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EFFECTS OF OLDER BROTHER-YOUNGER SISTER

INCEST: A STUDY OF THE DYNAMICS OF 17 CASES

MARISA LAVIOLA

Lake Shore Hospital, Manchester, NH

Abstract-The purpose of this study was to explore the effects of older brother-younger sister incest from the
perspective of the women who experienced it in childhood or adolescent years. Dynamics in the families-of-origin
were also explored, as these related or contributed to the effects from the incest. Seventeen women were interviewed,
using an in-depth, semi-structured interview. Four self-report objective instruments were also administered that
measure dynamics in the family-of-origin and symptomatology that is often associated with the effects of trauma.
Interview and objective data were analyzed by systematically organizing the women’s perceptions and conceptualiza-
tions into common themes. All of the women’s families of origin were described as dysfunctional. Common effects
reported included mistrust of men and women, chronic low or negative self-esteem, sexual response difficulties, and
intrusive thoughts of the incest. Women regarded individual therapy, talking with supportive family and friends, and
validating themselves as victims at the time ofthe incest as ways in which they have helped themselves to deal with the
effects of the incest. These results have important implications for therapy, including serious consideration of the
impact and contribution of this kind of incest on reported symptomatology, and on emerging issues and conflicts in
the therapeutic process.

Key w&s-Brother-sister incest, Effects on sisters.

INTRODUCTION

IN THE PAST 10 to 15 years, there has been a growing awareness of long-term effects of
childhood incest on the victims. This awareness has led to increasing research and clinical
concern, especially with regard to the treatment of such individuals. Most of the research,
however, has focused either on father-daughter incest, or, more generally, on incest involving
older male and younger female relatives (Browning & Boatman, 1977; Cole, 1982; Finkelhor,
1980; Herman, 1981; Herman & Hirschman, 1977, 1981; Loredo, 1982; MacFarlane &
Korbin, 1983; Meiselman, 1978; Russell, 1986). Research on brother-sister incest has been
minimal, and little is known about the prevalence of older brother-younger sister incest.
Much controversy exists in the literature concerning the question of whether or not there
are long-term negative effects on the sister from older brother-younger sister incest. Some
writers propose that this type of incest is an expression of unresolved Oedipal issues in both
siblings and doubt the existence of harm to the sister (Arndt & Ladd, 1981; Lukjanowicz,
1972). This is especially noted when the age differential is small and both siblings are under 18
years of age. Some propose that incest may be harmful only when the brother is five or more
years older than the sister (Finkelhor, 1980; Russell, 1986). Other writers propose that it is
always harmful when the brother is the same age or older because of the power that is given to
males over females in this society (Brickman, 1984; Cole, 1982). In this regard, the effects of

Received for publication May 7, 1990; final revision received May 16, 199 1; accepted May 24, 199I.
Reprint requests may be sent to Marisa Laviola, Ph.D., Lake Shore Hospital, 200 Zachary Road, Manchester, NH
01801.
409
410 Marisa Laviola

older brother-younger sister incest may be seen as similar to those of father-daughter incest.
Some writers view this type of incest as a symptom of family dysfunction, and question if
effects from the incest itself can be differentiated from effects of growing up in a dysfunctional
family system (Fromuth, 1986; MacFarlane & Korbin, 1983; Smith & Israel, 1987). Loredo
( 1982) claims that negative parental response to older brother-younger sister incest can con-
tribute to negative self-esteem later in women’s adulthoods. Herman and Hirschman ( 1977,
198 1) found this in cases of father-daughter incest.
Despite these differing views, there is evidence in the empirical and case study literature of
harmful effects from older brother-younger sister incest on the sisters’ adult functioning.
These effects include lowered sexual self-esteem (Finkelhor, 1980); fear of sexual assault,
difficulties in sexual relationships, and pre-orgasmic functioning (Cole, 1982; Meiselman,
1978, 1980; Russell, 1986); depression, and guilt concerning the sexual activity (Cole, 1982;
Loredo, 1982); low self-esteem and repeated victimization (Cole, 1982; De Young, 1982;
Meiselman, 1978); somatization, suicide attempts, difficulties with intimate relationships,
and substance abuse (Cole, 1982).
Such controversy can cause difficulty for the clinician when treating women who report this
type of incest. Clinicians may dismiss the importance ofthe women’s reports of the incest, not
seeing a need to address the possible impact of the incest on either the presenting symptom-
atology or emerging therapeutic issues and conflicts. Clinicians may, in fact, attribute effects
from the incest itself to growing up in a dysfunctional family. This could be problematic,
especially when the age differential between brother and sister is small, and both were under
the age of 18 at the time of the incest; or when other kinds of abuse occurred in the family,
such as father-daughter incest or physical abuse.
Research in this area is as yet in an exploratory stage because so few empirical studies have
been conducted (Finkelhor, 1980; Russell, 1986). The purpose of this study was to explore the
phenomenon of older brother-younger sister incest from the perspective of the women them-
selves; and to obtain from these women their conceptualizations of the incest, that is, harm-
less sex play vs. coercive sexual abuse, presence vs. absence of effects, harmful vs. nonharmful
effects, effects on relationships with others in childhood and adulthood, effects on self-esteem,
sexual functioning, etc. Data collection included obtaining the women’s perspectives con-
cerning the family dynamics in the childhood home that may have contributed to the occur-
rence of the incest, or that may have confounded the effects of the incest. Interview data were
analyzed qualitatively, and objective, self-report data were analyzed for descriptive trends.
Common themes were then drawn from the integration of this data that are relevant for
exploration in future research and for clinical treatment of such women.
For this study, incest is defined as any sexual behavior that occurs between two family
members, regardless of age differential, who are related by blood, marriage, or living arrange-
ment. The question of whether or not the incest is abusive in older brother-younger sister
incest is a major research question in regard to whether or not there can be harmful effects
from the incest. Implied here is that the incest must be abusive somehow for there to be
harmful effects. In the definition for this study, criteria for abuse include the occurrence of
coercion or force in the initiation and maintenance of the sexual activity. Coercion refers to
any type of misuse of power or authority, bribery, or appeal to the child’s trust and affection.
Force refers to verbal threat of physical harm if the child does not comply, physical hitting or
pinning the child down in order to perform the sexual act, or physical hitting or pinning the
child down in response to the child’s resistance to the sexual act. Several writers who looked at
incest between an older adult relative and a younger female relative found that force or
coercion was used by the older adult to maintain the incest (Browning & Boatman. 1977;
Cole, 1982; Finkelhor, 1980; Herman & Hirschman, 1977; Loredo, 1982: MacFarlane &
Korbin, 1983; Meiselman, 1978; Russell, 1986).
 Effects of brother-sister incest 411

Table 1. Sample Questions from the Interview

-Describe your relationship with each family member before the brother-sister incest occurred: after the
brother-sister incest occurred.
-Describe the relationships among other family members before the incest; after the incest.
-Talk some about how affection was expressed in your family.
-How was discipline handled in your family?
-Describe each family member’s reactions while under stress.
-How old were you when the incest began? How old was (were) your brother(s)?
-Was the incest a one-time event, or was it ongoing?
-How long did it continue?
-How often did it take place?
-Describe the type of activity that took place.
-Describe your feelings about the activity back when it happened.
-How was the incest started? Who started the incest?
-How was it maintained? Who suggested it continue?
-How trustworthy do you consider men?
-How trustworthy do you consider women?
-Talk some about whether or not you want closeness and long-lasting relationships with men; women.
-Describe your current sexual relationship(s). How do you respond when your partner touches you?
-What effect do you think the incest has had on you?
-How often do you think about the incest?
-What kinds of things have you done to help yourself to deal with the effects of the incest?

METHOD

Subjects

Subjects included 17 Caucasian women, ages 27-43 (M = 34.2) who experienced older
brother-younger sister incest during their childhood or adolescent years. They were obtained
by contacting psychotherapists in three small cities in a southeastern state. The women repre-
sent a fairly homogeneous sample. Fifteen of the women are heterosexual and two are lesbian.
Seven of the women are single, five are married, and five are separated or divorced. Nine of
the women are mothers, and eight of those women live with their children. The majority of
the women (10) are college graduates. Thirteen of the women are employed outside the home,
either full-time or part-time.

Procedures

Subjects complete an informed consent form that described the details of the study. They
received no renumeration for their participation. Data were collected from each woman
separately through the use of a detailed semi-structured interview schedule, and four self-re-
port objective instruments which measure family-of-origin health and functioning and symp-
tomatology that is often associated with the effects of trauma. Both the interview and the
objective measures were administered in one setting, which lasted between 2; and 3 hours.
The results from the interviews were analysed, using qualitative methods, for common
themes among the women. The interview covered five broad areas including: (a) family
dynamics in the childhood home, (b) details of the incest events, (c) family reactions to the
incest, (d) present day functioning, and (e) attempts at self-help for the incest. The interview
was developed from a pilot study of another group of women who had experienced older
brother-younger sister incest. Sample questions from the interview are listed in Table 1.
Descriptive data from the objective instruments served to give a quantifiable measure of the
women’s conceptualizations regarding the effects from the incest and the difficulties in the
families-of-origin in relation to the incest. The data from these instruments are not presented
separately in this paper, but instead are integrated into the analysis and results of the interview
412 Marisa Laviola

Table 2. Summary: Age Differential,

Duration, Frequency

Age Differential
1-3 years 5
4-5 years 5
6-l years 6
8- IO years 4
Duration of Incest
Less than 1 year 3
I-4 years IO
5-9 years 5
Frequency of Incest
1-2 X per week 10
Biweekly to bimonthly” 3
6-10 x total 3
2-4 x total 4

a Two women could not recall.

b Biweekly = every other week: bimonthly
= every other month.
X. “times”.

data. Objective measures included the Impact of Event Scale (IES) (Horowitz, Wilner. &
Alverez, 1979), the Trauma Symptom Checklist (TSC) (Briere & Runtz, 1987), the Family-of-
Origin Scale (FOOS) (Hovestadt, Anderson, Piercy, Cochran, & Fine, 1985), and the Family
Adaptability and Cohesion Evaluation Scale III (FACES III) (Olson, Portner, & Lavee, 1985).
The IES and TSC were chosen because of their validity and reliability with trauma survivors.
The FOOS and FACES III were included as valid and reliable measures of family functioning.
Trends in this sample were compared with trends in the samples represented by these
instruments.

RESULTS

Incest and Surrounding Circumstances

A total of 20 brothers and 17 sisters were involved in the incest. The brothers were between
1 year older and 10 years older than the sisters. Ages of the brothers ranged from 8 years to 2 1
years at the time of onset (A4 = 14.4). Ages of the sisters ranged from 4 years to 12 years at the
time of onset (M = 8.9). In half of the pairings, the age differential between the brother and
sister was 5 years or less. In half of the pairings the incest lasted between 1 and 4 years, and in
halfthe pairings the activity took place one to two times per week. These data are summarized
in Table 2.
The women were either forced (9 pairings) or coerced (14 pairings) into the incest activity
by their brothers. In some cases both coercion and force were used. Coercion included bribery
with money, refraining from physically abusive behavior in return for sexual contact, or
paying positive attention to the sister in return for sexual contact. Force included pinning the
sister down, verbal threat of force, or actual physical abuse.
In pairings in which coercion was used, the women did not fight back because they either
liked the attention that was otherwise lacking in the relationship, this was the only time they
felt loved or accepted by a family member, or this was a continuation oftheir role as victims in
 Effects of brother-sister incest 413

Table 3. Relationship of Type of Activity aad Method of Maintenance

Both Force
Activity Force Coercion and Coercion

Intercourse or Attempted 5 1 2
Fondling Genitals 2 12 2

their families. In pairings in which force was used, the women did not consider fighting back
because of fear of physical abuse.
Most of the activity included fondling of genitals ( 12 pairings), genital contact ( 16 pairings),
and oral sex (9 pairings). For the most part, in cases in which the activity involved intercourse
or attempted intercourse, force was used to maintain the activity. Intercourse was attempted
with sisters as young as 5 years old. In most of the cases in which the activity involved
fondling, coercion was used to maintain the activity. A summary of the relationship between
activity and maintenance of the activity is presented in Table 3.
About half of the sisters felt both positive and negative about the activity and their brothers
at the time. These mixed feelings were usually reported when the incest was maintained
through coercion. Approximately half of the women felt completely negative about the activ-
ity and their brothers at the time. This negative feeling was usually reported when the incest
was maintained through force. None of the women felt completely positive toward the activ-
ity or their brothers. The majority of the women felt completely negative about themselves in
relation to the activity at the time. A summary of the relationship of maintenance of the
activity and feelings of the women toward their brothers and the activity is presented in
Table 4.
The majority of brothers (14) did not threaten the women not to tell anyone, and it did not
seem to be needed. In general, the women did not consider disclosure because of fear of being
blamed, beaten, or not believed by their parents; or the parents already knew because of being
involved themselves.
Parents found out about the incest in just five cases. In these five cases, responses of
parental figures were negative toward the sister, and only added to her negative feelings about
herself and feelings of isolation in the family. For example, one sister disclosed to a teacher,
who then was instrumental in involving the parents and having the incest stopped. The
parents blamed the girl, and she felt cut off from them emotionally. As she recalls: “My dad

Table 4. Relationship of Feelings of the Women Toward

the Activity and the Brothers at the Time, and Method of
Maintenance
Maintenance

Coercion Force

Feelings Toward Activity

Negative
Positive and Negative :, :,
Cannot Remember 2 1
Feelings Toward Brothers
Negative 2 7
Positive and Negative 6 0
Cannot Remember 0 2
414 Marisa Laviola

Table 5. Summary: Family-of-Origin Demographic Information

Number of children

2-3 4-5 6-l

N 4 7 6

Occupation

White Collar Blue Collar Homemaker

Father N 7 10 -
Mother N 10 3 4

Region of Country

Southeast Northeast Northwest Midwest

Iv 9 5 3 2

’ Two women were raised in more than one region.

turned around and looked at me and said ‘how could you do this to us?’ . . . Even though I
was still living in the same house, I was pretty much emotionally cut off.” Another woman
recalls that her mother stopped the incest, but then was severely verbally abused by her: “I was
the scum of the earth . . . was a whore and a tramp and slut.”
In 12 of the families, there was other incest occurring among various family members. In
nine of these families, such incest involved the women. Perpetrators of the women included
fathers in five cases, maternal grandfathers in three cases, and a mother in one case.

Characteristics of the Families-of-Origin

Sixteen of the women were raised in intact families, and 15 of the women were raised by
biological fathers. These families represent a fairly varied regional cross-section of the United
States. Almost all (16) of the women were raised in either suburban or rural environments.
Religious and cultural background were homogeneous, with 14 of the families being Cauca-
sian, Anglo-Saxon, and Protestant.
In 13 of the families, there were four or more children. Ten of the fathers were in blue-collar
positions, and seven were in white-collar positions. The majority of the mothers (10) held
white-collar positions, either full- or part-time. A summary of family demographic informa-
tion is presented in Table 5.
In general, the women described their families as dysfunctional in child-rearing practices,
relational patterns among family members, family rules, and response patterns to family
stressors. Discipline often involved verbal or physical abuse. Abusive methods included hit-
ting with a switch or belt that left bruises or cuts, calling children derogatory names, and/or
severely ridiculing children in front of their siblings. For example, one woman recalled many
instances of being told she was “no good and wouldn’t amount to anything.” Another woman
recalled her mother’s method of discipline as “switching me ‘til the blood ran down my legs.”
Another said: “She (mother) was physically abusive. . . . She beat us pretty often and pretty
severely.” One woman described her father as “dangerous . . . he drank heavily. He beat
mother, he beat us.”
Overall, the women described their relationships with parents as emotionally neglectful in
that parents showed no interest in the women’s interests or emotional needs. Almost all of the
women ( 16) characterized relationships with their mothers as emotionally neglectful. Some
women could not recall having any relationship with their mothers. One woman described:
 Effects of brother-sister incest 415

“You could count on her to be nice if you scraped your knee or that kind of thing but as far as,
there’s a certain degree to which I sensed she was just kind of absent or frustrated or something
or not particularly present.” Another woman said: “My mother was always there to give
physical care . . . but I do not ever remember her sitting down and reading me a book. . . . I
never remember her playing with me as a child or hugging or telling me that she loved me.”
Another woman said: “There wasn’t really much relationship with my mother . . . and no
physical affection from my mother.” Another said: “I don’t really have any emotional feelings
about what our relationship was like.” One woman remembers getting the message from her
father to “stay out of the way. . . . it would be icy, it was like, what do you want?” Another
woman said: “My relationship with my dad was that I avoided him as much as possible.” In
this case, the implication is that if she would not have avoided him, he may have verbally
abused her as he was abusing her brother. Another woman said: “He drank outside the home
and he wasn’t there, emotionally, physically, he just wasn’t there.”
Relationships with brothers were described as either nonexistent except for the incest, or
physically abusive. As one woman recalled, the incest was “a way of feeling, of being in with
them instead of out, on the outs.” Another woman related: “As far back as I can remember I
disliked my brother and we fought. During that sex play time he was nice to me, relatively nice
because he had something he wanted.” One woman recalled: “My brother and I always fought
. . . he physically abused me.” Another woman said: “Of my three brothers he’s the only one
that was physical with me in any abusive way. He was abusive with me in every area.” One
woman recalled that during the incest: “He brought knives to the bed and scissors to the bed
and would threaten he’d stab me with them.”
The families had rigid rules about not expressing or denying individual family members’
feelings and family problems. As one woman said: “I mean you didn’t talk. If my dad was
upset about something at work, you didn’t talk about it so that, or if there was conflict
between my parents they never openly argued.” Another said: “Nothing was ever discussed
and people never knew what people were feeling or what was going on.” Another recalled: “I
tried to tell her [mother] about other things at school, and I remember saying to me distinctly,
‘A., you’re a big girl now and you’re going to have to handle your own problems’ . . . I
believed that I wasn’t supposed to tell about the problems.” Another woman said: “The rules
in the family. . . shut up, don’t talk about it, no matter what the problem was . . . it was an
all encompassing kind of thing. So I guess I pretty much have had a lot of anger and fear after
it [incest] stopped.”
Families also held views about men and fathers as superior, controlling, and dominant over
women and children. When one woman asked if she could participate in sports, or in wood-
shop activities with her brothers and father, the father refused, saying “Just sit there and look
pretty.” One woman recalled her father’s attitude toward women as “they were to clean house
and fuck.” Another recalls “He seemed to really be withdrawn from women, especially
women thatwere. . . self-sufficient and weren’t subservient.” Six of the fathers were viewed
as controlling figures in the family, responsible for all decisions, and being viewed as “own-
ing” other family members. One woman said: “My father did his best to rule with an iron
fist.” One woman recalled: “When he was there things went on in the house the way he said
they would go.” Another said: “He was the master and we were the slaves and that relation-
ship was true for everyone in the family.”
The family atmospheres were filled with stressors including family member illness or dis-
ability, parental depression, or financial hardship. Responses to these stressors were maladap-
tive in that family members either withdrew from the stressors by working, abusing sub-
stances, or not talking; or family members released tension by physically or verbally
aggressing against other family members.
416 Marisa Laviola

,Eflticls,fiom thr Incest on Adult Functioning

The women reported four major effects from the brother-sister incest: mistrust of men and
women, self-esteem problems, sexual response difficulties, and intrusive thoughts of the in-
cest. Fourteen of the women view men as untrustworthy because they see men as out to gratify
their own sexual needs, or otherwise able to hurt them emotionally if the women reveal
vulnerability. For example, one woman said: “I see them as self-serving, to meet their own
needs.” Another said: “They’re not trustworthy ‘cause all they’re out there for is to get their
sexual desires satisfied.” Another said: “I don’t trust men as far as I can throw them sexually
. . . Maybe that goes back to my brother where I couldn’t resist him.” Yet another said:
“That’s the underlying motivation for men relating with women . . . they can get sexual
favors from them.” One woman said: “I think I cowed down to men for a long time. I think
that to the downgrade of women. including myself. . . men know and get their way, you do
what they say, they reap the most.” Many attributed this view to their brothers’ manipulations
when approaching them sexually, coercively appealing to the women’s need for affection and
attention that was otherwise lacking in these families. The five women who experienced
father-daughter incest attributed these feelings only partly to the father-daughter incest. They
clearly stated that the feelings of betrayal from their brothers were foremost in their minds.
Approximately half (9) of the women view women in general as untrustworthy because of
neglect or abuse from their mothers during childhood, or lack of protection from them which
contributed to the incest. One woman said: “I don’t trust them . . . because my mother didn’t
protect me then and I can’t see that, it’s like she betrayed me. She let me be abused.” Another
woman said: “I think with my mom it was just so crazy violent and I never trusted women
that much.” Another said: “I feel like women are more judgmental . they expect certain
things and if you don’t measure up they just pptht . . I see God as my mother. I’m going to
get you and I’m going to get you back.”
Each of the women reported difficulties with low or negative self-esteem. These difficulties
were tied to (a) feeling somehow damaged, dirty. or used; (b) feeling that their self-worth can
be achieved only through providing sex for men: or (c) blaming themselves for the incest and
consequently having negative feelings about themselves. Eight women reported more than
one of these symptoms.
With regard to feeling somehow dirty. damaged, or used, one woman said “I feel like it
damagedme. I can’t believe he’d ruin me.” Another said: “I carry a real deep sense of not
being any good, that I don’t want any men in my life to know about this because I feel certain
that they would not want me because it’s like I’m damaged goods or soiled in some way.”
Another said: “I’ve never felt as good as anybody else. I always feel like I’m below. . I mean
when you grow up feeling worthless and dirty and guilty. it affects you.”
With regard to feeling that their worth can be achieved only through providing sex for men.
one women said: “That’s the only way I knew or could think that a man could love me. I have
no other value in that. That has caused me in years past. what everyone else would define as a
whore or easy, yeah, I was, but not for those reasons.” Another said: “I can probably never
have a real close relationship on a day to day basis. . . I feel like God made it so that I had to
be a whore.” Another said: “I used to tell people that chances are if I was going to talk to them.
I was going to sleep with them or move in. I mean there was no degree between letting
somebody know me a little bit and letting them have access to my body.”
Feeling worth through providing sex appears to be associated with a combination of type of
incest activity. and method of maintaining the activity. In each of these cases, the activity did
not involve any direct genital-to-genital contact, and coercion was used by the brothers as the
method of maintaining the activity. In the cases in which the women did not report this
symptom, direct genital contact was included as an activity and/or force was used.
 EXects of brother-sister incest 417

Table 6. Summary: Symptomatology from the Effects of the Incest

Perception

Untrustworthy Untrustworthy
Trustworthy Sexually Overall Undecided

Men N 0 9 5 3
Women N 8 0 9 0
Self-Esteem

Feeling Self-Worth
Dirty, Etc. Through Sex Self-Blame

Iv- IO 8 7
Sexual Response

No Response Pre-Orgasmic No Difficulties

N IO 4 3
Intrusion/Avoidance

Intruding Avoidance
Thoughts Flashbacks of Thoughts

N 12 9 5

a Eight women reported more than one symptom

With regard to the women who felt they were to blame for the incest, age differential
between them and their brothers was not a factor in their feelings. One woman who experi-
enced incest with a brother 2 years older than she said: “It’s as though I can’t perceive her
[myself] as a little girl [back then]. I blamed myself. I think there is something I could have
done. I carry a real deep sense of not being any good.” Another woman who experienced
incest with brothers 8 years and 10 years older said: “God punished me because of what had
happened. He has punished me, sometimes I feel like he still is because I’m single and that’s
part of my punishment for what happened when I was little. . . . It was my fault even though
it wasn’t my fault.”
There appears to be an association between self-blame and a combination of type of activity
and method of maintaining the activity. In six of the seven cases in which the women reported
blaming themselves for the incest, the activity did not involve direct genital-to-genital contact,
and the method of maintenance was coercion. In the other 10 cases, either direct genital
contact was involved, or force was used.
Fourteen of the women experienced sexual response difficulties, including having no sexual
responsiveness, particularly during flashbacks of the incest. Each of these women attributed
this effect to the brother-sister incest. Twelve of the women reported that they often have
intruding thoughts of the incest, including flashbacks in approximately half (9) of the cases, in
which they feel like they are actually re-experiencing the incest. The remaining five women
claimed that they to avoid thinking about it. These women were also either avoiding discuss-
ing the incest in therapy, or were not in therapy at the time. A summary of the symptomatol-
ogy from the effects of the incest are presented in Table 6.
The majority of the women regarded individual therapy (16) and talking with supportive
friends and family (9) as the ways in which they have helped themselves to deal with the effects
from the incest. In general, talking with therapists and supportive others was considered
helpful because the women received validation that they were victims at the time ofthe incest
and were beginning to validate this for themselves.
418 Marisa laviola

Six of the eight women who spoke to significant others about the incest reported responses
that were positive and helped the women to feel supported. This aided their healing. For
example, one woman said: “My husband has been su~~singly wonderful, and has forked out
many bucks for therapy.” In five of seven cases in which friends were told, the response was
also positive and supportive. For example, one woman said: “‘I know D. still likes me and
wants to spend time with me . . . that’s probably the thing that has set me free more than
anything to talk about it . . . and she was OK with it.”
Fifteen of the women were able to foresee a resolution for the effects. For ten women, this
would involve improved relationships or increased trust of others, and for seven women this
would involve no longer being wracked with emotional pain when they think about the incest.
For example, one woman said: “I’ll be able to communicate with my husband. . . . I will be
able to respond to him sexually.” Another said: “I’ll be attracted to the right kind of men and
attract the right people.” Another woman said: “I don’t expect to feel my stomach ripped
open and my emotions thrown to the wind.”

DISCUSSION

Although half of the women reported that the age differential between them and their
brothers was 5 years or less, all of the women perceived that they were either coerced or forced
into the incest activity. They also reported negative long-lasting effects from the incest. The
women’s reports of coercive or forced sexual activity meets the criteria for the definition of
this study for sexual abuse. Such occurrence of abusive incest between brothers and sisters of
small age differential does not support writers (Finkelhor, 1980; Russell, 1986) who suggest an
age differential of 5 or more years as a criterion for determination of abusive incest. The
reports in this study of force or coercion by the brother parallel the findings of other re-
searchers who looked at incest between an older adult relative and a younger female relative
(Browning & Boatman, 1977; Cole, 1982; Finkelhor, 1980; Herman & Hirschman, 1977,
198 1; Loredo, 1982; MacFarlane & Korbin, 1983; Meiselman, 1978; Russell, 1986).
When the activity involved attempted or full intercourse, force was used to maintain the
activity and the sisters felt negative toward the brothers and activity at the time. Intercourse
can be considered the most invasive of activities reported by the women, and also was at-
tempted in several cases without regard for the sister’s age or physical size. The combination
of an invasive and often painful activity and the use of force suggests that these particular
brothers were somewhat violent in their approach, and had little consideration for the physi-
cal and emotional pain the sisters were experiencing.
When the less invasive activity of fondling was used, coercion was used to maintain the
activity, and the sisters experienced some positive feelings toward their brothers or the activity
at the time. Since the sisters’ needs were being met partly through the attention they were
receiving from their brothers, the women would certainly have felt some closeness or enjoy-
ment. Also, coercion is less frightening than force, and fondling can be less painful and
invasive than intercourse or even oral sex. However, these same women blamed themselves
for the occurrence of the incest, and also developed a perception that their self-worth is based
in providing sex for men. It appears that the combination of this type of maintenance and
activity caused a great deal of ambivalence and conflict which the women resolved by taking
responsibility for their own victimization. Also, they learned that the only attention or affec-
tion they are worthy of having is in the context of gratifying another’s sexual desires, or
focusing on their own bodies. This learning became a significant factor in their developing
sense of self-worth, and has persisted into adulthood.
It is significant that regardless of the method of maintenance or type of activity, these
 Effects of brother-sister incest 419

women felt in some way negatively about themselves. This feeling may be related to the
women’s feeling negatively about themselves already in relation to being abused or neglected
by their parents. Certainly those parents who discovered the activity responded negatively
toward the sisters with blame or with disbelief and nonprotection. This response by parents
supports Loredo’s ( 1982) clinical experience regarding parental response as that of denial and
nonprotection. Most of the sisters did not disclose, and they assumed that their parents’
response would not be good for them. Of course, there is no way to tell if parents in these cases
would have responded negatively. The fact that the parents who did know about the incest
responded negatively, suggests that the fears of the women who did not tell may have been
valid. Also, it is documented in the father-daughter incest literature that, in most cases,
responses from adults toward the girls are not favorable (Herman, 198 1; Herman & Hirsch-
man, 1977, 198 1). At any rate, the fact that the women whose parents did not know about the
incest report just as many negative effects as those whose parents did know supports a hypoth-
esis that factors other than the reaction of the parents contribute to harmful effects.
The dynamics of the dysfunctional families certainly could have contributed to the occur-
rence of the incest. It can be purported that in the cases of coercion, the sisters were “set up”
by their parents to be coerced because they were not getting their attentional and affectional
needs met from the parents. In some cases, they were being abused by them. In many cases,
aggression and abuse of power were being modelled particularly by fathers as ways in which
relationships are encountered and maintained.
From an objective standpoint, and as some writers have purported (Fromuth, 1986; Mac-
Farlane & Korbin, 1983; Smith & Israel, 1987) it is difficult to distinguish how much of the
effects presented here resulted from the brother-sister incest and how much resulted from
growing up in a dysfunctional family, particularly in the cases in which the women were
involved in incest with other family members. Of course, this distinction is difficult when
discussing any kind of intrafamilial sexual abuse. The relationships of the women and their
parents were certainly enough to contribute to difficulties in interpersonal relationships and
functioning in adulthood. In this study, the women made clear distinctions for themselves,
however, specifying the effects that they viewed as resulting from the brother-sister incest
itself. The effects reported by the women were also found by other writers in the area of older
brother-younger sister incest, particularly sexual difficulties (Cole, 1982; Finkelhor, 1980;
Meiselman, 1978; Russell, 1986) self-blame for the activity (Cole, 1982; Loredo, 1982) and
lowered self-esteem (Cole, 1982; De Young, 1982; Finkelhor, 1980; Meiselman, 1978).
This study is valuable in that it provides data, rooted in women’s conceptualizations, that
can serve as the basis of future research. Enough data are presented here from which research
hypotheses can be generated. There are several limitations to this study, however, that prevent
generalization of these results. First, the sample size is small, and the subjects were not ran-
domly selected. This is a biased sample of women who have sought psychotherapy, although
not necessarily for the effects of the older brother-younger sister incest itself. Persons who
seek therapy often do so because of symptomatology related to self-esteem or relational
difficulties. Also, persons who seek therapy often report being raised in dysfunctional families.
For future research, a control group of women should be included who experienced older
brother-younger sister incest, and who have never sought therapy and who do not report
negative effects from the incest.
Although the effects from the incest stated by these women cannot be generalized to other
women who experienced this type of incest, there are implications for therapy that can be
drawn from these cases. Overall, it is essential for the clinician to recognize that such incest
can have a negative and long-lasting impact on women, regardless of age differential between
the siblings. Helping women to see themselves as child victims at the hands of more powerful
and coercive brothers, and also at the hands of neglectful or abusive parents, could be an
420 Marisa Laviola

important step toward lessening the self-blame and resultant problems with self-esteem. This
becomes more salient as the response of parental figures to the incest, or as the reasons for the
women’s refusal to involve parental figures, are explored. The clinician must be careful not to
assume that maintenance through coercion or the occurrence of less invasive activities consti-
tutes less serious consequences than maintenance through force or more invasive activities.
Likewise, age differential between brother and sister should not necessarily be a significant
factor in determining the seriousness of effects.
When women report symptoms such as negative feelings about themselves, sexual dysfunc-
tion, aversion to sex, preoccupation with sex, or severe mistrust of men and women, the
impact of the incest should especially be addressed as a significant contributing factor to the
presenting issues. Also, by the women’s own account, talking about the incest with supportive
people and in a supportive atmosphere could help toward healing. An understanding of the
incest in light of dysfunctional family relationships can also be helpful. If these women could
understand how they were set up to have such deep emotional needs that went unfilled, they
could have more compassion and understanding as to why they responded to such attention
from their brothers. The women could also perhaps realize that they were victims back then,
but no longer have to continue that role with present-day relationships. Again, by the
women’s own accounts, they see being able to trust others in relationships as very much a part
of their healing. This has important implications for the therapeutic relationship, since this
relationship may be the first one in which the women reveal their secrets, and the first in
which they encounter and face these issues. The therapeutic relationship could be a medium
for the development of the women’s first trustworthy relationship, with a person who will not
abuse, neglect, or blame them. It is important for the therapist to respect the women’s ambiva-
lence about trust, and not blame the women for these difficulties, instead understanding the
ambivalence in light of an abusive childhood. It is also important for the therapist to commu-
nicate validation of the women’s perceptions and feelings regarding the effects of the incest
itself. Certainly helping women to understand the impact of incest in the context of a dysfunc-
tional family is crucial to healing. However, care should be taken not to minimize the impact
of the incest on presenting symptomatology.

REFERENCES

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Brickman, J. (1984). Feminist, nonsexist, and traditional models of therapy: Implications for working uith inccst.
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Cole, E. (1982). Sibling incest: The myth of benign sibling incest. Women & Thcrup): 1, 79-89.
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R&me-Cette ttude avait pour but d’explorer comment I’inceste entre f&es et soeurs cadettes affecte ces dernikres,
une fois devenues adultes. On s’est aussi penche sur la dynamique familiale et son lien avec l’inceste. A partir d’une
entrevue semi-structurke, dix-sept femmes ont et& questionCes, puis quatre instruments objectifs leur ont 6tC admi-
nistrt pour comprendre la dynamique familiale et leurs symptGmes, lesquels se manifestent souvent suite & de tels
traumatismes. On a document6 de facon systkmatique et selon des themes communs les perceptions et les concepts
ressortant de leur exptrience. L’Ctude conclut que toutes les families auxquelles appartenaient ces femmes Ctaient
dysfonctionnelles. Les effets de I’inceste sont principalement le mtfi des hommes et des femmes, une faible estime de
soi, des difficult& sexuelles et des souvenirs envahissants. La thCrapie individuelle, les &changes sympathiques, et le
fait d’entendre d’autres leur confirmer que I’inceste a rkellement eu lieu sont parmi les Cltments qui ont aidt ces
victimes ?I surmonter leur traumatisme. Ces rCsultats de I’Ctude sont importants par rapport aux interventions
thtrapeutiques. y compris la ntcessitC de reconnaitre les sympt8mes qu’apporte ce type d’inceste et les problemes et
les conflits qui peuvent surgir au tours du processus therapeutique.

Resumen-El objetivo de este estudio fue explorar 10s efectos del incest0 entre hermano mayor-hermana menor
desde la perspectiva de las mujeres que sufiieron esta experiencia en la niiiez b en la adolescencia. Se explorb tambitn
la dinamica en las familias de origen en cuanto a su relacibn b influencia en 10s efectos de1 incesto. Diecisiete mujeres
fueron entrevistadas usando una entrevista semi-estructurada profunda. Se administraron tambikn cuatro instru-
mentos objectives de auto-reporte que median la dinamica de las familias de origen y la sintomatologia asociada con
10s efectos de1 trauma. Las entrevistas y 10s datos objectives fueron analizados al organizar de manera sistemitica las
percepciones y conceptualizaciones de las mujeres en temas comunes. Todas las familias de origen de las victimas
pueden considerarse coma disfuncionales. Algunos de 10s efectos m8s comunes reportados incluyen: Desconfianza de
hombres y mujeres, autoestima crbnica baja b negativa, d_ificultades en su respuesta sexual e insercibn de pensamien-
tos acerca del incesto. Estas mujeres consideraron la terapla individual, hablar con personas que les ofrecieran apoyo y
validarse a si mismas coma victimas en ese momento, coma las formas en que ellas se ayudacon a si mismas para
manejar 10s efectos de1 incesto. Estos resultados tienen importantes aplicaciones para la terapia, incluyendo serias
consideraciones sobre el impact0 y la contribucibn de este tipo de incest0 en la sintomatologia reportada y sobre
aspectos y conflictos que surgen dentro del proceso terapCutico.