 121 n. 109 Releases Storks)
Shuntian shibao, 244 Xianwu chengshang (see: Offering a Dance
Sihai shengping (see: Ascendant Peace in and Raising a Goblet)
the Four Seas) Xiaosi xunseng (see: Visiting the Monks in
Silang tanmu (see: The Fourth Son Visits the Xiao Temple)
his Mother) Xiazi guangdeng (see: A Blind Man
Siku quanshu, 43 n. 2, 197 Watching the Lantern Festival)
Siming xifu (see: Granting Joy and Xichao wuwei (see: The Gods of Happi-
Fortune) ness of the Five Locations Congratu-
Soushan dache (see: Searching the late the Emperor)
Mountain and Opening the Carts) Xieting yongxu (see: Praising Willow
Catkins at the Xie Family Courtyard)
Taihe baozui (see: Taihe Reports the Best) Xifu tongming (see: Good Fortune
Taiping shengshi (see: Ascendant Peace) Bestowed)
Taiping wanghui (see: The Gathering of Xingwei derui (see: Obtaining Auspicious-
Foreign Kings under Ascendant Peace) ness in Hunting)
Taipu chengying (see: The Chief Minister Xiuruji (see: The Embroidered Coat)
of the Imperial Stud Explains the Xixiangji (see: The Western Chamber)
Rites) Xiyin shengmu (see: Sacred Mother Who
Tian xian taiping (see: Heaven Grants Loved Music)
Great Peace) Xiyouji (see: The Journey to the West)
Tianlei bao (see: Retribution of Thunder Xuandeng yuqing (see: Hanging Lanterns
and Lightning) in Anticipation)
Tianleibao (see: Retribution of Lightning Xunxing huanluan chengying (see: Drama
from Heaven) for the Imperial Tour of Inspection)
Xunxing Wutai chengying (see: Dramas
Wanfu youtong (see: Ten Thousand Good provided for the Imperial Tour of
Fortunes Come Together) Inspection of Wutai Mountain; see
Wanghuipian (see: Gatherings of Foreign also: Bitian xiaoxia)
Kings)
Wanghuitu (see: Sketches of Foreign Kings) Yangu xinchun(see: Winter Grain in Early
Wanguo laichao (see: Ten Thousand States Spring)
Come to Pay Tribute) Yangzhou huafang lu (see: Record of
Wanguo songhu (see: Ten Thousand States Flower Boats of Yangzhou)
Cheer Loftily) Yijing, 131
Wenshi jiaqing (see: The Wen Family Yingluan xinqu (see: New Songs to
Celebrates the New Year) Welcome the Imperial Chariot)
310 Index
Yingshou duofu (see: Receiving Many Zheng ze chengxian (see: Righteousness

Good Fortunes) Leads to Immortality)
Yingzhou jiahua (see: The Eighteen Zhimei jieshou (see: Presenting Lingzhi to
Scholars of Yingzhou) Aid Longevity)
Yue jiazhuang (see: The Yue Family Zhiping zhi zhang (see: Suite to Control
Village) and Pacify)
Yuefu kaolüe, 216 n. 73 Zhongmei feixia (see: Many Beauties
Yuehui huaxian (see: Appointment with Dance like Flying Rosy Clouds)
Flower Fairies) Zhongshen qinghe yuanxiaojie (see:
Yujia yanle (see: A Fishman Talks about Immortals and Sages Celebrating the
Happiness) Lantern Festival)
Yuting jifu (see: All Fortunes Reach the Zhongsi yanqing (see: The Female Locusts
House of Shun) Offer their Congratulations)
Zhongyi xuantu (see: Jade Portrait of
Zaochun chaohe (see: Congratulations to Loyalty and Righteousness)
the Court in Early Spring) Zhongyuji (see: The Story of Planting
Zhaodai xiaoshao (see: Female Generals of Jade)
the Yang Family) Zhouli (see: Rites of Zhou)
Zhen Tanzhou (see: The Pacification of Zhoushu, 87
Tanzhou)
Zheng Dan da zi (see: Zheng Dan Beats
His Son)
Index 311
General bamboo branch rhymes, 155, 242

bangziqiang (see also: yiyangqiang), 189,
a’ge (princes), 130 222
actors, xi, 1, 3, 8–10, 26, 32, 35–36, bannermen, 10, 26, 36–37, 170 n. 33,
40–42, 58, 98, 104, 106, 123 n. 118, 102, 129, 132, 135, 176 n. 104, 177
129, 133–134, 137, 140, 142, n. 110, 146, 150–151, 154, 185,
145–148, 150–154, 156, 161, 201–203, 205–206, 209, 215 n. 58,
164–168, 172 n. 55, 176 n. 101, 178 221, 224–225, 228, 239, 246–248,
n. 115, 179 n. 139, 189–191, 197, 256 n. 120, 257 n. 128 (see also:
208, 210, 213 n. 21, 219, 221, actors; bannermen)
225–226, 228–227, 230–231, bannermen youths, 215 n. 58 (see also:
233–239, 240–242, 244–248, 249 zidi)
n. 10, 250 n. 27, 252 n. 54, 253 banner infantry, 37–38, 141, 151
n. 67, 256 n. 120, 257 n. 128, bannermen songs or chants, 4, 203, 205,
259–261, 263, 265–267 (see also: 225 (see also: zidishu)
opera performers) banquet drama, 58, 62
actors, bannermen, 10, 151, 247–248, 256 Bao Fushan, 104 (see also: Black Bao)
n. 120, 257 n. 128 (see also: Baohedian, 97
bannermen) Baoheng, 225 (see also: Xiaocha)
actors, civilian, 53 n. 98, 142 barbarian emissaries, 62
actors, commercial, 98, 129, 219 bayi, 77
actors, female, 244 (see also: dan, female; Beijing, xiii, xiv, 224 (see also: Peking;
yuehu, female; women, performers) Beiping)
actors, outside, 26, 32, 41, 53 n. 98, 133, Beiping, 212 (see also: Peking; Beijing)
140, 164 beizi (Manchu princes), 224, 249 n. 22
actors and revolutionaries, 253 n. 67, Bensi hutong, 44 n. 8
266–267 Bian Dekui, 56 n. 117, 134, 164, 170
Aisin-Gioro Chunyuan, 246 (see also: Jin n. 23, 179, n. 135
Zhongren) bianxifa (miscellaneous entertainments),
Aksu, 202, 204–205 210–212, 107 n. 4
Allied Forces, 19 (see also: Joint Forces biaowen (tributary memorials), 85, 90–93,
of the Eight Allied Powers) 121 n. 106
An Dehai, 133 binli (guest protocol or protocol rites), 2,
Anhui, 37, 160, 162, 187, 229 57, 82
Anhui drama troupes, 155, 221, 241 Birthday of the Buddha, 20, 68
Anqing, 160, 186 Black Bao, 104 (see also: Bao Fushan)
Asipattravana (the Hell of Swords), 71 Board of Civil Appointments, 144, 177
n. 108
ba neng (eight talented men), 77 Board of Music, 27, 144
Bada hutong, 232 Board of Punishments, 120 n. 96, 136,
bafangshen (gods of eight directions), 60 145, 160, 170 n. 31, n. 33, 173
Baiyunguan, 22, 66–67 n. 78, 215 n. 48, 228, 255 n. 93
bajiaogu (octagonal drum), 4, 224–225 Board of Rites, 15, 59, 142–143, 147
312 Index
Boliangtai Pavilion, 76 not distinguishable), 233

bondservant (boo-i), 10, 129, 132, 151, chaofu, 59
168 n. 2, 185, 192 chaotic playing, 208, 221 (see also:
boo-i amban, 34–35, 38 erhuang; luantan)
Bow and Arrow Longevity Stars, 80 chaqu (branch tunes), 4, 224–225
Boxers, 241 Chen Baoqu, 158
Boxer Indemnity, 170 n. 22 Chen Delin, 240, 247, 262
Boxer Uprising, 3, 65, 113 n. 46, 133, Chen Jiagu, 100
146, 172 n. 54, 239, 241, 261–262 Chen Moxiang, 177 n. 112
Britain, 88 (see also: England; Yingjili) Chen Xuefen, 177 n. 112
British, 93–95 Cheng Changgeng, 36, 37, 39, 41, 146,
British envoy, 21, 96 (see also: English 209, 227, 229, 230, 231, 247
envoys) Cheng Shaotang, 146
Buddha, 8, 60, 70–71, 73 Cheng Yanqiu, 168, 247
Buddhism, 10–11, 73, 120 n. 97, 149 Chengde, 117 n. 81
Buddhist art, 11 cheqianzi, 267 n. 1 (see also: kun drama)
Burmese music, 83 Chieh Tzŭ-t’ui, 67–68 (see also: Jie Zitui)
Chinese Assessor of the Mixed Court,
Cai Jing, 266 157, 178 n. 117, 233, 236–238, 254
Cai Qian, 96, 199, 200 n. 89
Caishikou, 131 Chonghuagong, 59–61, 76, 211
Canton Association, 154, 157, 161 Chongwenmen, 26, 36
Cantonese Native Place Association, 238 Chongwenmen Taxation Office, 26
Cao Yin, 185 chou (clowns or comedians), 69
caoben (draft script), 212 Chu Liang, 109 n. 14
Caodi, 193 chuanqi, 91, 99–101, 189, 196, 207, 229
Censorate, 37–38, 103, 151, 209 Chungui chayuan, 235
Censor of the Five Precincts, 37, 141, Chuntai banzi, 39, 234
201, 209 chuqiang, 185–186, 188, 190
censoring drama, 197 Ci’an, 141
Censorship Bureau, 186 Cijizhuang, 20
censorship campaign on drama, 181–197 Cixi, ix, 7–8, 41–42, 58, 63, 65, 69–70,
(see also: drama censorship) 72, 74, 80–81, 104–106, 112 n. 31,
ceremonial drama, 101 126 n. 162, 164–165, 131, 133, 141,
Ch’ien-lung, 96, 102 (see also: Gaozong; 153–155, 173 n. 78, 177 n. 112, 200,
Qianlong) 220, 225–227, 239–242, 246, 261–262
Chahar, 82 (see also: Empress Dowager)
chang (prostitute ), 148, 167 Commander General of the Metropolitan
Chang Ling, 79, 80 Infantry Brigade and Eight Banners,
Chang’e, 71 228
Changming, 32, 33 Commander in Charge of the Banner
Changshou, 222 Infantry, 141
changyou yiti (prostitutes and actors are Commander of the Banner Infantry, 141,
Index 313
151 210–211, 222–223, 226, 247, 261

Commander of the Nine Gates, 37 Daoguang period, 20, 26–27, 32, 36, 40,
Commander-General of the Metropolitan 58, 96–97, 129, 131, 134, 139, 205,
Infantry Brigade, 201 206, 261, 210
Commandery Prince, 33 Daoism, 22
Conferring Happiness, 74 Daoist/s, 22, 63, 65, 66, 68
Confucius, 16 Daoist, ceremony, 22, 70
Confucian, 22, 83, 85, 208 Daoist, festival, 66
Confucianism, 11, 120 n. 97 Daoist, immortal, 73
congliang (prostitute who reforms), 148, Daoist, priest, 16, 22, 68–69
211 Daoist, Temple, 66
court attire, 59, 107 n. 7 Daotai (Intendant), 165–166, 212,
Court of the Imperial Clan, 33 235–237
courtesan, 148, 155–156, 231, 233–234, Dashalar, 141, 153, 241, 255 n. 104
253 n. 64 dashao, 77, 115 n. 66 (see also: xiaoshao;
Crossley’s Orphan Warriors, 263 shaoyue)
cushi ziyi (rough idea of the meaning of Dasheng-wula, 136, 138
the characters), 213 n. 6 Davis, John Francis, 2
Cui Yugui, 133 Dawutai (The Grand Stage), 243, 266
Cuifeng’an piaofang (Kingfisher Peak daxi (grand drama), 62, 98
Monastery Troupe), 246 Daxin Street, 165
Cuiping Mountain (Cuipingshan), 212 Daxing county, 37, 144
Cultural Revolution, 53 n. 99 De Junru, 147, 246 (see also: Guo Junru)
Customs Service of Canton, 94 Dekejin, 247 (see also: Wang Xiaonong)
Delivering Anhui Noodles (Song Huimian),
Daduhe, 224 212
dagu (big drum ), 3–4, 223 Deputy Military Governor, 32–33
dagu piaofang (Dagu ticket office), 223 Deshan, 228
dan, 148, 166–168, 177 n. 112, 229, desheng ge (victory songs), 4
231–232, 262, 246–247, 262, 264 (see Devedatta, 71
also: yulang) di, 85–88, 121 n. 109
dan, male, 168, 231 Di’anmen, 140
dan, female, 229 Dianshizhai, 233
danbi (vermillon steps), 48 n. 44 dijing (earth-pits), 90
danbi dayue 24, 48 n. 44 Ding Richang, 154, 159
danbiyue, 24–25 dishen (deities of the earth), 65
Dangui, 155 Divine Land, 78–79, 89–90, 97, 199–200
Dangui Diyitai, 229, 251 n.46 (see also: (see also: shenzhou)
Osmanthus Theatre) Diyiwutai (The Number One Theatre),
Dangui Teahouse, 165 243–244
Daoguang, 7, 15, 18, 20, 25, 27, 29–34, Dong Kang, 216 n. 73
38, 53 n. 98, 58, 60–63, 79, 112 n. Dong Wen, 153, 177 n. 109
31, 131, 138–140, 150, 204–205, Dongfang Shuo, 60
314 Index
Donghuamen, 70, 102, 114 n. 51 170 n. 46, 122 n. 117, 129–142, 149,
Dongsi pailou, 44 n. 8 163, 165–166, 169 n.12, n. 15, n. 16,
Double Nine Festival, 71–72 n. 22, 23, n. 25, n. 31, 171 n. 42,
Dragon Boat race, 68 173 n. 78, 179 n. 139, 211–212, 220,
drama troupe, 3, 16, 34–37, 40, 141, 146, 226
148, 154, 165–166, 184, 189, 195, enuch, as actor, 129, 179 n. 139
203, 205–207, 209, 221, 226, 242, eunuch, chief, 7, 17, 20, 26, 29–30, 34,
244, 248 38, 40–42, 50 n. 62, 55 n. 109, 117,
drama troupe, female, 233 63, 105, 131–138, 140–141, 149–150,
dramas accompanying felicitous rites, 57 164, 166, 171
(see also: jiali) n. 43, 198, 210–211, 220, 222, 239
dramas celebrating military victories, 57 eunuch, escaped, 135–140, 170 n. 22, 171
drama censorship, 183, 186, 208, 212 n. 42
n. 5 (see also: censorship campaign eunuch, head, 6–7, 29–30, 42, 50 n. 62,
on drama) 95, 105, 131, 134–135, 138, 140, 166,
dramas for auspicious rites, 57 171 n. 43, 198, 240
dramas for routine ritual, 57 eunuch, in the Forbidden City, 129
Duan Qirui, 3 eunuch, palace, 129, 151
Duanfang, 146, 174 n. 80, 248, 257
n. 127 fachuan (the Boat of Buddha Truth), 70,
Duankang Huangtaifei, 42 114, n. 50, 214 n. 42
Duanwu (Dragon Boat Festival), 68, 107 Family Happiness (Quanjiafu), 189–190
n. 4, 211 Fan, 83
Duke Wen, 67 Fan Shishou, 54 n. 108, 201, 215 n. 48,
duomin (fallen people), 143 228
Fang Xuanling, 84
e wuyue (evil fifth month), 68 Fang Yuanling, 59
Eledengbao, 198 fanli (conventions), 99
Emperor Xiaowu, 75 fanzi toumu (sergeant of police), 152
emperor’s birthday, 48 n. 44, 58, 61 Fei Changfang, 71, 72
Empress Dowager, xiii, 8, 32, 63–64, 73, female impersonator, 148, 229, 231–232,
80, 83, 97, 103–105, 127 n. 170, 160, 262 (see also: dan)
164, 200, 226, 239, 262 female performers, 9, 168, 232, 244 (see
Empress Xiaoyi, 151 also: women, performers)
England, 90, 92–93, 117 n. 80, 124 Feng Guozhang, 3
n. 128 (see also: Britain; Yingjili) Feng Quan, 118 n. 87
English envoys, 91–92 (see also: British fengbo (wind deity), 65, 112 n. 34
envoy) Fengshen Yinde, 95
erhuang, 227, 250 n. 34 (see also: chaotic Fengtian, 205–206
playing; luantan; shipaiqiang) fengyin (seals), 73, 74
eunuch, 6–7, 9, 16, 18, 20, 26, 30, 32–33, First Historical Archives, xiii, xiv, 6, 19
41–42, 50 n. 61, n. 62, 60–62, 66, five poisonous creatures, 68
69–70, 74, 81, 86, 104–106, 113 Flower Festival, 67
Index 315
foreign delegations paying tribute, 57 Governor-General, 144

fu (office), 17, 30, 38, 241 Governor-General of Guangdong and
Fu Jun, 205 Guangxi, 94
Fu Zhifang, 248 Governor-General of Huguang, 188
Fuchang’an, 95, 153 Governor-General of Liangjiang, 19
Fuchengmen, 20, 140 Governor-General of Sichuan and
Fuchengyuan, 140, 172 n. 54 Shaanxi, 143
Fuchuangtang, 63 Governor-General of Zhili, 136, 171
Fuheng, 87, 153 n. 42
Fukang’an, 153 Grand Audience, 58
Fulong’an, 152–153, 177 n. 108 Grand Ceremony, 58
fusheng (supplementary student), 263 Grand Council, xi, 6, 97, 183, 192, 195
Fuxi, 63 grand dramas (see: daxi)
Grand Longevity Stars, 80
gaiye weiliang (respectable occupation), Grand Ministers, 21, 24, 98, 139, 203
144 Grand Minister of the Neiwufu, 141
gaihu (beggar households), 143–144, 173 Grand Sacrifice, 72, 118 n. 87
n. 66 Grand Secretariat, 198
Gao Jinglu, 137 (see also: Wang Lun) Grand Secretary, 79, 95
Gao Langting, 229 Gu Wenxing, 132
Gao Sanbian, 130 Guan Gong, 11, 65, 105
Gao Tiande, 118 n. 83 Guan Hanqing, 75, 98, 125 n. 150
gaoqiang, 189 Guangdelou, 241
Gaoqun’er, 135, 136 Guangxu, 7–8, 42, 63, 96, 104–106, 160,
Gaozong (of the Song), 5 (see also: Zhao 173 n. 78, 177 n. 112, 206, 239
Gou) Guangxu period, 25, 32, 48 n. 46, 97,
Gaozong (of the Qing), 82, 83, 203, 115 131, 134, 141, 148, 153, 165, 227,
n. 67 (see also: Qianlong; Ch’ien-lung) 256 n. 120
Ge’ertai, 143, 144 Guangzhao gongsuo, 235
gengge, 79 guanji (official prostitutes), 142
gengzi, 148 Guanlao’er, 135, 136
German soldiers, 240 guanmei (official match-making agent),
Ghost Festival, 8 234
giant turtle, 90–91, 199 Guanyin (bodhisattva), 64, 89
Golden Lad, 89–90 Guanzuo (official seats), 38
gong, 24, 188, 220 Guo Junru, 246 (see also: De Junru)
gong beaters, 34 Guo Yao, 131
Gou Wenming, 198, 118 n. 83 Gurkha, 83
Goulan hutong, 44 n. 8 Gurkha music, 83
governor of Anhui, 187 gushi (rhythm drum musician), 253 n. 67
governor of Hubei, 188 guxiu shuangsui (double spike of grain),
governor of Jiangxi, 197 224
316 Index
haipai, 261 from far away), 82

Haishang Shushisheng, 165 (see also: Sun hualian, 141, 164, 248
Yusheng) Huan Jing, 71–72
haishi (mirage), 89–90 Huang Runfu, 247–248
Hami, 48 n. 42, 204–205 Huang Wenyang, 195–196
Han, 2, 5, 9, 28–29, 57–58, 71, 87, 101, Huang Xing, 2
108 n. 8, 190, 193, 202, 246, Huang Ziyuan, 235
247–248, 261–262, 264–266, 268 Hubu (Board of Revenue), 26
n. 9 Hubu Chongwenmen Taxation Office, 50
Han Wendi, 109 n. 11 n. 60
Han Wudi, 76, 144 n. 61, 120 n. 99 Hui, 88, 210, 259
Hanjiaji, 136 Hui territories, 82
Hanjiatan, 167, 232 Huihui, 88
Hanshijie (Cold Food Festival), 67 Huishou, 36, 209
Hao Shuo, 189 Huitongguan (the principal office for
Haoge, 269 n. 20 hosting foreign envoys), 86
Headland, Isaac Taylor, 270 n. 21 Huixing, 263, 265, 270 n.21
Heavenly River, 69 Huixing, death of, 263
Huixing School for Women (Huixing nü
heheshen (five pairs of deities), 60
xuetang), 269 n.16
Heilongjiang, ix, 131, 138, 136, 155, 160
Madame Huixing (Huixing nüshi),
Hejian prefecture, 136
263–265, 271 n.25
heitou, 165
Hunan troupes, 189
Hejin, 147
Hundred Days Reform, 8, 103–104, 131,
Hengzhang, 93
266
Heshen, 2, 93, 95, 118 n. 83, 136, 166,
Hung-chou, 102
179 n. 143, 208, 222, 247
Hungry Ghost Festival, 70
Heshengshu (Bureau of Harmonious
Hunting Longevity Stars, 80
Sounds), 21–25, 48 n. 46, 144
Huo Qubing, 5
Heshengshu yamen, 23
Huqiu, 149
homosexuality, 208, 231–232
Hong Chengchou, 118 n. 87 Ili, 77–78, 136, 202, 202–205, 215 n. 58
Hong Jun, 160 Ili River, 202
Hong Sheng, 76, 98 Imperial Astronomical Bureau, 95
Hongdouguan zhu (Master of the Red Imperial Board of Astronomy, 73
Bean Studio), 226 (see also: Putong) imperial household, 33, 150–151
Hongzhan, 103 Imperial Household Department (see:
Hongzhou, 102–103, 126 n. 162 (see also: Neiwufu)
Prince He; Mo’erye) Imperial Household records, 26
Hou Junshan, 241 Imperial Prince, 33
Huagu xi (Flower Drum Song), 211 imperial rites, 2, 57
Huaining, 162, 187 Inner School, 140
huairou yuan ren (soften those who are Inspecting Censor of the South Ward,
Index 317
152 jili (auspicious rites), 2, 57

International Settlement, 161, 178 n. 117 Jin, 4, 5, 75, 98, 111, 119 n. 87, 183–184,
(see also: Shanghai, Settlement) 186, 189–190, 193–194, 207–208,
217 n. 74
Jade Maiden, 89–90 Jin Bihui, 269 n. 20 (see also: Kawashima
Jade rabbit in the moon, 71 Yoshiko)
Jehangir, 79 Jin Jurchen, 5–6, 119 n. 93, 261
Ji Changshou, 256 n. 120 Jin Jinzhong, 20
Jia Dao, 75 Jin Xiushan, 247–248
Jia Duo, 141 Jin Zhongren, 246 (see also: Aisin-Gioro
Jia Quan, 109 n. 15 Chunyuan)
Jia Runtian, 264 Jinchuan, 4, 83, 224
Jia Shifang, 22 jing (painted face), 248
jiali (felicitous rites), 2, 57, 62 (see also: jingban (troupes from the capital), 227
dramas accompanying felicitous jingben (approved scripts), 212
rites) jingju, 227 (see also: Peking Opera)
Jiang Guangda, 185, 195 Jingshan, 7, 13 n.11, 16–21, 26, 29, 42,
Jiangnan, 5, 9, 25–26, 31, 129, 150, 181, 50 n. 62, 54 n. 100, 140, 150, 198
183, 185, 191, 221 Jingshangong xixue (Jingshan Palace
Jiangnan Textile Commission, 18, 260 Drama Section), 135
Jiangsu, 93, 154, 159–160, 182–183, 187, Jingshifang (eunuch office), 141
189–190, 254 n. 89 Jingui (Golden Cassia) Theatre, 155
Jiangxi, 45 n. 16, 177 n. 112, 183, Jingzhongmiao (the guild of the drama
186–187, 189, 197 troupes in Peking), 35–41, 53 n. 99,
jianmin (mean or debased people), 8, 16, 54 n. 100, 55 n. 115, 166 –167, 209,
21, 142–143, 145–147, 166, 172 229–231
n. 64 (see also: mean person) Jingzhongmiao guanli shiwu yamen, 35,
Jianwen, 9, 142 209
jianye (debased occupations), 144 Jingzhongmiao yamen, 36–38, 40, 165, 209
Jiao Xun, 195 Jinjian, 95
Jiao Zan, 100 jinshi, 75, 120 n. 96, 141, 152–153, 177
Jiao (dragons), 85 n. 108, n. 112, 190, 195, 206, 247
jiaoben, 190 jinshi examination, 75
Jiaofangsi (Bureau of Instruction), 15–16, Jinyuanben, 100
20–21, 27, 43 n. 4, 44 n. 8, 144 jinyue yuanlai (those who are far off are
Jiaqing, 9, 15, 20, 27–30, 50 n. 65, 78–79, attracted), 78
96, 106, 146, 118 n. 83, 150–151, jiu yan, 110 n. 28
176 n. 101, 198–204, 206–207, 215 jiugong (the nine services), 79, 116 n. 71
n. 47, 214 n. 45, 222–223, 247 Jiujiang, 184, 190
Jiaqing period, 19, 27, 29, 32, 40, 61, 79, jiuli (old prohibition), 228
100, 119 n. 93, 172 n. 54, 208, 222 Joint Forces of the Eight Allied Powers, 7
mother of the Jiaqing, 150 (see also: Allied Forces)
Jie Zitui, 67–68 (see also: Chieh Tzŭ-t’ui) junli (martial rites ), 2, 76 (see also:
318 Index
martial rites) Kunpu, 263
Kang Youwei, 105 laba, 72–73

Kangxi, 3, 9, 15, 17–18, 21, 23, 27–28, Lady Liu, 111–112 n. 30
63–65, 70, 84, 94–95, 98, 105, 121 Lantern Festival, 66, 86
n. 103, 109 n. 12, 120 n. 98, Laodeji Yaopu 241
129–130, 132–133, 148–149, 169 laolaizi, 226
n. 16, 181, 219–221, 226–227, 259 Laolangmiao, 249 n. 10
(see also: Xuan) laosheng (role of old man), 39, 153, 163,
Kangxi period, 9, 16–18, 26, 52 n. 84, 229–230, 245
120 n. 96, 150, 176 n. 96, 208, lari (winter solstice), 68, 73 (see also:
223–225, 248 Winter Solstice)
Karashahr, 204–205 Left Censor, 153
Kashgar, 79, 202, 204–205 Legal Code, 8, 145, 159–161
Kawashima Naniwa, 269 n. 20 Leling county, 136
Kawashima Yoshiko, 269 n. 20 (see also: Lengxiangting (the Pavilion of Cool
Jin Bihui) Fragrance), 28
kele, 135 Li, 87
Kening’a, 187 li, 82, 118 n. 83, 159–160, 187, 214 n. 40
Khitan, 5, 216 n. 72, 261–262 Li Aiqiao, 149
Khotan, 205 Li Chunlai, 233–239, 253 n. 67
Kings of the Ten Courts of Hell, 71 Li Delu, 136
Kitchen God (zaojun), 74 Li Dexi, 131
Korean/s, 21, 62, 86, 88, 122 n. 111 Li Dou, 195–196
Korean music, 83 Li E, 84
Kou Liancai, 131 Li Hongzhang, 146, 205
kuaqiang (unwieldy tunes), 208, 221–222, Li Hu, 190–191
223 Li Jing, 195
Kucha, 204–205 Li Lianying, 131, 133, 173 n. 78
kun, 64, 81, 190, 197, 208, 210, 221–222, Li Luxi, 29–30, 34–35, 38, 40, 134–135,
225–226, 259–260, 262, 266, 267 n. 1 137–138, 171 n. 43, 210
kun drama, 197, 210, 226, 266, 267 n. 1 Li Pin, 18
(see also: cheqianzi) Li Shufang, 177 n. 108
kun troupe, 186, 247 Li Xu, 9, 148–150
kunqiang, 45 n. 16, 187–190 Li Yu, 98, 125 n. 150
kunqiang troupe, 187 Li Yongquan, 141
kunqiang chuanqi, 189 Li Zhaoguan, 18
kunqu, 18, 37, 45 n. 16, 78, 91, 147–148, Liang Dacheng, 170 n. 31
220, 222, 227, 259, 267 n. 1 Liang Jiugong, 130
kunqu troupe, 148 Liang Zhangju, 119 n. 93
Kunshan-qiang, 222 Lianghuai Salt Administration, 18, 32,
Kunming Lake, 71 221, 259
Kunninggong, 74 Lianghuai Salt Commission, 192, 195
Index 319
Lianghuai Salt Commissioner, 187 erhuang; shipaiqiang)

liangjia funü (respectable ladies), 156 (see Lugouqiao, 79
also: women, respectable) Luxi, 63, 130
liangmin (good or respectable people),
144, 160 Ma De’an, 41, 239, 240
Liangzhou, 48 n. 42 Macartney, Lord, 1–2, 21, 88, 92–93, 96,
Lianjin’en, 204 199
Liaoning, 223 Macartney, mission, 87–88, 92, 96
Libu (Board or Ministry of Rites), 16, Macartney,visit, 2, 89
22–25 man, 85, 86–88, 121 n. 109
libuji (standing section musicians), 23, 48 eight man, 86–87, 121 n. 109
n. 42 southern man, 85, 88
Lichun (Beginning of Spring), 66 Manchu, 5–6, 11, 81, 205, 207–208, 223
Lin Daiyu, 234, 253 n. 64 Manchu, actors and revolutionaries, 266
Lin Zhicao, 236, 237 Manchu, aristocrats, 57
Ling Tingkan, 195 Manchu, costume, 6
Lin Zhichao, 236 Manchu, identity, 5–6
lion dance troupes, 221 Manchu, language, 6
Manchu, shamans, 225
literary inquisition, 4, 11, 124 n. 145,
Manchuria, 268 n. 9
181–183, 190
Mantingfang Theatre, 234
Liu Baoshan, 41
manyue (birth rite), 64
Liu Bei, 105
Mao Wenlong, 207
Liu Gansan, 231
mao’erpai (performance without full
Liu Wu’er, 135
costumes, 210
Liu Yongchun, 241
mao’er xiban, 210–211, 233
Liu Yong, 188–189
Maoqindian, 169 n. 16
Liu Zhixie, 198
marriage, 1, 57, 62, 64, 74, 88, 155,
Liyuan (office overseeing drama troupes),
156–163, 262
39–40
marriage, between actors and others,
Longevity Stage, 89
156–166
longpiao (dragon ticket), 3, 223
marriage, between jianmin and liangmin,
Lou, 159
160
Lu Ban, 94
marriage, between the Ocean and the
Lu Lanfen, 234 earth, 1, 88
Lü Mengzheng, 74–75 martial rites, 57, 76 (see also: junli)
Lü Xingyua, 84 magic spells of Tibetan monks, 118 n. 83
Lu Xun, 245 Maudgalyāyana (see also: Mulian), 17, 71
Lu Yuyang, 232 mean person, 9, 160, 162–163 (see also:
Lu Zanyuan, 152 jianmin)
luantan (chaotic playing), 186, 189–190, Mei Cun, 232 (see also: Wu Weiye)
208, 221–222, 226–227, 249 n. 23, Mei Lanfang, 148, 168, 229–232, 243,
250 n. 34 (see also: chaotic playing; 245, 248
320 Index
Meixian chayuan, 233 Nanchang Street, 17

Meng Liang, 100 Nanchizi, 30
Meridian Gate, 64, 85 Nanfu, 15–21, 24–27, 29–35, 50 n. 62, 62,
mianfeng yuzhi (personally received 96, 129, 136, 138–139, 150, 164, 166,
edicts), 131 171 n. 43, 198, 219–220, 259
Mianshan, 67 Nanjing, 159
Miao, 87 nanpai (southern school of martial arts
miaogui (regulations), 36 acting), 234
Miaoshou (officer-in-charge), 36–38, 41 nao, 115 n. 68
Mid-Autumn Festival, 71, 227 (see also: naoge (cymbal music), 78–79
Moon Festival) naoge victory music, 78
Military Governor of Mukden, 32–33 National Library of China, 19
military suppression of the western National Maritime Museum, Greenwich,
regions, 95 England, 124 n. 128
Min Eyuan, 187 Neige (Grand Secretaria), 16
Ming, 4, 8, 9,16–17, 21, 23, 27–28, 36, 43 Neiwufu (Imperial Household Depart-
n. 4, 45 n. 16, 48 n. 39, 61, 82–84, ment), xiii, 6, 10, 15, 19–20, 23–26,
87, 91, 98–100, 109 n. 14, 111 n. 30, 31, 33, 35, 37–38, 40–43, 79, 97,
115 n. 69, 118 n. 85, 119 n. 94, 120
106, 129–132, 135–139, 149, 154,
n. 97, 129, 142, 162, 173 n. 65,
168 n. 2, 170 n. 22, 31, 177
182–183, 185–186, 189, 193, 207,
n. 110, 185, 241–240, 215 n. 56
220, 229, 232
new policies, 261, 263
Mingrui, 202
New Regulations for Theatres, 243
minji jiaoxi (civilian teacher), 164
New Year, 1, 48 n. 44, 58, 60–61, 66, 69,
Mixed Court, 155, 157, 163, 178 n. 117,
73, 75, 76, 86, 90, 97, 1, 107 n. 1,
233, 235–237
109 n. 14, 111, 191, 211
Mo’erye (Number Two Demon Master),
Nian Gengyao, 143, 224
102 (see also: Hong Zhou; Prince He)
Nian Xi, 142–143
Mongol, 11, 79, 80
Nian Xiyao, 224, 249 n. 20
Mongolia, 268 n. 9
night performances, 239, 241–242
Mongolian music, 82–83
Ningjin County, 136
Mongolian princes, 57, 87
Ningshou palace, 42
Moon Festival, 71 (see also: Mid-Autumn
North Everlasting Longevity Star, 80
Festival)
Mu Changshou, 40, 164–166, 247–248 Northern Circuit, 205
Mu Zhaizhi, 232
Mukden, 32, 205–206 (see also: Office of Palace Justice, 209
Shenyang) Old Men of the Five Directions, 64
Mulian, 70, 95, 98–99 (see also: opera performers, 35, 133, 142, 147, 151,
Maudgalyāyana) 154, 163, 166, 168, 233 (see also:
Muran (Mulan), 80, 117 n. 81 actors; Peking Opera performers)
Muslim Central Asian territories, 83 opera performers, female (see: dan,
Muzhang’a, 139, 147 female; yuehu, female; women,
Index 321
performers) 267, 267 n. 1, n. 2 (see also: jingju)

oral edict, 7, 111 Peking Opera performers, 168, 223 (see
osmanthus, 71 also: opera performers)
Osmanthus Theatre, 155 (see also: Peony Fairy, 67
Dangui Diyitai) piaoyou (associates of the tickets), 3,
Ouyang Xiu, 66 223–226, 247–248
Ox Herder, 69 Pingnanwang (Prince Who Pacifices The
Ox Herder and the Spinning Maid (day South), 248
of), 69 (see also: Qiqiao) Platform of the Immortals, 89, 123
n. 118
Pak Chi-wŏn, 21, 62, 122 n. 111 Portrait Department in the Grand
Palace Museum, xii Council, 87
palace ritual, 2, 57, 69, 77, 83, 96 Portugal, 93
palace ritual drama, 75, 82–83, 119 n. 94 Prefect of Songjiang, 160
Pan Caoqing, 136 Prefect Qian, 159
Pan Kunshan, 39 Prince Cheng, 176 n. 101
Pan Jinlian, 158 Prince Chun, 225
Pan Mei, 100 Prince Dun, 7, 33, 137–138
Pan village, 136
Prince Gong, 247
Pan Yucheng, 136
Prince Guo, 130
Panchen Lama, 83
Prince He, 8, 102, 126 n. 162, 151 (see
Peking, 2–4, 6–8, 12, 16–20, 28, 31, 33,
also: Hongzhou; Mo’erye)
35, 37, 40–42, 56 n. 118, 57, 65–68,
Prince Li, 206
78, 81, 92, 103, 107 n. 4, 111 n. 30,
Prince Na, 248
112 n. 33, 118 n. 87, 120 n. 94,
Prince Qing, 226
n. 98, n. 99, 121 n. 103, 123 n. 120,
Prince Su, 225–226, 246, 264–265
125 n. 157, 149, 151, 154, 165–166,
Prince Su, Shanqi, 269 n. 20
169 n. 12, 177 n. 112, 185, 208–209,
Prince Yan, 142 (see also: Yongle)
221, 223, 226–234, 239–245,
Prince Yi, 54 n. 100, 137, 226
247–248, 252 n. 50, 263–267, 269
Prince Yu, 256 n. 120
n. 21, 270 n. 21 (see also: Beijing;
Prince Zhang, 99, 136
Beiping)
Prince Zhuang, 5, 21–24, 84, 98, 133,
Peking, five precincts, 37, 141, 201, 209,
220–221, 225, 250 n. 27
221
Peking, Forbidden City, 85–86, 129, 165 Princess Hejia, 153
Peking, inner city, 23, 37, 54 n. 108, 129, prostitute, 8–9, 16, 142, 145, 148, 160,
151, 167, 201, 228 163, 166–167, 211, 232–233, 253
Peking, outer city, 37, 151, 167, 221 n. 64
Peking, Qianmen, 201, 241, 243 protocol rites (binli), 2, 57, 82
Peking, Qianmen Gate, 86, 228 Provincial Administration Commission,
Peking Opera, 37, 42, 155–156, 165, 189
167–168, 175 n. 92, 219–221, 224, Provincial Censor, 142
226–227, 245–248, 259–260, 262, Provincial Governor, 144, 187, 191, 213
322 Index
n. 19, 268 n. 16 qinqiang, 37, 184–188, 190, 208, 221–222,

Provincial Surveillance Commission, 189 229
Putian Tongqing troupe, 42 Qing, xiii, 2, 4, 6, 8, 10–11, 15–17, 20,
Putong, 226, 250 n. 30 (see also: 23, 27, 32, 34, 38, 48 n. 39, 57, 61,
Hongdouguan zhu) 73, 77, 79, 80–85, 87–89, 96–98,
Puyi, 7, 19, 42–43, 53 n. 99, 140, 225 103, 107 n. 4, 109 n. 14, 112 n. 32,
115 n. 66, 117 n. 80, 117 n. 82, 118
Qi Rushan, 46 n. 21, 53 n. 99, 54 n. 109, n. 87, 119 n. 87, n. 92, 126 n. 162,
146, 148, 176 n. 100, 223, 239, 240 129, 131, 133, 142, 146–147, 151,
Qian Baiyuan, 207 153–154, 160, 166–167, 170 n. 22,
Qian Baofeng, 248 173 n. 67, 175 n. 92, 181, 183, 195,
Qian Jinfu, 247–248 200–202, 205, 207–208, 212,
qiang qin (taking a bride by force), 161 223–225, 228, 231–232, 245,
qiankun (Heaven and Earth), 247–248, 259, 260–261, 263,
Qianliangchu (Finance or Accounts 265–266, 268 n. 9, 271 n. 25, 272
Office), 26, 131 n. 28
Qianlin, 149 Qing conquest, 202
Qianlong, 1–6, 8–11, 15, 18, 20–24, Qing court or palace, 2, 6–7, 9–11, 42,
49 n. 53, 51 n. 77, 58, 83, 87, 92,
26–28, 33, 42, 43 n. 2, 50 n. 65, 57,
94, 97, 100, 120 n. 94, 130, 170
59, 62–65, 71, 76–78, 80–81, 83–85,
n. 22, 170 n. 22, 171 n. 46, 219–220,
87–89, 91–96, 98, 101–104, 118
232, 239, 261–262, 266
n. 83, 120 n. 96, n. 98, 126 n. 162,
Qing emperor, 5, 10–11, 32, 65, 129, 181,
130, 132–135, 144–145, 150–152,
200, 226, 261, 265
170 n. 31, 176 n. 101, 177 n. 108,
Qing empire, 5, 15, 28, 88, 268 n. 9
181–183, 185–186, 188, 190–196,
Qing law, 162
199–203, 206–207, 219–222,
Qing Legal Code, 159–161, 237–239
224–225, 228, 259–262 (see also:
Qing Chunpu, 247
Ch’ien-lung; Gaozong)
Qingfengting (Clear Wind Pavilion), 104,
Qianlong period, 9, 20, 24, 26, 29, 32,
126 n. 163
36, 48 n. 46, 61, 63, 86, 97, 129,
Qingheyuan, 153–154, 173 n. 78, 241
135, 139, 150, 153–154, 181, 195,
Qingleyuan, 241
198, 208, 220, 224–225, 227, 241,
Qingming, 67
243
qingyi, 230, 246
Qianqinggong, 60, 61 Qiqiao (Imploring Ingeniousness), 69 (see
Qianqingmen, 65 also: Ox Herder and the Spinning
qianqiu (birthday celebrations of the Maid; Spinning Maid)
empress and the consorts), 63 Qiu Chuji, 66
Qianqiujie (Thousand Autumns Festival), Qiu Jin, 2, 271 n. 25
61 Qiu Lian, 84
Qida, 135 Qiu Lianggong, 200
Qigong, 151, 126 n. 162 Qiu Yuan, 266
qin, 190, 221 qixiang (seven stages), 69
Index 323
Qu Yuan, 68 Senggerinchin (Senggelinqin), 80

Quande, 183–185, 187, 191–195 servant, 9, 69, 74, 99, 113 n. 46, 137,
Quanzi, 246 (see also: Xue Junting) 147, 152–154, 168 n. 2, 177 n. 108
Qufu, 85 (see also: slave)
quyi, 4 bondservant (see: boo-i)
quyu, 210 servant, as deferential language, 31,
187–190
Records of Abscondment, 136 Shaanxi, 9, 142–143
Reform Movement, 104 shamanic ritual musical instruments, 250
Rehe, 1, 19, 21, 26, 28, 35, 41, 47 n 31, n. 26
57, 62, 83, 92, 126 n. 162, 129, 153, shami (Buddhist novice), 73
198–200, 217 n. 74 shan zhengyue (good first month), 68
Republic, China as, 42, 148, 167–168, 170 Shandong, 78, 136, 168, 177 n. 112
n. 22, 212, 216 n. 73, 242, 245, 248 shang, 24, 188, 220
Republican municipal police, 243 Shang Fuxia, 248
Revised Statutes of Punishments, 139 Shang Kexi, 248
revolution of 1911, 7, 239, 265 Shang Xiaoyun, 247–248
ritual drama, 2, 6, 8, 57–58, 69, 75, 77, Shanghai, 40, 154–156, 158, 160–161,
82–84, 88–89, 91, 95–96, 98, 107 163–166, 175 n. 92, 178 n. 117, 212,
n. 4, 119–120 n. 94, 125 n. 147, 227, 229–231, 233–237, 239, 241,
210, 260 243, 247, 251 n. 43, 252 n. 50, 253
rong, 85–88, 121 n. 109, 268 n. 14 n. 67, 261, 263, 265–267
six rong, 86–87 Shanghai, county, 157, 159–160
Rong Diexian, 248 Shanghai, Settlement, 163, 175 n. 92, 233,
Ruan Dazhen, 98 236, 238, 236 (see also: International
Ruixing, 263 Settlement)
ruyi, 198 Shanghai Daotai, 165, 212, 236–237
Ruyiguan, 95 Shanghai Commercial Press, 106, 119 n. 94
Shangshusheng (the Department of State
Sacred Edicts (Shengxun), 195 Affairs), 61
Sacrifice to Heaven, 59 Shanxi, 9, 142–143, 147, 173 n. 65,
Sacrifices at the Temple of Heaven at the 186–187
Winter Solstice, 58 Shanxi Lane, 232
Sai Jinhua, 160 Shaoxing, 143
akyamuni, 89 shaoyue, 115 n. 66 (see also: dashao;
Salt Commissioner, 93, 183, 187, 192–196 xiaoshao)
(see also: Lianghuai Salt Commis- Shayar, 205
sioner; Suzhou Salt Commissioner) sheng, 104, 229, 245
sandajie (the Three Grand Festivals), 58 Sheng Chaoshi, 74
(see also: Three Grand Festivals) Sheng Hua yan (the holy language of
Sanqing troupe, 37, 41, 247 China), 81
Sanqingyuan, 241 sheng tianzi (the sage son of heaven),
Santai, 21–24 125 n. 147
324 Index
Sheng Xuanhuai, 216 n. 73 siyi (the barbarians from the four

Shengchunkui, 141 quarters), 82, 167
shengmu huangtaihou wanshou, 63 (see siyu (private dwellings), 167
also: shengzu wanshou) slave, 131, 136, 138
Shengpingshu (Bureau of Ascendant slave, as deferential language, 29, 31,
Peace), 6–8, 15, 18–20, 24, 27, 30, 34–35, 39–40, 143, 149, 160, 164,
32–38, 40–43, 62–63, 65, 105, 129, 184–186, 194
131, 133–141, 150, 163–166, 170 Smith, Arthur, 3
n. 25, 171 n. 43, 211, 226, 231, song, 4, 79, 81, 83, 99, 266
239–240, 246–247, 255 n. 93, 259 Song, 4, 5, 28, 43 n. 4, 58–59, 79, 88, 98,
Shenyang, 32 (see also: Mukden) 100, 109 n. 13, 119 n. 87, 143, 145,
Shennong, 63 183–188, 190, 193–194, 207, 216
shengzu wanshou, 63 (see also: shengmu n. 72, 217 n. 74, 261, 266
huangtaihou wanshou) Southern Song dynasty (see: Song)
Shenxingsi (Punishment Review Office), Song Changrong, 168
165 Song Huizong, 5
Shenyueshu (the Office of Sacrificial Song Qinzong, 5
Music), 23, 25 Song Renzong, 59, 88, 108 n. 9, 109
shenzhou, 89 (see also: Divine Land)
n. 11, n. 13
shibuxian, 107 n. 4, 210–212
Song Lian, 5
Shifanxue, 26, 33
Song Shou, 59
Shipai, 186
Songhu (cheering at Songshan), 120 n. 99
shipaiqiang, 184, 186–190 (see also:
Songjiang prefecture, 159–160
chaotic playing; erhuang; luantan)
Songshan, 120 n. 99
shiye zidi (hereditary male yuehu), 142
Songyun, 202–204, 215 n. 58
(see also: yuehu)
Songzaojun (Sending off the Kitchen
Shizong, 228
God), 74
Shouchunyuan, 207
Songzhu, 226
Shoukanggon, 210, 212
Sorcery Scare of 1768, 11
Shouzho, 206–207
Southern Circuit, 205
Shuhai, 93, 123 n. 126
Spinning Maid, 69–70 (see also: Ox
Shuming’a, 206–207
Herder and the Spinning Maid [day
Shumiyuan (Bureau of Military Affairs),
of]; Qiqiao)
33, 109 n. 13
Shun, 77–79 stage of Happiness (fu), 123 n. 118
Shuntian Prefect, 141 stage of Longevity (shou), 123 n. 118
Shunzhi, 17, 23, 43 n. 1, 132 stage of Riches (lu), 123 n. 118
Shunzhi period, 43 n. 1 Star of Longevity, 81
shuoshu, 211 Study of Drama (Qukao), 196
sida jin’gang (four famous courtesans), Su Dongpo, 73, 266
234 Su Peide, 132–133
Sima Guang, 266 subtropical disease areas (yanzhangdi),
Sixi Troupe, 39, 41, 153 136
Index 325
Sun Dianying, 151 director), 35–36

Sun Juxian, 42, 154, 241 Tao Mo’an, 248
Sun Simiao, 65 Tao Qunsheng, 207
Sun Yaoting, 133, 170 n. 22 Tao Yuanming, 72, 120, n. 97
Sun Yat-sen, 2 Tarbagatai, 205
Sun Yifu, 105 Teheng’e, 204
Sun Yusheng, 165 (see also: Haishang telescope, 94
Shushisheng) Temple of Heaven, 59
Sungari river, 32 Temple of the God of Wealth, 152
Superintendent of Customs in Guang- Textile Commissioner, 9, 18–19, 45 n. 11,
dong, 192 52 n. 84, 148–150, 183, 187, 196,
suppression of Cai Qian, 96 206–207
Suzhou, 4, 9, 31, 33, 35, 147–148, 151, Thousand Autumns Festival (see:
185, 197, 206, 222, 226 Qianqiujie)
Suzhou Salt Commissioner, 195 Three Auspicious Stars, 64
Suzhou Textile Commission, 29, 33, 35, Three Feudatories, 16–17, 95
148, 150, 183, 187, 196 Three Grand Festivals, 58, 62, 82, 105 (see
also: sandajie)
Tian Jiyun, 166–167, 263–264
Taichangsi (the Court of Imperial
Tianchangjie (Heaven Longevity Festival),
Sacrifices), 16, 22–25, 48 n. 39
61, 110 n. 20
Taihe Company, 156–157
Tianheguan (Heavenly Harmonious
Taihedian, 48 n. 44, 61, 97
Restaurant), 243 (see also: Wenming
Taijigong, 66
Xiyuan)
Taikang, 247
Tianjin, 92, 136
Taiping, 80, 261, 267 n. 7, 268 n. 9
Tianlijiao (White Lotus sect), 27, 30, 200
taiping drum, 225
(see also: White Lotus Rebellion)
taiping ge, 4, 204
Tianshan Northern Circuit (Tianshan
Taiping village, 30–31
beilu), 202 (see also: Zungharia)
Taiwan, 17, 95, 147, 169 n. 12, 200, 224,
Tianxigong, 36
268 n. 9
Tibet, 224
Taizong (Hong Taiji), 82
Tibetan/s, 11, 81
Tan Jinfu, 141 (see also: Tan Xinpei)
Tibetan monk, 81, 118 n. 83
Tan Xiaopei, 246
Tibetan song of praise, 81
Tan Xinpei, 104, 106, 141, 234, 243, Tibetan sutra, 81
245–246 (see also: Tan Jinfu) tomb, 20, 32, 149, 151, 153, 235, 247
Tan Zhidao, 234 tongbao, 265, 271 n. 27
Tang Taizong, 59, 109 n. 11, n. 14 Tonglexuan, 241
Tang Xianzu, 98 Tongleyuan, 62, 241
Tang Xuanzong, 61 (see also: Xuanzong) tongpao, 265, 271 n. 27
Tangguantun, 136 Tongwenguan, 146
Tanghui, 251 n. 43 Tongzhi, 18, 36, 42, 112 n. 31, 134, 141,
tanglangzhong (headquarters bureau 160, 206, 208, 222, 226
326 Index
tribute, 1, 57, 62, 70, 77–78, 82–85, 87, wanyi, 211

89–90, 93–94, 101, 113 n. 48, 116 Ward-Inspecting Censors of the Five
n. 69, 118 n. 85, 141 Wards, 201
tributary delegation, 92 Weaving Sisters, 69
tributary envoys, 95 Wei Abao, 156–159, 161–163
tributary memorial (see: biaowen) Wei Changsheng, 208, 221, 229
tributary nations, 97 Wei Zhu, 17, 132–133, 149, 220
tributary state, 82, 87–88, 92–93 Weituo, 89
tributary visits, 85 Wen Cheng, 215 n. 48
tribute mission, 1, 51 n. 77, 86, 90 Wen Lin, 177 n. 110 (see also: Wen
Tufan, 88 Ruitu)
Tuming’a, 192–194 Wen Ruitu, 154 (see also: Wen Lin)
Tuoxing, 152 Wenchang, 89–92, 97, 199–200
Wenming Xiyuan (The Civilisation
Urumqi, 205 Theatre), 243–244 (see also:
Ush, 205 Tianheguan)
whale, 88–89, 92, 122 n. 117
Variety Show Theatre, 201 White Cloud Temple, 22
Vice Commander of the Five Wards, 86 White Lotus Rebellion, 78, 118 n. 83,
Vietnam, 1, 78, 90, 92 197–199, 214 n. 45
Vietnamese, 88 White Lotus, 27 (see also: Tianlijiao)
Vietnamese music, 83 Winter Solstice, 48 n. 44, 58–60, 72, 84,
107 n. 1, 109, n.13, n. 14 (see also:
Wailangying, 167 lari)
Wang Changsheng, 18 women, 63, 68–69, 76, 132, 155–156,
Wang Delu, 200 158–159, 162–163, 175 n. 92, 188,
Wang Guifen, 177 n. 109, 230 219, 233–239, 243–246, 262–263,
Wang Jinxi, 135–136 265, 271 n. 25
Wang Jiuling, 41 women, attending theatres, 239, 243–246
Wang Liangguan, 18 women, performers, 9, 168, 175 n. 92,
Wang Lun, 137 (see also: Gao Jinglu) 232–233, 244 (see also: actors,
Wang Shipu, 75 female; dan, female; drama troupe,
Wang Wenzhi, 84 female; yuehu, female)
Wang Xiaonong, 247, 266 (see also: women, respectable, 154–156, 158–159,
Dekejin) 162, 233 (see also: liangjia funü)
Wang Xizhi, 120 n. 96 female education, 270 n. 21
Wang Yaoqing, 150, 176 n. 100, 227, 230 Woren, 206
Wang Zhaojun, 2 Wu Cheng, 84
Wang Zili, 130 Wu Liangfu, 132
Wanping County, 135, 144 Wu Sangui, 17
Wanshoujie (The Festival of Ten Thou- Wu Shilin, 17
sand Years), 61 Wu Weiye, 232 (see also: Mei Cun)
wanxiaoxi (comedy), 210, 212 Wu Yingxiong, 17
Index 327
wuchaonian, 214 n. 39 Xie An, 75–76

wuchou (martial clown), 234 Xie Daoyun, 75–76
wudubing (cakes of the five poisonous Xieling (Assistant Commander), 263, 269
creatures), 68 n. 17
wusheng (martial arts warrior), 163, 234, xieman, 87
245 xifa, 211
Wutaishan, 84 Xin Xiuming, 32, 81, 133, 170 n. 22, 220
Wuwei, 48 n. 42 xing shen (star spirits), 89
Xinjiang, 48 n. 42, 202–203, 205, 261,
Xi Fodian (Western Buddha Hall), 62 268 n. 9
Xi’an, 7, 65, 113 n. 46, 239, 241, 262 xionghuang, 68
Xi’en, 139 xiongli (inauspicious rites), 2
Xia Yuerun, 253 n. 67 Xiongnu, 2, 5, 261
Xianfeng, 6, 34–36, 40–41, 58, 153, 206, xisan (ablution ceremony), 64, 112 n. 33
208, 211–212, 217 n. 74, 226, 261 xishen (gods of happiness), 60
Xianfeng period, 36, 139, 216 n. 72 Xishuang village, 30
xianfu (ceremony for presenting war Xu Wei, 98
captives), 79 Xu Yingkui, 153
xianggong tangzi, 167, 232 Xu Xiaoxiang, 104
xianggu (undesirable people), 167, 232, Xu Xin, 41
245 Xuan, 84, 109 n. 12 (see also: Kangxi)
Xianggu tangzi, 232 Xuanwumen, 152
Xiangyihao, 141 Xuanzong, 42, 61 (see also: Tang
Xianghuang qi (Chinese Bordered Yellow Xuanzong)
Banner), 215 n. 48 Xue Fu, 149
Xiansuo, 222 Xue Junting (see also: Quanzi), 246
Xiansuoxue, 26 Xue Yunsheng, 145, 173 n. 78
Xiao (Empress Dowager), 262 Xun Huisheng, 177 n. 112
Xiao Changhua, 104, 126 n. 165 xunzheng (tutelage of the sage Empress
Xiao Dezhang, 133 (see also: Zhang Dowager), 97
Lande) xusheng, 230
Xiao Fengkui, 39
xiao shen (inferior saint), 90, 123 n. 121 yamen, 30, 35–37, 40, 55 n. 109, 72, 97,
Xiaocha, 225 (see also: Baoheng) 138, 141, 145, 149, 157–160, 163,
Xiaojindian, 66 178 n. 117, 194, 205, 209, 211
xiaoshao, 115 n. 66 (see also: dashao; Yan Fu, 265
shaoyue) Yan Liben, 109 n. 14
xiaoshao jiucheng, 77 Yan Shigu, 87
xiaosheng (young man), 104, 133, 152, yang, 59, 74, 107 n. 1
246 Yang Cuixi, 253 n. 64
xiaoxi, 211 Yang Houzi (Monkey Yang), 163 (see
Xiaoxian, 153 also: Yang Yuelou; Yang Yuh-liu)
Xichangzi (Western Enclosure), 66 Yang Jiuchang, 41
328 Index
Yang Xiaolou, 106, 164, 243 yiyangqiang, 5 n. 16, 184, 186, 188–190,
Yang Ye, 100 220, 222 (see also: bangziqiang)
Yang Yi, 153 Yishan, 204
Yang Yuelou, xiii, 154–165, 230, 233–235, Yitai Shipping Company, 235
238–239 (see also: Yang Houzi; Yang yiwu xi (charitable performances), 242
Yuh-liu) Yiwulu, 48 n. 42
Yang Yuh-liu, 161–162 (see also: Yang Yiyang, 45 n. 16, 189
Houzi; Yang Yuelou) Yongle, 9, 142 (see also: Prince Yan)
Yang Yuhuan, 67 Yongning Temple, 20, 72–73
yangge, 221 Yongzheng, 3, 8–9, 18, 20–21, 22, 24, 120
Yangi Hisa, 202, 204–205 n. 96, 130, 132–133, 142–145, 147,
Yangxindian, 111, 210–211 166–167, 169 n. 16, 181, 205, 225
Yangzhou, 4, 183, 185–186, 188, 195–196, Yongzheng period, 20, 22, 190, 205,
221–222 224–225
Yanjiu (swallow nine or banquet nine), you (actor), 148
66 Youyush, 77, 115 n. 65
yanyi, 100 Yu, 77 (see also: Shun)
Yanyue hutong, 44 n. 8 Yu Chenglong, 208, 216 n. 70
Yu Runxian, 154
Yao, 87
Yuan, 45 n. 16, 66, 98, 156, 185, 187,
Yao Jinghuai, 149
213 n. 21, 220
Yao Peiqiu, 243
Yuan drama, 2, 74–75, 83, 98–100, 200
Yao Tianjin, 148–149
Yuan Changqing, 7, 33, 137–139
Yao Zaiming, 149
Yuan Chengye, 141
Yao Zikai, 149
Yuan Mei, 164
Yarkand, 202, 204–205
Yuan Shikai, 2–3, 7–8, 19, 42, 225
yayuebu (elegant music section), 24
Yuan Shoutong, 187
Ye Tingjuan, 157–159, 161
Yuanmingyuan, 19, 68, 94–95, 129–131,
yi, 221–222, 225, 259–260
133, 198
yi, 85–88, 121 n. 109
Yucheng, 153, 165
nine yi, 86–87, 121 n. 109
Yue Fei, 6, 208, 217 n. 74
Yihao, 32–33
Yuebu (Board of Music), 15, 21, 23–25,
Yiheyuan, 19, 70, 123 n. 118, 240
43 n. 2, 48 n. 46, 49 n. 51
yiliang music, 23
yuehu (singing persons), 9, 16, 20–22, 44
Yiliang, 48 n. 42 n. 8, 142–144, 147, 166, 172 n. 64,
Yiling’a, 183, 185–187, 189, 191–192, 173 n. 65 (see also: yueju)
194–196 yuehu, female, 9, 16, 20, 142
Yinghe, 29, 247–248 yuehu, male, 142, 144
yin ling (licentious actor), 154, 159 yueju (see also: yuehu), 147
Yingjili, 1, 90 (see also: Britain; England) Yuenan, 115 n. 69
yiqiang, 9, 18, 45 n. 16, 80–81, 148, 189, Yulan penhui (Bhuddist Hungry Ghost
208, 220–222, Festival), 70, 102, 114 n. 49
yiqiang troupe, 9, 37 yulang (jade youths), 232 (see also: dan)
Index 329
Yuming, 206 Rectification of Music Education),

yunban (cloud-tray), 90 167
yushi (star or rain deity), 65, 112 n. 34 Zhenwen, 265
yuzhiqiang (imperial tunes), 221 Zhili Jingwuchu (Zhili Police Depart-
ment), 242
Zahualin, 149 zhiyu (drama formalities), 98, 101, 125
Zai Cai, 153 n. 151
Zaitao, 225–226 Zhongcuigong, 212
zhai gong (Fasting Palace), 59 zhonghe shaoyue, 24–25, 48 n. 44 62,
Zhang Daoling, 68–69 78–79,
Zhang Dianying, 38 Zhongheyuan, 241
Zhang Fei, 105 Zhongheyue music, 24, 26, 240
Zhang Fu, 185, 195 Zhongnanhai, 17
Zhang Jinbao, 104 Zhongshu (Secretariat-Chancellery), 109
Zhang Jiuling, 66 n. 13
Zhang Juzhen, 173 n. 65 zhongsi (locusts), 110-112 n. 30
Zhang Lande, 133 (see also: Xiao Zhongsi Gate, 111 n. 30
Dezhang) Zhongyuan yinyun, 99
Zhongyuanjie, 144 n. 50
Zhang Mingde, 137–139, 171 n. 43
Zhou Dunyi, 28
Zhang Xianhe, 134
Zhou Shukui, 235
Zhang Xianxi, 170 n. 22
Zhou Tingyu, 207
Zhang Xun, 2
Zhou Xiangyu, 99, 125 n. 153
Zhang Yonggui, 138
Zhou Xinfang, 232
Zhang Zhao, 5, 21–24, 59, 76, 84, 98–99,
Zhou Yuheng, 39
100, 120 n. 96, 220, 225
Zhou Zuoren, 245
Zhang Zhongxin, 153
Zhu Jiajin, 122 n. 117, 125 n. 157, 178
Zhang Zongchang, 168
n. 115, 223
Zhangyisi (the Office of Palace Ceremo-
Zhu Yuanzhang, 156
nies), 22–26
Zhuang, 87
Zhao Gou, 5 (see also: Gaozong [of the
Zhuanglang, 202
Song])
zhuangyuan (first place in the jinshi
Zhao Junyu, 253 n. 67
examinations), 75, 104
Zhao Songshou, 253 n. 67
Zhuge Liang, 105
Zhao Xiaolian, 233–234, 253 n. 67 Zhuiyuxuan, 121 n. 104
Zhejiang, 45 n. 16, 84, 93, 143–144, 175 Zhuxian, 217 n. 74
n.90, 177 n. 112, 178 n. 113, 182, Zhuxian Town (Zhuxianzhen), 217 n. 74
183, 186, 190, 199–200 zidi, 215 n. 58 (see also: bannermen
Zheng Chenggong, 17, 95 youths)
Zheng Dan, 145 zidishu (bannermen songs or chants), 4,
Zhengda Guangmingdian, 28, 62, 79, 97 203, 205, 225
Zhengrui, 93 Zizhishan, 80
Zhengyue yuhua hui (Society for the Zongrenfu (the Imperial Clan Court),
330 Index
103, 138, 206

Zou Jinsheng, 99
zuobuji (seating section musicians), 23,
48 n. 42
zuoling (banner commander), 223
Zungharia, 202 (see also: Tianshan
Northern Circuit)
Zhuixu Mianshan (see: Recollections of
Mianshan)
Zhuo jian (see: Caught in Adultery)
Zhuofang Cao (see: Cao Cao’s Capture
and Release)
Zhuxian zhushou (see: Worthies and
Immortals Offer Birthday Wishes)

四海升平：戏剧与清廷 叶晓青

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四海升平：戏剧与清廷 叶晓青

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Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas

Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas

The Chinese University Press

© The Chinese University of Hong Kong 2012

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may

THE CHINESE UNIVERSITY PRESS

Printed in Hong Kong

In the early autumn morning of the 18th of September 1793, Lord

occasion of the Macartney visit. The script was carefully checked by

Drama as a political tool

(1854–1923), Duan Qirui 段祺瑞 ([1864]–1936), and Feng Guozhang 馮國

Zhao Gou 趙構 (1107–1187), a Southern Song emperor (Gaozong),

Manchu costume, as had been the convention, to avoid any comparison

The study of archival records

possessions during the ensuing chaos. On several occasions during 1913

Theory and reality: official policies and practice

The emperor as an institution and as an individual

and Confucianism by the Qing court can only be seen as cynical

personalities or interests. This is in sharp contrast with contemporary

7 See Liu Lu 劉潞, “Gengzhi tu jingguan yu shike huihua”《耕織圖》景觀與石刻

19 Wang Zhengyao 王政堯, Qingdai xiju wenhua shilun 清代戲劇文化史論 (On

Imperial Institutions for Ceremonial and

The Separation of Personal Entertainment from

Nanfu was originally the residence of Wu Yingxiong 吳應雄, the son of

Suzhou, and Hangzhou 杭州. The commissioners were not so responsive

Lack of early records of the Nanfu and the Jingshan

There is little information available in the archives or elsewhere on the

Qianlong’s expansion of the Nanfu

of male yuehu remained in the palace and retained their status as

Qianlong’s reform of ceremonial music

Qianlong’s distaste for Daoism was not only a matter of Confucian

they could be downgraded to the yayuebu 雅樂部 (elegant music section), to

The final version of the memorial added more reasons:

It appears there was no response to this memorial. The Qing huidian

In theory, the Nanfu was no more important than the kitchen, as

Decline in Imperial Prestige — From the Nanfu to the

Downsizing the Nanfu — The effect of political events during

Jiaqing never recovered from the shock. He remained convinced that

The Nanfu replaced by the Shengpingshu — Daoguang’s

Theoretically, there were dramatic performances scheduled on the

In the same edict, Daoguang notified the chief eunuch: “I am going

The Nanfu went on to make some suggestions about temporary

could see there were substantial savings in discontinuing the hiring of

Given Daoguang’s attitude towards expenditure and frugality, and the

For a variety of reasons — the financial crisis inherited from the

The Shengpingshu inside and outside the Palace

Control over the commercial troupes in the capital

The palace administration and the actor’s guild — the

Authority of the Jingzhongmiao

bully people. If anything happens, we slaves cannot be held responsible. So we are

The regulations of the Jingzhongmiao were very strict, and such

The last days of the Shengpingshu

may have been some exaggeration (overclaiming on expenses was one of

Shanghai shudian, 1991, pp. 4–5; Wu Zhiqin 吳志勤 , “Shengpingshu zhi

案選編 (Selected documents of rediscovered Manchu archives of the Grand

28 Yidang, Junjichu lufu zouzhe, microfilm, 085–857.

Qiqiao 楊 樵, Yongzhengdi ji qi mizhe zhidu yanjiu 雍正帝及其密摺制度研究

70 Qinding gongzhong xianxing zeli, juan 1, p. 63.

80 Yidang, Xinzheng Neiwufu zajian, Shengpingshu, packet 3896.

these ceremonies were regulated by palace regulations. The emperor could

clan), Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1997, p. 48, 50.

according to material in Yidang, Shengpingshu, packets 147, 150, 152, 154,

Drama, Occasion, and Audience*

四海升平：戏剧与清廷叶晓青

四海升平：戏剧与清廷叶晓青

Qiqiao 楊樵, Yongzhengdi ji qi mizhe zhidu yanjiu 雍正帝及其密摺制度研究