AGRAGRIAN ECONOMY OF ANCIENT INDIA

Man has devised his subsistence patterns since the dawn of human
history. Stone Age or Prehistoric man was a hunter gather and moved in
groups from one region to another in search of food and shelter. The last
stage of the Stone Age which is also known as the Neolithic Age or the
New Stone Age witnessed two path breaking developments in the history
of mankind- man began to practice agriculture and domesticate animals
like cattle, sheep, goat etc. Cultivation of crops made man settle at one
place and this gave rise to small settlements which, in the course of time
transformed into villages or janapadas and some of these rural
settlements expanded to become cities or nagaras and nigamas or
market towns. As agriculture advanced it gave rise to surplus grains
which led to the emergence of trade and commerce. Thus agriculture,
animal husbandry and trade are the three fundamental vocations which
supported most ancient and medieval pre industrial economies. Ancient
India too was not an exception to this and in fact, philosophers and
intellectuals of ancient India rightly accorded a lot of significance to
these three and they together constituted what came to be known as
Vartta. The term Vartta has been derived from the term Vṛtti
and implies livelihood and the branch of knowledge needed to
earn one’s living. Vartta has been practised in India since the Sindhu-
Sarasvatī Civilisation and the Vaidika texts have copious
references to agriculture and animal husbandry as well as a
few to trade also. By the beginning of the Mauryan Age (4th century
BCE) Vārttā was recognised as a branch of knowledge and most Indic
texts consider Vārtta to be one of the foremost responsibilities of a king
and make it obligatory for him to provide his subjects with the same.
Vārtṭā came to be associated with the puruṣartha of Artha and the Manu
Smṛti in fact states that all the three puruṣarthas of Dharma, Artha and
Kāma do good to human existence.

VARTTA IN KAUTILYA’S ARTHASHASTRA

Vārttā refers to livelihood and the science or vidyā to procure your
livelihood and this concept of Vārttā therefore occupies a preeminent
place in ancient Indian Economic Thought. Vārttā has been accorded the
status of vidyā or a systematic knowledge system along with Ānvīkṣikī,
Trayī and Daṇ ḍ anīti. These four have been called vidyās by Kautilya in
his Arthaśāstra (Arth 1.2.1). Further, in the opinion of Kauṭilya these four
vidyās help a man to understand dharma and artha (Arth 1.2.8). The
Arthaśāstra clearly states that the term Ānvīkṣikī includes the darśanas
of Sāṁ khya, Yoga and Lokāyata (Arth 1.2.10). This vidyā has an
interrelationship with the rest of the three vidyās and is like a lamp that
helps us understand better the other vidyās and is the refuge of all
dharmas. The Trayī refers to the study of the three Vedas i.e. Ṛ ig, Yajur
and Sāma and the fourth Veda – the Atharvaveda has been mentioned
separately by Kauṭilya in his Arthaśāśtra along with Itihāsa Veda. (Arth
1.3.2) According to Kautilya, all these constitute the Veda. The term
vārttā according to Kauṭilya implies the occupations agriculture, animal
husbandry and trade: Kṛṣīpāśupālye Vāṇijyā Ca Vārttā (Arth 1.4.1)
Since this vidyā helps an individual to avail of grain, animals (mainly
cattle), money, forest produce and labour force this vidyā is very
beneficial. The Vārtta Vidyā helps a king to control, with the help of his
treasury and army, his own as well as his enemy’s subjects. The last vidyā
is called Daṇ ḍ anīti which helps in ingraining and practising the
aforementioned vidyās (Arth 1.4.3). Kauṭilya strongly feels that a king
who uses Daṇ ḍ anīti in an optimum manner is indeed eligible for respect
(Arth 1.4.10).

VARTTA IN THE KAMANDAKYIA NITISARA

Some scholars consider this text as a summary of the Arthasastra. The
date of this work is believed to be before the 7th century CE. Vartta has
been mentioned in the second sarga of the text as a branch of learning
along with Anvikṣikī, Trayī and Daṇ ḍ anīti. The text states that the king,
after controlling his senses should concentrate on ensuring the
development of these vidyās, seeking help from those well versed in
them (Kām Nit 2. 1). Next the text makes it clear that only these four are
the eternal branches of learning (Kām Nit 2.2) and equates Vārttā with
the branch of knowledge that concerns itself with the gain and loss of
wealth (Kām Nit 2.7). Like the Arthaśāstra, this text too includes animal
husbandry, agriculture and trade in the definition of Vārttā (2.14) and
considers these three to be the means of livelihood for the Vaiṣyas (Kām
Nit. 2.20).The text also describes the interconnections of the varṇa
vyavasthā and the four vidyās.
 VARTTA IN RAMAYANA
The subject of Vārttā in the Rāmāyaṇ a has been dealt in Lord Rāmā’s
advice to Bharata in the hundredth sarga of the Ayodhyākāṇ ḍ a. Lord
Rāma expects Bharata, as the administrator of the state to be aware of
the three vidyās namely the three Vedas, Vārttā and Daṇ ḍ anīti (Rām
2.100.68). He asks Bharata whether the Brāhmaṇ as, Kṣatriyas and
Vaiṣyas are absorbed in their respective duties (Rām 2.100.40). Lord
Rāma is shown to fully understand the importance of Vaiṣyas in the
running of the state and the economy and wants to ensure that Bharata
loves the Vaiṣyas whose source of Vārttā is agriculture and animal
husbandry. He specially inquires about the welfare of the Vaiṣyas whose
Vārttā is sourced from trade, agriculture and cattle breeding (Rām
2.100.47). From the instances noted above it is clear that the ruler had to
make sure that all his subjects had a source of living and specially those
who are engaged in agriculture, animal husbandry and trade are not
neglected as these vocations form the basis of the economy.

VARTTA IN MAHABHARATA
The Rājadharmānuśāsana Parvan which is a part of the Śāntī Parvan of
the Mahābhārata presents the counsel of Bhīṣma to Yudhiṣṭhira on
Rājadharma or duties of a king. Among many other things, the Bhīṣma
speaks about the necessity of adequate artha or dhana which a king
ought to posses. Bhīṣma says that leading a life based on mere
subsistence is the dharma of sages but the dharma of king is complete
with the right amount of wealth owned by the king (Mbh XII.8.12) . He
further adds that all kinds of good tasks emanate from accumulated
wealth (Mbh XII.8.16). According to Bhīṣma’s advice, the source of
dharma and kāma is artha and without artha attainment of heaven and
leading life on earth are both not possible (Mbh XII.8.17):
Arthād Dharmaśca Kāmaśca Svargaścaiva Narādhīpa |
Prāṇayātrāpi Lokasya Vina Hyartham Na Sidhyati ||
Moreover not just dharma, kāma and svarga but listening to the śastras,
anger, growth of happiness and victory over your adversaries can be
achieved through artha only (Mbh XII.8.21). Artha was also closely
linked to the performance of Vaidika yajñas and Bhīṣma tells
Yudhiṣṭhira that engaging in svādhyāya of the Vedas, earning wealth
and performing yajñas were the essential duties of a king as prescribed
by the śāstras (Mbh XII.8.27). Offering dakṣiṇ ā, after a yajña, specially
after a grand one like Aśvamedha was obligatory on the part of
the yajamāna and this could be only done if he had enough wealth at
hand. Procuring dhana was one of the prime tasks of a king and this he
did by defeating other kings and seizing their wealth. For kings, war was
their source of Vārttā. From Bhīṣma’s long discourse we can understand
that poverty was something totally undesirable and human existence
itself was meaningless if one no wealth or paucity of the same.
The Mahābhārata in the sixtieth adhyāya of the Śāntī Parvan describes
the respective duties of the four varṇas. The dharma of a Vaiṣya includes
giving dāna, studying the Vedas and Śāstras, performing yajñas and
earning wealth while maintaining his purity (Mbh XII.60.21) . The
Vaiṣyas were to engage in agriculture, animal husbandry and trade.
Among these three occupations, the Mahābhārata considers animal
husbandry to be only the Vaiṣyas’ vocation and they had to look after
cattle like a father taking care of his children (Mbh XII.60.22).The text
states that Prajāpati himself has delegated the care of cattle to Vaiṣyas
and it further describes how a Vaiṣya could get his livelihood or vṛtti
from this vocation.
In the eighteenth adhyāya of the Śrīmad Bhagavad Gītā, Lord Kṛṣṇ a
elucidates the duties of each of the four varṇas. Though the word Vārttā
are not used they are implied when the Lord says that agriculture,
protecting cows and trade and commerce are the duties of the Vaiṣyas
which are born out of their own nature (B.G. XVIII.42) :
Kṛṣigourakṣyavāṇijyam Vaiṣykarma Svabhāvajam |

VARTTA IN HARIVAMSA
The Harivaṁ śa is the khila or appendix text to the Mahābhārata. The
date of the composition of this text generally fixed between the 1st- 3rd
centuries CE. This text is primarily concerned with the life history of
Lord Kṛṣṇ a and the lineage of the Vṛṣṇ is to which he belonged. This text
is divided into three parts, namely the Harivaṁ śa Parvan, Viṣṇ u Parvan
and the Bhaviṣya Parvan. In the fifth adhyāya of the text which is a part
of the Harivaṁ śa Parvan, there is a legend about Emperor Pṛthu Vainya.
After he was consecrated as the emperor, all natural phenomena worked
in his favour and because of this he became very dear to his people. The
sages told Pṛthus’s subjects that he will provide them with Vārttā or
livelihood. The people appealed to Pṛthu to grant them livelihood. To
fulfill their wish Pṛthu pursued the earth who had taken the form of a
cow. The earth told him to find a calf for her and milk her for grains and
other riches. As per her request Pṛthu also leveled her and the text tells
us that once Pṛthu accomplished this task, towns and villages emerged
and so did grains, cow-herding, ploughing and trade routes. Therefore
Pṛthu has been called the primordial giver of livelihood: Sanātanaḥ
Vṛttidaḥ (H.V. 1.6.43). This legend clearly indicates that the king was
responsible to ensure that his subjects had the proper means of
livelihood.
In the same text in adhyāya fifty nine of the Viṣṇ u Parvan, there is a
mention of the term Vārttā when Lord Kṛṣṇ a explains to the gopas of
Vraja about their pastoral subsistence. Lord Kṛṣṇ a speaks about
agriculture, cattle herding and trade being the three main vocations of
people and cattle herding being the chief occupation of the gopas (H.V.
2.59.21).

VARTTA IN PURANAS
The Bhāgavata Purāṇ a briefly touches the subject of Vārttā when Sage
Nārada explains the Mokṣa Dharma for householders to Yudhiṣṭhira. He
mentions agriculture and trade as two forms of Vārttā which cannot
endow a man with the attainment of Bhagavat (Bhāg Pur 7.15.29). Lord
Kṛṣṇ a, as in the Harivaṁ śa speaks to his father Nanda and the
other gopas in the Bhāgavata Purāṇ a about Vārttā and he says that
Vārttā is of four kinds: agriculture, trade, taking care of cattle and money
lending (kuśida). Among these, the gopas practice cattle protection
(Bhāg Pur 10. 24.21). Here we find money lending being added to the
categories of Vārttā as it may have been a widely practised occupation in
the early medieval period when the Bhāgavata Purāṇ a was being
compiled.

VARTTA IN DHARMASHASTRA TEXT

The Manu Smṛti discusses the duties of a king at length in its
seventh adhyāya and states that a king must be trained in the four
vidyās- Ānvikṣikī, Trayi, Daṇ ḍ anīti and Vārttā which have no temporal
limits from those who are knowledgeable in them. He should learn the
Vārttā from the people. (Man Smṛ 7.43) The Yājñavalkya Smṛti refers to
Vārttā in the opening ślokas of the Rājadharmaprakaranam i.e. the
section elucidating the duties of a king. Among other virtues, the king
should be well versed in the four vidyās i.e. Ānvikṣikī, Daṇ ḍ nīti, Vārttā
and Trayī (Yāj Smṛ 13.311).

From the above overview we understand that most major Indic texts
have in some way or another incorporated the concept of Vārttā. The
Indic tradition has always sought a balance between the mundane and
transcendental realms. The ancient Indian intellectuals had completely
ascertained the role Vārttā would play in the life of individuals and its
ramifications on the economy. The king was assigned the charge to see to
it that his subjects had a proper source of livelihood which would help
them attain the puruṣārtha of Artha and give stability and prosperity to
the society. Though our tradition favoured an austere life way, it never
glorified poverty. The vidyā of Vārttā practised through Dharma ensured
the material well being of not only individuals but also made sure that
the economy flourished.

AGRICULTURE IN ANCIENT INDIA

Agriculture was among the three important sources of livelihood or

Vārtta along with animal husbandry and trade. Man has been practising
agriculture at least for the last 10,000 years. There are various legends in
India which tell us about the origin of agriculture. The most popular is
that of King Pṛthu Vainya who milked the earth who had taken the form
of a cow which led to ploughing and the production of grains. This
legend is found in numerous texts like the Harivaṁ śa as well as the
works of Kālidāsa. Pṛthvi or the earth goddess has been invoked in
certain sūktas of the Ṛ g Veda and she symbolised fecundity and
abundance. In the Atharva Veda she is considered to be the primordial
mother and all of mankind is her progeny. Other names of the earth like
Vasudhā and Vasundharā associate with her the quality of giving
resources for subsistence to man which include food grains. The whole
history of mankind changed dramatically after man took to agriculture.
It paved the way for a settled life and the concept of territorial affinity
emerged which led ultimately to the formation of states with definite
geographical areas.

Historical Overview of Ancient Indian Agriculture

Agriculture commenced in South Asia almost 10,000 years ago and sites
like Mehrgarh (now in Pakistan) and Lahuradeva in Uttar Pradesh were
some of the earliest sites which produced evidence of agriculture.
Remains of wheat and barley were found at Mehrgarh and Lahuradeva
gave proof of rice cultivation. Agriculture continued to flourish and
prepare the strong and stable backbone for the rise of urbanisation in the
valleys of the rivers Sarasvatī and Indus (Sindhu) around 2600 BCE. A
field with preserved furrow marks was discovered at the Early Harappan
levels at the site of Kalibangan in Rajasthan. Kalibangan lies on the bank
of the river Sarasvatī and was one of the premiere urban settlements of
the Sindhu-Sarasvaṭī Civilisation. The Mature Phase of this civilisation
(2600-2000 BCE) proved beneficial for agriculture as well as the
climatic conditions were very favourable. There were two kinds of crops-
those which were grown during the rainy season and those which were
cultivated in the winter season. Wheat, barley, green peas, mustard,
millet, sesame and cotton were some of the noteworthy crops. Wells
were commonly used and were built of stone or baked bricks. Manure
was also in use. Agriculture was carried out with the help of oxen.
In the Vedic age, there were four categories of land-vāstu, arable land,
pastures and forests. There are a few sūktas in the Ṛ g Veda which pray
for a good harvest on the agricultural land. Ploughing a field i.e.
agriculture enjoyed the status of a noble profession and was said to bring
happiness. Yava or barley was the most important crop and delicacies
like apūpa were made with barley and offered to the gods. Fried barley
was called dhāna. Small quantities of wheat and sugarcane were also
grown by the Vedic people. To facilitate agriculture through irrigation,
canals and wells were dug . Sūkta 25 in the tenth maṇḍala of the Ṛ g Veda
which is addressed to Soma has a reference to wells:
Our songs in concert go to thee as streams of water to the wells. (R.V.
10.25.4)
The plough and the ploughshare were objects of veneration in the Ṛ g
Vedic times. A sūkta in the fourth maṇḍala of the Ṛ g Veda is addressed
to a deity called Kṣetrapati who is supposed to be the guardian of the
field. Indra, Puṣaṇ a and Sītā, the goddess of the furrows have also been
invoked to make the harvest sweet and for the furrowing to proceed
smoothly (R.V. 4.57). Agriculture was an important and widely practised
occupation of the Vedic period. The plough was regularly used and was
called lāṅgala and sira. All agricultural processes like sowing the seeds
in the furrow, cutting of the corn or grains with a sickle
(called datva),laying it in bundles (parsa) on the threshing floor and
sifting it with the winnowing fan (surpa) have been mentioned in the Ṛ g
Veda.
Moving to the later Vedic period, the plough had become a very heavy
equipment as, as many as twenty-four oxen were required to pull it.
Irrigation and manure were used to improve the agricultural produce.
Barley, wheat, sesame and numerous other grains were grown. The
Bṛhadāraṇ yaka Upaniṣad lists ten kinds of grains which include rice,
barley, sesame, pulses, wheat and beans etc. (Das 1925: 51)
The Śukla Yajur Veda and the Taittirīya Saṃ hitā also provide details
about various crops. Two seasons of harvest were prevalent. The
Rāmāyaṇ a also contains a few details about agriculture. In the Ayodhyā
Kāṇ ḍ a, Rāma inquires with Bharata whether he was paying proper
attention to the farmers. Ayodhyā was supposed to have many
cultivators as her citizens (Das 1925: 51). There are also a few references
to agricultural fields and irrigation in the Mahābhārata. These references
indicate that arable lands were located at some distance from the
settlements. By the time we come to the 6th century BCE, agriculture
was very well developed. The arable lands or khetta lay a little outside
the gāma or rural settlement. Individual plots of land were demarcated
with digging of canals for watering fields. The landholdings were
generally small enough to be managed by an individual or his immediate
family though the Jātakas refer to extensive landholdings and hundreds
of ploughs being used to plough the land. This period also coincides with
the age of the Sūtras and the tone of the Sūtras seems to favour a rural
life style with agriculture as its backbone rather than living in urban
areas. Many rituals and invocations are prescribed for various agrarian
processes like ploughing and reaping the harvest. The Buddhist texts
also speak about privately owned groves or vanas just outside the city
limits which were offered to the Buddha and his disciples as resting
places. The Buddha, who belonged to the gaṇa sangha of the Śākyas is
said to have helped his father Śuddhodhana in farming. Śuddhodhana
was a part of the Sākya oligarchy and owned land which he himself
cultivated.
As we move ahead to the Mauryan Age (4th century BCE- 2nd century
BCE), the Arthaśāstra of Kauṭilya is the most detailed source to know
about details regarding agriculture. The village was in the form of a
cluster of houses and the arable and pasture lands would be outside the
village. Most of the cultivated lands were rice fields. The king was the
owner of all the land. It was he who gave land for cultivation to others
and these lands could be confiscated if they were not put to proper use.
Various kinds of grains like rice, barley, wheat, pulses, sugarcane and oil
seeds were among the prime agricultural products. For the majority of
the population, agriculture was the main occupation. Megasthenes, the
Greek ambassador who visited Candragupta Maurya’s court is all praise
for the fertile plains of northern India and the wide variety of crops
which were grown. The writings of Megasthenes also provide evidence
for the irrigation facilities made available by the Mauryan government
for benefit of the cultivators. Further, Candragupta Maurya was also
responsible for constructing a lake called Sudarśana near Junagadh in
Gujarat. This lake was repaired later by Aśoka, Rudradaman- the
Kṣatrapa king and Skandagupta during their respective regimes. The
Arthaśastra has prescribed that the king should initiate the expansion of
agriculture by helping people to settle in new areas and providing them
with loans for cattle, grains and money. Agricultural implements were
made out of wood and iron and iron sickles have been reported from the
Mauryan levels in the excavations at Atranjikhera. Two rounds of crops-
one in the monsoon and the other in autumn were sown and harvested.
Rice, wheat, barley, millets and pulses were the major crops. Sugarcane
was also produced and both sugar and jaggery were manufactured from
it.
We lack definite information about agriculture during the Śunga period
which was the immediate successor of the Mauryan Age. The next stage
which is marked by the rule of the Kuṣāṇ as (1st century CE-3rd century
CE) in north India and the Sātavāhanas (1st century BCE-3rd century
CE) in the Deccan and southern India brought unprecedented prosperity
to India. In the territory of the Sātavāhanas, there were three kinds of
agricultural lands: lands owned by the state, lands under the ownership
of landholders as well as lands possessed by individual farmers. The
state had no right to arbitrarily confiscate privately owned lands. The
numerous inscriptions of this period testify the grant of agricultural
fields made to Buddhist monasteries by the state. Land donations greatly
increased during this stage. There is a high probability that the
monasteries themselves cultivated these fields. The crops cultivated
included rice, wheat, millets, pulses, sugar cane and cotton. The
Gāthāsattasai, a Prākṛt anthology compiled by the Sātavāhana king Hāla
speaks about two kinds of ploughs- smaller wooden ploughs
called hāla and large, heavy metal ploughs known as nāṅgala. The
ploughs were pulled by oxen. As a part of irrigation, wells were in
common use. People were encouraged to clear forests and bring more
land under cultivation. Agriculture was almost fully dependent on the
monsoon and there was always a fear of draught and floods. Both these
natural calamities would adversely affect agriculture.
The Guptas followed the Kuṣāṇ as as rulers in northern India and the
Sātavāhanas were succeeded by the Vākātakas in the Deccan in the
second half of the 3rd century CE. Agriculture retained its position as the
most important occupation of the people. Kālidāsa considered
agriculture and animal husbandry as important sources adding to the
national wealth (Maity 1957: 71). Manure was used for a better produce
and the irrigation facilities like tanks, canals and wells were provided to
support agriculture. These helped in bringing even dry lands under
cultivation. The state supported people who took the initiative in
expanding agriculture and constructing tanks and reservoirs by giving
them concessions in land revenue. Hardly any land was left to remain
fallow. The Dharmaśāstra texts of this period enlist stringent
punishments for people who stole grains and agricultural implements
(Ibid: 73). There were also concessions given to the producer if his grains
were destroyed by cattle though generally fields were protected by
fences.
Varāhamihira in his Bṛhat Saṃ hitā has given predictions about rainfall
through meteorological calculations. Going by the evidence in the Bṛhat
Saṃ hitā, agriculture in the Gupta period was fairly advanced. Fields
were separated from each other by clear boundaries in the form of raised
platforms of the soil or fences with thorns. This text describes various
agricultural processes like ploughing, sowing, harvesting and piling of
the grain on the threshing floor for threshing and pounding. The crops
were then stored in a granary. Generally two crops were taken in a year
and the farmers were familiar with crop rotation. Crops sown during the
rainy season were called pūrvasasya and those sown in autumn were
called parasasya (Shastri 1969: 262). Rice, wheat and barley were the
principal crops. Varāhamihira has also provided the botanical
classification of crops viz. śūkadhānya (awned or bearded
grains), kośadhānya (legumes or those which grown in pods) and śamī
jātī (pulses).
The end of the Gupta and Vākātaka rules by the mid 6th century CE
paved the way for many dynasties like the Puṣyabhutis, Maukhāris,
Cālukyas and Pallavas to come to power. The wide majority practised
agriculture and in norther India Kaśmīra, Kauśāmbī and Magadha
produced high quality of rice. Kāśmīra, like today produced the best
saffron. Other agricultural products included cereals, mustard, ginger,
melons and pumpkins. Onion and garlic were grown on a very limited
scale. Various kinds of fruits were also grown which have been
mentioned by Xuan Zang. He was a Chinese pilgrim who visited India in
the first half of the 7th century CE during the reign of Harṣavardhana.

A Brief Note on the Kṛṣiḥ Pārāśaraḥ

The Kṛṣiḥ Pārāśaraḥ is an ancient text on agriculture. It is attributed to
Rṣi Parāśara and is divided into three sections. In its first section which
is like an introduction to the text, the author speaks about the
significance of kṛṣiḥ or agriculture. It is because of agriculture that
nobody becomes a yācaka and any person practising kṛṣiḥ can be a
master of the land (K.P. 1. 3). A person may be very wealthy, with gold
ornaments adorning his ears, neck and hands but he has to depend on
the farmer for his food. In the absence of food even a well to do man will
have to starve. The text considers agriculture to be the most useful
vocation and instructs all to give up other professions and practice
agriculture with putting in great effort (K.P. 1.7).
Prosperity was linked to agriculture and a field which was taken good
care of by the owner produced gold i.e. a good harvest (K.P. 3.1). A
farmer who works for the betterment cattle, the one who regularly visits
his agricultural lands, knows the measuring of time, who takes care of
the seeds and the one who is hardworking gets a good produce in his
fields and is always happy and contended (K.P. 3.5) . The text has
elaborate details regarding the cattle care and it emphasises treating
cattle, specially those that were yoked to a plough, in appropriate
manner. If these animals are treated well, the harvest will be bountiful.
We are also told about the different components of a plough (hala
sāmagrī) (K.P. 3.34) and the auspicious days on which the land should
be ploughed (K.P. 3.44). The plough must be used after invoking Indra,
Śukra, Pṛthu, Rāma and Parāśara and offering worship to Agni,
Brāhmaṇ as and other gods. Indra or Vāsava was the first deity invoked
as he is the rain giver and the harvest was almost totally dependent on
the rainfall. The blessings of the earth (Vasudhā) who provides all the
resources were also sought as without the earth, there would be no
agriculture. The text also carries details about the time of collecting
seeds, places where they should be and should not be stored and the kind
of grains which should be sown. There are also strict injunctions about
the process of sowing seeds and taking care of them once they are sown.
Rituals are prescribed in this case as well and the earth (Vasundharā) is
invoked as the seed will germinate in her and grow from her. All these
rituals and regulations were prescribed to ensure a good harvest as that
would provide food for everyone.

AGRARIAN ECONOMY
Agrarian Expansion: The agrarian expansion, which began with the
establishment of brahmadeya and agrahara settlements through land
grants to Brahmanas from the fourth century onwards, acquired a
uniform and universal form in subsequent centuries.
The centuries flanked by the eighth and twelfth witnessed the processes
of this expansion and the culmination of an agrarian organisation based
on land grants to religious and secular beneficiaries, i.e. Brahmanas,
temples, and officers of the King‟s government. Though, there are
significant local variations in this development, both due to geographical
as well as ecological factors.
Geographical and Chronological Patterns: Farming was extended
not only to the hitherto virgin lands but even through clearing forest
regions. This was a continuous procedure and a major characteristic of
early medieval agricultural economy.
There is a view prevalent in the middle of some scholars that land grants
started in outlying, backward, and tribal regions first and later slowly
extended to the Ganga valley, which was the hub of the brahmanical
culture. In the backward and aboriginal tracts the Brahmanas could
spread new methods of farming through regulating agricultural
processes through specialized knowledge of the seasons (astronomy),
plough, irrigation, etc., as well as through protecting the cattle wealth.
Though, this is not true of all regions in India, for, land grants were also
made in regions of settled agriculture as well as in other ecological zones,
especially for purposes of integrating them into a new economic order.
The chronological appearance of the land grant organization shows the
following pattern:
 Fourth-fifth centuries: spread in excess of a good part of central
India, northern Deccan and Andhra,
 Fifth-seventh centuries: eastern India (Bengal and Orissa),
beginnings in Western
 India (Gujarat and Rajasthan),
 Seventh and eighth centuries: Tamil Nadu and Karnataka,
 Ninth century: Kerala, and
 End of the twelfth century: approximately the whole sub-
continent with the possible exception of Punjab.

Ideological Background: Ideas relating to the gift of land emphasize

the importance of Dana or gift. The thought of Dana or gift to
Brahmanas was urbanized through Brahmanical texts as the surest
means of acquiring merit (punya) and destroying sin (pataka). It appears
to be a conscious and systematic effort to give means of survival to the
Brahmanas.
Grants of cultivable land to them and registration of gifts of land on
copper plates are recommended through all the Smritis and Puranas of
the post-Gupta centuries.
There were dissimilar things of gifts:
 Food, granules, paddy, etc.
 Movable assets like gold, money, etc.
 And The immovable assets i.e. cultivable land garden and
residential plot.
In the middle of the gifts are also incorporated the plough, cows, oxen
and ploughshare. Though, the gift of land was measured to be the best of
all kinds of gifts made to the learned Brahmana. Imprecations against
the destruction of such gifts and the resumption of land donated to a
Brahmana ensured their perpetuity. Therefore land grants began to
follow a set legal formula systematized through law books (Dhar
mashastras).
 While the early land grants were made mainly to Vedic priests
(Shrotriya fire priests), from the fifth to thirteenth centuries, grants were
also made to temple priests. The temple, as an institution, assumed a
more central role in agrarian expansion and organisation from the eighth
century A.D. Grants to the temple, either plots of land or whole villages
were recognized as devadana in the south Indian context. It needs to be
stressed that what began as a mere trickle, became a mighty current. The
procedure of acquiring landed property was not confined to brahmanical
temples.

Agrarian Organisation
The agrarian organisation and economy were highly intricate. This can
be understood on the foundation of rigorous studies of the local patterns
of land grants and the character and role of the brahmadeya and non-
brahmadeya and temple settlements. The growth and nature of land
rights, interdependence in the middle of the dissimilar groups related to
land and the manufacture and sharing processes also help in a better
understanding of the situation.

Character and Role of Several Kinds of Agrarian

Settlements
Brahmadeya: A brahmadeya symbolizes a grant of land either in
individual plots or whole villages given absent to Brahmanas creation
them landowners or land controllers. It was meant either to bring virgin
land under farming or to integrate existing agricultural (or peasant)
settlements into the new economic order dominated through a
Brahmana proprietor. These Brahmana donees played a major role in
integrating several socio-economic groups into the new order, through
service tenures and caste under the Varna organization. For instance, the
rising peasantisation of shudras was sought to be rationalized in the
existing brahmanical social order. The practice of land grants as
brahmadeyas was initiated through the ruling dynasties and
subsequently followed through chiefs, feudatories, etc. Brahmadeyas
facilitated agrarian expansion because they were:
 Exempted from several taxes or dues either entirely or at least in
the initial stages of resolution (e.g. For 12 years);
 Also endowed with ever rising privileges (pariharas). The ruling
families derived economic advantage in the form of the extension
 of the resource base; moreover, through creating brahmadeyas
they also gained ideological support for their political power

Lands were given as brahmadeya either to a single Brahmana or to many

Brahmana families which ranged from a few to many hundreds or even
more than a thousand. Brahmadeyas were invariably situated close to
major irrigation works such as tanks or lakes. Often new irrigation
sources were constructed when brahmadeyas were created, especially in
regions dependent on rains and in arid and semi-arid regions. When
situated in regions of rigorous agriculture in the river valleys, they served
to integrate other settlements of a survival stage manufacture.
Sometimes, two or more settlements were clubbed jointly to form a
brahmadeya or an agrahara. The taxes from such villages were assigned
to the Brahmana donees, which were also given the right to get the
donated land cultivated. Boundaries of the donated land or village were
very often cautiously demarcated. The several kinds of land, wet, arid,
and garden land within the village were specified. Sometimes even
specific crops and trees are mentioned. The land donations implied more
than the transfer of land rights. For instance, in several cases, beside
with the revenues and economic possessions of the village, human
possessions such as peasants (cultivators), artisans and others were also
transferred to donees. There is also rising proof of the encroachment of
the rights of villagers in excess of society lands such as lakes and ponds.
Therefore, the Brahmanas became managers of agricultural and
artisanal manufacture in these settlements for which they organized
themselves into assemblies.

Secular Grants: From the seventh century onwards, officers of the

state were also being remunerated through land grants. This is of special
significance because it created another class of landlords who were not
Brahmanas. The gift of land on officials in charge of administrative
divisions is mentioned as early as c. A.D. 200 (the time of Manu) but the
practice picks up momentum in the post-Gupta era. Literary works
dealing with central India, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Bihar and Bengal flanked
by the tenth and twelfth centuries create frequent references to several
types of grants to ministers, kinsmen, and those who rendered military
services. The rajas, rajaputras, ranakas, mahasamantas, etc. mentioned
in Pala land charters were mostly vassals linked with land. The incidence
of grants to state officials varies from one region to another. To illustrate,
while we hear of in relation to the half a dozen Paramar official ranks,
only a few of them are recognized to have received land grants. But very
big territories were granted to vassals and high officers under the
Chalukyas of Gujarat. The accessible proofs suggest that Orissa had more
service grants than Assam, Bengal, and Bihar taken jointly. Further, the
right of several officials to enjoy specific and exclusive levies—
irrespective of the tenure of these levies—was bound to make
intermediaries with interests in the lands of the tenants.

Devadanas: Big level gifts to the religious establishments, both

brahmanical and nonbrahmanical, discover distinctive spaces in
inscriptional proofs. These centers worked as nuclei of agricultural
settlements and helped in integrating several peasant and tribal
settlements through a procedure of acculturation. They also integrated
several socio-economic groups through service tenures or remuneration
through temple lands. Temple lands were leased out to tenants, who paid
a higher share of the produce to the temple. Such lands were also
supervised either through the sabha of the brahmadeya or mahajanas of
the agrahara settlements. In non-Brahmana settlements also temples
became the central institution. Here temple lands came to be
administered through the temple executive committees composed of
land owning non- Brahmanas. e.g. the Velalas of Tamil Nadu the Okkalu
Kampulu etc of Karnataka dissimilar groups were assigned a caste and
ritual status. It is in this procedure that people following “impure” and
“low occupations” were assigned the status of untouchables, kept out of
the temple and given quarters at the fringes of the resolution. The
supervision of temple lands was in the hands of Brahmana and
nonBrahmana landed elite. The control of irrigation sources was also a
major function of the local bodies dominated through landed elite
groups. Therefore the Brahmana, the temple and higher strata of non-
Brahmanas as landlords, employers, and holders of superior rights in
land became the central characteristic of early medieval agrarian
organisation. The new landed elite also consisted of local peasant clan
chiefs or heads of kinship groups and heads of families, who had kani
rights i.e. rights of possession and supervision. In other words, many
strata of intermediaries appeared flanked by the King and the actual
producer.
Rights in Land: A significant aspect relating to land grants is the
nature of rights granted to the assignees. Rights conferred upon the
grantees incorporated fiscal and administrative rights. The taxes, of
which land tax was the major source of revenue, theoretically payable to
the King or government, came to be assigned to the donees. The
reference to pariharas or exemptions in the copper plate and stone
inscriptions registering such grants indicate that what was theoretically
payable to the King was not being totally exempted from payment but
the rights were now transferred to the grantees. This was apparently
based on the sanction of the dharmashastras, which sought to set up the
royal ownership of land and hence justify such grants, creating
intermediary rights in land. Although there is some proof of a communal
foundation of land rights in early settlements, the development of private
ownership or rights is indicated through the information that the
grantees often enjoyed rights of alienation of land. They also enjoyed
other hereditary benefits in the settlements. Land gifts were often made
after purchase from private individuals. Hereditary ownership appears
to have urbanized out of such grants, both religious and secular.
Technological Improvements: Throughout the early medieval era
there was an augment in irrigation sources such as canals, lakes, tanks
(tataka, eri) and wells (kupa and kinaru). That the accessibility to water
possessions was a significant consideration in the spread of rural
settlements is shown through local studies. Keres or tanks in south
Karnataka, nadi (river), pushkarini (tank), srota (water channel) etc. in
Bengal and araghatta-wells in western Rajasthan used to be natural
points of reference whenever sharing and transfer of village lands had to
be undertaken. Naturally, the concern for water possessions contributed
to the extension of farming and intensification of agricultural behaviors.
Water-lifts of dissimilar types operated through man and animal power
were also recognized. Epigraphic sources record the construction and
maintenance of such irrigation works flanked by eight and thirteenth
centuries. Several of the lakes/ tanks of this era have survived well into
the contemporary times. Some of them were repaired, revived, and
elaborated under the British management. The step wells (vapis) in
Rajasthan and Gujarat became very popular in the elevenththirteenth
centuries. They were meant for irrigating the meadows as well as for
supplying drinking water. The augment in the number of irrigation
works was due to an advance in irrigation technology. There is proof of
the use of more scientific and permanent methods of flood manage,
damming of river waters, sluice construction (with piston valve and
cisterns) both at the heads of canals and of lakes and tanks. Flood
manage was achieved slowly through breaching of rivers for canals and
mud embankments which ensured the regulated use of water
possessions. Lakes or reservoirs were more commonly used in semi arid'
and rain fed regions, as well as river basins where the rivers up in
summer construction of water reservoirs was initiated through ruling
families and maintained through local organizations such as the sabha
(Brahmana assembly) and ur (non-Brahmana village assembly) in Tamil
Nadu. Maintenance of lakes/tanks etc. i.e. desilting, bund and sluice
repair was looked after through a special committee of local assemblies
and cesses were levied for the purpose. Royal permission was accorded
for digging tanks or wells, when gifts were made to Brahmanas and
temples. Land was demarcated for construction and maintenance of
canals and tanks, etc. Digging of tanks was measured a part of the
privileges enjoyed through the grantees and an act of religious merit.
Hence, resourceful private individuals also constructed tanks. No less
important were the improvements in agricultural implements. For
instance, a tenth century inscription from Ajmer refers to “big” plough.
Likewise, separate implements are mentioned for weeding parasitic
plants. Vrikshayarveda mentions steps to cure diseases of trees. Water
lifting devices such as araghatta and ghatiyantra are mentioned in
inscriptions and literary works. The former was specially used in the
wells of Rajasthan in the ninthtenth centuries. The Krishisukti of
Kashypa prescribed that the ghatiyantra operated through oxen is the
best that through men was the worst while the one driven through
elephants was of the middling excellence. Advanced knowledge in
relation to the weather circumstances and their use in agricultural
operations is noticeable in such texts as the Gurusamhita and
Krishinarashwara. More than one hundred kinds of cereals including
wheat, barley, lentils, etc. are mentioned in modern writings on
agriculture. According to the Shunyapurana more than fifty types of
paddy were cultivated in Bengal. The knowledge of fertilizers improved
immensely and the use of the compost was recognized. Cash crops such
as areca nuts, betel leaves, cotton, sugarcane, etc. discover frequent
mention. Rajashekhara (early tenth century) tells us in relation to the
excellent sugarcane of north Bengal which yielded juice even without the
use of pressing instrument. Commodity manufacture of coconut and
oranges assumed special importance in peninsular India throughout this
era. Marco-Polo hints at increased manufacture of spices when
he says that the municipality of Kinsay in China alone
consumed ten thousand pounds of pepper everyday which
came from India. He also mentions the great demand for Indian
ginger in European markets. Harvesting of three crops and rotation of
crops were recognized widely. Therefore, advanced agricultural
technology was being systematized and diffused in several parts of the
country causing substantial boom in agricultural manufacture.
Rural Tension: Notwithstanding agrarian expansion, the rural
landscape was distant from being a homogeneous scene. There is, to
begin with, heterogeneous and stratified peasantry. Unlike the age old
and pre-Gupta gahapatis we now have graded personnel associated with
land: Kshetrik, karshaka, halin and ardhik. Regrettably, there is hardly
any indication of landownership in these conditions, which appear to be
referring to several categories of cultivators. The conversion of the
brahmadeyas into non- brahmadeyas and that of the latter into
agraharas were potential sources of tension in rural regions. The damara
revolts in Kashmir, rebellion of the Kaivarthas in the reign of Ramapal in
Bengal, acts of self immolation in situations of encroachments on land in
Tamil Nadu, appropriation of donated land through shudras in the
Pandya territory, are indices of distrust against the new landed
intermediaries. The information that donors often looked for land where
farming was not disputed also shows the seeds of turmoil. The possibility
of the hero-stones in and approximately agraharas also has the potential
of throwing light on rumblings beneath the surface in agrarian
settlements. Why does the concept of brahmahatya (killing of a
Brahmana) become very pronounced in early medieval times? Answers
to this question raise doubts in relation to the validity of “brahmana-
peasant alliance” and “peasant state and society”. This is, though, not to
deny other possible regions of tension within rural society flanked by
Brahmanas and temples and within ranks of secular land holders.
Agriculture and the Swap Network It is sometimes maintained that in
the early medieval economic organisation, which was a predominantly
agrarian and self-enough village economy, manufacture was mainly
survival oriented and was not in response to the laws of the market.
Hence there was little scope for economic growth. Craftsmen and
artisans were attached either to villages or estates or religious
establishments. Hence there was no important role for traders and
middlemen, who only procured and supplied iron apparatus, oil, spices,
cloth, etc. to rural folk. In other words the functioning of the market
organization was very limited. The aforesaid picture is certainly true for
the era 300-800 A.D. Though, the subsequent 500 years witnessed a
rapid augment in the number of agrarian settlements and the growth of
local markets initially for local swap. Subsequently, the need for regular
swap within a region and with other regions led to organized commerce.
This in turn led to the emergence of merchant organisations, itinerant
trade, and partial monetization from the ninth century. Though the
relative importance of these characteristics varied from one region to
another the rising role of agriculture in this new economy is easily seen.
Agricultural products came to be exchanged with things of extensive
aloofness trade accepted on through itinerant traders. This development
also led to a change in the pattern of land ownership towards the secure
of the early medieval era. Merchants and economically influential
craftsmen, like weavers, invested in land i.e. purchased land described
the Jagati-kottali (society of weavers) and the society of Telligas (oil
pressers) was active participants in agriculture. The former are
repeatedly mentioned as excavating tanks and laying out gardens.

The Characterization of Early Medieval Agrarian Economy

Dissimilar views have been put forward concerning the nature of the
overall set up of early medieval agrarian economy. On the one hand, it is
seen as a manifestation of feudal economy, while on the other it is
dubbed as a peasant state and society.

The salient characteristics of “Indian Feudalism” are:

 Emergence of hierarchical landed intermediaries. Vassals and
officers of state and other secular assignee had military obligations
and feudal titles. Sub-infeudation (varying in dissimilar regions)
through these donees to get their land cultivated led to the growth
of dissimilar strata of intermediaries. It was a hierarchy of landed
aristocrats, tenants, share croppers, and cultivators. This hierarchy
was also reflected in the power/administrative structure, where a
sort of lord-vassal connection appeared. In other words, Indian
feudalism consisted in the gross unequal sharing of land and its
produce.
 Another significant characteristic was the prevalence of forced
labour. The right of extracting forced labour (vishti) is whispered
to have been exercised through the Brahmana and other grantees
of land. Forced labour was originally a prerogative of the King or
the state. It was transferred to the grantees, petty officials, village
authorities and others. In the Chola inscriptions alone, there are
 more than one hundred references to forced labour. Even the
peasants and artisans come within the jurisdiction of vishti. As a
result, a type of serfdom appeared, in which agricultural laborers
were reduced to the location of semi-serfs.

 Due to the rising claims of greater rights in excess of land through

rulers and intermediaries, peasants also suffered a curtailment of
their land rights. Several were reduced to the location of tenants
facing ever rising threat of eviction. A number of peasants were
only ardhikas (share croppers). The strain on the peasantry was
also caused through the burden of taxation, coercion, and augment
in their indebtedness. Surplus was extracted through several
methods. Extra economic coercion was a conspicuous method.
With the rise of new property dealings, new mechanisms of
economic subordination also evolved. The rising burden is
apparent in the mentioning of more than fifty levies in the
inscription of Rajaraja Chola. It was relatively a closed village
economy. The transfer of human possessions beside with land to
the beneficiaries shows that in such villages the peasants,
craftsmen and artisans were attached to the villages and hence
were mutually dependent. Their attachment to land and to service
grants ensured manages in excess of them through the
beneficiaries.

 Surplus was extracted through several methods. Extra economic

coercion was a conspicuous method. With the rise of new property
dealings, new mechanisms of economic subordination also
evolved. The rising burden is apparent in the mentioning of more
than fifty levies in the inscription of Rajaraja Chola.

 It was relatively a closed village economy. The transfer of human

possessions beside with land to the beneficiaries shows that in such
villages the peasants, craftsmen and artisans were attached to the
villages and hence were mutually dependent. Their attachment to
land and to service grants ensured manages in excess of them
through the beneficiaries.

In brief, a subject and immobile peasantry, functioning in relatively

selfenough villages buttressed through varna restrictions, was the
marked characteristic of the agrarian economy throughout the five
centuries under survey.

THE THEORY OF THE SUBSISTENCE OF AUTONOMOUS

PEASENT COMMUNITIES

The theory of the subsistence of autonomous peasant communities is put

forward in opposition to the theory of Indian feudalism. It is based
mainly on the proof from South Indian sources. According to this theory,
autonomous peasant regions described the nadus evolved in South India
through early medieval times. They were organized on the foundation of
clan and kinship ties. Agricultural manufacture in the nadus was
organized and controlled through the nattar, i.e., people of the nadu,
organizing themselves into assemblies, i.e., nadu. Members of this
assembly were velalas or non-Brahmana peasants. Their autonomy is
indicated through the information that when land grants were made
through the kings and lesser chiefs, orders were issued with the consent
of the nattar. Orders were first addressed to them. They demarcated the
gift land and supervised the execution of the grant because they were the
organizers of manufacture. The Brahmanas and dominant peasants
became allies in the manufacture procedure. Apparently, the exponents
of this hypothesis share the notion of rural self sufficiency, which is a
significant component of Indian feudalism. The theories of Indian
feudalism and autonomous peasant communities have their adherents
and claim to be based on empirical proof. Though, early medieval
agrarian economy was a highly intricate one.

The overview indicates that agriculture has been most enduring

foundation for Indian economy. Fertility and fecundity are given pre-
eminence in almost all Indian rituals. The earth was venerated and right
from the Ṛ ig Veda, special prayers were addressed to various deities for a
good harvest. Prayers and rituals were also prescribed as a mark of
gratitude to Pṛthvi and other natural phenomenon when there would be
abundant produce. A good produce was a symbol of good fortune and
prosperity. The king was required to take measures which would help in
the growth of agriculture.