Time, Human Agency, and Social Change: Perspectives on the Life Course

Author(s): Glen H. Elder Jr.

Reviewed work(s):
Source: Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 57, No. 1 (Mar., 1994), pp. 4-15
Published by: American Sociological Association
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 Social PsychologyQuarterly
1994, Vol. 57, No. 1, 4-15

Time, Human Agency,and Social Change:

Perspectiveson the Life Course*
GLEN H. ELDER JR.
ofNorthCarolinaat ChapelHill
University

The life course has emergedover the past 30 years as a major researchparadigm.
Distinctivethemesincludetherelationbetweenhumanlives and a changingsociety,the
timingof lives,linkedor interdependentlives,and humanagency.Two linesof research
convergedin theformation ofthisparadigmduringthe1960s; one was associatedwithan
older "social relationship" thatfeaturedintergenerational
tradition studies,and theother
withmorecontemporary aboutage. Theemergence
thinking ofa lifecourseparadigmhas
been coupledwitha notabledeclinein socializationas a researchframework and withits
incorporation byothertheories.Also,thefieldhas seenan expandinginterest in howsocial
changealterspeople's lives,an enduringperspective ofsociologicalsocial psychology.

The studyof humanlives has become a conceptof lifecourse,however,as we know

livelyenterprise overthepastquarter-century, it today(Elder 1992a; but see Cain 1964),
extendingacross substantiveand diverse was nottobe foundin thescholarly literature.
boundaries in the social and behavioral It didnotappearin sociologicalorpsycholog-
sciences. With this change has come an ical theoryor in the courseworkof our
appreciation for "the long way" of thinking leading graduateprograms.I left graduate
about human personalityand its social studieswithoutany exposureto, or under-
pathwaysin changingsocieties.Developmen- standing of,thelifecourseas fieldofinquiry,
talistshave gained more sensitivity to the theory, or method.
interlockingnature of human lives and Todaywe findthatlifecoursethinking has
generations, as well as an informed awareness diffusedacross disciplinary boundariesand
of individualsas choicemakersand agentsof specialtyareas withinparticulardisciplines
theirown lives. (Featherman1983). Applicationof the per-
To graspthedramaticsurgeof lifestudies, spective in sociology extends across the
considerfor a momentwherewe were 30 subfieldsof population,social stratification,
yearsago. Mills's (1959, p. 149) provocative complexorganizations, family,criminology,
work,TheSociologicalImagination, hadjust and medical sociology,among others.Be-
proposedan orienting conceptin the behav- yondsociology,lifecoursestudiesappearin
ioral sciences-in his words, "the studyof social history(Elder, Modell, and Parke
biography, of history, and of theproblemsof 1993; Modell 1989), developmental psychol-
theirintersection withinsocialstructure." The ogy(Bronfenbrenner 1979), and gerontology,
whereStreiband Binstock(1990, p. 1) refer
to the "tremendous increasein attentionpaid
* This paper was presentedas the Cooley-Mead to the adultlife course
(and sometimesthe
Lectureto the Social PsychologySection at the 1993 full life course) contextin which persons
annualmeetingof the AmericanSociologicalAssocia-
tion,held in Miami Beach. It is based on a programof age."
researchon the lifecoursewithintheCarolinaConsor- What, then,is distinctiveabout the life
tiumon HumanDevelopmentand theCarolinaPopula- course in contemporary social science-as
tionCenter.I am indebtedto a greatmanycolleagues concept,theoretical orientation,and fieldof
whoreadandcritiqued thepaperin manuscript form,but
my debtis especiallylargeto JohnClausen's and Urie
inquiry?
Bronfenbrenner'smentoringacross the years. I also
acknowledgesupportby theNationalInstitute
of Mental
Health (MH 41327, MH 43270, and MH 48165), a THE LIFE COURSE: AN
contractwiththeU.S. ArmyResearchInstitute,a grant EMERGING PARADIGM
fromtheDepartment of VeteransAffairsMeritReview
Program,research supportfrom the John D. and The lifecourserepresents a majorchange
CatherineT. MacArthur FoundationProgramfor Suc-
cessfulAdolescentDevelopmentamongYouthin High-
inhowwe thinkaboutandstudyhumanlives.
Risk Settings,and a Research ScientistAward (MH In this sense, it is an emergingparadigm.
00567). Broadlyspeaking,the change is part of a
4
 TIME, HUMAN AGENCY, AND SOCIAL CHANGE 5
generalconceptualtrendthathas made time, earlyadultchoicesextendeven intothelater
context,and processmoresalientdimensions years of retirement and old age (Clausen
of theoryand analysis.This development has 1993), from the adequacy of economic
various theoreticalstrands including the resourcesto adaptiveskillsandactivities. The
macroworldof age stratification (Elder1975; lateryearsof agingcannotbe understood in
Riley,Johnson, andFoner1972),culturaland depthwithoutknowledgeof the priorlife
intergenerational models (Kertzerand Keith course. Role historiesclearly matterfor
1984), and developmental life span psychol- health(Elder,Shanahan,andClippforthcom-
ogy (Baltes 1987). My perspectivetendsto ing) and foradaptations alongthelifeline.
stressthe social forcesthat shape the life The implicationof early choices and
courseand itsdevelopmental consequences. pursuitsbringsup a core premiseof life
Overallthelifecoursecan be viewedas a course study:developmentalprocesses and
multilevelphenomenon, rangingfromstruc- outcomesare shapedby thesocialtrajectories
turedpathwaysthrough and thatpeople follow,as throughadvancement
socialinstitutions
organizationsto the social trajectoriesof and demotion.Causal influences flowin the
individualsand their developmentalpath- otherdirectionas well. Acting-outtenden-
ways. Thoughsocial psychologicaltheories cies, forexample,restrict the availabilityof
generally existon one level or another,much certainoptions,suchas a stablejob. Theoret-
of life coursestudycrosseslevels, as in the icallyinformed panelstudies(Caspi and Bem
relationbetweenhistoricalchange and life 1990) arebeginning increasinglyto document
experience(Elder1974). Less is knownabout the mechanismsof reciprocalinfluencebe-
theeffectof personality and lifepatterns on tweensocial and developmental trajectories.
social structures(Turner1988).
In concept,thelifecoursegenerallyrefers CentralThemesof theParadigm
to the interweave of age-gradedtrajectories,
such as workcareersand familypathways, This is nottheplace fora detailedreview
thatare subjectto changingconditionsand of theoreticaldistinctions, but fourthemes
futureoptions,and to short-term transitionsdeserve special note as centralto the life
rangingfromleaving school to retirementcourseparadigm:theinterplay ofhumanlives
(Elder 1985). Transitions are alwaysembed- and historicaltimes, the timingof lives,
ded in trajectoriesthatgive themdistinctive linked or interdependent lives, and human
formandmeaning.In termsoftheory, thelife agencyin choicemaking.
coursehas defineda commonfieldof inquiry Growingawarenessof the link between
by providinga framework that guides re- humanlives and theirhistoricaltimes has
searchon mattersof problemidentificationunderscored the multiplelevels, social em-
andconceptualdevelopment. Theseproblems beddedness,and thedynamicfeaturesof the
havemuchto do withtheimpactof changing lifecourse.Issues oftiming, linkedlives,and
societieson developinglives. humanagencyidentify key mechanismsby
Unlike the focus on single careers, so which environmental change and pathways
widely studiedin the past, the life course influencethe course and the substanceof
perspective offersa framework forexploring humanlives. To explorethisobservation, I
the dynamicsof multiple,interdependentbegin by consideringthe relationbetween
pathways,an increasingly popularresearch lives and timesin greaterdetail.
topic (Eckenrodeand Gore 1990; Moen, Lives and historicaltimes.Especiallyin
Dempster-McClain,and Williams 1992). rapidly changing societies, differencesin
Considerthe relationbetweenmarriageand birthyear expose individualsto different
parenthood. A poor marriagediminishesthe historicalworlds,withtheirconstraints and
qualityof birthexperiencesforwomen,and options. Individuallife courses may well
newparentalresponsibilities can diminish the reflectthesedifferent times.Historicaleffects
mutuality and companionship of themarriage on the life coursetaketheformof a cohort
itself(Cowan and Cowan 1992). Economic effectin which social change differentiates
pressuresacceleratethisnegativeprocess. thelifepatternsof successivecohorts,suchas
Withan eye to thefulllifecourse,analysis olderand youngerwomenbeforeWorldWar
is sensitiveto the consequencesof early II. Historyalso takes the formof a period
transitions forlaterexperiencesand events. effectwhentheeffectof changeis relatively
Indeed,we now see thattheimplications of uniform acrosssuccessivebirthcohorts.Birth
 6 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
year and cohortmembership, however,are importance of life stage at pointsof social
merelya proxy for exposureto historical change.Accordingto thelifestageprinciple,
change. thepersonalimpactof anychangedependson
Directstudyof suchchangeand itseffects wherepeople are in theirlives at thetimeof
on the life courseis requiredto identify the thechange.
explanatory mechanisms.In inquiringabout Linkedlives. No principleof life course
thepersonalimplications ofhistoricalchange, studyis more centralthan the notion of
long-term as well as short-term, the analyst interdependent lives. Human lives are typi-
necessarilyaddressesthe process by which cally embeddedin social relationships with
the effectsare expressed.Amongthe most kin and friendsacross the life span. Social
important social changesforAmericanchil- regulation and supportoccurin partthrough
drenin the twentieth century,for example, theserelationships. Processesof thiskindare
historianshave identifiedthe long-term expressedacross the life cycle of socializa-
growth ofmassmediaandpubliceducationas tion, behavioralexchange,and generational
well as the short-term fluctuations of the succession.The misfortune and theopportu-
economy(Elderet al. 1993). As a rule,any nity of adult children,as well as their
personalimplications wouldbe contingent on personalproblems,becomeintergenerational.
whatpeople bringto the changeprocessas
Failed marriagesand careersfrequently lead
well as on the natureand severityof the adultsons and daughtersback to the parental
changeitself. householdand have profoundimplications for
Thetiming oflives.The socialmeaningsof the parents'life plans on theirlater years.
age deserve special mentionbecause they Conversely,economic setbacks and divorce
havebrought a temporal, age-graded perspec- amongtheparentsof adolescentsmay impede
tiveto social rolesand events.Social timing their transitionto adulthoodby postponing
refersto the incidence,duration,and se- leavinghome,undertaking highereducationor
quenceof roles,and to relevantexpectations employment and marriage.Each generation is
andbeliefsbasedon age. Thusmarriages may bound to fatefuldecisionsand eventsin the
other'slifecourse(Elder 1985,p. 40).
be relativelyearly or late according to
demographic and
patterns age norms. Similar More generally, theprincipleof linkedlives
observations apply to the birthof children. refersto theinteraction betweentheindividu-
Some eventsare timelyin relationto age al's social worldsoverthelifespan-family,
norms,or may be ill-timedand particularlyfriends,and coworkers.To a considerable
costly;teenagechildbearing is an example. extent,macrohistorical changeis experienced
Social timingalso appliesto thescheduling byindividuals through suchworlds(Elderand
of multipletrajectories and to theirsynchronyO'Rand forthcoming). A childhoodin the
or asynchrony. Young couplesmay schedule Great Depressionoftenmeant hard times,
familyand workeventsto minimizetimeand whereaschildrenof WorldWar II frequently
energypressures.Disparitiesbetweensocial experienced employedbutabsentparents.
and biologicaltimingfrequently occurduring Humanagency.Conceptsof theactorand
the earlyyearsof development. Differences ofhumanagencyhavealwaysbeenprominent
in ratesof physicalmaturation generateearly in life historystudies (see Thomas and
and latematurers in an age group.Turkewitz Znaniecki 1918-1920), and they are also
and Devenny(1993, p. xii) concedethatan prominent in the new wave of life course
understanding of suchdifferences is essential studiesthatrelateindividualsto thebroader
for theoriesthatview development"as the social context.Withintheconstraints of their
outcomeof interactions betweena changing world,people are planfuland make choices
organismand changingcontext." amongoptionsthatconstruct theirlifecourse
The timingof lifecourseeventsand roles (Clausen1993). Individualdifferences clearly
tellsmuchaboutthegoodnessof fitbetween matterin thisresearch,particularly as they
lives and workcareers.In WorldWar II, for interactwithchangingenvironments to pro-
example,some men enteredthe serviceat a duce behavioraloutcomes(ElderandO'Rand
youngage withno familyor workresponsi- forthcoming). Selectionprocesseshave be-
bilities, whereas entrantsin their thirties comeincreasingly important in understanding
typicallyexperiencedthefullbruntof social lifecoursedevelopment and aging.
disruption on theirsubsequent health(Elderet More generally,theoreticaltrendsin the
al. forthcoming). This findingillustratesthe social sciencesfavora constructionist viewof
 TIME, HUMAN AGENCY, AND SOCIAL CHANGE 7
individualsin shapingdevelopmentand the (Hogan 1981; Modell 1989) owe much to
life course. Examples includethe cognitive Neugarten'soriginalwork.
revolutionand Bandura's (1986, forthcom- The generationapproach proved to be
ing)pioneering researchon personalefficacy, inadequate for two salient issues in the
greaterknowledgeof geneticinfluenceson 1960s-the studyof historicalinfluenceand
the selectionof environments (Plomin and adult development.Generationalstatusdid
Dunn 1991; Scarrand McCartney1983), and not matchthe historicalprecisionof a birth
theextensionof lifestudiesbeyondtheearly cohort,andoffered verylittlehelpin charting
years. the adult life course. A concept of age
As definedbythesecentralthemes,thelife gradingprovedto be essential.
courseparadigmconsistsof well-established For some of thesereasonsI drewon both
conceptualdistinctions (e.g., linked lives), models-generationand age-in developing
some new or reworkedconcepts(e.g., the a studyof Californiachildren whogrewup in
timing of lives, lives and times), and the Great Depression (Elder 1974). This
theoreticalintegrationsor syntheses.One becamean intergenerational and longitudinal
importantintegrationwith particularrele- study that focused on a birthcohort of
vanceto theworkI have doneis summedup childrenand theirlife course to the middle
in termsof a mergerbetweentwoapproaches years.The basic modeltracedtheeffectsof
to the life course-generation-and age- theeconomiccollapse through familydepri-
based models. vationand intergenerationalprocessesto the
The generation-based modelviewsindivid- lives of thechildrenand theirage-gradedlife
ual lives in termsof the reproductive life course. Later in this essay I providemore
cycle of intergenerational processes and detailson how thisintegration occurred.
socialization.Insofaras theyfocuson thelife Over the years since I undertookthis
course,two-andthree-generation studiestend project, a large numberof studies have
to addresstheseprocesses(Rossi and Rossi combinedthegeneration andtheage perspec-
1990). Research examples extendback to tives.TheyincludeHareven's(1982) histori-
Thomasand Znaniecki's(1918-1920) classic cal studyof thefamilyand thelifecoursein
studyon theimmigration ofPolishpeasantsto the textilecommunity of Manchester,Rossi
largecitiesin Europeand theUnitedStates. and Rossi's (1990) three-generation studyof
Kingsley Davis (1940) also followed this the relationbetweenindividualaging and
approachin his comparativeand historical kin-definedrelationshipsacross the life
studyofparent-youth conflict.The generation course,and Moen's two-generation studyof
modelcontributed to thepopularity of social- women (Moen et al. 1992). Burton and
izationresearchin the 1960s and at thesame Bengtson(1985) documentthevalue of this
time, to an intergenerational approach in conceptualintegration by notingthe conse-
studiesof social change. quences of a disparitybetween age and
An age-based model emergedfromthe generational statusamongblack mothersof
1960s in a theoryof age stratification by teenagerswhohadjustbornea child:mostof
MatildaRileyand herassociates(Rileyet al. themothers refusedto accepta grandmother's
1972;Riley,Waring,andFoner1988), which childcareburden.
relatesage cohortsto social structures over Up to thispointI havementioned primarily
the life span. By placing people in birth conceptualdevelopments, buttheseoccurred
cohortsthat permitanalyses of historical in relationto otheradvances such as the
effects,the theoryadvanced a view of unparalleledgrowthof longitudinal samples
age-graded lifepatterns embeddedin cultures, fromthe 1960s to thepresent.Valuabledata
institutions,and social structures,andrespon- also came fromretrospective lifehistories,
as
sive to social change.NormanRyder(1965) collectedby life calendars(Freedmanet al.
also contributed to this theorythroughhis 1988). This growthspurredthe initiation of
writingson a cohort approach to social longitudinal studiesand an expansionof their
changeand thelifecourse.Anotherpioneer, archives(Young, Savela, and Phelps 1991),
Bernice Neugarten(Neugartenand Datan as well as the developmentof statistical
1973), fashioneda social psychologyof age operationsto fittheanalyticrequirements of
gradingacross the life course, includinga eventsequences.
conceptof normative timetables.Contempo- The life courseparadigmtodayis rooted
rarystudiesof lifetransitions andtheirtiming primarilyin developmentsthat occurred
 8 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
largelyduringthe1960s;yetanyglanceat the greater emphasison humanagency,butstillit
record suggeststhat at that time, human failedto provideusefulanswersto questions
socializationoccupied a more paradigmatic of thiskind. More attention to age grading,
rolein guidingsocial psychological research. turning points,and social controlwas needed
In thefollowingsectionI arguethattodaythe (Sampson and Laub 1993), along with an
field of socializationhas been absorbedin appreciation fortherole of copingskillsand
otherframeworks, includingthatof the life humanagencyin selectingenvironments.
course. These limitations,among other factors,
prompted a shiftin framework amongsociol-
FromSocializationto theLifeCourse ogistsfrom socializationto the lifecoursein
the 1970s. Manyof theleadinginvestigators
Social and demographicchanges after of socialization,includingJohn Clausen,
WorldWar II focusedattention on therising OrvilleBrim, and Alan Kerckhoff, became
influenceof peers and promptedconcern students of thelifecourse.At thesametime,
about the presumed decline of effective more inclusive, multifacetedtheories or
familysocialization.By theendofthe1950s, modelsemerged,in whichsocializationwas
studiesby Bronfenbrenner (1961) and Cole- merelyone element.In thiscategoryI would
man (1961) had exploredthe relativeinflu- place theoriesof social mobility(Kerckhoff
ence of parentsand of peers. This research 1976), social structure and personality (Kohn
emphasiscontinuedthrough the 1960s, cou- [1969] 1977, 1989; Kohn and Schooler
pled with studiesof political,deviant,and 1983), and age stratification (Riley et al.
adultsocialization(Brimand Wheeler1966; 1972). Collectivelythese theoriesaddress
Sears 1990). By the end of the decade the processesof socializationas well as thoseof
fieldof socializationresearchand theoryhad statusallocation,career management,psy-
its own handbook(Goslin 1969), withmore chosocial adaptation,task experience,and
specializedvolumesplannedforthe 1970s. decisionmaking.
Despite this apparentvigor, socialization One of the most vivid examplesof this
studiesdeclinedin all areas,evenin thelively changein social psychology comes fromthe
realm of politics (Sears 1990). Midway Social Science Research Council (SSRC).
throughthe 1980s, the field of political Committeesof the SSRC are typically
socializationbore an uncomfortable resem- organizedaroundcutting-edge topics.In 1960
blance, as one observerput it (Merelman one such committeewas appointedon the
1986, p. 279), to "the twitchingsof a topic of socializationand social structure;
still-quickened corpse." Life course studies JohnClausen servedas chairman.In 1977
gained momentumover these years, with anothercommitteewas appointedon the
someattention to mattersof socialization,but themeof life courseperspectives on human
thegrowthseemedto come at theexpenseof development;Matilda Riley served as the
socializationresearch. chair. The socialization committeewas
Lookingback overthisera, one is tempted chargedwith examiningtheories,data re-
to ask "Whateverhappenedto the studyof sources,and methodologicalissues in "re-
socialization?"The declineof socializationas search on the interrelationships of social
a researchparadigmhas numerousexplana- structure, socializationprocesses,andperson-
tions,thoughone simplepointseems to be ality"(Clausen 1968, p. vii). The committee
compelling:the framework became increas- lasted five years and producednumerous
inglyless adequate for questionsthatcon- publications, includinga volumetitledSocial-
cernedlife span continuity and change.For izationand Society(Clausen 1968).
example,all problemchildrendo notbecome Overthenext25 years,keymembers ofthe
problemadults(Robins 1966), buthow does socializationcommitteeprovidedleadership
this occur? Such diversitycould not be in thelifecoursefield.In theearly1970s,for
explainedwith the behavioral-learning pre- example,OrvilleBrimorganizedand chaired
suppositions of thesocializationapproach. an SSRC committee on themiddleyears,and
The issue of human diversityincreased in 1977 became a member of a newly
duringthe 1960s as the scope of study organized committeeon the life course.
expandedthroughadolescenceto the adult Brewster Smith(1977), a distinguished social
years. As a result, socialization theory psychologistin psychology,also made the
became moretransactional in concept,with shiftfromthesocializationto thelifecourse
 TIME, HUMAN AGENCY, AND SOCIAL CHANGE 9
committee. Careersand aginghad becomea 1960sandearly1970s. Key elementswerein
centralproblemfor John Clausen in the place at the time,but the approachwas not
1970s; this work led to AmericanLives alwaysinterpreted as a lifecourseperspective
(1993), his majorempiricalstudyof thelife withinthe social sciences.Indeed, Children
course.Anothermemberof the socialization of the Great Depression (Elder 1974) ex-
committee, Alex Inkeles,continued to pursue presses this ambiguitythroughthe dual
issuesof socializationandpersonality through themesof socializationand lifecourse.
the 1970s (Inkelesand Smith1974), but he InitiallyI viewedthestudyin thefamiliar
did so in thecontextof modernization. traditionof social structure and personality
Brim's careerillustrates most vividlythe (Elder 1973). Modes of familysocialization
shiftfromsocializationto thelifecourse.In throughparental authority,affection,and
the late 1950s his researchagenda included exampleprovideda set of cross-levellinks.
studies of child socialization,particularlyFrom anotherperspective,however,framed
familyroles (Brim 1957). In the 1960s, an by drasticsocial change,humanlives, and
increasein theproportion of agingAmericans age grading,thestudycenteredon lives in a
gave freshvisibilityto developmentacross rapidlychangingworld.The familyand its
the adultyears. Brim brokenew groundin adaptationsbecame a way of linkingsevere
thisarea by addressing theneglectedtopicof economic decline to the experience and
adultsocialization(Brimand Wheeler1966). development of adolescentsin the 1930s.
In doingso, he discoveredthata socialization This projectbegan in the fall of 1962,
perspective failedto illuminatemanyfunda- when I arrivedat the Instituteof Human
mentalaspectsof adultdevelopment, suchas Developmentat Berkeley for a half-time
how lives and careersare managed. researchappointment withJohnClausen.My
Eventually thisworkled Brimto an interest assignment was to developcodes foruncoded
in themiddleyears;he focusedon lifecourse materialsin the longitudinal data archiveof
issues ratherthanon processesof socializa- the Oakland GrowthStudy. The approxi-
tion. In 1980, with Jerome Kagan, he mately185 membersof thisstudywereborn
exploredquestionsaboutlifespan continuity in 1920 and 1921. They and theirparents
andchange(BrimandKagan 1980). Chapters provideddata from1931 through the 1930s,
in theirvolumeexaminedissuesof continuity andmostofthestudymembers werefollowed
and changein competence, deviantbehavior, up to theirsixties.
andcohortinfluences. Evidenceof substantial In developingappropriate codes, I could
behavioralchange betweenearly childhood not disregardthe dramaticchangefulness of
and late adult life raised doubtsabout the families and lives throughoutthe Great
strategicvalueof studying earlysocialization. Depression.But whatcouldI use to represent
In thesebriefparagraphs I havearguedthat the change?Useful conceptsof familyand
the demise of socialization as a major individualchangewere scarce at thattime.
researchparadigmhad muchto do withits Forexample,conventional measuresof socio-
limitations in addressingquestionsthatfo- economicstatuswerenotrelevantto families
cused increasingly on problemsof life span that were respondingconstantlyto a fast-
continuity and change.An understanding of changing economic situation. Eventually,
theseproblemsrequiresknowledgethatex- notions of the family economy and its
tendsbeyondsocializationto selectionpro- multipleactorsbecamea way to conceptual-
cesses and humanagency,social supportand ize familiesas a socioeconomicprocess.
coping strategiesunderstress,and the task Drawing on studies of Depression-era
experiencesof employment and household. households(e.g., Bakke 1940), I foundthat
Today morethanin thepast,socializationis adaptationsto drastic income loss (e.g.,
partof otherresearchparadigms,especially cuttingback on expenses,alteringauthority
thatof thelifecourse. roles) formeda way of thinkingabout the
processbywhichfamiliescouldenhancetheir
Launchinga LifeCourseStudyin the1960s prospectsforrecoveryor survivalby altering
familystructures. W. I. Thomas's (1909)
At a timeof changingparadigms,newly modelof familyresponseto crisis(regarding
establishedstudiesare likelyto reflectboth the relationbetweenclaims and resources)
old and new ideas. Considerthe life course provedusefulin developingan accountof the
frameworkthat prevailed during the late mechanisms of familyadaptation.For exam-
 10 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
ple, a loss of controlover desiredoutcomes in shapingthelife course- are connectedto
resulting fromeconomicdeclinecan motivate this concernin one way or another.The
a family'sefforts to regaincontrol,possibly connectionbetween lives and times also
by reducingconsumption and sendingaddi- represents one of the definingand enduring
tionalworkersintothelaborforce. featuresof sociological social psychology,
Anothermajor challenge,in additionto beginning withtheChicagoschoolof sociol-
familychange,concernedways of thinking ogy.In conclusionI turnbriefly to thistheme
aboutthelives of familymembers.Concepts and to issuesregarding transhistoricalknowl-
of the singularcareerwere available in the edge.
literature(Barley 1989); notions of life
history,life planning,and life organization
JOININGHUMAN LIVES
could be found in The Polish Peasant
WITH THEIR TIMES
(Thomas and Znaniecki 1918-1920). The
Depressioncrisis,however,called foranaly- In an essay titled"The Provinceof Social
sis of the relationbetween trajectories- Psychology," publishedaroundtheturnofthe
between family and work, for example; century,W. I. Thomas (1905) advocated
Wilensky's(1961) notionof interlocking life studiesthat would examine "the crises or
cycles provedespeciallyconvincingon this incidentsin group-lifewhich interrupt the
point. flow of habit and give rise to changed
I also neededto knowtheages of parents conditions of consciousnessand practice"(p.
and childrenwhen hard timesarrived.Ry- 445). At thattimewe did notknowthathe
der's (1965) essayon cohortsmadeclearthat wouldcarryout thepioneeringstudyof this
the meaningof social change dependedon kindwithFlorianZnaniecki.Thomashimself
one's age status. As I began coding life (Baker 1973, p. 246) experienceda social
recordsaccordingto theage andthesequence transformation as he made his way fromthe
of events and transitions,the social and isolatedfoothills of Virginiato theUniversity
developmentalmeanings of age acquired ofChicago,a journeythatmadehimfeelas if
theoretical importance. Withtheinclusionof he had "lived in threecenturies."
age distinctions in my approach,I began to Thomas's advocacy for such studiesex-
join the two researchtraditions-generationtendedto the 1930s, and workof thistype
and age. continuedin the post-Depression years. The
Some Oaklandfamilieslost heavilyin the AmericanSoldier (Stouffer et al. 1949) and
economic collapse; others were largely Inkele's (1955) Soviet study are notable
spared.By takingadvantageof thisnatural examples.Yet a conceptuallogic forrelating
experiment, thestudydeviseda comparative lives to timeswas not developeduntilthe
designinvolvingrelativelynondeprived and 1960s, whose intellectualand social milieu
deprivedfamiliesin themiddleand working includedan agingpopulation, thediscontinu-
classes of 1929. In each social stratum, the ities of civil strifeand rapidsocial change,
analysis traced the effects of economic and theemergence of a new social history.
hardshipthroughfamilycrises and adapta- Fromthisera of renewedconsciousness on
tionsto thechildren'smiddleyears. mattersof social change came historical
I placed the Oakland cohortin historical studies of men's work lives (Thernstrom
context bycomparing itwitha youngercohort 1964) and familylife (Hareven 1982), of
ofAmericans (theBerkeleyGuidancesample) modernizationand individual modernity
who werebornjust beforethe 1930s (Elder (Inkelesand Smith1974), and of Americans
1979). The youngerBerkeleyboys experi- who grew up in the GreatDepressionand
encedthegreatest riskof an impairedfuture, WorldWarII (Elder1974, 1979). This social
extendinginto the middle years. In these sciencewas clearlyattentive to social change
waysI joinedtheinitialDepressionstudiesof in humanexperienceand mentality.
social changeto a studyof humanlives and Ironically,these developmentscoincided
development. withan influential critiqueof the ahistorical
A concernaboutthepattern and contentof character of psychological social psychology.
livesin changingsocietiesis perhapsthemost In "Social Psychologyas History,"Kenneth
distinctive themeof thenew lifestudies.All Gergen (1973, p. 319) documentedthe
otheremergingthemes-timing,lives linked impact of behavioral science on society,
acrossthelifespan,theroleofhumanagency challengedthegoal of transhistorical laws in
 TIME, HUMAN AGENCY, AND SOCIAL CHANGE 11
socialpsychology, andconcludedthat"social collectionsincludedquestionnaires andvideo-
psychologicalresearchis primarily the sys- taped familysessions. Data also were ob-
tematic study of contemporaryhistory." tainedfromlocal, state,andfederalstatistical
Gergen'sviews are consonantwithan intel- records.
lectual movement(see Gergen and Davis We wereconcernedaboutfamilies'adapta-
1985) thatdepictshumanpsychologyas a tions to such drastic change and about
historically
boundedenterprise. pathwaysto alternativeeconomic options.
In 1973 Gergenmade no reference to the The Iowa studydrewon thebasic modelof
relevantliterature of sociologicalsocial psy- the Depression study, which focused on
chology. His message had little to offer familyinteractive processeswithan eyeto the
sociologistswho were engaged in studies largerpictureof economicdecline and its
relatingsocial historyto individuallives(also consequencesforparentsand children.
see GergenandGergen1984). In thisrealmat The model fromChildrenof the Great
least,thetwo social psychologies,sociologi- Depression(Elder 1974) thatguidedworkin
cal andpsychological (House 1977),hadlittle the Iowa studyspecifiedthreesets of links
in common. between hard times in the family and
In otherrespects,however,Gergen'scri- children'sexperiences:householdeconomy,
tique bringsto mind the intellectualcon- familyrelations,and strains.The family-its
straintsand barriersthat arise fromwhat structuresand processes-became a link
RobertMerton(1959, p. xv) once called betweenthemacroscopiceventsof economic
"pseudofacts."False or misguidedstatements declineand themicroworldof children.
aboutrealitysometimes becomepseudofacts. In theoryand in reality, severeincomeloss
In thesocialandbehavioralsciencestheytend shifted thehouseholdeconomytowardlabor-
to produce"pseudoproblems whichcannotbe intensiveoperationsinvolvingmoreproduc-
solvedbecausematters arenotas theypurport tiverolesforthechildren anda greater burden
to be." for the mother. Family deprivationalso
In Gergen'sjudgment, forexample,histor- alteredrelationships withinthe family,in-
ical change raises serious doubt about the creasingthemother'scentrality as theauthor-
prospectsfordevelopingempiricalgenerali- ityand theaffectionate figure.Finally,heavy
zationsacrosshistorical time.By disclaiming income loss magnifiedthe risk of family
the possibilityof transhistorical generaliza- discord,disorganization, and demoralization.
tions,his critiquediscouragesattempts to test Empiricalfindingsfromthe Oakland study
such generalizations, therebyinvitinga self- fully document these interrelatedfamily
fulfillingprophecy. Of course,theboundaries processesas links;we obtainedcorresponding
of generalization are uncertain foranystudy. resultsfromanalysesof children in a younger
Historicallybased studiescan proceedonly birth cohort, members of the Berkeley
by testingtheirouterlimits. GuidanceStudy(Elder 1979).
Considera replicationof Childrenof the In view of the differences betweenthese
GreatDepression(Elder 1974; also see Elder urbanDepressionstudiesand theruralIowa
1979) in ruralas well as urbanstudiesof the project, there was little reason to expect
1980s and 1990s. Two decades afterlaunch- similar results. Even so, we tested the
ingtheDepressionstudies,I joineda research generalization issue on the Iowa studyby
team (headed by Rand Conger) at Ames, settingup a causal modelthatresembledthe
Iowa, on a panelstudyof451 ruralfamiliesin model used in the Depressionresearch(see
thegreatfarmcrisisofthe1980s(Congerand Figure1).
Elderforthcoming; Elder 1992b;Elderet al. The firstpartof the model assumesthat
1992). Land values suddenlyhad fallenby low income,unstablework,and incomeloss
half,pushingcountlessfamiliesintoextraor- haveconsequencesformaritaldiscordandfor
dinarylevels of debt. On leadingeconomic parents' emotional distress by increasing
indicators,this decline provedto be more economic pressures-thetangiblepressures
severe than any crisis since the Great of running outof moneyand theadjustments
Depression. of cuttingback. Unlikeour approachin the
Each study family in the eight-countyDepressionstudies,we assignedcausal prior-
regionof northcentralIowa includedtwo ityto changesin thehouseholdeconomyand
parents,a seventh-grade pupil, and a near regarded them as both harmingfamily
sibling.Beginningin 1989, the annualdata relationsand creatingsocial strain.
 12 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
FamilyHardship historicaltrendsin women's social roles,
especiallyin the workplace.Womenin the
EconomicPressure
1930s were far less deeplyinvolvedin the
financialsupportand managementof their
\V, familiesthanare Iowa womenin the 1990s.
idividualand Marital
Stress In Iowa householdsundereconomicpres-
sure, boys and girls also assumed more
responsibilities, such as choresin thehome,
Ineflective
Parenting4 workon thefarm,and paid jobs in therural
communities.As in the Great Depression,
mounting economicpressuresmade thechil-
ChiidOutconie
dren's contributions more valuable. This
Figure1. LinkingFamilyHardshipto ChildOutcomes
processwas mostevidentin farmfamiliesthat
embracedmost fullythe collectiveethicof
Maritaldiscordand individualdistresslink requiredhelpfulness-family members're-
economicpressurewithineffective parenting. sponsivenessto thecollectivewelfareof the
The latter variable connects marital and family.Farmboys' contributions in particular
individualdistresswithchildoutcomes.Here werevaluedby theirparents.The morefarm
it is assumedthatmaritalconflictand the boys earnedfromworkand thesale of their
parents' emotional distress have conse- animals,themorepositiveweretheirparents'
quences for childrenby undermining the evaluations.By comparison,parentaljudg-
qualityoftheparents'behavior.Whenplayed mentsofworking sonsin nonfarm households
out over time, behavioraloutcomes have weremoreoftennegative,perhapsreflecting
feedback effectson the interactionpro- the individualistic natureof workand earn-
cesses-for example,fromchild to parent. ingsin thesecommunities.
Ourfindings generally support thistheoretical These studies of economicallydeprived
formulation. familiesin different timesand places identify
Considera studyofIowa boyswhowerein both transhistorical variationsand continu-
the seventhgrade in 1989 (Conger et al. ities.The GreatDepressionandmorecontem-
1992). Using bothobservational and family porarystudies,bothruraland urban(Elderet
members' reports,the study found that al. 1993; Liem and Liem 1990; McLeod and
objectivefamilyhardship(measuredby per Shanahan1993), depictremarkable similari-
capitaincome,debt-to-asset ratio,instability ties in thefamilyprocesswherebyeconomic
of work,and reported incomeloss) increased downturns influence children'sdevelopmental
theriskof a depressedmood amongmothers course and future.These similaritiesalso
and fathersthroughperceived economic extendto theproductive rolesof childrenin
pressures.Depressedfeelingsheightened the hard-pressed families.Also worthnotingare
likelihood of conflict in marriage, and the differences, such as the variablerole of
consequently increasedthe riskof disrupted themotherin deprivedhouseholds.
and nonnurturing behaviorby bothparents. By testing analytic models of family
These behaviors,in turn,underminedthe adaptations in situationsthatvaryin timeand
boys' self-confidence, peer acceptance,and place, we are beginningto construct general
school performance. A similarprocess has theoriesthat relate human lives to their
beenobservedforgirls(Congeret al. 1993). changingworlds.
Empiricaltestsof thismediationalmodel
haveproducedresultsthatgenerally resemble
CONCLUSION
the findingsof the Depressionstudies,with
themajorexceptionof mothers.In theIowa Over thepast 30 years,sociologicalsocial
research, as noted above, the mother's psychology has experienced dramatic changes
emotionaldistressrepresentsa stronglink in prominent theoriesand lines of empirical
betweeneconomicpressureand maritaldis- research.Few changesdocumentthisobser-
cord.By comparison, mothers in theDepres- vationmorevividlythantheemergence oflife
sion studieswere less prominent as a social course studiesas a field of inquiryand a
and emotionallink betweenhardtimesand researchparadigm.This new development
thechild's developmental experiences.Plau- has been attendedby renewedemphasison
sible explanations forthisdifference include formerly undevelopedthemesin social psy-
 TIME, HUMAN AGENCY, AND SOCIAL CHANGE 13
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GlenH. Elder,Jr. is HowardW. OdumDistinguished ProfessorofSociologyand a ResearchProfessor

ofPsychology at theUniversity
ofNorthCarolina,ChapelHill. He is engagedina programoflifecourse
studiesat theCarolinaPopulationCenterand has servedas co-director
oftheCarolinaConsortium on
HumanDevelopment overthepast sixyears.Currentresearchtopicsincludemilitary
experienceduring
WorldWarII on thelifecourseofmenand ruraleconomicdeclineandfamilyadaptationsin thelivesof
children.