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Early Church Architectural Forms: A Theologically Contextual Typology for the

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Buried History Monograph 3
early church architectural forms:

A theologically contextual typology
for the Eastern churches of the
4th - 6th Centuries
by
Susan Balderstone

Melbourne
2007
Buried History Monograph 3
early church architectural forms:

A theologically contextual typol-
ogy
for the Eastern churches of the
4th - 6th Centuries
by
Susan Balderstone

Melbourne
2007
Front cover illustration:
S. Simeon Stylites, Syria. Triple-apsed sanctuary of the eastern basilica arm.
Published by:
The Australian Institute of Archaeology
Melbourne
Address:
La Trobe University
Victoria 3086
Australia
www.aiarch.org.au
First Published 2007

© Susan Balderstone
Typeset and Design:

The Australian Institute of Archaeology
Printed by:
Flash Print Australia Ltd, Melbourne
All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of private study, research, criticism or
review as permitted under the copyright act, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a
retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or oth-
erwise, without prior permission of the publisher and authors.
National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication Data:
Balderstone, Susan.
Early church architectural forms : a theologically
contextual typology for the eastern churches of 4th-6th
centuries.

Bibliography.
Includes index.
ISBN 9780980374711.
1. Christian art and symbolism - To 500. 2. Architecture,

Early Christian. 3. Architecture, Byzantine. 4. Church
history - Primitive and early church, ca. 30-600. I.
Australian Institute of Archaeology. II. Title.

726.509015
Abstract
The study is an analysis of the archaeological remains of churches in the eastern Mediterranean
region in relation to the theological debates of the fourth, fifth and sixth centuries. It leads to the
conclusion that certain architectural forms became accepted through association with particular
doctrinal positions. While the origin of the associations may not have been know to all, it appears
that the church builders and bishops who subsequently employed the various forms were following
a formulaic expression accepted through tradition as being appropriate to their particular Christian
community. Thus a chronological and theological framework is provided for the large number of
archaeological remains of early Christian churches found in this region.
Foreword
The Australian Institute of Archaeology is pleased to re-activate its monograph series after some years.
The first volume was published in 1994 as an occasional paper and was entitled, Four Early Biblical Codex
Fragments in Australia by G.H.R Horsley. This volume consolidates a large amount of architectural and
theological analysis with the aim of assisting those who manage sites on which the remains of early churches
are found. An appreciation of the belief systems behind the design of the churches assists in the understanding
of the archaeological remains and their significance.
Susan Balderstone is an Australian architect working in the field of conservation of heritage places in
Australia and internationally. As an Adjunct Professor in Cultural Heritage at Deakin University, Melbourne,
she was instrumental in setting up the current post-graduate coursework program in Cultural Heritage and
developing course material. She has been a member of the Australia ICOMOS International Scientific Com-
mittee for the Analysis and Restoration of Structures of Architectural Heritage since it was set up in 1996.
Initially trained as an architect at the University of Melbourne (B.Arch. Hons.) she subsequently gained an
M.A. in archaeological and architectural conservation at the University of York, U.K. Her longstanding
research interest in early ecclesiastical architecture stems from work with the Jordanian Government and
various academic institutions on the investigation and conservation of archaeological sites and ancient monu-
ments in Jordan (1977-1984).
Prior to her position as Assistant Director at Heritage Victoria in Melbourne (2001-2005), Susan was the
Heritage Architect at the Victorian Public Works Department and its successors and worked on conservation
projects at historic schools, court houses, police buildings and other government sites around Victoria, includ-
ing most of Melbourne’s public buildings. She has researched and assessed the cultural heritage significance
of heritage places in Australia and the Asia-Pacific region and carried out comparative and typological studies
including for Australian Aid funded conservation and research projects in China and Vietnam. In 2000 and
2001 she was a member of the judging panel for the UNESCO Asia-Pacific Heritage Conservation Awards.
Susan was a member of the Historic Buildings Council of Victoria for ten years and a board member of
AusHeritage, Australia’s network for cultural heritage professionals from 1996-1999. She has received a
number of awards for conservation projects and services including the Australian Government’s Public Serv-
ice Medal. She was made a Life Fellow of the Royal Australian Institute of Architects in 2002. Publications
include journal articles and book chapters in Buried History Vol. 40 (2004); Australians Uncovering Ancient
Jordan: Fifty Years of Middle Eastern Archaeology (2001, Alan Walmsley ed.); Australian Dictionary of
Biography (Vol. 9); Historic Environment (the Journal of Australia ICOMOS); The Disappearing Asian City
(OUP, 2002) and Asia’s Old Dwellings: Tradition, Resilience, and Change, (OUP, 2003).
Christopher Davey
Director,
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS vi
LIST OF PLATES vi
PREFACE vii
INTRODUCTION 1
The documentary record 1
The archaeological record 4
FOURTH CENTURY 5
The house-church 5
The hall-church 6
The commemorative church 7
The commemorative church: basilica with a single apse 8
The commemorative church: basilica with a single apse plus separate, centralising structure 8
The commemorative church: basilica with a single apse plus separate tomb or sacred element 11
The Syrian church type 11
The palace church: centralised structure 13
The commemorative church: the basilica with three apses 13
The cruciform plan 18
FIFTH CENTURY 21
The tri-conch sanctuary 21
The single-apsed church 24
The tri-apsidal sanctuary 25
Commemorative churches and liturgical functionality 25
The cruciform/transept plan 27
Processions 28
The Constantinian-type commemorative basilica at major pilgrimage centres 29
Centralised churches 33
Zeno 34
SIXTH CENTURY 35
Justinian I 36
Triple-apsed and single-apsed churches: projecting sanctuary with no direct access from side chambers 40
Triple-apsed and single-apsed churches with tri-partite sanctuary 42
CONCLUSION 43
BIBLIOGRAPHY 45
INDEX OF SITES 53
Index of influential churchmen 54
TABLE A 55
A1 Chronological survey categorised according to type 55
A2 Summary of church type plans 65
A3 Summary of church sizes 70
vii
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
1. Eastern Roman provinces in the fourth century viii
2. Dura-Europos house church 5
3. S. Julianus, Umm al Jamal 6
4. Pella Civic Church Phase 1 7
5. Church of the Nativity Phase 1 8
6. Holy Cross, Jerusalem 335 9
7. The Imbomon, Mount of Olives 378 10
8. Farfirtin, Church of the Holy Apostles 372 12
9. Brad Cathedral 392 12
10. Gethsemane, Church of the Agony c380 14
11. Baalbek, Basilica of S. Peter c391 15
12. S. Epiphanios, Salamis c400 16
13. Pella Civic Church Phase 2 17
14. Cross plan of Gregory of Nyssa c380 18
15. S. Babylas Antioch c379 19
16. Siagha Church, Mt. Nebo 4th C 21
17. Church of the White Monastery, Egypt early 5th C 23
18. Amman Citadel Church 5th C 24
19. S. Phocas, Basufan 492 25
20. Humeima Church, Jordan 25
21. Church of the Multiplication, Tabgha early 5th C 26
22. Kourion Cathedral early 5th C 26
23. Yanikan South Church early 5th C 26
24. Prophets, Apostles and Martyrs, Jerash 465 27
25. Al Ashmunayn Cathedral, Egypt 5th C 27
26. S. Menas, Egypt late 5th C 29
27. S.Simeon Stylites c425, c450, c480 31
28. Campanopetra Basilica, Salamis 5th-6th C 33
29. Theotokos Church, Garizm 484 34
30. Procopius Church, Jerash 527 36
31. SS. Sergius & Bacchus, Constantinople 36
32. Bosra Cathedral 513 37
33. S. George, Ezra 515 37
34. S.Sophia, Constantinople 537 38
35. Elusa Cathedral Phase 2, Negev 6th C 39
36. Peyia, Basilica A 6th C 40
37. Church of the Nativity Phase 2, Bethlehem 6th C 41
38. Bishop Asaiah Church, Jerash 599 42
39. Bishop Genesius, Jerash 611 42
LIST OF PLATES
1. S. Simeon Stylites. Triple-apsed sanctuary of the eastern basilica arm ix
2. S. Simeon Stylites. Base of pillar at crossing of cruciform church ix
3. Triple-apsed sanctuary of Campanopetra Basilica, Salamis ix
4. Peyia Basilica A looking east. Baptistery on right ix
5. Pella East Church atrium, hexagonal pool in foreground. View west to Jordan Valley x
6. Pella Civic Church in foreground. View to East Church x
7. Amman Citadel Church, view towards single-apsed sanctuary x
8. Bishop Asaiah Church, Jerash looking towards triple-apsed sanctuary x
viii
PREFACE
I have undertaken this study not as an archaeologist, historian or theologian, but as a conservation archi-
tect with a cultural heritage objective. It has been necessary to research the literature of several fields other
than my own and I am grateful to scholars in those areas who have directed me to additional publications
and views. The purpose of the study is to contribute to better understanding and management of early church
sites in the eastern Mediterranean region. I hope that the typology will be useful to archaeologists, heritage
site managers and those engaged to present and interpret these sites to the public.
The countries bordering the eastern Mediterranean have many excavated remains and ruins of early
churches. These range from small village chapels to large monastic complexes, parish churches, commemo-
rative churches at centres of pilgrimage, cathedral churches at major settlements and palace churches at the
major administrative capitals of the Byzantine world. Cultural heritage site managers, usually archaeologists
employed by government departments who may be responsible for a number of sites, must decide how best
to protect, conserve and present these sites to the public in the face of scarce funding and resources. The site
manager needs an understanding of the place in terms of its historical, social, architectural and theological
context. How does a particular church site demonstrate its place in the history of Christianity in its region, or
indeed internationally? How important is it to the local, regional and/or world community now, as a place of
pilgrimage or as a tourist site? Is it important enough to be considered of World Heritage value? How should
the site be presented and interpreted to the public?
In general, over the past century of archaeological exploration and excavation insufficient attention has
been given to the conservation and interpretation of excavated remains. There is a strong view amongst
cultural heritage professionals and organisations that far too much has been excavated with little thought for
how the remains can be cared for and their value communicated to the public.
The International Council on Monuments and Sites - a non-government organisation closely linked to
UNESCO - has developed a number of charters for the conservation of sites and buildings1. The Presenta-
tion and Interpretation Committee of ICOMOS is currently developing the ICOMOS Ename Charter for the
Interpretation of Cultural Heritage Sites. Interpretation is defined in this sense as the public explanation or
discussion of a cultural heritage site, encompassing its full significance, multiple meanings and values. The aim
of this charter is to define the basic objectives and principles of site interpretation in relation to authenticity,
intellectual integrity, social responsibility, and respect for cultural significance and context.  It recognises that
the interpretation of cultural heritage sites can be contentious and should acknowledge conflicting perspec-
tives. A primary objective of the charter is to communicate the meaning of cultural heritage sites through
careful, documented recognition of their significance, including their tangible and intangible values, natural
and cultural setting, social context, and physical fabric. A primary principle is that the appreciation of cultural
heritage sites is a universal right. Another is that the interpretation of cultural heritage sites should relate to
their wider social, cultural, historical, and natural contexts and settings. In other words, it must be more than
disconnected statistics, dates, or technical terms.
The case of the Pella churches discussed in my earlier articles2 highlighted the need for analysis of the
archaeological remains of churches in the eastern Mediterranean region in relation to the theological debates
of the fourth, fifth and sixth centuries. The present study aims to fill that gap and provides a chronological and
theological framework for the large number of archaeological remains of early Christian churches found in this
region. Using this framework, sites can be better understood by site mangers and conservators. Comparisons
can be made as a basis for assessing relative significance and determining preservation priorities. It is hoped
that this understanding will in turn enable meaningful interpretation of the sites to visitors.
Susan Balderstone LFRAIA, B. Arch. Hons. (Melb.) MA (York, UK)
Adjunct Professor in Cultural Heritage, Faculty of Arts, Deakin University
Email: susan.balderstone@bigpond.com
1 These can be accessed at www.icomos.org

2 Balderstone, Susan 2004 Architectural expression of liturgy and doctrine in the Eastern churches of the fourth to sixth centuries: towards
a theologically contextual typology, Buried History 40: 29-38. & Balderstone, Susan 2001 The Context of the Pella Churches in terms of Architec-
tural Planning Principles derived from Contemporary Theology and Liturgy, Alan Walmsley (ed) Australians Uncovering Ancient Jordan: Fifty Years
of Middle Eastern Archaeology, Sydney: Research Institute for Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Sydney/Department of Antiquities of
Jordan, 121-130.
ix
Figure 1: Eastern Roman provinces in the fourth century, after Ferguson 1990; Mitchell 1993: 162, Map 7;
Wilkinson 1981b: 11 & Tsafrir et al 1994: 17, Figure 4.
x
Plate 1: S. Simeon Stylites. Triple-apsed sanctuary
of the eastern basilica arm. Photo: Susan
Balderstone 1980.
Plate 2: S. Simeon Stylites. Base of pillar at

crossing of cruciform church. Photo: Susan
Balderstone 1980.
Plate 3: Triple-apsed sanctuary of Campanopetra

Basilica, Salamis. Photo: Susan Balderstone 2006.
Plate 4: Peyia Basilica A looking east. Baptistery on

right. Photo: Susan Balderstone 2006.
xi
Plate 5: Pella East Church atrium, hexagonal pool
in foreground. View west to Jordan Valley.
Photo: Susan Balderstone 1978.
Plate 6: Pella Civic Church in foreground. View to

East Church. Photo: Susan Balderstone 1981.
Plate 7: Amman Citadel Church, view towards

single-apsed sanctuary. Photo: Susan Balderstone
1978.
Plate 8: Bishop Asaiah Church, Jerash looking

towards triple-apsed sanctuary. Photo: Susan
Balderstone 1982.
xii
INTRODUCTION
Rising out of the flat plain to the east of Lake Iznik in northwest Turkey are the ruinous ramparts of Ro-
man and Byzantine Nicaea. Here in the summer of 325 several hundred bishops were summoned from all
over the empire by the emperor Constantine to sort out questions of Christ’s divinity, and establish an agreed
position. This was to be expressed as a creed, which with some changes made at another ecumenical council
over half a century later in 381 became known as the Nicene Creed.
The debate over the exact words to be used was complex because some terms had connotations from
previous doctrinal disputes. The wording as finally forced through by Constantine was still not entirely ac-
ceptable to a number of the eastern bishops. The Creed clearly declared the divinity of Christ: He is “of one
substance with the Father”. But there were still those who followed the Alexandrian theologian Arius and
believed that Christ was only human: if there is one God (the Father), how could there be a Son who was
also God, and as well a third divine entity – the Holy Spirit? For some the concept of the Trinity smacked of
polytheism. And were the three entities to be considered as Three in One or One in Three? The ambiguity of
the wording appears to have led some leading bishops to design and build their churches in such a way as to
reflect their own doctrinal interpretation. This has had ongoing ramifications for church architecture down
subsequent centuries.
The basis of this study is a survey of the archaeological remains of churches of the east Mediterranean
dating from the fourth to sixth centuries. The survey was necessarily limited to those sites for which there are
published archaeological reports or anthologies. In particular it was constrained by publications which gave
firm dates either by archaeological stratigraphy or by dated inscription for the remains. It has therefore focused
on areas where survey and excavation has been possible and is not comprehensive. However examples are
included from all the eastern patriarchates of Alexandria, Jerusalem, Antioch, Constantinople and Cyprus. The
survey demonstrates that the progress of the theological debate can be traced in the archaeological remains
of the eastern churches of the fourth to sixth centuries.
The theological argument about the divinity of Christ led to rancorous splits between the bishops in the
human, divine and Trinitarian camps. Over the fifty-six years between the ecumenical councils of Nicaea and
Constantinople, and again until the Council of Chalcedon in 451, the debate raged back and forth. The dif-
ferent architectural forms associated with the various positions in the theological debate are chronologically
paralleled by the modified versions of the Creed as they emerged. Just as there was debate over the wording
used to express orthodox belief, it seems that there was similar debate about what architectural form best ex-
pressed and symbolised that belief. It has been argued that the Apostles’ Creed dating from the first or second
century focused on the true humanity, including the material body of Jesus, since the contemporary Gnostic,
Marcionite and Manichean heretics denied that Jesus was truly human. On the other hand, the Nicene Creed
deriving from the ecumenical council in 325 strongly affirmed the deity of Christ through an emphasis on
the consubstantiality of the Trinity. It was directed against the Arians, who denied that Christ was fully God.
How were these debating positions expressed architecturally? How was church architecture used by different
bishops at different times to present Christian doctrine to their congregations? The documentary record of the
ideas and concepts that were the basis of the debate goes some way to answering those questions.
The documentary record

The documentary record of the composition of Christian belief from the time of Jesus’ ministry in the first
century of our common era (CE) to the time of Mohammed and the rise of Islam in the seventh century is
somewhat fragmentary. But it has been much studied and is available in various translations. An overall picture
can be gained from the outline account of theological development in the early Church by J.N.D. Kelly: Early
Christian Doctrines. The record comprises the writings of the Apostles and of the earliest Church Fathers.
It includes Greek writers such as Clement of Rome, Ignatius, Polycarp, the author of 2 Clement, Barnabas,
Hermas, and Aristides, Justin, Tatian, Athenagoras and Theophilus (Kelly 1958: 31). It also includes the
works of Irenaeus and Tertullian in the second century; the works of Clement of Alexandria and Origen in the
third century; and the collections of liturgical procedures including the Didache and The Apostolic Tradition.
1
Early Church architecture
Kelly pointed out that the formation of the accepted composition of Christian belief took place gradually
(1958: 60), with a number of books being rejected as not meeting the criteria of apostolic authenticity and
authority, culminating in the twenty-seven books of the New Testament as prescribed in the Easter Letter
from Bishop Athanasius of Alexandria in 367. This followed agreement on expression of Christian belief in
the form known as the Nicene Creed by the ecumenical council at Nicaea in 325, which in turn followed a
controversial and bitter debate within the church on the nature of Christ and his relationship to God (Kelly
1958: 223).
The impetus for the bishops to achieve agreement on doctrine at this point stemmed largely from imperial
acceptance and adoption of Christianity as the imperial religion by the emperor Constantine in 313, and his
need for unity in the Church if it was to serve his political objectives. However the debate about the divin-
ity or otherwise of Christ was not finally settled by agreement on the Nicene Creed, nor by the rejection of
certain books. It was picked up and revived by later bishops and scholars and has never been fully settled.
Under pressure from later emperors, a number of further ecumenical councils were held with the aim of get-
ting agreement among the bishops and a single faith throughout the empire.
The various approaches to the debate and their effect on the later versions of the Creed are further discussed
by Kelly in Early Christian Creeds. It is clear that the way in which belief is expressed in the Nicene Creed
was a reaction to the approach taken in 318 by Arius, a presbyter in Alexandria who published his conclu-
sion that the Son was created by God but was not himself divine (Kelly 1972: 231). This approach could be
seen to derive from the writings of an earlier and greatly respected theologian, Origen, and had considerable
support (Kelly 1958: 230).
In discussion of the writings of Clement of Alexandria and Origen, Kelly noted (1958: 43) that they be-
lieved they had access to a secret tradition of doctrine. Clement regarded it as stemming from the Apostles
and including quasi-Gnostic speculations, while for Origen it seems to have consisted of an esoteric theology
based on the Old Testament: in both cases, it was reserved for the intellectual elite of the Church.
The study of texts known as the Gnostic Gospels discovered near the village of Nag Hammadi in Egypt
in 1945 and the Dead Sea Scrolls discovered about the same time at Qumran in Palestine has reignited the
old debate about the nature of Christ. It was suggested that some of the Nag Hammadi texts may have been
ones rejected by Athanasius in 367 (Robinson 1977: 19-20), but this interpretation does not have currency
amongst mainstream scholars. The discoveries have stimulated many controversial new explanations. These
range from James Charlesworth’s Jesus within Judaism: New Light from Exciting Archaeological Discover-
ies (1988) and Jack Finegan’s The Archaeology of the New Testament (1992) through to Robert Eisenman,
James the Brother of Jesus: The Key to Unlocking the Secrets of Early Christianity and the Dead Sea Scrolls
(1997). Along the way were Barbara Thiering’s, The Qumran Origins of the Christian Church (1990, first
published 1983) and Michael Baigent and Richard Leigh, The Dead Sea Scroll Deception (1992). Ultimately,
these led to the popular fiction of Dan Brown’s The Da Vinci Code.
So in spite of the efforts of the early church fathers and historians such as Athanasius of Alexandria,
Eusebius of Caesarea and Epiphanios of Salamis, who documented the official line to be promulgated by a
unified church following the agreement at Nicaea, there was still a problem. There was a clash between the
various approaches to understanding the nature of Christ and consequently to the way in which the Trinity was
expressed. The concept of God as creator of Son and Holy Spirit who were not ultimately equal to God kept
resurfacing with the creedal expression having to be adjusted in order to achieve unity under imperial auspices
at the councils of Constantinople (381), Ephesus (431) and Chalcedon (451). Kelly detailed the positions of
the various bishops (1958: 223-343), tracing the strands of the theological thread from Nicaea to Chalcedon.
Dom Gregory Dix provided the context and a credible explanation for this ongoing conflict in Jew and
Greek: A Study in the Primitive Church. In discussing the growth of the Gentile Church based in Antioch,
following the insurrection in Palestine of 66 against Roman rule, known as the First Jewish Revolt, Dix high-
lighted the growing isolation of the Jewish-Christian church (Dix 1955: 63). He noted that “outside Palestine,
Jewish Christianity virtually withers away during the next generation”. He proposed that while the writings
of Philo and Josephus survived to represent Hellenistic Jewish literature, there was no Jewish Christian in-
2
introduction
fluence as such on Gentile Christianity in the sub-Apostolic church. The remaining Jewish Christians split
during the first generation after 70 into two sects. One was the Ebionites, who ultimately “drifted off into
Gnosticism, maintaining, however, a basis of firm monotheism in the single, personal ‘living God’, which
is markedly distinct from the vagaries of Gentile Gnosticism”. The other was the Nazarenes. The Nazarenes
“remained faithful to the position of S. Peter, S. Paul and S. James, observing circumcision and as much of
the Law as was still feasible for themselves as an hereditary obligation, but making no attempt to demand its
observance from the Gentile Churches with whom they remained in full communion”.
Dix (1955: 66) suggested that its isolation from Catholic thought increased the differences between the
Jewish-Christian remnant and Gentile Christianity, in that the Nazarenes continued to think of Jesus in terms
of Messiah-ship, “as the Apostolic Jewish-Christian church had done”. On the other hand, Paul had identified
Jesus with “the Creative ‘Wisdom’ of God, already quasi-hypostasised in the pre-Christian Jewish Wisdom
literature”1. Here is apparently the beginning of the concept of Jesus’ divinity: his pre-existence and his
oneness with God.
This development was described by Dix as an “organic advance” of Christian dogma “without any devia-
tion from orthodoxy, which is part of the historical life of the Catholic Church” (1955: 67). How much of
this organic advance was due to Paul’s awareness that to compete with Hellenistic paganism in converting
Gentiles required an exposition of the implications of messiahship is debatable. In any case, it appears that
by 70, the concept of Jesus’ divine nature was established within the Gentile Church. Dix emphasised that
while the central core of Hippolytus’ Creed was still the Jewish-Christian belief in ‘the Messiah Jesus’, ad-
ditions about ‘the Living God’ and the ‘Spirit’, were inserted “purely for the benefit of the Greeks” (Dix
1966: 99). Dix credits Paul with the major part of transference of ‘the Gospel’ from the Jewish world to the
Greek, a transference which happened between 50 and 70 (Dix 1955: 110). Once the concepts of ‘the Living
God’ and ‘the Spirit’ became part of the teaching of the Church, they also became the subject of theological
study and debate. Hence the writings of Clement and Origen in the third century, the Trinitarian debate in
the fourth century, the Christological debate in the fifth century and the ongoing ramifications through the
sixth century and beyond.
During the fourth century following Constantine’s adoption of Christianity as the religion of the Empire,
the bishops of the major Christian centres of Jerusalem, Alexandria, Antioch and Salamis (Cyprus) all held
slightly different interpretations of orthodox belief. Some such as Cyril of Jerusalem and Epiphanios of Salamis
had no difficulty in accepting the concept of the Trinity as expressed in the Nicene Creed. Others in Antioch
and Alexandria required clearer definition of the nature of Christ in terms of his humanity and divinity.
In the fifth century this question of Christ’s nature became the central focus of the debate. Cyril of Al-
exandria proposed one united nature, human and divine. At Antioch Christ was seen to have two distinct
natures, human and divine. Nestorius, bishop of Constantinople from 428-431 was understood to teach a
distinction between the human Jesus who suffered on earth, whose mother Mary could not therefore be termed
the Mother of God, and the Christ who was the Word of God. Nestorianism was condemned at the Council
of Ephesus in 431 and Nestorius was exiled. The position of Cyril of Alexandria was taken to be the correct
one in terms of Nicaea, resulting in a schism between the patriarchates of Alexandria and Antioch. In 451 at
the Council of Chalcedon, it was attempted to formulate a clear statement on the nature of Christ that would
be acceptable to all. But the wording established there was not acceptable to the theologians who held to the
one nature formula of Cyril of Alexandria, including Theodosius of Alexandria, Peter the Iberian and Severus
of Antioch. These and others were at the forefront of the anti-Chalcedonians, who later became known as
monophysites2. At the end of the fifth century and beginning of the sixth century, two emperors – Zeno (474-
492) and Anastasius (491-518) strongly supported the anti-Chalcedonian cause.
The sixth century was dominated by the emperor Justinian, who returned to the concept of the consub-
stantial Trinity as the only possible basis for ecclesiastical unity. His aim was to bring the Chalcedonians to
1 Dix sourced this to I Cor. 1: 24, 30; Col. 1: 15-20.
2 There were four streams of understanding in relation to the one nature of Christ, including the anti-Chalcedonians who
held to Cyril’s formula. This stream was not termed monophysite until the 7th century and is more correctly termed miaphysite.
Today the miaphysite stream comprises the Oriental Orthodox churches: Coptic Orthodox, Syrian Orthodox; Armenian Apostolic,
Ethiopian Orthodox and Malankara Orthodox Syrian (Bowersock et al: 586-587).
3
a position acceptable to their opponents and thereby unite all in the orthodox faith. He did not succeed and
by the seventh century an anti-Chalcedonian church organisation was firmly established.
Aligning their theological positions with the physical evidence of the churches built or influenced by
particular theologians, bishops and/or emperors is the key to understanding the different architectural forms
of eastern churches from the fourth century onwards.
The archaeological record

Study of the evidence provided by the remains of early Christian church sites in the countries around the
east Mediterranean is somewhat hampered by the fact that many excavations have not extended beyond the
church structure itself. Thus ancillary buildings such as the baptistery and other associated functions whose
evolution can be traced to some extent in the documentary record are not always available to assist with
dating. The focus on architectural building methods and decoration such as mosaic and marble opus sectile
floors and wall facings is not necessarily helpful unless they can be firmly dated by associated inscriptions.
Yoram Tsafrir noted that changes in the liturgical furnishings of church buildings have been demonstrated in
the archaeological remains and specific liturgical functions have been related to relevant descriptions in the
writings of church fathers as a basis for dating (Tsafrir 1993a:13). For example the handing of the offerings
to the deacons before the commencement of the Eucharistic service was described by S. John Chrysostom
at Antioch c387 (Dix 1964: 122) and can be related to a church layout that includes a place for the offerings.
However, the archaeological record does not indicate a direct chronological development from the fourth to
the sixth centuries. As Tsafrir also noted, churches built in the sixth and seventh centuries may be to a simple
and apparently earlier design. Explanations for this have been sought in regional differences related to the
variations in available materials and building traditions (Krautheimer 1979) and also in administrative varia-
tions between the ecclesiastical provinces (Michel 2001: XI-XIV). These explanations are not supported by
the survey and analysis of examples around the east Mediterranean as set out in Table A1. Instead, the survey
has indicated a series of revivals of certain forms and practices, and comparison of the periods of revival of
certain forms with contemporary events in the ongoing theological debate suggests that the two phenomena
were definitely connected. Thus while Tsafrir concluded that it was not possible to distinguish between build-
ings belonging to different traditions or sects, such as the Arian, Nestorian or Monophysite churches and
the Orthodox (Tsafrir 1993a: 6), it seems that the architectural form of the churches is an indication of the
theological bent of the sponsor or bishop at the time it was built.
The following schedule sets out the circumstantial evidence. The church plans have been drawn all to the
same scale, with the apse to notional east – except for a couple of examples that were built with their apses to
the west3. The typological groups are summarised in Table A2. A sidelight from the exercise of producing all
the plans at the same scale was that the church sizes fell into four distinct groups as summarised in Table A3.
3 The Church of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem and S. Peter, Baalbek. The Church of the Holy Cross was laid out perpendicular
to the main street of the city and accessed from there, The apse was to the west, oriented to the tomb. The siting of S. Peter, Baalbek
was similarly constrained by being located within the ruins of the former temple. Churches were normally laid out with the apse to
the east, in the tradition of earlier shrines.
4
FOURTH CENTURY
The fourth century is recognised as a major watershed in church building because of the appearance during
that period of major architectural monuments. Prior to this little has been uncovered either through historical
documents or archaeology to give a physical understanding of the places in which Christians met and wor-
shipped. It is known that early Christians met in large private houses, and that by the end of the third century
there were large rectangular hall churches which may have been quite prominent in the urban landscape.
Christianity received imperial sanction under Constantine with the legal document known as the Edict
of Milan in 313. However the benefits to the empire of a recognised and widespread universal religion were
thwarted by divisions within the church. The attempt to settle the Arian controversy by the ecumenical council
at Nicaea in 325 was not entirely successful – as described above. Constantine’s imperial coffers funded the
building of several important churches commemorating the major events in Jesus’ life: these were the physical
expression of orthodox Christianity as it was then understood. His patronage recognised the importance of
the bishops in the successful functioning of imperial government (Bowersock et al 1999: 389-391). Church
building continued under his successors, two of whom Constantius II (337-361) and Valens (364-378) had
strong Arian sympathies and sponsored Arian bishops. Between their reigns, the emperor Julian (361-364)
attempted to revive paganism. Towards the end of the century “the faith established by the 318 Fathers at
Nicaea” was reaffirmed at the council of Constantinople in 381 (Bowersock et al 1999: 605) under the aus-
pices of the emperor Theodosius I.
Under Constantine, public veneration of saints and martyrs who lost their lives for professing their faith
was supported and the first lists were compiled of martyrs and their dates of death. By the time of Theodo-
sius, bishops encouraged the inclusion of a saint’s grave or relics within the church, rather than have private
patrons assume authority through building separate martyria (Brown c1981: 41; Bowersock et al 1999: 568).
The house-church
The archaeological record so far available does not suggest that the earliest places of worship reflected a
concept of Jesus as divine. Rather the house churches proposed by L. Michael White (1990: 102ff) may reflect
the prohibition by the Roman State of illicit gatherings – whether for the purpose of unlicensed worship or any
other reason. White suggested that the movement began as household-based from the time of the disciples4
and through the period of Paul’s mission during which it “became typical for Christians to meet in the home
of an individual member who served as host and patron”. Unlike the first century purpose-built, community
building form of synagogue at Gamla, Masada and Herodium, as distinct from the modified houses in the
diaspora (Richardson 1996: 100-102) it seems there was no parallel purpose-built building for early churches
at this period (McCready 1996: 68-69).
By 60 CE, the process of expansion of the
Christian movement through the Roman world had
resulted in a proliferation of settled house church
cells, including those set up by Priscilla and Aquila
at Corinth, Ephesus and Rome (White 1990: 104-5).
These functioned both as places where Paul and other
missionaries could be received and supported, and
as places of worship and partaking of the traditional
Jewish communal meal by the local communities. In
the latter case the faithful assembled in the largest
room of the house, usually the dining room.
Alterations to the house church at Dura-Europas
Figure 2: Dura-Europos house church, 3rd C pre and on the Euphrates before the middle of the third cen-
post- alteration, after Kraeling 1967 Plans IV & V. tury made it more functional for worship by removing
the wall between the dining room and an adjacent
4 White quoted Acts 2-5.
5
Early Church Architecture
room to form a long hall with a dais at the east end. On the other side of the courtyard, a sunken bath was
installed in a corner room to create the baptistery. White pointed out that at places less geographically far-
flung, the conversions may have begun a century earlier (1990: 108-110, figs 17 & 18).
For instance at Capernaum excavations have revealed what is believed to have been the house of the Apostle
Peter, where the disciples gathered for worship and study (Charlesworth 1988: 109-111). The site was identified
by the fourth century pilgrim Egeria as the place of Peter’s house and of early Christian worship. It contains
etched crosses, a boat, and numerous Greek, Aramaic, Syriac, Latin and Hebrew graffiti by second and third
century Christian visitors and it was later covered by a fifth century octagonal church. The largest room of
the house was altered around the middle of the first century CE in order to create a functional house church.
The functional needs had themselves evolved as growth of the house church community made a commu-
nal meal gathering difficult within the original dining space. The growing formalisation of the meal and the
eventual separation of the celebration of the Eucharist from that communal meal, resulting in the liturgical
pattern described by Justin and Tertullian towards the end of the second century, also affected the requirements
for the offertory. As the actual amount of dining reduced, less food was needed and the voluntary offering for
the communal meal was also reduced. The offering itself became a ritual symbol for the common meal. With
both the Eucharist and the communal meal becoming symbolic rituals celebrated by larger gatherings, a hall
type space was more appropriate than the domestic dining room (White 1990: 119-120).
White argued that the evolution of the house-church into a more functional place of worship which was
a recognisable landmark seems to have occurred by the third century (1990: 123). During the third century,
interior features such as the raised dais for the clergy and the pulpit for the preacher were common (White
1990: 124)5. By the middle of the third century according to Eusebius (White 1990: 127), “churches of spa-
cious dimensions” had been “erected from the foundations in every city”. White concluded however, that
given usage of the term “erected from the foundations” in inscriptions on rebuilt Mithraic and synagogue
buildings, this may also mean the ongoing adaptation and renovation of existing house-churches.
The hall-church
The first monumental church documented as such was taken by White (1990: 118) to be the church at
Edessa begun by Bishop Kune and referred to in the Edessene Chronicle of 313. White used the term aula
ecclesiae to designate this next stage of church building, exemplified by the simple hall church at Qirkbize
in Syria and S. Julianus at Umm al Jamal. The comment of Porphry, a student in Rome c263 that Christians
“erected great buildings imitating the construction of temples” (White 1990: 129) suggests that some of these
buildings were prominent public edifices.
The liturgical procedures in relation to the Eucharist
and the offertory that had to be accommodated were
described in the Didascalia Apostolorum6, a Syrian
document of the 3rd Century. It is clear that the practice
in the east was that people’s offerings were handed in
to a deacon before the service began (Didascalia in
Dix 1964: 122). This practice was later described at
Antioch by St John Chrysostom c387.
At Pella (Jordan) in the first phase of the Civic
Church the space at the east ends of the aisles was
defined by the mosaic floor pattern. Three doors from
the colonnaded portico running along the north side Figure 3: S. Julianus, Umm al Jamal 345,
of the church suggest that perhaps the offerings were after Butler, 1969: 18, ill. 11.
placed on a table at the east end of the north aisle as
5 White quoted Cyprian’s letters.
6 The Syrian Didascalia Apostolorum is a compilation of the ‘Teaching of the Apostles and Disciples’ written in the
first half of the 3rd century and incorporated in the Apostolic Constitutions. It includes part of a liturgy and refers to the use of the
pastophoria for the receipt of offerings (Fortescue, Adrian Antiochene Liturgy, The Catholic Encyclopedia Online Edition 1999;
Griggs, C. Wilfred Didascalia, The Coptic Encyclopaedia, 1991, 899-890).
6
Fourth Century
the people entered. There perhaps, one deacon stood

by the oblations of the Eucharist (the offerings) while
others stood by the doors as required according to the
Didascalia (Dix 1964: 122). A door leading into the
demarcated space at the east end of the south aisle sug-
gests that this was the entrance for the presbyters and
deacons coming from the adjacent dependency on the
south side. The deacons would then have taken the of-
ferings from the side table to the altar at the appropriate
time in the service. The remains of a slightly elongated
semi-circular platform at the eastern end of the central
nave indicate the sanctuary area.
Figure 4: Pella Civic Church Phase 1, 4th C,
White proposed that the church at Tyre built by “the after McNicoll 1992: figure 21.
young, aristocratic bishop Paulinus” and dedicated in 317
was in fact a hall church “an elaborated aula ecclesiae”. He pointed out that while Eusebius praised the décor
and monumentality of the church in his dedication panegyric there is no mention of an apse or synthronon,
only a raised platform at one end for bishop and clergy. But Eusebius did refer to “thrones high up” and he
said that the public were excluded from the area of the altar and that this part was surrounded by a wooden
trellis-work “wrought by the craftsmen with exquisite artistry” (Eusebius Loeb 1926: 394).
White also suggested that there was no internal colonnade in the nave but rather an external portico (White
1990: 136). However Eusebius’ description recorded that halls and chambers were constructed along both
sides on a great scale “skilfully uniting them with the fabric of the basilica so that they share openings that
let light into the central building” (Eusebius Loeb 1926: 394). This could imply that there was a clerestory
over the division between the central nave and the side halls or aisles and that this division was formed either
of columns or piers or perforated in some way so as to allow the side halls or aisles to borrow light from the
central nave.
Eusebius’ dedication panegyric with its description of the cathedral as a marvel of beauty, symbolic of the
divine spiritual edifice in our souls (Eusebius Loeb 1926: 397) suggests that at this point if not before, there
had begun a conscious architectural expression of the divine nature of Christ.
It seems also that this church may in fact have been something more than a hall for prayer and worship.
According to Eusebius (Prat 1999)7 the sepulchre of the great theological writer, teacher and eventual martyr
Origen, who died in 253 or 254 was located behind the high altar of the cathedral of Tyre. Thus the great
church of Bishop Paulinus, lauded by Eusebius was perhaps the first of the large commemorative church
type described below. The ruins of the Crusader cathedral believed to have been built on the 4th century site
were excavated in the 1960s but the results were not published. Subsequent investigations by Denys Pringle
(2001:165-188) have shown that in fact the Crusader church was not built on the same site as the 4th century
church but on a new site which later became part of the town walls. The site of the 4th century church has
apparently not been identified.
The commemorative church

In parallel with the developing house-churches and hall-churches were the commemorative grottos and
chapels that marked places of importance in the Christian story, either related to actions of Jesus, sites as-
sociated with the Apostles, or the actual sites of Martyrs’ burials. Many of these also evolved into grand
monuments, as has been noted above in relation to the Apostle Peter’s house at Capernaum.
For example around the middle of the third century, Origen wrote of the cave that was pointed out as the
place of Jesus’ birth at Bethlehem, indicating that he himself had visited the place (Finegan 1992: 30). In
the fourth century, according to Eusebius the emperor Constantine, having been converted to Christianity
in 313, caused four churches to be built in Palestine at places sacred for their connection to Christ, one of
which was over the place of his birth at Bethlehem. The other three were the Church of the Holy Sepulchre
7 Prat quoted Hist. Eccl., VII, I.
7
and Calvary at Jerusalem, marking his death and resurrection; the church on the Mount of Olives over the
place of his ascension, and at Mamre at the place of the oak tree where angels had appeared to Abraham
(Finegan 1992: 30-31).
The commemorative church: basilica with a single apse

Church of the Nativity, Bethlehem
At Bethlehem, the basilica ordered by Constantine had an octagonal sanctuary platform within a large,
polygonal apse. A circular structure/ciborium over the altar in the centre of the octagonal platform was located
over the cave believed to be the place of Jesus’ birth. The cave grotto was accessible by steps leading down
from the north side of the sanctuary (Finegan 1992: 32- 34). Begun during the bishopric of Macarius, the
church was dedicated in 339 under Bishop Maximus II. Both Jerome, writing at the end of the fourth century
and Paulinus of Nola referred to the cave being used as a place for worship of the pagan god Adonis during
the early second century in Emperor Hadrian’s time (Finegan 1992: 36), suggesting this was a purposeful
defilement of a place that had been known to be honoured by Christians. While the cave seems certainly to
be the one pointed out to Origen when he visited some time during the first half of the third century, there is
no proof that it was known to be honoured by Christians prior to Hadrian’s time.
The tradition that Jesus was born in a cave near Bethlehem apparently dates from Justin Martyr’s Dialogue
with the Jew Trypho in the second half
of the second century (Finegan 1992:
90). As in finding the location of the
place of Christ’s death and resurrection,
Macarius was no doubt under pressure
to help Constantine’s mother Helena
find His place of birth when she visited
in 327. In view of the emperor’s desire
to impose Christianity throughout his
empire it was probably convenient to
find it at a pagan shrine.
The commemorative Figure 5: Church of the Nativity Phase 1, Bethlehem 339,

church: basilica with after Crowfoot 1941: 18 fig.2 and Bagatti 1971: 176 fig.48.
a single apse plus sepa-
rate centralising structure
The Basilica of the Holy Cross, Jerusalem
The commemorative basilica at the place of crucifixion and resurrection was built on the site of an earlier
temple, possibly dating from Hadrian’s time (after 131), which had itself supposedly been built over Christ’s
tomb. According to Eusebius’ Life of Constantine (III/26/3) the temple was dedicated to Aphrodite. Jerome,
writing 60 years later said there had been a statue of Jupiter over the tomb and a statue to Aphrodite on the
rock that was the site of Calvary (Biddle 1999: 56-57). Biddle suggested that Eusebius was at pains to em-
phasise defilement of the site by pagans and that the numismatic evidences point to it being more likely a
temple to Tyche, who as a city goddess was a more bearable pagan deity for Christians and Jews. However
there seems to be confusion deriving from an earlier source, Dio Cassius, who said in his Roman History that
Hadrian built a temple to Jupiter on the site of the temple of the god. It is thought by some that Dio Cassius
was referring to the site of the Jewish temple on Temple Mount, rather than to an earlier temple at the Calvary
site (Finegan 1992: 198-1998; Bahat 1990: 65).
If as proposed by Doran Bar (Biddle 1999: 57) the camp of the Roman Tenth Legion was in this area from
the time of putting down the First Jewish Revolt 66-70, the earlier temple is more likely to have been a temple
8 Finegan quoted Dio Cassius 229.
8
Fourth Century
Figure 6: Holy Cross,

Jerusalem 335,
after Gibson and Taylor
1994: 75 Figure 45.
to Mithras. The area beneath Constantine’s church was formerly the site of quarries and tombs (Gibson and
Taylor 1994: 52, figure 36). The cave/grotto area of the current S. Helena and S.Vartan chapels beneath the
church may have been the first Mithraic place of worship for the Tenth Legion. Then the area was built up to
form a flat base for a new temple in Hadrian’s time. A temple to Mithras has been excavated at Caesarea dating
from the late first century and occupied until the mid to late third century (Finegan 1992: 136)9. It would be
surprising if there was not one at Jerusalem given that the Tenth Legion was there for over a century. If there
was a later temple to Jupiter, perhaps it was to Jupiter Doliche, invoked by soldiers for the success of their
arms (Perowne 1986: 98). When the Tenth legion left at the end of the third century, the flattened area would
have suggested itself as a suitable site for a new church, and removal of a temple to Mithras/Jupiter Doliche
not too much of a problem for the authorities since its specific military constituency had left. According to
Eusebius the temple site was cleared by Bishop Macarius of Jerusalem on Constantine’s instructions and
“contrary to all expectations” a tomb came to light. Constantine then instructed Bishop Macarius to build a
basilica on the site (Finegan 1992: 262; Biddle 1999: 58).
The reason for associating the site of the pre-existing temple with the location of the tomb of Christ is not
clear – it is put down to being a tradition among the local Christians. This assumption is problematic because
according to Eusebius and Epiphanios the Jerusalem Christians fled to Pella at the time of the insurgency in 70
CE. As Bahat points out (1990: 68), from that time until 324 when Constantine gained control of the Eastern
Roman Empire, Jerusalem was governed by pagan rulers for whom the place had no religious significance.
It could be expected that some of the Christians who returned would have retained an account of the place,
and would have recorded the fact that by the end of the first century it was built over for whatever reason.
Couasnon suggested that the tradition was passed down the line of bishops of Jerusalem, going back to James,
brother of Jesus (Couasnon 1972: 10-12). Macarius, Bishop of Jerusalem from 314 to 333, was present at
the Council of Nicaea in 325. Couasnon suggested that he was instrumental in persuading Constantine to
commemorate the holy places in Jerusalem, particularly by disinterring the Tomb of Christ that was held by
tradition to be beneath a pagan temple. On the other hand, it could have been politically expedient for the
local Christians to identify the abandoned temple site as the place of Christ’s death and resurrection when
under pressure from Constantine to find that place.
Bishop Macarius subsequently received a long letter from Constantine about the building of the church
of the Holy Cross. This did not specify what form the church should take but implies he was thinking of a
basilica type church with gilded coffered ceilings. The building was a five-aisled basilica with a semi cir-
cular apse at the west end enclosing a domed, columned ciborium over the altar (Finegan 1992: 261-265).
9 Finegan quoted Blakely, Caesarea Maritima iv: 101-103.
9
The apse may have been located over the place where timber, supposedly a remnant of the cross, was found
during the site clearing works (Yarnold 2000: 18). Christ’s tomb was left as a freestanding memorial across
the courtyard from the basilica until a domed structure, the Anastasis, was built over it later in the fourth
century (Yarnold 2000: 18). At the time of the dedication of the basilica in 335, Maximus II, known for his
strict orthodoxy, had succeeded Macarius as Bishop of Jerusalem. It is not clear whether the Anastasis dome
was finished before Cyril succeeded him c350, although Wilkinson suggested that Cyril implied its existence
in his catechetical lectures (Wilkinson 1981b: 313) and that therefore it was completed by 348. Gibson and
Taylor (1994:77) thought it was most likely constructed during the latter part of the reign of Constantius II
(337-361), who consolidated his father’s program of Christianisation and church building. They suggested it
was not part of Constantine’s original plan to cover the tomb and its surrounding court with a domed structure.
Rami Arav has pointed out that it may have been similar to the round church dated to the early fifth century
at Beisan (Scythopolis), which appears to have been a circular colonnaded court with an apsed shrine off
the colonnade to the east. The shrine set in an exedra off an open court with surrounding porticoes is in the
tradition of Canaanite Phoenician shrines (Arav 1989: 195). The Anastasis certainly existed by the time the
pilgrim Egeria visited Jerusalem 381-384 and recorded her experience of the Easter processions and services
(Wilkinson 1981b).
The Eleona, Mount of Olives

The Church commissioned by Constantine to mark the place of Christ’s ascension on the Mount of Ol-
ives was the Eleona Church. It was built over the cave identified to the Empress Helena as the place where
Jesus spoke to his disciples about the expected apocalypse10, and existed as such by 333 when visited by the
Bordeaux Pilgrim. This church as investigated by L.H. Vincent from 1910 was a single-apsed basilica with
nave and two aisles, the single apse being located immediately over the cave. The cave appears to have been
accessible by steps either side of the sanctuary (Finegan 1992: 165-167 and figure 155). Again the connection
of the cave with the place of Christ’s teaching cannot be traced to before Hadrian’s time. A tomb chamber
west of the cave was blocked off when the church was built (Wilkinson, 1978: 121). It is possible that Bishop
Macarius made expedient use of the cave under pressure to locate a suitable site for Helena to identify as the
place of Ascension.
The Imbomon
According to Peter the Iberian writing in 451 another church - the Imbomon - was built several decades
later (c378) by the wealthy pilgrim Poemenia on top of the Mount to commemorate the actual place of As-
cension. Investigations by L.H. Vincent (1913) and V. Corbo
(1959) revealed this to be a circular colonnade that was most
probably open to the sky (Wilkinson, 1978: 174-175); Bagatti,
1971: 220-223). This church was destroyed by the Persians in
614 and rebuilt by Modestus, patriarch of Jerusalem, before 634
as a circular church with three encircling roofed colonnades, the
central area being unroofed and open to the sky as described
by the pilgrim Arculf in 670 (Finegan 1992: 167 - 170).
As the late fourth century pilgrim Egeria described, the
procession of worshippers moved from the Eleona church to
the Imbomon as part of the Palm Sunday service. So while the
Imbomon church was built some four decades later than the
Eleona Church and is a hundred metres away, the two churches
bore the same relationship to each other of basilica plus cen-
tralised structure over the place of commemoration as did the
structures comprising the basilica and the Anastasis of the Holy Figure 7: The Imbomon, Mount of Olives 378,
Sepulchre. It is possible that this replication of the relation- after Bagatti 1971: 221 Figure 88.
ship is due to the influence of Cyril, who had been a priest in
10 Finegan recorded that the apocryphal Acts of John attests to a particular cave on the Mount of Olives being associated with
the teaching of Jesus (Finegan, 1992:166).
10
Fourth Century
Jerusalem under Macarius’ successor Maximus II and was first appointed Bishop of Jerusalem himself c350.
However Cyril was exiled from Jerusalem on three occasions, the third and final time being for eleven years
under the emperor Valens, an Arian sympathiser. His replacement as Bishop of Jerusalem during those eleven
years was the Arian Hilarion, and it seems that it must have been under Valens’ and Hilarion’s auspices that
the Imbomon was built. Cyril was reinstated as Bishop of Jerusalem by the emperor Gratian in 379 and was
apparently active in the liturgical peregrinations made memorable by the journal of the pilgrim Egeria until
he was succeeded by John II in 386/7.
Comparison of the three Constantinian churches above (excluding the Anastasis and the Imbomon) shows
that they were more elaborate basilicas for worship than the hall church type described by White. They prob-
ably following the form and layout of Bishop Paulinus’ church lauded by Eusebius at Tyre. The opportunities
provided by their commemorative function for processional rites to rival those of the pagan cults the new
State religion was supplanting were fully exploited. The incorporation of an apsidal sanctuary crowned with
a semi-dome or dome over the actual place of commemoration offered opportunities for artistic glorification
of the place. The splendid accommodation of the combined functions of commemoration and the Eucha-
ristic liturgy could impress likely converts and contribute to the adoption and spread of the now imperially
sanctioned religion.
It is clear that the architecture of these churches was not purely functional – it was being used to convey
a message. The form of the church based on the Roman civic basilica lent authority to the clergy, while not
overtly competing with the external architecture of pagan temples. The splendid interiors however left none
who entered in any doubt as to the significance of the God worshipped within. The use of a dome representing
the realm of God over the tomb of Christ (the Anastasis) and the centralised structure open to the sky over
the place of ascension (the Imbomon) during periods of Arian influence, reflect a resurgence of emphasis on
the divine nature of Christ.
The commemorative church: basilica with a single apse plus

separate tomb or sacred element
Another form of commemorative church with a single apse provides the apse as the place for the altar
only – the place or tomb is located adjacent to the church rather than beneath the apse. Such is the Lazarium
at Bethany, where the tomb of Lazarus was reached via steps and passage from the north-west corner of the
courtyard/atrium at the west end of the church (Wilkinson 1981b: 52; Finegan 1992: 157-160). Similarly
at the church ordered by Constantine to be built at Mamre, the well and oak tree of Abraham were in the
south-west corner of the courtyard (Wilkinson 1981b: 189). The Church of the Holy Cross is related to this
category, since while the apse may have been located over the supposed place of the finding of the cross,
the actual rock identified as the place of Calvary is located in what was originally the courtyard between the
basilica and the Anastasis.
The two-aisled basilica with central nave and single apse flanked by side chambers as used at Bethany and
Mamre is the most common early plan found throughout the eastern Mediterranean mainland, particularly
in Syria.
The Syrian church type

The Cathedral, Jerash (Gerasa), Jordan
The date of this church was established as 365 by reference to Epiphanios (Crowfoot 1938: 172; Crowfoot
1941: figure 12) but has since been queried by Jaggi et al (1998). The nave and aisles of the two- aisled basilica
were extended to the west in the fifth century, when a small chapel was added to the southwest corner, acces-
sible from both the south aisle and the atrium. The single apse was flanked by side chambers (pastophoria) as
found commonly in Syria. The northern chamber was accessible through a doorway in its north wall through
to a hall space which had three other doorways through to the north aisle. This hall space provided public
assess to the cathedral for those coming from the east through the reused Roman propylaea. The sanctuary
extended into the nave with the ambo to the south of the central axis. Both side chambers opened into their
11
respective aisles and there was no direct access to the sanctuary from the side chambers.
The layout suggests that initially at least the northern side chamber was for deposit of the offerings as
described in the Didascalia. The chapel built at the south-west corner when the basilica was extended to
the west may have taken over this function at that stage as described in a later document setting out church
procedures – the Testamentum11. The colonnaded atrium on the west enclosed a square pool where according
to Epiphanios in his Panarion, in the fourth century water at the fountain was changed into wine at the feast
of the miracle of Cana (Kraeling 1938: 63). It is likely that this was originally one of the shrines dedicated
to Dionysus mentioned by Pliny and was taken over by the Christians at Gerasa as was done in other places
(Markus, 1990: 197). Epiphanios referred to the Cathedral as a “martyrion”, but no evidence has been found
to indicate the identity of the martyr (Browning 1982: 180).
Farfirtin, Syria
With a layout similar to many of the Syrian basilicas recorded by Howard Crosby Butler, the church at
Farfirtin was a two-aisled basilica with central nave
terminating in a single apse which has side chambers
either side. It is dated by an inscription to 372. The
southern side chamber was accessed externally through
a doorway in its south wall and both side chambers
opened internally to their respective aisles. There was
no direct access to the sanctuary from the side cham-
bers. The north wall is a solid rock face, and entrance
was through two doorways along the south wall into
the southern aisle, or via a single doorway through the
west wall directly into the nave (Butler 1969, III: 33).
This layout accommodated the liturgical requirements
set out in the Didascalia as described above, in that of-
Figure 8: Farfirtin, Church of the Holy Apostles 372,
ferings placed in the southern chamber could be brought
after Butler 1969: 33 ill. 32.
to the altar by the deacons and the remaining portion
returned there at the end of the service.
Brad Cathedral, Syria

Brad Cathedral was a two aisled basilica of c392
with central nave terminating in a single apse with
side chambers either side. A small apsed chapel opened
off the north east side of the north aisle. The sanctu-
ary projected slightly into the nave and was directly
accessible via a small opening into the apse from the
northern side chamber. A break in the sanctuary rail on
the south corner of the sanctuary gave indirect access
via the east end of the south aisle to the southern side
chamber. A raised platform in the centre of the nave
with a curved west end accommodated the clergy. An
atrium on the south, colonnaded on the east, south and
west gave access through two porches on its northern
side into the south aisle of the church. The eastern
colonnade ended at an entrance to the southern side
chamber through its south wall (Smith 1950: figure
205). As at Farfirtin this arrangement would have ac- Figure 9: Brad Cathedral 392,
after Smith 1950: figure 205.
commodated the offerings procedure as described in
11 Testamentum Domini Nostri Jesus Christi, a canonical law text of the second half of the 5th Century which sets out the
requirements for church planning. Crowfoot gave a translation by Rev. D.J. Chitty from the Syriac of the relevant section (Kraeling
1938: 175-176).
12
Fourth Century
the Didascalia and the Testamentum. Smith pointed out that the layout derived from the later description in
the Testamentum does not preclude the location of the chamber for receiving the offerings being adjacent to
the central apse (1950: 51 note 57).
The palace church: centralised structure

Antioch
As argued above, the building of the domed Anastasis and circular Imbomon can be attributed to the Arian
influenced emperor Constantius II, who was also responsible for the completion (in 341) of another famous but
no longer existing, octagonal or circular domed church - the Golden Dome at Antioch. This church is believed
to have been the palace church rather than a commemorative church. It was begun under Constantine in 327
and dedicated to Harmony, the divine power that unites Universe, Church and Empire (Krautheimer 1979:
80). Downey noted that since the exile of the orthodox bishop Eustathius c330, the Christians of Antioch had
been under the control of a series of bishops with Arian tendencies (Downey 1961: 414). The building of the
Golden Dome was delegated to the Arian Count Gorgonius (Smith 1950: 26).
Smith has documented the symbolism of the dome throughout history, and its particular application in
commemorative churches to represent the dome of heaven (The Dome 1950). The use of an all-encompassing
dome in this church, as at S. Lorenzo in Milan, founded by the Arian emperor Auxentius c378 (Krautheimer
1979: 86), can be explained as an architectural symbol of divinity, through association with the realm of God.
The architectural form of these churches commissioned by Arian bishops can be seen as a means of convey-
ing the Arian position on the nature of Christ. As Tsafrir pointed out (1993:10), the centralised plan was not
easy to use for celebration of the Eucharist and later examples which adopted this form usually incorporated
an eastern, apsed chancel (for example at Mt. Garizim).
The commemorative church: the basilica with three apses

Towards the end of the fourth century, a number of basilicas appeared whose sanctuary terminated in three
apses. As Table A1 indicates, the form was widely revived in the sixth century under Justinian and it is then
found particularly in the essentially Chalcedonian orthodox sees of Palestine, Cyprus and southern Arabia,
but very rarely in Syria or Egypt. In Egypt a variation of the form – the triconch sanctuary is common as will
be seen below.
It seems that towards the end of the fourth century certain bishops undertook new building programs,
particularly under the orthodox emperor Theodosius I, which modified the orthodox basilica form to provide
the sanctuary with three semi-circular apses. These can be seen as representing all three entities of the Trinity
in response to the Arian symbol of the Golden Dome as shown below.
S. Sion, Jerusalem
The church referred to by Egeria between 381 and 384 as commemorating the place where Jesus appeared
to the disciples and they received the Holy Spirit at Pentecost has been identified as the triple-apsed church
excavated prior to the building of the Church of the Dormition on Mt Sion early last century (Finegan 1992:
234-242). However according to Bahat (1990: 71) the basilica of Holy Zion was built in 390 by Bishop John
II on the site where the Church of the Apostles had stood from 347, and it therefore must be this Church of the
Apostles that Egeria visited. Since Bishop Maximus II moved the central seat of the Jerusalem church from
Mount Sion to the Holy Cross (Finegan 1992: 134) it would seem that the Church of the Apostles was built
under his auspices during the reign of Constantius II and replaced an earlier house church. It was referred to
by Cyril as the Upper Church and was apparently a centralised structure with pointed roof as indicated in the
apse mosaic of St Pudentiana, Rome with the Cenacle adjacent to its right. Mackowski pointed out that this
mosaic portrays Christ on the throne before Calvary in the courtyard of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre
in Jerusalem, with the structures of the Anastasis and the basilica of the Holy Cross on the left behind the
courtyard wall and the structures on Mount Zion on the right. The Eleona church is visible above the Cenacle
in the distance on the Mount of Olives (Mackowski 1980: 143; 150).
13
The large basilica shown on the Madaba map as being of equivalent size to the Church of the Holy Sep-
ulchre and identified by the pilgrim Theodosius as S. Sion, “the mother of all churches”, is apparently the
triple-apsed basilica that replaced the Church of the Apostles on Mount Sion in 390 during the reign of Em-
peror Theodosius I. So the centralised structure of the preceding Church of the Apostles like the Imbomon, the
Anastasis and the Golden Dome at Antioch can be related to the Arian bishops under Constantius II, whereas
the triple-apsed church expressed the orthodox position re-established under Theodosius I.
Gethsemane, Jerusalem
A processional relationship similar to that between the Eleona Church and the Imbomon may have been
intended between the basilica built over the rock identified as the place at Gethsemane where Jesus prayed
the night before he was betrayed, and the cave grotto identified
as the actual place of betrayal. Egeria recorded that the proces-
sion on the Thursday of Holy Week came from the Eleona and
Imbomon down the Mount of Olives to the “elegant church”
at the place where Jesus prayed and then on to the place where
he was apprehended (Finegan 1992: 178). The church com-
memorating the rock identified as the place where Jesus prayed
at Gethsemane was therefore built before Egeria’s visit (381-
384). It has been attributed to Theodosius I. Investigations by
G. Orfali in 1909 and in 1919-20 indicated that this 4th century
church was a triple-apsed church located with a large area of
rock immediately in front of the central apse and altar (Finegan
1992: 181-182, fig. 171). Figure 10: Gethsemane, Church of
the Agony c380, after Bagatti 1971:
Bethesda, Jerusalem 205 figure 72.
The Church of S Mary of the Probatica, approached along

the top of the dam between the two sheep pools at Bethesda, was identified by Peter the Iberian (451) as the
Church of the Lame Man. The crosses in the mosaic floor date it to before the prohibition of this by Theodo-
sius II in 427, and it is a three-aisled basilica (Finegan 1992: 232; Bagatti 1971: 200-201, fig. 69). Egeria did
not mention this church, but it is possible that like S. Sion and Gethsemane, it was yet another triple-apsed
expression of orthodoxy under Theodosius I. The site was a place of healing before Christ’s miraculous cure
of the lame man as the church is built partly over a former temple of Asclepius, the Graeco-Roman God of
Medicine.
Dor (Dora)
A similar appropriation of an Asclepian temple site in the fourth century for the construction of a basilica
has been documented at Dor, on the Mediterranean coast of Israel (Dauphin 1999: 397-430). In that case, the
temple had in turn developed an earlier shrine to Apollo. There the opportunity had been taken to capitalise
on the attraction of the healing aspect of the place by incorporating a baptistery for adult converts. This
took the form of an external aisle along the north side of the three-aisled church. It was divided laterally
to accommodate the baptismal sequence set out by Bishop Cyril of Jerusalem in the mid-fourth century in
his Mystalogical Catecheses (Dauphin 1999: 402-403). The church was rebuilt on the same plan in the fifth
century following a fire (Dauphin 1999: 401). The church is believed to be the episcopal basilica of Byzan-
tine Dora due to the finding during earlier excavation of the site by Dr J. Leibovitch in 1952, of an episcopal
ivory sceptre. Dauphin noted that this is shaped like a hand with the three fingers extended in a characteristic
episcopal blessing symbolising the Holy Trinity. The church also drew pilgrims to view and touch the frag-
ment of the rock of Calvary which had been inserted into a marble column. The column stood at the eastern
end of another external aisle built along the south side of the church. Both external aisles terminated in apses
at their east ends.
14
Fourth Century
Baalbek (Heliopolis)
Eusebius recorded that a very large church was built at Heliopolis under Constantine and that presbyters,
deacons and a bishop were appointed there, with “plentiful provision for the poor” (III/58/1-4). That church
was apparently destroyed under the emperor Julian (361-363), who attempted to restore paganism (Ragette
1980: 68-69). Under Theodosius, the orthodox bishops returned to their sees and regained possession of their
churches. Pagan temples were destroyed, and new churches were constructed in their place (Moffat 1990: 91-
93). The basilica constructed in the great square court of the Temple of Jupiter at Baalbek had two side aisles
terminating in small apses flanking a large, semi-circular central apse terminating the nave (Butler 1969: 74;
Ragette 1980: 6912). The apse configuration is similar to Gethsemane and Salamis - a large central apse with
small side apses, but is oriented to the west.
Figure 11: Baalbek, Basilica of S. Peter c391, after Ragette 1980: 69.
Salamis (Constantia), Cyprus

The large, six aisled basilica with central nave founded in 400 by Epiphanios at Salamis-Constantia (where
he was buried in 403) took similar form to the Church of Holy Sion. The eastern end comprised three apses: a
large, projecting semicircular apse terminating the central nave, flanked by smaller inscribed apses terminat-
ing the immediate north and south aisles. Epiphanios’ sarcophagus was located at the east end of what was
originally the central of the three southern aisles. The triple-apsed form of basilica is prevalent in Cyprus.
Other examples are the churches at Ayia Kyriaki, Paphos; the Basilica of Acheiropoiitos, Lambousa; the
Basilica of Ayia Trias (Holy Trinity), Yialousa, and the Basilica of Ayios Philon in Carpasia of similar date
(Papageorghiou 1986: 498-499, figures 2, 3, 4 & 5), and later at Soloi and Peyia. Large separate baptisteries
have been excavated at the basilicas of S. Epiphanios, Ayia Trias and Ayios Philon. In general these are ar-
ranged along one side of a small atrium. The sequence of rooms appears to have accommodated the liturgy
as set out by Cyril. At Ayios Philon it seems that a change was made to the room to the east of the baptismal
immersion pool to create a chrismarion following introduction of the Constantinople practice of anointing by
the bishop after the baptism. Megaw noted a similar change at Kourion (Megaw 1997: 346). At Ayia Trias,
the baptismal complex accommodated the Constantinople practice from the beginning, suggesting that this
basilica was constructed at a slightly later date.
12 Ragette’s sources are the work of the German Archaeological Expedition under Professor Otto Puchstein from 1900-1904,
which was eventually published 1921-5 by Theodor Wiegand, together with clearance and conservation reports by F.Anus, P. Coupel
and other officers of the French Service des Antiquites from 1932. The church was initially constructed with the apse to the west,
making use of the grand, eastern access via the hexagonal court. Some time after the initial construction the orientation of the church
was altered and an apse was constructed at the east end. Butler cites Theodore Wiegand, Baalbek II, pp. 130-143. I have not seen
these reports.
15
Figure 12: S. Epiphanios, Salamis c400, after Megaw 1974: figure A.
At S. Epiphanios, Soloi, Ayia Trias and possibly Ayios Philon13, there are small openings between the
apses. Megaw proposed (1997: 346-348) that these small openings between the apses and between the apses
and the outer aisles were to allow passage behind the sanctuary. He suggested that at S. Epiphanios, the main
apse was walled off from the sanctuary along its cord until the synthronon - the semi-circular tiered seating
for the clergy - was later introduced and the sanctuary was extended into the apse. It was then possible to
pass between the side aisles by means of the vaulted passage beneath the highest part of the synthronon. He
was unable to say why passage between the apses behind the sanctuary was necessary but suggested it was
to allow ease of cleaning and maintenance. Since the sanctuary floor was higher than that in the side aisles
and apses, he did not believe the apses could have been required for the liturgy.
One explanation may be that if the sanctuary was placed west of the chord of the apse, it was to allow
a relic or tomb to be located in the apse. This would then have been accessible to pilgrims passing through
from the side apses to the space in the central apse behind the sanctuary. However the use of pastophoria
described in the Didascalia suggest that such access may have facilitated the operations of the deacons for
the service of the Eucharist, before the introduction of the later practice of bringing the offerings from an of-
fertory chapel or diaconicon located near the atrium as specified in the Testamentum. At least two examples
in North Syria dated by Butler to the fourth century in his extensive survey of over 200 Syrian churches had
an opening between the apse and the northern side chamber (at Kharab Shems and Brad). He documented
several dated to the fifth century with an opening between the apse and one or other of the side chambers14.
At il-Anderin in Northeastern Syria he recorded two examples with openings between both side chambers
and the apse - the Church of the Holy Trinity and the Church of S. Theodorus (Butler 1969: 81-82). He re-
corded another group dated to the sixth century with openings between the apse and both side chambers as
at Nawa, dated 598; the west and south churches of the monastery at ir-Ruhaiyeh and at it-Tuba dated 582
(Butler 1969: 160, 111 & 163-4).
The 6th century basilica of Panayia Asomatos at Aphendrika in Carpasia had arched openings between the
three apses (Robertson 1981: 188). These were retained when the church was repaired and re-roofed in the 10th
century following damage incurred during the Arab raids. Even Justinian’s S. Sophia in Constantinople has
openings through the great piers flanking the central apse. All these examples suggest an ongoing functional
13 At Ayios Philon the building of a new church in the 12th Century which still stands (unroofed) partially on the ruins of the
old has obscured the evidence.
14 Butler (1969) Chapter 3, Ksedjbeh East Church, dated 415: 50; Church of St. Mary at Shekh Sleman: 59; Serdjibleh
Church: 60; Mshabbak Church: 62; Kalota East Church, dated 492: 67; Church of St. Phocas at Basufan, dated 492: 57-70; Zebed
East Church: 78; the church of the West Monastery at Der Siman: 104 and the north church of the monastery at ir-Ruhaiyeh: 111.
16
Fourth Century
use related to liturgical practice.

Megaw wondered whether Epiphanios imported the three-apsed plan from Palestine, his homeland (Megaw
1997: 348). He pointed out that the three-apse plan was nowhere more widespread than it became in Cyprus
and asks whether this was in part a continuation from the tri-partite shrines of “the old religion”, or a symbol
of the Christian Trinity “as colonnades of twelve columns evoke the Apostles at both Soloi and Kourion”.
S. Epiphanios of Salamis
Epiphanios’ theological stance as expressed in his widely read writings is the most likely source of the
triple-apsed sanctuary as a symbol of orthodoxy. Epiphanios was a key participant in the great theological
debate of the fourth century (Englezakis 1995: 39). He was recognised along with Athanasius of Alexandria
and Paulinus of Antioch as a father of orthodoxy who refused to compromise his essential understanding
of Christianity by bending to any influences from Graeco-Roman antiquity. His writings are valued for the
information they provide on the religious history of the fourth century, both through his own observations
and from the documents transcribed by him that are no longer extant (Saltet 1999). Epiphanios was elected
Metropolitan Bishop of Salamis (Constantia) when that city became the capital of Cyprus after an earthquake
devastated Paphos in 365. Before that he led and administered his own monastery near Eleutheropolis in
Palestine. He travelled widely through the region - to Egypt, Asia Minor, Syria, Mesopotamia and Palestine.
He visited Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, Constantinople and Rome, some several times (Englezakis 1995:
33). His writings were widely read in the Christian world (Young 1983:141), and include the Ancoratus
(The Well-anchored) of 374, which sets out his own position of strong opposition to the Arian and Origenist
heresies. In terms of Trinitarian theology he “speaks of three hypostases in the Trinity, whereas the Latins
and Paulicians of Antioch speak of one hypostasis in three persons” and “clearly teaches that the Holy Ghost
proceeds from the Father and the Son” (Saltet 1999). In his second, much larger work, the Panarion (Medicine
Chest - a stock of remedies against the poison of heresy) completed in 377, he collected eighty heresies. His
categorisation of these and numbered ordering reflects a preoccupation with numbers further demonstrated in
his De Mensuribus et Ponderibus (Of Weights and Measures) c390, where amongst other matters he meditated
on particular numbers including the number three (Epiphanios, trans. Esbroeck 1984).
Epiphanios’ influence could have extended to the design of the churches of Gethsemane S. Sion and
Baalbek, which at that time like his own see, were subject to the jurisdiction of the patriarch of Antioch.
Epiphanios could certainly have influenced the other churches in Cyprus, in particular the basilica of Ayios
Philon founded by his friend and colleague Philon, Bishop of Carpasia 368 to 403. Young suggested that
Epiphanios’ straightforward Greek and appeal to the classic Trinitarian proofs, such as the threefold Sanctus,
was the basis of his popularity (Young 1983: 134).
Pella, Jordan
At Pella in Jordan, the sanctuary of the Civic Church
was remodeled to comprise a projecting central apse
with inscribed apses either side in a similar form to S.
Epiphanios and the Gethsemane church (see figures 10
& 12 above). Although dated to the early 6th century by
the excavator R. H. Smith (McNicoll et al 1992: 151), the
remodeled form of the Civic Church and that of the Pella
East Church (McNicoll et al 1992: 154 figure 23) more
closely resemble the 4th century triple-apsed churches than
the later 5th C and 6th C triple-apsed forms of the Negev
and at Jerash, where all apses are inscribed.
Figure 13: Pella Civic Church Phase 2,
after McNicoll et al 1992: 150 figure 22.
The cruciform plan

The earliest cruciform commemorative church according to Krautheimer (1979: 72-3 and 189, note 4)
17
was Constantine’s Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople, completed under Constantius II. In their
commentary on Eusebius’ Life of Constantine Cameron and Hall noted (1999: 337) that the surviving de-
scription by Eusebius does not say this was a cross-shaped church, but that Gregory of Nazianzus referred
in a poem to the building as cruciform15. Eusebius recorded that the shrine was of an “unimaginable height”,
and had a gold-plated, coffered ceiling (Eusebius 1999: IV/58-59). The shrine was surrounded by an open
air court with porticoes and service rooms along the four sides. Within the shrine was a central altar and
twelve piers or cenotaphs inscribed to the apostles. Constantine’s coffin was placed in the middle “with those
of the apostles six on either side”. When actual relics were brought into the church in 356/7, Constantine’s
remains were transferred into a separate adjoining mausoleum. The church was replaced by Justinian in 536.
Krautheimer noted that the cruciform church was a new departure from the previous octagonal and circular
forms. Smith (1950: 92) is alone in suggesting that Eusebius’ description of Paulinus’ church at Tyre could
apply to a cruciform church with a raised dome over the crossing.
The use of the cruciform church plan has been interpreted as symbolically representing the victory of
Christ in later examples such as quoted by Smith (1950: 108) from the inscription of Ambrose in his cruci-
form church of the Holy Apostles at Milan. In this sense the cruciform plan emphasised the humanity and
suffering of Christ and represented an alternative orthodox symbol to the triple-apsed sanctuary. By now, the
theological debate had moved on from arguments about the nature of the Trinity to the old question of Christ’s
humanity/divinity. Smith was more interested in the dome as representing heaven than in the symbolism of
the various plan forms. However it is clear from the writings of Gregory of Nyssa and Gregory of Nazianzus
that both the cross and the octagonal form carried specific symbolism.
Gregory of Nyssa
Gregory of Nyssa (c335-395), unlike Epiphanios, was an admirer of Origen (Leclerq 1999). He saw
the cross as an appropriate symbol for the Godhead in that its four spatial directions represented the whole
universe, and expressed the idea that the One who died
on the Cross harmonised the whole universe through
the form of His death (Ladner 1955: 88-89)16. Ladner
referred to the background of fascination with the mys-
tery of numbers that informed Gregory’s interpretation
(Ladner 1955: 94). He proposed that for Gregory the
role of Christ as unifier had to be demonstrated through
the visible shape of the Cross. Gregory’s description in
his letter written to Amphilochius c380 of his proposed
martyrion at Nyssa is translated by Lethaby to indicate a
colonnaded octagon developed from the cross-in-square
plan, with four exedrae diagonally opposite each other
(Lethaby 1912: 85). Thus the cross had generated the
plan, but could not now be easily read in the form so cre-
ated. It was a mystery to be contemplated. The cross used
in this way represented yet another interpretation – here
it emphasised both the transcendental and human nature
of Christ at the expense of the Trinity and reflected the
then current preoccupation of the Christological debate.
Figure 14: Cross plan of Gregory of Nyssa c380,
Antioch after Lethaby 1912: 85 figure 45.
A cruciform church was built by Bishop Meletius
at Kaoussie, Antioch as the Martyrion of S. Babylas
(381-387). The remains of S. Babylas, a Christian mar-
tyr of the third century had been buried in Antioch, then removed to Daphne c350 and finally enshrined at
Kaoussie, where Meletius was also buried. In the centre of the crossing was a raised square platform with a
15 They quoted PG 37. 1258.
16 Ladner quoted Gregory’s Christi resurrectionem oratio I, Pat. Gr., XLVI, 624B.
18
Fourth Century
Figure 15: S. Babylas Antioch c379, after Smith 1950: figure 170.
semicircular west end which included the altar. The double sarcophagus containing the remains of Bishop
Meletius and the relics of S. Babylas was located in the north-west corner of the crossing. Smith concluded
that the crossing was surmounted by a raised wooden dome; the four arms that accommodated the worship-
pers being roofed with timber gables (Smith 1950: 110). The use of the cruciform plan by Bishop Meletius
can be seen to express his particular strain of orthodoxy. His views were considered more Origenistic than
those of Bishop Paulinus. Epiphanios went to Antioch c376 to investigate the doctrinal schism dividing the
Antiochene church and supported Bishop Paulinus against Meletius (Saltet 1998).
Shechem
Some time before 386 a commemorative church with a cruciform plan as described by the pilgrim Arculf
in 670 was built over Jacob’s well at Shechem. The church was mentioned by Jerome in his description of the
pilgrimage by Paula in 386 (Finegan 1992: 73). Bagatti noted that the Crusader church with the well in the
crypt beneath its central apse appeared to have been superimposed over the remains of the cruciform church
which had the well at its centre (Bagatti 1971: 228, fig. 96).
Jerusalem
Before 390, the date of Jerome’s amended Onomasticon, a church was built over the Tomb of the Virgin in
Jerusalem in the form of cross (Finegan 1992: 180). Both this and the cruciform church at Shechem post date
the visit to Jerusalem by Gregory of Nyssa in 379 to “confer with the heads of the holy churches in Jerusalem,
because their affairs were in confusion and a negotiator was needed” (Yarnold 2000: 7 quoting Pilgrimages).
It is notable that the above examples at Antioch, Shechem and Jerusalem were constructed during the reign
of Theodosius I, as were also the triple-apsed churches at Jerusalem, Salamis and possibly Baalbek. It seems
19
clear that the differentiation was due to the choice of the relevant bishops. At Antioch, the cruciform church
of S. Babylas was built by Bishop Meletius, who was at odds with Epiphanios over the precise understanding
of the nature of Christ. As discussed above Epiphanios’ own cathedral at Salamis/Constantia was a five-aisled
basilica with a triple-apsed sanctuary. The choice of a cruciform plan may have been due to the influence of
Gregory of Nyssa. Later imperial preference under Theodosius’ son Arcadius was apparently for the cruciform
church as indicated by the example at Gaza below.
Gaza
At Gaza Mark the Deacon relates that Porphyry, Bishop of Gaza was at a loss as to what form his new
church to be built on the site of the former pagan temple to Marnas, should take. The discussion that took
place c403 is illuminating. “Some then counselled that it should be built after the fashion of the temple of
the idol; for the shape of it was round, being set about with two porticoes (colonnades), one within the other;
but in the midst of it was a dome spread out and stretching high” (Mark the Deacon, trans. Hill 1913: 75).
However Porphyry had doubts about this and prayed for divine instruction. He was greatly relieved when
Eudoxia, wife of the emperor Arcadius who had been persuaded to fund the construction, sent Porphyry a
plan to follow. He then obtained the services of “a certain Rufinus, an architect of Antioch, a believer and
well skilled, by whom the whole building was accomplished” (Mark the Deacon, trans. Hill 1913: 78). The
plan was cruciform and the church was dedicated in 407. It was known initially as the Eudoxiana.
20
FIFTH CENTURY
The fifth century was dominated by the Christological debate. But in conjunction with this was an increased
focus on the cult of martyrs. By the fifth century, many churches had - if not a saint’s tomb - relics of one
sort or another to enhance their status. These might be pieces of a martyr (S. Stephen was well distributed) or
pieces of the true cross. The feasts and processions held in the names of saints and martyrs occasioned criti-
cism from those who thought the rites were too close to Jewish and pagan practices from which they derived
(Bowersock et al 1999: 568). The decree of Theodosius I that only churches actually built over a saint’s tomb
in situ should contain martyrs’ relics apparently had little effect.
Separate baptisteries were built to accommodate an increasing number of converts and rooms were added
to accommodate the catechumens. New churches were built incorporating narthexes and side passages for
the catechumens designed to accommodate the baptismal processions. They were dedicated to a local martyr
or a venerated saint, often one of the apostles, or to Mary, Mother of God. In 429 Nestorius, archbishop of
Constantinople declared that Mary could not be held Theotokos - Mother of God. In Nestorius’ understanding
of two distinct, human and divine natures of Christ, the emphasis was on the full humanity of Christ. This
was in contrast with the beliefs of much of Syria and Egypt, that Christ had only one nature in which the two
aspects were united, with the emphasis on the divine. Thus began the theological controversy between the
Nestorians and monophysites that was to dominate the fifth century.
Reference to Table A1 shows that churches documented for the fifth century reiterated the architectural
forms established in the previous century, and developed a couple of new ones – the triconch sanctuary and
the transept church. The use of particular architectural forms for certain important churches can again be re-
lated to the contemporary theological debate. The triconch sanctuary appears to represent the Egyptian view
of the nature of Christ which developed out of Alexandria’s theological school. Emperors sought to establish
their theological position by supporting the construction of elaborate new churches at the major pilgrimage
sites, or in some cases renovated exiting ones. In 431 at the council of Ephesus, Nestorius was exiled but the
bishops were still not in agreement.
The fourth ecumenical council at Chalcedon (451) resolved on a formula which again re-stated the Nicene
Creed but this was not acceptable to many. The dome appeared again as a symbol of divinity, this time in
response to Nestorianism, particularly in churches dedicated to the Theotokos. The transept church form was
rare. Two examples in Egypt suggest that it was intended as a symbol of conciliation – using the Latin cross
to emphasise Christ’s humanity as in the West and in this way following Chalcedon. This could be expected
at the Abu Mina transept church funded from the imperial purse. The transept church at Al Ashmunayn, with
a central apse and each transept terminating in an apse seems to have put a Chalcedonian overlay on the
traditional Egyptian triconch. In Syria, numerous new churches took the traditional single-apsed form, while
the triple-apsed form was appropriated by the supporters of Chalcedon in Cyprus, Palestine and Arabia.
Functional liturgical considerations revolved around the need
for pilgrims to access the holy place or relic without interrupting
arrangements for the service of the Eucharist. Developments in
how this was achieved determined the layout of the large pilgrim-
age churches that appeared during the second half of the century.
The triconch sanctuary

Siagha, Mt Nebo
Egeria visited the memorial to Moses’ vision of the Prom-
ised Land on Mt Nebo c381. The small church with three apses
arranged at right angles to each other as a triconch on a trefoil
plan may have originated as a pagan structure. It is thought to
Figure 16: Siagha Church, Mt. Nebo
be of pre-Christian construction due to the type of stonework 4th C, after Piccirillo 1986: 77.
used (Bagatti 1971: 216-217, fig. 181). It was administered by
21
Egyptian monks who later developed it into a larger church with associated monastery. It originally incor-
porated a linear baptistery complex with an immersion pool adjacent to the north aisle similar to the church
at Dor. Later an offertory chapel was constructed at the west end of the external south aisle of the church;
the side conches were converted to sacristies and a new baptistery chapel was created in the south external
aisle with a small quatrefoil basin font (Crowfoot 1941: figure 11). It seems that this type of font which could
be used for baptising both adults and children was introduced in the sixth century (Ben Pechat 1989: 175).
Palestinian monasteries
Other monasteries containing tri-conch churches include S. Theodosius, Deir Dosi 470 (Bagatti 1971:
316, fig. 25)17 and S. Sabas at Khirbet el Mird (Castellion/Hyrcania) 492 (Bagatti 1971: 314-315, fig. 178).
Bagatti noted that the principal monks of Palestine and Egypt were represented at S. Sabas/Khirbet el Mird,
which was founded in the ruins of the old Herodian fortress at Hyrcania (Bagatti 1971: 315).
Three Cappadocian monks dominated monastic life in Palestine in the fifth and sixth centuries, each found-
ing one or more monasteries and influencing many. These were S. Euthymius (377-473), S. Sabas (439- 532)
and S. Theodosius (424-529). Two disciples of S Euthymius also founded monasteries, S. Luke and S Marinus
(Bagatti 1971: 98. All fought for orthodoxy in the face of monophysitism. According to Bagatti the spiritual
outlook of the majority of the monasteries west of Jerusalem including the Old Ad founded by Epiphanios
near Besandouk in the territory of Eleutheropolis depended on Egypt (Bagatti 1971: 108).
Shenute, Egypt
In Egypt several tri-conch sanctuaries were built – the most well-known still stands at Atripe, near Suhaj
on the west bank of the Nile on the edge of the desert area known as the Middle Sa’id or the Thebaid, about
halfway between Luxor and Assyut. This is at the White Monastery or Dayr al-Abyad, also known as Dayr
Anba Shinudah after the abbot to whom its building is attributed – Shinudah – perhaps better known as
Shenute (c348-466). Shenute succeeded his uncle Pjol as abbot in about 385, having entered the monastery
around 371 (Kuhn 1991a: 2131) and in 431 he attended the Council of Ephesus with Cyril, archbishop of
Alexandria. While not considered a great theologian, he was pious, authoritarian and strongly attacked pagan-
ism and heresies including Arianism, the Meletians and the Manichaeans. He was known for his charity and
the support given by his monastery for the welfare of the surrounding community. He had a wide influence
through his writings and accessibility to the many visitors who sought his advice and blessing. In many ways
Shenute was a similar character to Epiphanios of Salamis – a literal and orthodox Christian of wide influence.
However, their orthodoxy differed in their expression of the concept of the Trinity.
Shenute had entered the monastery at Atripe shortly before the death of Alexandria’s great patriarch
Athanasius I, whose theology was influential in the shaping of the Creed at Nicaea in 325 (Atiya 1991: 298).
Shenute would have been well aware of the theological controversies surrounding Athanasius during the
battle between the orthodox bishops and the supporters of Arianism that forced Athanasius into exile in the
Thebaid during the 360s. Getting agreement on expression of the concept of the Trinity was a key issue in
Athanasius’ attempts to resolve the situation (Atiya 1991: 300). Was the Trinity to be expressed as three in one
or one in three? Did those who spoke of three hypostases mean three persons? Shenute followed Athanasius
and later Cyril in focusing on the concept of one hypostasis. Hence when he came to choose a form for the
sanctuary of his great church he chose the trefoil plan; a triconch form which was essentially a triangular
representation of the Trinity for the place wherein was to be celebrated through the service of the Eucharist,
the death and resurrection of Christ.
No definite date has been established for the building of the great church of the White Monastery by She-
nute, but there are grounds to date it to around 440 (Grossman 1991d: 768-769; Walters 1974: 242) - that is
after his visit to Ephesus for the council in 431 where he would have had the opportunity for discussions with
other church builders. The Life of Shenoute written by Shenute’s disciple and successor as abbot, Besa, records
that “our Lord Jesus Christ” came to Shenute and that “ they went off together and laid out the foundation
of the sanctuary” (Bell 1983: 52). This suggests that the decision about what form the sanctuary should take
17 The late 5th Century date proposed by Vincent was not supported by Weigand (1920: 176) and others who regard the
triconch as part of the church of the Theotokos, erected by Sophronius between 529 and 543 (Pringle, 1998: 274).
22
Fifth Century
Figure 17: Church of the White Monastery, Egypt early 5th C, after Grossman 1991d: 768.
came to Shenute as a divine inspiration. No doubt, his conscious and sub-conscious mind was suffused with
the awareness of the theological debate. He may also have known through contact with the Egyptian monks
at Mount Nebo in Palestine of the use of the triconch sanctuary there. The baptistery layout seems to have
accommodated the immersion rite as described by Cyril of Jerusalem. It was located in the south east corner
of the church as a right angle, connecting the disrobing room at the east end of the catechumens’ narthex with
the southern apse of the triconch, rather than taking a linear form as at Dora or at Siagha, Mt Nebo.
Krautheimer (1979: 122) noted that freestanding memorials of triconch form were used frequently in both
Christian and pagan cemeteries in the third and fourth centuries, and Badawy (c1978:78) noted examples also
in Egypt in rock tombs of the New Kingdom in Thebes West, and in Graeco-Roman catacombs and tombs in
Alexandria. Pagan use of the triconch form may be due to association with an earlier Pythagorean concept of
trinity. Shenute, while believed by scholars to have been at heart a true Copt, did have knowledge of Greek
philosophy and classical mythology (Kuhn 1991a: 2132) and is likely to have been aware of the association.
Shenute’s choice of the triconch sanctuary for the church at the White Monastery has to be seen as a po-
sition statement on the Trinity – it manifested the concept of ‘one in three’ and was supremely Egyptian in
following Athanasius on this expression. The influence of Shenute’s choice was considerable as demonstrated
by several other monastery churches. These include the nearby, slightly later Dayr Anba Bishoi at Suhaj
(Grossman 1991c: 739-740) and the sixth century churches of Dayr Abu Fanah (Grossman 1991c: 698-699),
Dayr Abu Matta in the Dakhlah Oasis (Grossman 1991c: 706), Dayr Al-Matmar (Grossman 1991c: 836-837),
and Dandarah (Grossman 1991: 690-691). The later churches of Dayr Anba Bakhum (Grossman 1991c:
730-731), Dayr Anba Bisadah (Grossman 1991c: 722-733) and at Hawwarah (Grossman 1991c: 1210-1211)
also followed the form of his church. The later monastery churches in Palestine that followed the Egyptian
orthodox line as described above also took the triconch form.
In this they differed from the previously manifested Trinitarian expression of three apses in a line across
the eastern end of the sanctuary as developed at Sion, Gethsemane, Baalbek and Salamis, which followed the
teaching of Epiphanios of three hypostases in the Trinity or ‘three in one’. Dechow has suggested that Athana-
sius and the Cappadocians (such as Gregory of Nyssa discussed above in relation to the cruciform plan), with
their greater openness to Origen come between the popular, literalist view of Christianity as represented by
Epiphanios, and the intellectualized speculation of the more extreme Origenist position (Dechow 1988: 468-9).
23
S. Augustine of Hippo
The ecclesiastical complex used by Bishop Augustine of Hippo included a chapel with trefoil plan. This
may have been built to house relics of S. Stephen (Van der Meer 1961: 21). There may be a correlation here
between Augustine’s concept of the Trinity as “una substantia et tres personae” (Harrison 2000: 42) and the
triconch form. David Wright has proposed that “the Latins approached the Trinity from the oneness and the
Greeks from the threeness” (Wright in Ferguson 1990: 914). However, there is apparently no evidence that
Augustine directly influenced the form of the churches he founded (Van der Meer 1961: 239-240).
The single-apsed church

By contrast, the Georgian monastery of Bir el Qutt, attributed to the monophysite monk known as Peter the
Iberian (409-488), contains a single-apsed hall church (Bagatti 1971: 316-317, fig. 180). Peter was the son of
King Bosramios of Georgia. He had been taken hostage to Constantinople where he was raised by Theodosius
II and his wife, the Empress Athenais, known as Eudocia (as distinct from Eudoxia her mother-in-law, wife
of the emperor Arcadius). He fled to Jerusalem in 430 and became a monk under the monophysite Gerontius;
superior of the monastery founded by Melanie the younger. After the empress Eudocia settled in Jerusalem (c
441/442), he went to Gaza, ostensibly to escape her. He was ordained priest by Paul the nephew of Juvenal,
then bishop of Jerusalem. Juvenal was a key player on the orthodox side in the theological debate and assumed
the powers of archbishop despite strong opposition from the largely monophysite population of Jerusalem.
In 449 he obtained official appointment as archbishop and then began a building program in the city, with
considerable financial help from the empress Eudocia. In 451 Jerusalem was proclaimed a patriarchate at the
Council of Chalcedon (Bahat 1990: 71).
Meanwhile Peter became Bishop of Maiuma during the monophysite revolt against the Chalcedon decision.
The revolt unseated Juvenal as archbishop of Jerusalem. Peter therefore received his appointment from the
monophysite archbishop Theodosius. When the monophysite revolt was subsequently crushed and Juvenal
reinstated as archbishop, Peter followed the other monophysite bishops appointed by Theodosius to exile in
Egypt. There he worked actively for the monophysite cause. He eventually returned to Palestine and engaged
widely in monophysite missionary activity, initiating the building of monophysite churches and monasteries
(Kofsky 1997: 213-215)18.
Following her first visit to Jerusalem in 438, the empress Eudocia supported the construction of several
new churches (Hunt 1982: 241-242), one of which survives as a crypt - the church of S. John in Jerusalem
with a trefoil sanctuary19 (Join-Lambert, 1996: 134-5). She founded the church of S. Stephen (Kofsky 1997:
212) outside the northern gate of Jerusalem – a basilica with a single apse where she was buried following
her death in 460. She is also credited with the single-apsed Siloam church (Bahat 1990: 72). After Chalcedon
Eudocia sided with the monophysites but by the time of her death, having consulted the orthodox monk S.
Euthymius c. 456 on the recommendation of S. Simeon Stylites, Eudocia had abandoned monophysitism for
the catholicism of Chalcedon.
Church building during the fifth century continued to include single-apsed
churches with side chambers in the province of Arabia but now with a syn-
thronon in the apse - for example the Amman Citadel Church (Northedge
1992: figure 162) and the chapel of Amos and Clois at Mt. Nebo (Saller et al
1949: figure 4). In the province of Antioch some liturgical development can
be detected. At the West Church of Kasr Iblisu, North Syria, dated to 431 or
earlier (Butler 1969: 55, ill.53), the plan shows possibly the earliest prothesis
archway into the chamber at the south of the apse. The sanctuary was confined
Figure 18: Amman Citadel
to the apse but extended slightly into the nave and there was no direct access Church 5th C, after
from the side chambers to the apse. Here the plan seems to demonstrate a Northedge 1992: figure 162.
definite use of the side chambers as part of the liturgy.
18 Kofsky quoted John of Beth Rufina (Rufus) Vita Petri Ib., ed. R. Raabe, Leipzig 1895 (Syriac text with German trans), 4.
19 A plan is given by Smith, 1950: figure 18
24
Fifth Century
At S. Phocas Basufan, North Syria dated 491/492 the sanc-

tuary was confined to the apse but extended slightly into the
nave. A small access passage linked the south side chamber to
the sanctuary. The south side chamber is shown with a wider
opening as at Kasr Iblisu (Butler 1969: 67 & 69, ill.71).
The tri-apsidal sanctuary

The triple-apsed form of S. Epiphanios was repeated in
several fifth century basilica complexes in Cyprus including Figure 19: S. Phocas, Basufan 492,
the basilica at Soloi (Megaw 1974: fig. B), Ayios Georgios tis after Butler 1969: 69, ill. 71.
Peyias and the basilica extra muros at Kourion (Papageorghiou 1986: figs. 7 & 10). It seems that there was
a continuous expression of the orthodox position in this way through the fifth century in Cyprus, although
other forms were also in use. Liturgical developments are indicated by the addition of the synthronon at S.
Epiphanios and extension of the sanctuary into the nave, and by changes to the baptisteries at Ayios Philon
and Kourion.
The Church of S. Barnabas near Salamis was a bi-apsidal basilica built to house the reputed remains of S.
Barnabas, which had been discovered in a nearby cave. The remains were placed in a tomb at the end of the
south aisle, which terminated in an apse (Papageorghiou 1986: 496, fig. 11). It has been proposed that apses
were created in either the north or south pastophoria of a number of otherwise single-apsed churches in the
eastern Mediterranean to enhance the presentation of the relics contained there (Margalit 1990: 321-334). It
has also been proposed that otherwise single-apsed churches were altered to create three apses for the same
reason (Negev 1989: 129-142; Margalit 1989: 143-164).
Excavations in southern Jordan over the past two decades have
exposed a number of triple-apsed churches dated by their excavators
to the fifth century including at Petra (Schick et al 1993: 63, pl. I)
and Humeima (Oleson et al 1993: 471, fig. 4). At both of these, the
sanctuary extended into the nave but not across the apses and there
was no direct link between the central and side apses. In the Negev,
the triple-apsed Northern Church at Rehovot (Raheiba) was dated to
the fifth century by its excavator (Tsafrir 1993: 294-302), but this has
been disputed by Avraham Negev on the basis of his work at several
other sites in the Negev. He suggests that the triple-apsed form of this
church was a rebuilding and alteration that followed an earthquake Figure 20: Humeima Church, Jordan,
in the early sixth century (Negev 1989: 140-141). The church had after Oleson 1993: 471 figure 4.
a synthronon in the central apse and the sanctuary extended across
both side apses, extending further into the central nave, with an ambo (pulpit) south of the central axis (Tsa-
frir 1993: 298). There was a commemorative crypt below the sanctuary with access from the side aisles that
recalls the crypt of the shrine church at Abu Mina in Egypt, and the crypt of the nativity at Bethlehem. Both
these churches were built over an actual tomb or traditionally sacred place. However, the fact that the Rehovot
site is not well-known as a pilgrimage site suggests that it is perhaps of similar date to S. John Hebdomon
and S. Polyeuktos in Constantinople, where this crypt arrangement was revived for the purpose of housing
relics placed in the church. These churches were dated to the first half of the sixth century (Mathews 1971:
54 & 57). The sixth century rebuilding of the Church of the Nativity at Bethlehem included provision of
steps down to the crypt from the east ends of the inner side aisles in a similar manner (Armstrong 1969: 25).
Commemorative churches and liturgical functionality

The service of the Eucharist at churches which commemorated a sacred place or martyr created a func-
tional planning difficulty. Pilgrims had to be able to pass by, view, and sometimes touch the place or shrine
containing the relic without interfering with the service arrangements.
At the Eleona Church in Jerusalem, the cave of the teaching was accessible by steps from either side of
25
the sanctuary. This allowed worshippers and pilgrims to proceed along one aisle from the entrance towards
the sanctuary, down into the cave, up again the other side and out along the other aisle. The arrangement
provided a considerably cheaper commemorative structure than one requiring a separate, centralised structure
over the place to be commemorated, although in consequence it lacked a strong external architectural marker
for the sacred place as would be provided by a dome or conical roof.
This functional arrangement was also suitable for churches built over the tombs of saints and was used in
the early 5th century church over the shrine of S. Menas (Abu Mina) in Egypt, and in the 4th century basilica
over the cave shrine of S. Thecla at Meryemlik in Cilicia (southern Turkey).
In the fifth century, a modified form of this ar-
rangement occurred at several churches whereby
movement around the sacred place or tomb was
accommodated by an eastern passage behind the
apse. Examples of this arrangement include the
church commemorating the place of the multi-
plication of the loaves and fishes at Tabgha in
Palestine and the five-aisled basilica over a tomb at
Gadara (Umm Qais). In Cilicia, examples include
the North and South churches at Yanikan - the
South Church with a domed tomb chamber – and
the large basilica which replaced the 4th century
church over S. Thecla’s tomb at Meryemlik. In
Figure 21: Church of the Multiplication, Tabgha early
Cyprus, examples include the basilica at Kourion
5th C, after Crowfoot 1941: 74 figure 15.
and Ayia Kyriaki at Paphos.
At Kourion Megaw proposed (1997: 346)
that initially the apse was not functionally
part of the sanctuary which was raised above
the floor of the nave, aisles and apse and was
in fact walled off from it. He suggested that
the apse existed because the church was con-
structed on the foundations of a late-Roman
single-apsed civil basilica, and that it served
as a link between the side aisles. However
the main purpose of the apse may have been
to house a relic or tomb, and the link to the
side aisles would have enabled pilgrims to
pass from the side aisles via the apse and relic
behind the raised sanctuary and altar without
disturbing the service. Later the sanctuary
was extended into the apse and access was
Figure 22: Kourion Cathedral early 5th C,
after Megaw 1997: 345 figure 3. created to a space behind the apse to house
the relic or tomb.
Such an arrangement is found at the 5th century Yanikan South
Church in Cilicia (Hill 1996: 256-260 & figure 59). There the tomb
was placed between two apses, which together with the space
before them and the tomb formed a separate extension behind
(to the east of) the apse containing the synthronon. Similarly, at
Ayia Kyriaki at Paphos in Cyprus, an internal apse closing the
sanctuary to the west of the central apse of the triple-apsed eastern
end of the church allowed circulation behind and between it and
the triple-apsed eastern end. Some of these churches (Kourion Figure 23: Yanikan South Church early
5th C, after Hill 1996: figure 59.
26
Fifth Century
and Tabgha) included long rooms north and/or south of the side aisles to accommodate catechumens with
baptismal buildings attached to either the north or south.
As pilgrimage to these sites increased, this arrangement of allowing passage through the ends of the side
aisles to an area behind the apse so as to accommodate processions, past or over a tomb or relic, without
interfering with arrangements for the celebration of the Eucharist at the altar, became more elaborate. This is
demonstrated at the new or enlarged churches at major pilgrimage sites discussed below.
Cruciform/transept plan
Meanwhile it seems that the cruciform church plan was revived in response to the monophysite contro-
versy, coinciding with the time when the words “who was crucified for us” were added to the Trisagion in
the liturgy by the monophysite archbishop of Antioch, Peter Fullo (457-476).
At Gerasa the church of the Prophets, Apostles and Martyrs was constructed in 465 on a cross-in-square
plan, with the western arm being one bay longer than the others. Square chambers were formed in the external
corners of the cross. The sanctuary occupied the eastern arm of the cross and possibly extended across to
include the southern side chamber (Crowfoot 1941: fig. 8).
Figure 24: Prophets, Apostles and

Martyrs, Jerash 465,
after Crowfoot 1941: 40 figure 8.
Figure 25: Al Ashmunayn Cathedral, Egypt 5th C,
after Grossman 1991b: 286.
At Al Ashmunayn, formerly the great pagan centre of Hermopolis Magna, a great transept basilica was
constructed in the first half of the fifth century (Grossman 1991: 285-287). This was a three-aisled basilica
with an aisled, apsed transept, preceded by an atrium. The plan of the complex shows a baptistery in the
north-east corner of the enclosure, laid out as a right angle wrapping around the north transept and connecting
the catechumens’ narthex north of the north aisle to the east side of the north transept of the main basilica. It
appears to have accommodated the rite as described by Cyril of Jerusalem in his Catecheses with an immer-
sion font in the north-east corner. The central apse was connected by small openings to side chambers east of
the transept arms and then via the side chambers to the aisles of the transepts themselves. It would have been
possible for pilgrims entering from the west to pass along one side aisle, around the transept arm, through a
side chamber, past a tomb or relics in the apse and out through the opposite side chamber and transept. They
could then proceed back down the side aisle to the west entrance, without having entered the sanctuary or
interfered with arrangements for the service of the Eucharist at the altar, which was located in front of and
separated from, the eastern apse.
27
Processions
John Chrysostom, renowned preacher and later patriarch at Constantinople from 398 to 404, described
the ceremonies and processions that accompanied the transfer of holy relics such as S. Babylas and S. Igna-
tius at Antioch. Such occasions for public displays of Christian devotion comprising elaborate processions
through the streets, led by the clergy in colourful vestments, with swinging censers, lighted candles, and the
singing of hymns and psalms served to reinforce the Christian takeover of the city (Harvey 2001: 44-45).
This occurred against the background of pagan festivals that had continued to take place during the early
Christian centuries, and the appropriation of pagan feast days into the Christian calendar (MacMullen 1997:
39-41). MacMullen noted that there was a continuing liking for the processing of crowds wearing costumes,
carrying holy images on litters under baldachins with floral decorations and accompanied by musicians. He
discussed the way in which the cult of martyrs and saints appropriated the pagan rite of the dead in the man-
ner of processions with torches, candles and incense, and the associated feasting (MacMullen 1997: 116)
to the extent that Jerome recorded a criticism of this likeness by a certain Vigilantius. The attempt by the
emperor Theodosius I to restrict the cult of martyrs and saints should be seen in the light of such criticism.
In addition, days marking events in the life of Christ or the Virgin could be marked by stational processions
connecting the cathedral church to a relevant shrine. The aim always was to draw people away from pagan
worship and into the church.
Consequently, as the fifth century progressed, instead of the body parts of martyrs and saints, a renewed
emphasis seems to have been put on relics associated with events in the life of Christ. Churches were associ-
ated with a holy relic such as a piece of the holy cross at Dor, the Virgin’s cincture at Chalkoprateia, her robe
at Blachernae, or the stone from Jacob’s Well at S. Sophia. The original models for this were the stational
processions established in Rome from an early period and the liturgical peregrinations involving the Holy
Sepulchre in Jerusalem with the other sites associated with the life and death of Christ as described by the
fourth century pilgrim Egeria (Baldovin 1987: 248).
It seems that the liturgical processions related to Baptism and the Eucharist at Constantinople were a
conscious attempt by the church to provide a pageantry less open to criticism, while still having to compete
with pagan processions and festivals. Mathews quoted the Vita of Eutychius on how the great crowd of people
gathered because they liked to see him make his entrance to the Great Church in his patriarchal vestments
(Mathews 1971:139).
Chrysostom referred to a form of the Eucharistic liturgy used at Constantinople which included a procession
accompanied by the choir and the bishop bringing the bread and wine from the prothesis to the altar (Fortes-
cue 2006)20 . It is not clear how long the ritual had been practised as an actual procession in Constantinople.
The still existing “small building in which the many sacred vessels were kept” is known to have survived
the fire of 404 in Constantine’s S. Sophia that followed Chrysostom’s banishment (Mathews 1971: 13).
The procession was not necessarily Chrysostom’s invention but may have followed a form using this small
building – known as the skeuophylakion - which was already practised at S. Sophia under his predecessor
Nectarius. It is possible the ritual was introduced by Gregory of Nazianzus in 381. Gregory insisted on the
principle of reverence in treating of the mysteries of faith unlike the Arians (Hunter-Blair 2006), who had
occupied S. Sophia from the time of its founding in 350 under the emperor Constantius II to the coming to
power of Theodosius I in 379. At his farewell address at the ecumenical council of 381, Gregory attacked the
celebration of ecclesiastical feasts and the processions of the Greeks (Baldovin 1987: 181), but presumably
it was the stational ecclesiastical feasts that he was attacking, not the celebration of the Eucharist. By the
time of Theodore of Mopsuestia the Eucharistic procession had become the major highlight of the service at
Antioch (Taft 1978: 35-38). The earlier liturgical form was likely to be that attributed to S. Basil of Caesarea,
who is know to have modified an even earlier form derived ultimately from that described in the Apostolic
Constitutions21 (Fortescue 2006).
20 Quoting Chrysostom Hom. Xxxvi, in I Cor., vi, P. G., LXI, 313.

21 The Apostolic Constitutions comprise eight books, the first six being an interpolated edition of the Syrian Didascalia
(see note above). The seventh book is a modified version of the Didache, an earlier version of the ‘Teaching of the Apostles and
Disciples’, and the eighth book contains a complete liturgy and the 85 ‘Apostolic Canons’(Fortescue, Adrian Antiochene Liturgy,
The Catholic Encyclopedia Online Edition, 1999).
28
Fifth Century
The processional nature of Christian worship during the fifth and sixth centuries in Constantinople is
demonstrated by the layout of the churches there (Mathews 1971: 103-180). The plan of the Chalkoprateia
Theotokos church c350, a two-aisled basilica with central nave and single apse attributed to Pulcheria, sister
of Theodosius II (Mathews 1971: 30 fig. 12), represents a development of the eastern passage layout de-
scribed earlier. On the great feast days of the Virgin, the procession was able to pass in and out through the
east ends of the aisles to the shrine of the Virgin’s cincture, which was apparently located somewhere to the
south of the church (Mathews 1971: 132). Much later, it seems that the cincture was brought into the church
and placed during the feast days in a box on the altar (Mathews 1971: 33). By then it was perhaps kept per-
manently in the cruciform crypt beneath. Mathews notes that by the end of the ninth century the church itself
had become the goal or starting point of the celebrations of all the major feasts of the Virgin. The basilica of
S. John Studios dated to 463 took a similar form but was considerably smaller (Mathews 1971: 19-27). The
Chalkoprateia basilica was the largest in Constantinople at the time it was built, and was within 150 metres
and shared the clergy of the 4th century S. Sophia, as rebuilt or repaired by Theodosius II after the fire of 404.
As noted above the skeuophylakion adjacent to the north-east corner of S. Sophia, which housed the elements
used in the service of the Eucharist survived the fire and continued in use through the fifth and sixth centuries
(Mathews 1971: 11-19). Mathews proposed convincingly22 that that the liturgical procession related to the
service of the Eucharist began and ended at the skeuophylakion, and it is quite likely that the same building
served the Chalkoprateia. Hence the liturgical and feast day processions would have often been visible outside
the churches as well as within.
The Constantinian-type commemorative basilica at major pil-

grimage centres.
During the second half of the fifth century, following the Council of Chalcedon, the burgeoning pilgrim-
age function of churches associated with the cult of martyrs and saints, together with increased numbers of
Christian converts requiring baptism seem to have led to a revival of the Constantinian type commemorative
basilica at various major pilgrim sites in the eastern Mediterranean.
Abu Mina, Egypt

At Abu Mina in Egypt, this took the form of a major enlargement of the existing pilgrim complex. A large
baptistery was added to the west of the earlier church that had been built over the shrine to S. Menas, and a
Figure 26: S. Menas, Egypt late 5th C, after Kaufmann 1908: figure 61.
22 The use of the skeuophylakion as a diaconicon or prothesis (all considered to mean the place where the offerings or
oblations were received and from where they were taken to the altar) has since been significantly supported by Robert Taft (1978 &
2001), although alternative suggestions have been made by others, which he documents.
29
large transept basilica was added to the east towards the end of the fifth century (Grossman 1991a: 26-27;
Krautheimer 1979: 118, fig. 64). As at Al Ashmunayn, the raised sanctuary platform with altar was located
in front of the apse and did not include the apse. It was possible therefore to pass from the transepts behind
the altar via the apse with its tombs or relics. The basilica would have accommodated large congregations
on the feast day of the martyr of the like described by MacMullen (1997: 117), which could then process
through the doorways in the east ends of the aisles of the existing shrine church to the tomb. The baptistery
was located so as to allow large numbers of catechumens after their baptism to process from there into the
existing shrine church where they would take part in the Eucharist rite. The baptistery demonstrates a more
public than private emphasis in the baptismal rite. The immersion font was located in the central space of the
baptistery annexe, rather than as the central point of three connecting rooms. The arrangement would still
accommodate the progression described by Cyril - from the narthex of the basilica to a disrobing room, then
into the central space with the font, then into the room where the newly baptised donned white robes, and then
back into the narthex. However, the large size of the actual baptismal room with font is a departure from the
small, very private immersion font rooms such as found at the White Monastery of Shenute, Al Ashmunayn,
S. Epiphanios, Kourion, Ayios Philon and Ayia Trias and is similar to the 5th century Constantinople example
of Chalkoprateia. It seems that later in the sixth century baptism became more public still. At the 6th century
Basilica A of S. Georgios, Peyia in Cyprus the immersion font was centrally located in a colonnaded courtyard
and at Ayios Philon and Kourion in Cyprus, annexes were built in the 6th century comprising a courtyard with
centrally located hexagonal pools. At Pella, there appears to be no baptistery attached to the 6th century East
Church but there is a hexagonal pool in the atrium.
The baptistery at Abu Mina was rebuilt in the sixth century (Krautheimer 1979: 118, fig. 64), when the
square central room was replaced with a domed octagon (Grossman, 1991a: 27) in a similar form to the
baptisteries in Milan, Rome and Constantinople. Later the transept church was enlarged by the addition of
aisles to the transepts and a narthex to the west probably at the same time that the church over the tomb was
rebuilt as a centralised tetraconch (Grossman, 1991: 27).
S. Theodore, Jerash (Gerasa)

At Jerash, the new church of S. Theodore was built in 494-496 to the west of the fountain court that
formed the atrium of the 4th century Cathedral (Crowfoot 1941: fig. 4). Doorways at the east end of the north
and south aisles of the new church enabled the feast day congregations to process around the sacred fountain
originally incorporated by the Cathedral. Side rooms north and south of the side aisles of S. Theodore and
possibly now also of the Cathedral, accommodated the catechumens before they proceeded to the baptistery
attached to the south side of S. Theodore. The baptistery followed the Cyrillian arrangement of three small,
inter-connecting rooms with an apsidal immersion font in the central room.
S. Simeon Stylites, Syria

The large pilgrimage complex of S. Simeon Stylites in north Syria is usually considered to have been con-
structed in one program (480-490) under the emperor Zeno (474-491) to commemorate the ascetic deeds of
the monk who lived on a platform atop a column at this place. Although he died there in 459, having attracted
pilgrims from all over the Byzantine world, his remains were buried in the cathedral at Antioch and later
removed to Constantinople. However, there are indications that in fact there were two phases of construction
before his death. The first phase seems to have comprised a monastery and small single-apsed basilica later
used as the monastery chapel. Located on the basilica’s east-west axis to the west was the pillar where he
first took up residence. The base of this pillar can be seen in the north-west corner of the south-east courtyard
now enclosed by the ruins of the monastery buildings (Butler 1969: 99, ill. 100; Krautheimer 1979: 156-157,
figs. 101 & 102). Butler quoted the Life of S. Simeon by Bedjan as describing how the Saint commanded a
large assemblage to retire to the monastery for the night (Butler 1969: 98), and as referring several times to
the enclosure about the column.
During the survey of the complex by an American Expedition, it was discovered that the east-west axis of
the eastern (triple-apsed basilica) arm of the church was aligned several degrees further to the north than that
of the other arms which are at right angles to each other (Butler 1969: 101-102). The plan was not a straight,
30
Fifth Century
Figure 27: S.Simeon Stylites c425, c450, c480, after Butler 1969: 99, ill.100 with orientation corrected.
right-angled cross as shown on the original plan by M. de Vogue and reproduced in all subsequent publica-
tions including Butler’s. This suggests that there was a second building phase pre-dating the great cruciform
church with the pillar at its centre. It seems that the triple-apsed basilica, the eastern arm of the great cross
was in fact built first, connected to the original small basilica, with the pillar located in its current position
on the east-west axis of the triple-apsed basilica. At that stage, it was perhaps intended to be enclosed in a
courtyard which would form a traditional atrium at the basilica’s west end. Butler noted that the column was
formed of three equal pieces “in honour of the Trinity” (Butler 1969: 100). It seems then that the opportunity
was taken in this second phase to present a Nicene position on the Christological debate to the large numbers
of visiting pilgrims. If this was the case, it is likely that the triple-apsed basilica and pillar were constructed
during S. Simeon’s lifetime (before 359). It is known that he supported orthodoxy against the monophysites.
As noted earlier, he advised the Empress Eudocia to consult the orthodox monk S. Euthymius about her
Christological quandary.
The difference between the ornamental mouldings on the arches of the three apses and that of the arches
around the octagonal crossing and its apsidal exedras was described by Butler (1969: 102). Together with the
variation in orientation, this points to a later construction date for the cruciform church. It seems then that
31
some years after the death of S. Simeon and the removal of his remains during the height of the monophysite
controversy, the pilgrimage attraction of the site and his pillar was seen as an opportunity to present under the
imperial patronage of Zeno, a unified position to the populace. Zeno published his Henoticon in 482, which
reaffirmed the faith defined at Nicaea and condemned both Nestorianism and monophysitism, although it is
known that his personal sympathies lay with the monophysites. The triple-apsed basilica was extended by
the construction of three additional basilicas creating a cruciform plan, leaving an octagonal court around
S. Simeon’s column at the crossing. Reviving the earlier form of S. Babylas the church now symbolised the
unity of humanity and divinity in Christ: an expression of the imperial line on the monophysite controversy.
The church of S. John at Ephesus (c450) had taken a similar form (Krautheimer 1979: 112, fig. 57). Smith
referred to Krencker’s investigations which indicated that the octagonal court had a wooden dome (Smith
1950: 34-35 and figs. 32 & 35), and this would have been in keeping with Zeno’s own apparent proclivities
in relation to church construction as demonstrated by the domed, octagonal Theotokos church attributed to
his patronage at Garizim.
The baptistery at S. Simeon was a centralised structure of octagonal plan, of similar form as the baptister-
ies at Constantinople, and the later baptistery at Abu Mina, but instead of a centrally located font, it had an
immersion font located in the small apse. It may be of similar date to the triple-apsed basilica. The apsidal
immersion font is similar to that at S. Epiphanios and S. Theodore but unlike those situations, the person to
be baptised would have gone through it without the privacy provided by adjacent disrobing and robing rooms.
The biographers of S. Simeon mentioned baptisms by the hundreds immediately following preaching by the
Saint (Butler 1969: 100). The centralised baptistery building type was already in use elsewhere at that time
but with a centrally located font. In Egypt at the White Monastery, the baptistery was attached to the church
but the font was centrally located in a circular space. Two other fifth century examples of Syrian baptisteries
in Northern Syria, at the East Church, Ksedjbeh of 414 and at Kasr Iblisu of 431, were described by Butler.
These were attached to the south-east corner of the churches and both had small, eastern apses. The fonts
were not described. A separate baptistery with its font in the form of a basin in the small, eastern apse was
located south of the Church of SS. Paul and Moses at Der Kita, dated to 515. The only other separate, cen-
tralised baptistery recorded was the hexagonal one with a central font at Der Seta dated to the sixth century
(Butler 1969: 155-6).
It seems that the baptismal procedure was slightly different in the various major centres and apparently
was affected by the Christological debate. Smith referred to Lassus’ study of Syrian baptisteries which showed
how the controversies between Monophysites, Nestorians and Orthodox in the patriarchate of Antioch caused
disagreement on the number, type and location of baptisteries (Smith 1950: 104). Ben Pechat in his study of
paleochristian baptismal fonts in the Holy Land suggested that the apsidal immersion font with small adja-
cent rooms was designed to hide nakedness and can perhaps be attributed to Epiphanios. The earliest known,
extant example of the type is at Epiphanios’ basilica at Salamis and it was also found at Ayios Philon, Ayia
Trias, and Kourion in Cyprus and at S. Theodore at Gerasa. Ben Pechat pointed out that the Catecheses of
Cyril of Jerusalem implied that nakedness was not to be ashamed of, but that Epiphanios as a former Jew
and “fanatic iconoclast” may have had a negative attitude towards exposure of the body (Ben Pechat 1989:
185-186, note 78). By the sixth century, his influence on this had apparently waned even in Cyprus. There
the more public baptismal practice of Constantinople is demonstrated at Peyia, Basilica A. The baptismal
font was located in the courtyard of a separate structure which included a triple-apsed, transept church to the
west of the atrium of the main basilica.
The separate baptistery at S. Simeon’s was built some distance along the ridge to the south. It is associated
with a small basilica and other adjacent buildings which provided accommodation and facilities to pilgrims.
The processional route led up from the monastery where S.Simeon first took up the monastic life via a great
archway to the promontory on which the church and baptistery are located. He sought a more ascetic lifestyle
on a pillar high up on the ridge above, attracting a stream of pilgrims from 425 onwards and it is probably then
that the first, single-apsed basilica and monastery buildings were constructed, with the triple-apsed basilica
and his second column/pillar being erected some time before his death in 459. The massive building program
undertaken after S. Simeon’s death required the building up of a plateau to support the complex.
32
Fifth Century
Campanopetra Basilica, Salamis

The triple-apsed Campanopetra basilica with double atrium at Salamis in Cyprus (Delvoye 1980: 327, fig.
18) was built following the formal and final recognition of the independence of the Church of Cyprus by the
emperor Zeno in 488. It has been described as perhaps the most sumptuous of all early Christine basilicas
in Cyprus (Michaelides 1987: 52), with rich decoration in Proconnesian marble, and wonderfully patterned
opus sectile floors. The layout of this church was similar to the S. Theodore Cathedral complex at Jerash, in
that the courtyard behind the apse appears to have contained some object of pilgrimage which was designated
by a ciborium placed at the centre of the east side of the courtyard.
Figure 28: Campanopetra Basilica, Salamis 5th-6th C, after Delvoye 1980: 327 figure 18.
It is not surprising that the triple-apsed form of sanctuary was used here. The Cypriot theological leader-
ship did not waver from orthodoxy and it is in fact to the arguments of the Cypriot bishops who attended the
third ecumenical council at Ephesus in 431 that the adherence to the Nicene formula was attributed. Dechow
noted the continuing influence of Epiphanios in this even 28 years after his death (Dechow 1988: 469). The
Campanopetra church is located not far from the great basilica of S. Epiphanios at Salamis. It was probably
built primarily to capitalise on the influx of pilgrims to his tomb. His cult was established locally soon after
his death and would have been spurred on by the production and circulation of his Vita, bringing pilgrims
from far and wide by the late sixth century (Rapp 1991: 32-43).
The church is preceded by two courts; the inner one contains a pool and is surrounded by small chambers.
Long narrow halls for the catechumens ran along outside the north and south aisles which connected to the
narthex at the west end of the church, between the church and the inner court. The baptistery appears to have
been the complex of three small rooms and chapel accessed from the east end of the northern hall.
Centralised churches
The history and influence of the Great Church at Antioch - the ‘Golden Dome’ as it came to be known,
have been well-documented in a publication which brought together the work of the Princeton University
expedition and an exhibition mounted by the Worcester Art Museum, Antioch: The Lost Ancient City in 2000-
01. Although not found in the excavations, the great place church begun by Constantine and completed by
Constantius II, is known from many sources to have been built on the crescent shaped island in the Orontes
River connected by five bridges to the city proper. The church stood as a major marker and celebration of
Christianity in one of the four great cities of the early Christian world for around 250 years in its reconstructed
form. Having succumbed to the devastating earthquake of 526 it was immediately rebuilt with a timber dome
(Butler 1969: 170), following injection by the government of massive aid for reconstruction in the city. An-
other earthquake in 528 necessitated further reconstruction throughout the city and the cathedral was rebuilt
33
in 538 (Foss 2001: 24). It survived the invasion and destruction of the city by the Persians under Chosroes in
540. Justinian poured in funds to restore the city which was by then deserted – many of the citizens having
set up anew at the nearby city of Apamea. The city was then attacked by bubonic plague in 542, followed by
more earthquakes in 553, 557 and 588, after which the dome however still remained standing (Foss 2001:
25). Symbolically this dome must have represented divine protection for all to see.
Zeno
Although obliged to follow the Chalcedonian or
Melkite line Zeno, emperor from 474 to 491, sympa-
thised personally with the monophysites. He founded
the octagonal Theotokos Church at Garizim as a revival
of the form of Constantine’s Great Church at Antioch,
and as such an architectural expression of divinity. In
this it was distinct from the triconch and triple-apsed
forms that expressed the consubstantial Trinity, and
the cruciform plan which emphasised the humanity of
Christ. It can be seen to reflect the Arian and Origenist
aspects of monophysitism. The church had an apsed
presbytery extending to the east, with small sacristies
on either side. The colonnaded internal octagon would Figure 29: Theotokos Church, Garizm 484,
have supported a timber dome. after Crowfoot 1941: 37 figure 6.
The aisled tetraconch church excavated in 1938/9 at Seleucia Pieria, the old harbour of Antioch may
have been a Theotokos church. Dating originally from the late fifth century, the church comprised a domed,
freestanding tetraconch with apsed, square presbytery projecting to the east (Kleinbauer 2001: 217- 218). It
was rebuilt in the sixth century, probably after the earthquake of 526, and at that time a baptistery was added
to the north of the eastern chancel, and a sacristy on the south.
In the southern area of Turkey known in Byzantine times as Cilicia and Isauria, Stephen Hill has documented
domed basilicas including the domed ambulatory church at Dag Pazzari, the Cupola Church at Meryemlik,
and the East Church at Alahan. He proposed that these were sponsored by the emperor Zeno, himself from
Isauria (Hill 1996: 51-61).
34
SIXTH CENTURY
It has been observed that in spite of the polarisation between those for and against the decision at Chal-
cedon, which was extreme at the end of the fifth century, certain common elements emerged during the sixth
century (Allen 1996:164). The most important of these was a resurgence of emphasis on the formula agreed
at Nicaea, and on the anti-Arian position. Others were a new appreciation of the works of Cyril of Alexan-
dria, while strongly rejecting Nestorius and Eutyches. This has been described as the “neo-Nicene” or “neo-
Chalcedonian” approach which became widespread under Justinian (Perrone 1999: 388).
Justinian called a fifth ecumenical council in 553 at Constantinople which again rejected Nestorian
theologians, including Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret of Cyrus and Ibas of Edessa. However the anti-
Chalcedonians continued to resist. Two anti-Chalcedonian bishops were appointed by Theodosius, exiled
patriarch of Alexandria under the protection of Justinian’s empress Theodora who sympathised with the
monophysites. These bishops – Jacob Baradaeus and Theodore of Arabia in turn ordained many priests and
bishops to create an established, anti-Chalcedonian church.
Justinian was succeeded by Justin II 565-574; Tiberius II Constantine 574-582; Maurice 582-602; Phocas
602- 610; and Heraclius 610-641. During this latter part of the sixth and early seventh centuries, the formali-
sation of the anti-Chalcedonian party led to an entrenchment of the two positions which was expressed in
the architectural form of their churches. Archaeological evidence from this period suggests that a liturgical
change was implemented in the patriarchates of Antioch, Cyprus and Jerusalem, which required the sanctuary
to be extended across the eastern ends of the aisles. By the end of the sixth century and in the early seventh,
some churches, both single-apsed and triple-apsed, accommodated this development in liturgical practice by
means of a straight, tripartite sanctuary.
Justinian I
Justinian I, emperor from 527 to 564 is known to have studied theology and put a great deal of effort
into coming up with an understanding and expression of belief that would conciliate the various factions
(Moorhead 1994: 125-127). In 532 following the visit to Constantinople in 531 by the renowned orthodox
monk S. Sabas, he arranged meetings between Chalcedonian and monophysite theologians, attempting to
bring the supporters of Chalcedon to a position acceptable to the monophysites via a formula that returned
to the trinitarian basis of the Nicene Creed. His view as stated in his writings was that “The holy Church
of God proclaims One in Three and Three in One…” (Wesche 1988: 14). In his address to Constantinople
in March 533, he stated his belief in the consubstantial Trinity as the only possible basis for ecclesiastical
unity (Wallace-Hadrill 1982: 93). As a reflection of this it seems that while the sixth century was marked by
revivals of all the church forms previously discussed, the triple-apsed form in particular re-emerged as new
churches were built and others restored and/or extended throughout Justinian’s empire.
In parallel with this, the ongoing need to continually refute Nestorianism led to enhanced veneration of
the sanctuary area as the shrine of God through enclosing it with an open, colonnaded screen. Known as
the templon, this screen derived from the colonnade that surrounded the inner shrine in a classical temple.
Examples existed at major churches in Constantinople including S. Sophia.
Procopius Church, Gerasa

At Gerasa, the triple-apsed Procopius Church was constructed in 526-7 (Kraeling 1938: plan XLIII). The
plan in Kraeling showed that the sanctuary now included all three apses but projected further into the central
nave, and indicated that there was access through the chancel nave from the nave and both side aisles. Simi-
lar chancel arrangements existed in the Basilica A at Peyia, Cyprus (see fig. 36), the Pella churches (fig. 13)
and in the Negev (fig. 35). Crowfoot (1938: 183) quoted Freshfield in suggesting that this arrangement was
made in order to accommodate a change in the liturgy introduced during the reign of Justin II23. It seems that
an increased emphasis on the divinity of Christ in the sixth century led to a more distinct separation of the
23 Dr. Edwin Freshfield 1873 On Byzantine Churches and the Modifications made in their Arrangements owing to the
Necessities of the Greek Ritual, Archaeologia 44: 383-392. Freshfield apparently based his deduction on a passage in Cedrenus.
Mathews dismissed this in relation to Constantinople (Mathews 1971: 162), arguing for the ongoing use of the skeuophylakion.
35
sanctuary and the processes involved in the Eucharistic rite

from the congregation. It became necessary to prepare the
bread and wine for the Eucharist within an area restricted
to the clergy, rather than in a publicly accessible prothesis,
which may have been a chapel attached to the atrium or a
side chamber opening directly into a side aisle. This required
enlargement of the sanctuary by extension of the chancel
barrier to include one or both east ends of the aisles and
side chambers. It is not clear whether the tri-partite chan-
cel arrangement at the Procopius Church was as built or a
later modification. The Cathedral at Jerash was modified
to achieve this layout, but it is not clear when (Crowfoot
1938: 182 and plan XXXI by C.S. Fisher). There, as at the Figure 30: Procopius Church, Jerash 527,
Procopius Church and SS. Peter & Paul, the small chapel at after Crowfoot 1938: plan XLIII by
the west end accessible from the atrium was interpreted by A.G. Buchanan and C.S. Fisher.
Crowfoot as the original prothesis chapel for receipt of the
offerings (Crowfoot 1938: 177-178). If so, the offerings would have been processed from there to the sanc-
tuary during the Eucharistic service as in Constantinople. Removing the preparation of the offerings to the
sanctuary would have required the procession instead to come out of the railed off side chamber and around
into the nave to re-enter the sanctuary – foreshadowing the later practice of leaving and entering through the
iconostasis.
While Mathews dismissed this development from the practice in Constantinople (Mathews 1971: 162),
the concept of the sanctuary as the shrine of God is similar to that expressed by the templon of twelve high
columns erected around the sanctuary, between it and the congregation, at Justinian’s great church of S. Sophia,
Constantinople. At S. Sophia, an architrave or cross beam carried by the columns ran around the sanctuary.
Portraits of the saints were fixed to the architrave, foreshadowing the eventual evolution of the iconostasis.
The Nea (New) Church, Jerusalem

In Jerusalem Justinian funded the completion of the great new church in honour of Mary, Mother of God
known as the Nea at the request of S. Sabas (Moorhead 1994: 57). S. Sabas was a disciple of the revered
orthodox monk S. Euthymius. He founded the great laura now known as Mar Saba south of Jerusalem in 438,
as well as other monasteries nearby which were run by various of his disciples. He visited Constantinople
in 512 to defend orthodoxy to the monophysite emperor Anastasius and in 531, the year before his death
he went again seeking financial support from Justinian for
the people of Palestine (Bagatti 1971:98-100). The Nea
was a large, triple-apsed basilica located along the cardo,
Jerusalem’s then main street, to the south of the Church of
the Holy Sepulchre (Avigad 1993: 128-135). It is depicted
in the mosaic map of the Holy Land thought to have been
completed soon after the Nea was constructed and located
in a church at Madaba. On the feast days of the Virgin,
processions would have moved from the Nea to the Holy
Sepulchre24 as they did between the Chalkoprateia and S.
Sophia in Constantinople.
S.S. Sergius and Bacchus, Constantinople

The church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus in Constanti- Figure 31: SS. Sergius & Bacchus, Constantinople,
nople built by Justinian and Theodora for the monophysite early 6th C, after Van Millingen 1912: 80 figure 23.
community given refuge by the empress in the palace of
Hormisdas, was a domed, aisled tetraconch within a slightly
24 Gibson and Taylor (1994:74) suggested the Holy Sepulchre dome shown on this map was in fact a dome over the apse of
the Basilica of the Holy Cross rather than the Anastasis, but as depicted the dome is too wide to be anything other than the Anastasis.
36
Sixth Century
irregular square. The plan is derived from the domed cross form of Gregory of Nyssa which seems to have
been inserted into the remains of an existing hall (Bardill 2000). Bardill suggested that this design was chosen
by the monophysites (2000: note 65).
Certainly examples of centralised churches in Syria from the beginning of the sixth century were found in
places or circumstances of monophysite response to Nestorianism, including the cathedral at Bosra in southern
Syria of 512 based on a circular tetraconch (Butler 1969: 124-127; Smith 1950: 117-118, figs. 49a & 49b).
Figure 32: Bosra Cathedral 513, Figure 33: S. George, Ezra 515,
after Crowfoot 1941: 38 figure 7. after Butler 1969: 191, ill. 194R.
As Smith noted, the design was probably from Antioch and involved symbolism, liturgy and the policy of
the patriarchate at the time. It was built during the reign of the emperor Anastasius I, an avowed monophysite
and the monophysite theologian Severus, then Bishop of Antioch. Others in Syria include the church based
on a square, tetraconch plan at Apamea near Antioch of the late fifth century which later became the eastern
cathedral (Burns 1992: 49), and the Church of S. George at Zor’ah (Ezra) of 515 in southern Syria based on
an octagonal tetraconch (Butler 1969: 122-125).
In the north-east was the circular Church of the Archangels at Fa’lul of 526-7 (Butler 1969: 164-166,
ill.195V); the aisled tetraconch at Resafe (Sergiopolis) (Butler 1969: 166); the domed basilica of Qasr Ibn
Wardan of 564 (Butler 1969: 168-169, ill. 178 & 194Q), and the smaller, domed, cross-in-square churches
of il-Anderin and Resafe (Butler 1969: 169-170).
S. Sophia, Constantinople
As Armstrong has noted (1969: 28), the building of churches was important to emperors. He quoted
Downey’s study of imperial “creating” and the special importance of building activities in Byzantine pan-
egyrics and imperial biographies. The merging of Church and State is particularly evident under Justinian.
He regarded it as his God-given duty to impose the orthodox faith on the citizens of his empire and to honour
God through the building of churches. Much attention has rightly been given to Justinian’s great church of
S. Sophia. The soaring grandeur of this architectural masterpiece is seen as being due to Justinian’s desire to
enhance his authority through expressions of divine power in the creation of structures surpassing all previous
churches, including Antioch’s Golden Dome and Anicia Juliana’s elaborate S. Polyeuktos in Constantinople
(Moorhead 1994: 58-59; Mainstone 1988: 147-149).
But perhaps S. Sophia should be seen primarily as the result of Justinian’s desire to express architecturally
the unity of belief that his theological writing attempted to achieve. The soaring architectural space created
in this great church through his architects’ advanced understanding of structural dynamics and geometry was
more impressive than in any previous Christian edifice. So it satisfied Justinian’s objective in that respect.
37
Figure 34: S.Sophia, Constantinople 537, after Matthews 1971: 92, figure 49.
But it was not essentially a centralised plan. In fact it elongated the domed, cross/tetraconch described by
Gregory of Nyssa as symbolising divinity and harmony (which was the form of the church of SS. Sergius and
Bacchus built by Justinian and Theodora for the monophysite community housed in their palace), in order to
accommodate large congregations and processions. And it was apparently seen as having three apses. This is
implied by a reference to the “middle apse” in the eulogising description of S. Sophia by Paul the Silentiary
(Mathews 1971: 99). It is in fact a triconch – formed by the central apse with its synthronon and the conches/
exedrae either side which were railed off as part of the area restricted to the clergy. This must surely be seen
as an expression of Justinian’s own view of the Trinity, and the whole creation as an expression of his concili-
ation philosophy and desire for unity of belief.
The small side passages through the two eastern piers adjacent to the central apse at S. Sophia recall those
found in earlier churches in Syria and Cyprus. Small openings are found through the side apses of the triconch
sanctuaries of the mid-sixth century churches of Dandarah near the Mammisi and Dayr Abu Fanah (Grossman
1991: 691 7 699). There they led to the side chambers at the east ends of the north and south aisles. At S.
Sophia they lead to the vaulted spaces at the east ends of the north and south aisles. While not negating the use
of the little building outside the church – the skeuophylakion – as the prothesis in the Eucharistic procession,
these gave functional flexibility and could have accommodated other forms of the ritual at different times.
38
Sixth Century
S. Eirene, Constantinople
The church which Justinian’s S. Eirene replaced was apparently originally a pre-Constantine Christian
church that had appropriated a pagan temple. It was enlarged and beautified as part of the works carried out
to recreate Byzantium as Constantinople some time after Constantine’s victory of 318. It served as the ca-
thedral of the city until the first church of S. Sophia was opened to public worship by Constantius II in 360
(Van Millingen 1912: 84-87). The earlier form of the church is not known – it is possible it was always a
domed structure. From 350 it was in the hands of the Arians for thirty years until Theodosius re-established
Nicene orthodoxy. Nothing is known of any repairs or works to its structure over the next 182 years until it
was damaged in fires following the Nika riot in 532, after which it was rebuilt as part of Justinian’s major
works in the area, which included the building of S. Sophia. The similarity of the Church of S. Eirene (Holy
Peace) - which like S. Sophia (Holy Wisdom) was dedicated to one of the attributes of Christ - to the Cupola
Church at Meryemlik in Isauria/Cilicia has been pointed out by Hill (1996: 59 & figure 44). It is recorded that
Isaurian builders were called in to rebuild the dome of S. Sophia in 558 following its collapse in an earthquake
and perhaps they had already constructed the dome of S. Eirene. Like the earlier churches of Chalkoprateia
and S. John Studios, S. Eirene also had doorways through the east ends of the north and south aisles (Math-
ews 1971: 81, figure 41). No known relic was associated with S. Eirene. However Baldovin noted a homily
delivered there by John Chrysostom on a particular occasion not evident from the text (Baldovin 1987: 182).
Jerash (Gerasa)
Ongoing theological problems with the monophysites continued to harass Justinian. In 553 he called an
ecumenical council in Constantinople at which the council of Chalcedon was reaffirmed, but with an accept-
ance of an ambiguous formula originally put forward by Cyril of Alexandria, which was acceptable to the
miaphysites25. At this council it was also agreed to separate the province of Arabia from Antioch and assign it
to the patriarchate of Jerusalem (Crowfoot 1938: 64)26. Following this, a proliferation of triple-apsed churches
appeared throughout the province. A triple-apsed church dedicated to SS. Peter and Paul was founded at Gerasa
by Anastasius, believed to have been the successor to the see after Bishop Paul. The sanctuary included all
apses and extended further into the nave. It is dated to 540 (Browning 1982: 205-207). Others similar in
Jordan include the East and West Churches and the later phase of the Civic Church at Pella (McNicoll 1992:
fig. 23; Smith 1973: plan I) if they are not in fact earlier, and Basilica A at Abila (Mare 1994: fig. 2).
The triple-apsed Cathedral at Elusa is one of a
group of similar form in the Negev (Negev 1993:
286-293), some of which were originally single-
apsed churches including the North Church at
Esbeita/Sobata/Shivta (Negev 1989: 129-142).
Kraeling remarked no evidence of a violent re-
action against Chalcedon at Gerasa (1938:54). He
proposed that Gerasa, as part of the patriarchate of
Antioch throughout the fourth and fifth centuries
may have had Homoiousian leanings, subordinat- Figure 35: Elusa Cathedral Phase 2, Negev 6th C,
ing Christ to the Father in the Trinitarian argument after Negev 1993: 289.
of the fourth century, and monophysite sympathies
in the Christological debate of the fifth century. In 529-33 the three connected churches of SS. Cosmas &
Damian, S. John the Baptist and S. George were constructed there under the patronage of Bishop Paul. The
Church SS. Cosmas and Damian and the Church of S. George were small, single-apsed basilicas which
flanked the round tetraconch church of S. John the Baptist. S. John resembled a smaller version of the great
cathedral at Bosra (Crowfoot 1938: plan XXXVII). In the mosaic floors of SS. Cosmas and Damian and of
25 See note 4.
26 Armstrong in particular noted the encouragement and development of Jerusalem as a focus for pilgrims to the Holy Land.
In Constantine’s time Jerusalem was ecclesiastically subject to Caesarea, which was in turn under Antioch. However Jerusalem was
made a separate patriarchate at the Council of Ephesus in 431. Then in 553, the province of Arabia was made subject to the Patriarch
of Jerusalem. Armstrong attributed this allowed increase in independence to the fact that Palestine stood apart from the centres of
political power and was no political threat or rival to Alexandria, Antioch, Rome or Constantinople.
39
S. John were dedicatory inscriptions which recorded the benefactor Theodore and his wife Georgia. In 531 a
converted synagogue was dedicated as a church, also during the episcopate of Bishop Paul (Browning 1982:
201). It had a single apse with openings through the east ends of the two side aisles probably due to the fact
that the church reversed the orientation of the synagogue, resulting in the atrium being to the east of the apse.
The Propylaea church at Gerasa appropriated the gateway from the bridge leading to the Artemis Temple
after a series of earthquakes 551-554. It incorporated the piazza linking it to the cardo as its atrium/entrance
court. The exedra in the north wall of the piazza was completed to form a circular diaconicon/prothesis/
skeuophylakion with a mosaic floor inscription dated 565. The apse was built into the area of the ruined
gateway (Browning 1982: 148-152). Openings either side of the apse led out of the north and south aisles,
suggesting that there was a related shrine somewhere in the area – perhaps appropriating a position on the
Artemis Temple forecourt. It could be expected that this was Gerasa’s Theotokos church, appropriating in
part the space formerly occupied by the city-goddess and accommodating the relevant processional rites as
at Chalkoprateia in Constantinople for instance. The Theotokos Church of S. Mary at Rihab of 533 took a
similar single-apsed form but with side chambers either side of the apse. The sanctuary extended into the
nave only and there was access to it only from the front (Piccirillo 1993: fig. 622). In this church, one of the
side chambers must have served as the diaconicon, still accommodating a short procession out of the chamber
and around to the front entrance of the sanctuary.
Ayios Georgios, Peyia

In Cyprus, the triple-apsed Basilica A at Ayios Georgios near Peyia was built adjacent to an earlier
triple-apsed basilica with its associated, centralised baptistery. The sanctuary included the three projecting
polygonal apses and extended slightly into the nave. There were no openings between the apses, but there
was access through the chancel rail to the nave and both aisles. The ambo was located centrally in front of
the sanctuary. The use of Proconnesian marble and the style of ambo indicate influence from Constantinople
(Michaelides 2001: 53; Papageorghiou 1985, 315, fig. 5). Two more triple-apsed churches were built at the
site later in the century.
Church of the Nativity, Bethlehem
Figure 36: Peyia, Basilica A 6th C, after Papageorghiou, 1985: 315 figure 5.
As well as influencing Justinian to complete the Nea Church in Jerusalem, S. Sabas is credited with per-
suading him to rebuild the Church of the Nativity at Bethlehem on a grander scale (Armstrong 1969: 24-25).
The rebuilding was not included in Procopius’ extensive contemporary record of Justinian’s building activities,
but this may have been because Justinian was reportedly not happy with the result as described to him at the
time. The reconstructed east end over the sacred grotto took the form of an expanded triconch, apparently
superseding an earlier trefoil plan with larger apses which may have been intended to have an opening over
the grotto (Crowfoot 1941:77-85). The new arrangement allowed pilgrims to access the grotto via stairs from
the north and south aisles without intruding on the sanctuary itself. The arrangement was similar to that at the
40
Sixth Century
Figure 37: Church of the Nativity Phase 2, Bethlehem 6th C, after Crowfoot 1941: 78 figure 16.
shrine church of Abu Mina in Egypt, and apparently at Justinian’s church of S. John the Baptist in Hebdomon,
Constantinople (Mathews 1971: 57).
Triple-apsed and single-apsed churches: projecting sanctuary

with no direct access from side chambers
For the remainder of the sixth century and into the seventh, two forms of basilica are evident, the triple-apsed
form, and the single-apsed form with or without side chambers either side. In many of these, the sanctuary
platform extended into the nave but not across the side aisles, and there was no access from the side. This
arrangement would accommodate a short procession out of a side chamber or chapel to the front entrance
of the sanctuary in the nave, without necessarily confining the preparation of the Eucharist to the sanctuary.
There are well dated examples of both single-apsed and triple-apsed types in Jordan, which was under the
patriarchate of Jerusalem, and of the single-apsed type in Syria within the patriarchate of Antioch (Butler
1969). Examples of triple-apsed churches in Jordan include the Church of the Lions at Umm al Rasas dated
to 574 or 589 (Piccirillo 1993: fig. 376) and the Church of Lot at Deir ‘Ain ‘Abata which has a cave tomb
accessed from the northern apse (Politis 1993: 507, fig. 5). The single-apsed churches in Jordan include five
located at Umm al Rasas and at Rihab dated by mosaic inscriptions. These are the Churches of the Rivers
and Palm Tree, Umm al Rasas dated to 579 or 594 and dedicated by Bishop Sergius; the Church of the Priest
Wa’il, Umm al Rasas of 586; the Church of Bishop Sergius, Umm al Rasas of 587/88; S Basil, Rihab of 594
and S Paul, Rihab of 595 (Piccirillo 1993: figs. 392; 396; 365; 626 and 627).
S. Euphemia, Constantinople
Early in the seventh century, a fifth century hexagonal secular building in Constantinople was converted
into the Church of S. Euphemia as a shrine for the relics of the saint. These were brought from Chalcedon by
the emperor Heraclius and placed within the altar (Mathews 1971: 62-67). The building was entered through
a recessed doorway in the southwest side and the other five sides had apsed recesses/exedrae. The eastern
apse was appropriated for the synthronon and the raised sanctuary extended in front of it. A new primary
entrance was made through the opposite apse. A new doorway was also made between the apse adjacent to
the synthronon to its north and a circular porch which already had an opening linking it to the sanctuary apse
entering into the tunnel beneath the highest synthronon bench, thus giving access to the sanctuary (Mathews
1971: 63, fig. 30). This arrangement seems to have enabled the circular porch to be used as the prothesis/
diaconicon for a reduced entrance procession as in the examples above.
41
Triple-apsed and single-apsed churches with straight, tri-par-

tite sanctuary
During the later half of the sixth century as discussed above in relation to the Procopius Church at Jerash,
a change in the sanctuary arrangement occurred in both the triple-apsed and single-apsed type. A number of
churches were modified to include the side chambers or apses at the east ends of the side aisles behind the
chancel rail. Right at the end of the sixth century and in the early seventh, some churches were built to ac-
commodate this change directly, with the screened-off sanctuary extended straight across the nave and east
ends of the side aisles, forming a true, tri-partite sanctuary. Crowfoot saw this arrangement as the forerunner
of the sanctuary form found in most modern orthodox churches (Crowfoot 1938: 182).
At the Bishop Asaiah Church, Jerash of 599 the sanctuary included the three apses and one column bay
in front of them for the full width of the church (Piccirillo 1993: fig. 566).
Figure 38: Bishop Asaiah Church, Jerash Figure 39: Bishop Genesius, Jerash 611,
599, after Piccirillo 1993: figure 566. after Crowfoot 1941: 53 figure 10.
Also at Jerash, in the Bishop Genesius Church of 611 there was essentially a transept formed by the
tri-partite sanctuary which extended across the full width of the church and included the central projecting
apse. There was still a small chapel on the south side accessible from the west end of the south aisle and the
narthex (Crowfoot 1941: fig. 10) and Crowfoot suggested that this would have been used for the preliminary
reception of the offerings (Crowfoot 1938: 182).
The straight, tri-partite sanctuary arrangement is found in several later churches including S. Peter, Rihab
of 623; and S. Peter, Khirbet al Samra of 639 (Piccirillo 1993: figs. 633 & 608). However the arrangement
whereby the sanctuary projected only into the nave as found at Petra, Hummeima, and S. Mary, Rihab is also
found 100 years after S. Mary in the church of S. Menas, Rihab of 635 (Piccirillo 1993: fig. 635). The doctrinal
distinction by this time was expressed not only through the different symbols of the single-apsed and triple-
apsed church forms but also in the different liturgical practices related to the consecration of the Eucharist27.
27 Dix 1964: 268-302.
42
CONCLUSION
The aim of the survey of archaeological church sites was to gain an understanding of why a particular
form was chosen for a specific church at a given time and place. The precursors of the various forms are not
disputed – all have been derived from earlier classical forms used as secular halls or pagan temples or tombs.
The question was why one architectural form was chosen over another when clearly any form was possible.
In particular, the survey was to test the theory put forward in my earlier articles28 that the choice was related
to the theological stance of those founding and funding the building.
The survey is set out in Table A1. The churches are listed chronologically against the timeline of emperors
and bishops and are highlighted according to their type based on architectural form – hall type; commemora-
tive/ eastern passage; single apse with side chambers; centralised; cruciform plan; triconch, triple-apsed and
transept. The theological stance of the emperors and bishops is noted. It can be seen that there are a series
of revivals of various church forms that tie into the unfolding theological debate, offering circumstantial
evidence at least for a direct connection.
There is an association between the Alexandrian position under the patriarch Athanasius in the fourth
century, Cyril in the fifth and the emperor Justinian I in the sixth; firstly with the triconch sanctuary form
of Bishop Shenute, then the apsed transept at al Ashmunayn followed by the re-emergence of the triconch.
The triconch was essentially an expression of a triangular concept of the Trinity as one in three. The transept
form imposed on it at al Ashmunayn expressed a revision of the concept in response to resistance to the deci-
sion of Chalcedon. The re-emergence of the triconch form in the sixth century coincided with the revival of
Alexandrian orthodoxy under Justinian.
Similarly, it can be seen that there is an association between the more strictly literal Cypriot position under
Epiphanios in the fourth century with the triple-apsed form of sanctuary. The triple-apsed form expressed a
linear concept of the Trinity as three in one. It re-emerged in the late fifth century at Campanopetra, reinforc-
ing the decision of Chalcedon. In the sixth century, the triple-apsed form emerged throughout Palestine and
Arabia under the patriarchate of Jerusalem, reinforcing the neo-Nicene position under Justinian I.
The lack of literary corroboration of the connections is acknowledged. No letter from S. Epiphanios or
Bishop Shenute has been found setting out their architectural ideas. However, the re-occurrences of the cir-
cumstantial associations between the church types and the particular positions of the various bishops in the
evolving theological debate, reinforce the likelihood that the association was intentional.
There is a much less definable association between the domed, centralised form and any particular position
in the debate. It has previously been established by Smith that Antiochene churchmen used the architectural
symbolism of the dome in their discussion of the cosmological concept of the divine world (Smith 1950:
88). This is part of the case made by him for the use of the dome in martyria and the churches derived from
them. In particular, Smith referred to the writings of Diodorus of Tarsus, a strong exponent of orthodoxy at
Antioch in the last decades of the fourth century. However, the circumstantial association is stronger between
the Arian position and the dome in the mid-fourth century as demonstrated by the Golden Dome at Antioch
than between orthodoxy and the dome. Later in the fifth century, the circumstantial association is between
monophysitism and the dome under Zeno at Garizim and in Cilicia, and in the early sixth century in Syria.
Under Justinian, there is an association between imperial benefaction and the dome as in S. Sophia and S.
Eirene in Constantinople and at Abu Mina in Egypt. At the Nea Church in Jerusalem and the Church of the
Nativity in Bethlehem the form was perhaps influenced by S. Sabas. In those churches the triple-apsed and
triconch forms respectively represent the circumstantial association with orthodoxy.
Cruciform churches could probably be put in the same category as the centralised examples, except that
there is literary evidence of an additional association for the type. At the end of the fourth century the domed
cross of Gregory of Nyssa was associated by him with Christ as unifier of the whole world and associated
with orthodoxy by the imperial court. As the Christological debate polarised during the fifth century, the cross
became a symbol for those who conciliated monophysitism while emphasising the humanity of Christ. The
28 Balderstone, 2001 & 2004
43
circumstantial association of this form with imperial conciliation is clear at S.Simeon Stylites at the end of
the fifth century under Zeno and again under Justinian at SS. Sergius and Bacchus and S. Sophia in the sixth.
Analysis of the survey examples involved consideration of the possible effect of liturgical development
in the celebration of the Eucharist and in the baptismal rite on the architectural form. It became clear that the
liturgical rites were not determinants of the overall architectural form. But examples of the commemorative/
eastern passage type demonstrate that certain modifications to the internal church layout came about because
of changing functional liturgical requirements. The single-apsed church with side chambers seems to have
been the earliest form designed to meet the requirements of the Didascalia. This is the common form of the
church in the patriarchate of Antioch throughout the fourth and fifth centuries and there are numerous exam-
ples also in Palestine, Cyprus and Egypt.
It seems clear that the overall architectural form of the sanctuary and layout were chosen in specific cases
by reason of their associated theological message, and that there was general recognition of the associations
by the two major Christian communities in the sixth century. The circumstantial association between mono-
physitism and the single apse becomes evident in the sixth century and into the seventh through contrast with
the triple-apsed form of the Melkites. After Chalcedon, the position of those whose theology derived from
Arius became entrenched as the basis of monophysite belief and was reflected in single-apsed churches. Those
who continued to support the Nicene Trinitarian formula in accordance with imperial direction at Chalcedon
became known as Melkites. Their churches were triple-apsed. It was the revival and survival of this triple-
apsed form that ultimately set Nicaea in stone.
44
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indexes
Index of Sites
Abila, Basilica ‘A’, 39, 63 Dor (Dora), Episcopal Basilica 14, 46, 55.
Abila, Church ‘E’ 64 Dura-Europas, house church 5, 65.
Abu Mina, Church of S. Menas, 26, 29, 30, 32, 41, 43. Edessa 6, 35, 51.
Alahan, East Church, 34. Elusa, Negev, Cathedral 39, 50, 63.
Al Ashmunayn (Hermopolis Magna) Cathedral, 21, 27, Ephesus, Church of S. Mary 57.
30, 43, 59. Ephesus, Church of S. John 32, 59.
Amman Citadel Church, 24, 58. Esbeita (Sobata), Negev, Central Church 63.
Antioch, Golden Dome, 13, 14, 30, 33, 34, 43, 55. Esbeita, (Sobata) Negev, North church 39, 63.
Antioch, S. Babylas, Kaoussie, 19, 20, 56. Ezra, Church of S. George 37, 61.
Antioch, Seleucia Pieria, 34, 60. Farfirtin 12f, 56.
Aphendrika, Basilica of Panayia Asomatos, 16. Fa’lul, Church of the Archangels 37, 61.
Atripe, White Monastery (Dayr al-Abyad, Dayr Anba Garizim, Theotokos Church 13, 32, 34, 43, 60.
Shinudah), 22, 23, 30, 32.
Gaza, the Eudoxiana 20, 24, 49.
Baalbek (Heliopolis), Basilica of S. Peter, 4, 15, 56.
Hawwarah 23.
Basufan, S. Phocas 16, 25, 60.
Hippo 24.
Besandouk, the Old Ad 22.
Humeima 25, 50, 57.
Bethlehem, Church of the Nativity 7f, 25, 40, 43, 55, 62,
Il-Anderin, Church of the Holy Trinity 16, 37, 61.
65.
Il-Anderin, Church of S. Theodoros 37, 61.
Bir el Qutt 24.
Ir-Ruhaiyeh 16.
Bosra (Bostra), Cathedral 37, 39, 61.
It-Tuba 16, 64.
Brad, Cathedral 12, 16, 17, 57.
Jerash (Gerasa), Bishop Asaiah Church 40, 64.
Capernaum, Octagonal church of S. Peter 6, 7, 46, 60.
Jerash (Gerasa), Bishop Genesius Church 42, 64.
Carpasia, Ayios Philon 15ff, 57.
Jerash (Gerasa), Cathedral 11, 56.
Constantinople, Chalkoprateia 28f, 36, 39, 40.
Jerash (Gerasa), Procopius Church 35f, 41, 61.
Constantinople, Church of the Holy Apostles 11, 18.
Jerash (Gerasa), Prophets, Apostles and Martyrs 27, 51.
Constantinople, Old S. Sophia 60
Jerash (Gerasa), Propylaea Church 40, 63.
Constantinople, S. Euphemia 41, 64
Jerash (Gerasa), S. John Baptist, SS. Cosmas & Damian
Constantinople, S. Eirene 38f, 43, 62
and S. George 62.
Constantinople, S. John Hebdomon 25.
Jerash (Gerasa), SS. Peter & Paul 36.
Constantinople, S. John Studios 29, 39, 60.
Jerash (Gerasa), S. Theodore 29, 32f.
Constantinople, S. Polyeuktos 25, 37.
Jerusalem, Anastasis (Church of the Holy Sepulchre)
Constantinople, S. Sophia 16, 28f, 35ff, 62. 11ff, 36, 55.
Constantinople, SS. Sergius & Bacchus 37, 61. Jerusalem, Basilica of the Holy Cross 8, 13, 36, 55.
Dag Pazzari, domed ambulatory church 33. Jerusalem, Church of the Apostles, Mount Sion (the Up-
Dandarah 23,38, 47, 63. per Church) 13f, 55f.
Dayr Abu Fanah 23, 36, 63. Jerusalem, Eleona, Mount of Olives 10, 14, 25, 55.
Dayr Abu Matta 23, 63. Jerusalem, Gethsemane 14ff, 23, 56.
Dayr al-Matmar 23. Jerusalem, Imbomon, Mount of Olives 10f, 13f, 55.
Dayr Anba Bakhum 23. Jerusalem, Lazarium, Bethany 11, 56.
Dayr Anba Bisadah 23. Jerusalem, Nea Church of S. Mary Theotokos 40, 43.
Dayr Anba Bishoi 23. Jerusalem, Siloam Church 24.
Deir ‘Ain ‘Abata, Church of Lot 41, 61, 63. Jerusalem, S. John 24.
Deir Dosi, S. Theodosius 22. Jerusalem, S. Mary of the Probatica, Bethesda 14, 56.
Der Siman, West Monastery Church 16, 59. Jerusalem, S. Stephen 24.
Der Kita 32. Jerusalem, Tomb of the Virgin 20.
Der Seta 23. Kalota, East Church 16, 60.
53
Early Church architecturE
Kasr Iblisu, West Church 22, 25, 32, 59. Rihab, S. Menas 42.
Kharab Shems 16, 56. Rihab, S. Paul 64.
Khirbet al Samra, S. Peter 42. Rihab, S. Peter 42, 64.
Khirbet el Mird (Castellion), S. Sabas 22, 26. Salamis, S. Barnabas 25.
Kourion, basilica extra muros 15, 17, 29, 32, 46, 58. Salamis, S. Epiphanios 16f, 57.
Kourion Cathedral 26. Salamis, Campanopetra Basilica 26f, 57.
Ksedjbeh, East Church 16, 32, 59. Shechem 19f.
Lambousa, Basilica of Acheiropoiitos 15. Scythopolis (Beisan) 10, 52, 60.
Mamre 8, 11, 55. Serdjibleh 16, 59.
Meryemlik, S. Thecla 26, 60. Shekh Sleman 16, 59.
Meryemlik, Cupola Church 34, 29, 60. Sinai, S. Catherine (formerly S. Mary Theotokos) 21, 49,
Mshabbak 16, 59. 62.
Mt Nebo, Siagha Church 20f, 56, 61. Soloi 15ff, 25, 57.
Mt Nebo, SS. Amos and Clois 24, 58. S. Simeon Stylites 24, 30, 60.
Nawa 16, 64. Tabgha 26f, 58.
Nessana, South Church 46, 64. Tyre 7, 11, 18, 45, 51.
Nyssa 17f, 20, 23, 36f, 43, 47, 49. Umm al Jamal, Church of Julianus 6, 55, 65, 70.
Paphos, Ayia Kyriaki 15, 25, 26, 58.. Umm al Rasas, Church of the Lions 41, 63.
Pella, Civic Church 6f, 17, 39, 57, 62, 65. Umm al Rasas, Church of the Priest Wa’il 41, 64.
Pella, East Church 17, 39, 63. Umm al Rasas, Churches of the Rivers and Palm Tree,
41, 64.
Pella, West Church 17, 39, 62.
Umm al Rasas, Church of Bishop Sergius 41, 64.
Petra 25, 31, 33, 42, 51, 57.
Umm Qais (Gadara), basilica 26, 58.
Peyia, Ayios Georgios Basilica A 25, 29, 32, 35, 40, 63.
Umm Qais (Gadara), octagonal church 60.
Qasr Ibn Wardan Church 37, 63.
White Monastery (Dayr al-Abyad, Dayr Anba Shinudah)
Qirkbize 61.
22f, 47, 59.
Rehovot (Raheiba), Negev, North Church 25, 46, 52, 58.
Yanikan, South Church 26, 58.
Resafe (Sergiopolis) 37, 61.
Yialousa, Ayia Trias 15, 57.
Rihab, S. Basil 64.
Rihab, S. Mary 40, 42, 62. Zebed, East Church 16, 61.
Index of influential churchmen
Arius, presbyter of Alexandria 1f, 44. Maximus II, Bishop of Jerusalem 8, 10ff.
Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria 2, 17, 22f, 43, 45. Meletius, Bishop of Antioch 19f.
Clement of Alexandria 1ff. Modestus, Patriarch of Jerusalem 10.
Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria 3, 22, 35, 39, 43, 51. Nectarius, Bishop of Constantinople 28.
Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem 3, 10f, 13f, 23, 27, 32, 53. Nestorius, Bishop of Constantinople 3, 21, 35.
Epiphanios, Bishop of Constantia (Salamis) 2f, 9, 11f, Origen 1ff, 7f, 17ff, 23, 34, 46, 51.
15ff, 25, 29, 33, 43, 45, 53. Peter the dyer (Fullo), Bishop of Antioch 27.
Eusebius of Caesarea 2, 6ff, 15, 18, 47, 53. Peter the Iberian 3, 10, 14, 24, 48.
Gregory of Nazianzus 18, 28. Sabas 22, 35f, 40, 43.
Gregory of Nyssa 18, 20, 23, 36f, 43, 47, 49. Severus, Bishop of Antioch 22f, 35f, 40, 43.
Hilarion, Bishop of Jerusalem 11. Shenute, Abbot 22f, 29, 43, 47.
John Chrysostom 4, 6, 28, 39, 50. Simeon Stylites 24, 30, 31, 44.
Juvenal, Bishop of Jerusalem 24.
Macarius, Bishop of Jerusalem 8ff.
54
TableS
TABLE A
Church Type 4th- 6th C Colour Code
Hall White
Commemorative/eastern passage Underlining
Single apse Light yellow
Centralised (octagonal, round) Pale blue
Cruciform plan, cruciform tetraconch Aqua
Triconch Lime
Transept Pink
Triple apse Light orange
Table A1 Chronological Survey

Church Date Emperor Patriarchate Form Baptistery Sanctuary
Theology Bishop/ layout
Theology
The Basilica of 335 Constantine Macarius Bishop Four aisled basilica with
the Holy Cross, 324-337 of Jerusalem central nave and single apse
Jerusalem 314-333 and two atria, the one to west
Orthodox enclosing the tomb of Christ
and the rock of Calvary;
the one to east accessed
from the main street via an
entrance gateway
Church of 339 Constantine Macarius Bishop Four aisled basilica with
the Nativity, 324-337 of Jerusalem central nave and octagonal
Bethlehem 314-333 apse over the sacred cave.
Orthodox An atrium to the west.
The Eleona, 333 Constantine Macarius Bishop Two-aisled basilica with
Mount of 324-337 of Jerusalem central nave and single apse
Olives, 314-333 over the sacred cave. An
Jerusalem Orthodox atrium to the west.
Mamre, Hebron, Constantine Maximus II Basilica with single apse.
Israel 324-337 333-350 Sacred oak enclosed in
Arian atrium
The Golden 341 Constantius II Stephen Octagonal or circular with
Dome, Antioch, 337-363 Bishop of Antioch dome
Syria Arian ?-344
Arian
Julianus, Umm 345 Hall church with single apse
al Jamal, Jordan
Church of the 347 Constantius II Maximus II Centralised structure with
Apostles, Mt. 337-363 Bishop of pointed roof, later replaced
Sion, Jerusalem Arian Jerusalem by triple apsed basilica of
333-350 Holy Sion
Arian
The Anastasis c348 Constantius II Maximus II Circular with dome over the
(Church of the 337-363 Bishop of tomb of Christ
Holy Sepulchre) Arian Jerusalem
Jerusalem 333-350
Arian
The Episcopal c350 Constantius II Two-aisled basilica with Located in the
Basilica at Dor, 337-363 central nave and single apse. external N.
Israel Arian Saint’s tomb at east end of aisle with linear
southern aisle. North and progression
south external aisles both through a central
with eastern apses immersion pool to
chrismaion.
55
Early Church ArchitecturE
The Cathedral, c365 Valens Two-aisled church with An external Sanctuary platform
Jerash, 364-378 central nave and single apse. north aisle may extended four bays
Jordan Arian Side chambers either side have been for into nave with ambo
of apse. Later extended to catechumens. on south. Side apses
west and a side chapel was However later included in
added to the south of the baptistery not sanctuary.
atrium. The chapel was also evidenced. Synthronon added
accessible from the south later.
aisle of the church.
Kharab Shems 4th C Two-aisled basilica with North side chamber
central nave and single apse. linked to sanctuary
Side chambers either side of apse. Sanctuary
apse. Arched opening from projected half a bay
southern side chamber to into the nave. Clergy
south aisle. platform in western
half of nave.
Farfirtin, 372 Valens Two-aisled basilica with
Syria 364-378 central nave and single apse.
Arian Side chambers either side of
apse.
The Imbomon, 378 Valens Hilarion Bishop of A roofed colonnade encircling
Mount of Olives, 364-378 Jerusalem the place of Christ’s
Jerusalem Arian 368-379 Arian ascension.
S.Babylas, 379+ Theodosius I Meletius Bishop of Cruciform church Raised platform at
Antioch, 379-395 Antioch the crossing with
Syria Orthodox ?-381 semi-circular west
end
The Lazarium, Pre Two-aisled basilica with
Bethany, 381 central nave and single apse.
Jerusalem Side chambers either side of
apse. Tomb off the atrium to
the west
Siagha, Mt Pre Tri-conch chapel with Moses Located in the
Nebo 381 tomb. Later expanded to external northern
Phase 1, a two-aisled basilica with aisle with linear
Jordan central nave and triconch progression
sanctuary. through a central
immersion font.
Church of c380 Theodosius I Cyril Two-aisled basilica with
Gethsemane, 379-395 Bishop of central nave and three
Jerusalem Orthodox Jerusalem apses, the central apse and
379-387 sanctuary enclosed the rock
where Jesus prayed on the
night he was betrayed
Basilica of 390 Theodosius I John II Two-aisled basilica with
Holy Sion (the 379-395 Bishop of central nave and three apses
Upper Church), Orthodox Jerusalem
Jerusalem 387+
S.Mary of the c390 Theodosius I John II Three aisled basilica with
Probatica, 379-395 Bishop of three apses marking the
Bethesda, Orthodox Jerusalem place of Christ’s healing of
Jerusalem 387+ the lame man
Baalbek c391 Theodosius I Flavian Two-aisled basilica with
(Heliopolis), 379-395 Bishop of Antioch central nave and three apses
Lebanon Orthodox 381+ constructed within the court
Orthodox of the Temple of Jupiter
Brad Cathedral, c392 Theodosius I Flavian Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extends
North Syria 379-395 Bishop of Antioch central nave and single slightly into the
Orthodox 381+ apse. Side chambers either nave. A small
Orthodox side of apse. Colonnaded opening linked the
atrium along southern side northern chamber to
of basilica. Small chapel off sanctuary apse.
east end of northern aisle. Centrally located
Colonnaded narthex/porch platform with semi-
along west end of basilica. circular west end
56
TableS
Civic Church 4th C Two-aisled basilica with Platform at east end

Phase 1, Pella, central nave and no apse. of nave with semi-
Jordan East ends of aisles circular east end
demarcated by mosaic floor.
S.Epiphanios, 400- Arcadius Epiphanios Six aisled basilica with Separate Sanctuary platform
Salamis 403 395-408 Bishop of Salamis central nave and three baptistery with at east end of nave
(Constantia), Orthodox 365-403 apses. Small openings linear progression Synthronon added
Cyprus Orthodox between apses. Narthex through later
on west. External north and immersion font
south aisles accommodated in apsed central
catechumens. Epiphanios’ room
tomb at east end of central
southern aisle
S. Philon, c400 Arcadius Epiphanios Two-aisled basilica with Separate
Carpasia, 395-408 Bishop of Salamis central nave and three baptistery with its
Cyprus Orthodox 365-403 apses. Narthex and own colonnaded
Orthodox colonnaded atrium on atrium. Allowed
west. External north and linear progression
south aisles with eastern through
apses accommodated immersion font
catechumens. Later atrium to in apsed central
south with hexagonal pool. room. Chrismaion
added later.
Basilica at Soloi, c400 Arcadius Epiphanios Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary platform
Cyprus 395-408 Bishop of Salamis central nave and three apses. at east end of nave
Orthodox 365-403 Small openings between Synthronon added
Orthodox apses. Colonnaded atrium later
on west side. Chapel added
later to north of north aisle.
Ephesus c400 Arcadius Two-aisled basilica Cruciform
Church of S. 395-408 incorporating an earlier, tetraconch plan
Mary Orthodox Roman secular building. baptistery to north
(hosted Council Central nave with single apse of atrium with
of Ephesus in and side chambers, Atrium central immersion
431) to west. font.
Ayias Trias, Early Arcadius Epiphanios Two-aisled basilica with Separate Raised sanctuary
Yialousa, 5th C 395-408 Bishop of Salamis central nave and three baptistery with its platform at east end
Cyprus Orthodox 365-403 apses. No openings own colonnaded of nave. Central
Theodosius II Orthodox between apses. Narthex and atrium. Allowed ambo extending
408-450 Sabianos colonnaded atrium on west. linear progression almost the full length
Orthodox 403+ External south aisle with through of the nave.
Orthodox eastern apse accommodated immersion
catechumens. font in apsed
central room to
chrismaion.
Petra, Jordan 5th C Arcadius Two-aisled basilica with Synthronon in
395-408 central nave and three apses. central apse.
Orthodox East end of south aisle was Sanctuary projects
Theodosius II demarcated by separate into nave only. No
408-450 mosaic floor. direct access from
Orthodox side apses.
Pulcheria & Ambo on north side.
Marcian
350-357
Orthodox
Humeima, 5th C Arcadius Two-aisled basilica with Raised sanctuary
Jordan 395-408 central nave and three apses. platform at east end
Orthodox East end of south aisle was of nave. No direct
Theodosius II demarcated by separate access from side
408-450 mosaic floor. apses.
Orthodox
Pulcheria &
Marcian
350-357
Orthodox
57
Rehovot-in- 5th C Arcadius Two-aisled basilica with Raised sanctuary

the-Negev 395-408 central nave and three apses. platform at east end
(Ruheiba) Orthodox Crypt below sanctuary of nave. No direct
North Church Theodosius II accessed by stairs from side access from side
408-450 aisles. apses. Synthronon
Orthodox in central apse.
Pulcheria &
Marcian
350-357
Orthodox
S. Kyriaki, Early Arcadius Four aisled basilica with Sanctuary platform
Paphos, Cyprus 5th C 395-408 central nave and three apses. in central nave with
Orthodox Passage behind internal internal apse west of
Theodosius II central apse. central apse
408-450
Orthodox
Kourion Basilica Early Theodosius II Two-aisled basilica with Separate bapt. Sanctuary platform
Cyprus 5th C 408-350 central nave and single apse. with its own in central nave with
Orthodox Side chambers either side colonnaded curved east end
Theodosius II of apse. Passage behind atrium. Linear west of main apse.
408-450 sanctuary platform. Narthex way through
Orthodox on west. External north and immersion font
south aisles accommodated in apsed central
catechumens. room. Chrismaion
added later
Tabgha, Early Arcadius Two-aisled basilica with Baptistery located
Israel 5th C 395-408 central nave, transept and north of north
Orthodox single apse. Sanctuary aisle connecting
Theodosius II located over rock table to narthex.
408-450 in crypt which was an
Orthodox earlier chapel marking the
Pulcheria & multiplication of the loaves
Marcian and fishes. Passage behind
350-357 the apse connected side
Orthodox chambers either side of apse.
Narthex on west side.
Gadara (Umm 5thC Arcadius Four aisled church with
Qais), 395-408 central nave and single apse
Jordan Orthodox with passage behind. Built
Theodosius II over tomb.
408-450 Colonnaded atrium on west.
Orthodox
Pulcheria &
Marcian
350-357
Orthodox
Yanikan South Early Arcadius Two-aisled basilica with
Church 5th C 395-408 central nave and single apse.
Orthodox Passage behind the apse
Theodosius II with two apses either side of
408-450 central tomb to east. Narthex
Orthodox and small atrium on west.
S. Menas, Early Arcadius Four-aisled basilica with Separate bapt. Sanctuary platform
Egypt 5th C 395-408 central nave and single apse on west with at east end extended
Phase 1 Orthodox over the tomb of S.Menas. immersion font three bays into
Theodosius II in central space. central nave. Altar
408-450 Would allow on line of 2nd column
Orthodox Cyrillian liturgy. pair
Amman Citadel 5th C Two-aisled chapel with Synthronon in apse.
church central nave and single apse.
SS. Amos and 5th C Two-aisled chapel with Synthronon in apse.
Clois, Mt Nebo, central nave and single apse.
Jordan Side chambers either side of
apse not linked to sanctuary
58
TableS
Ksedjbeh East 414 Theodosius II Presbyter Bizzos Two-aisled basilica with Baptistery with South chamber
Church 408-450 and architect single apse. Side chambers small apse linked to sanctuary
Orthodox Kyrillas mentioned either side of apse . South on east wall apse.
in inscription. chamber opened to south accessed from S.
aisle and to baptistery on side chamber and
south. Atrium on south side. atrium
Kasr Iblisu, 431 Theodosius II John Bishop of Two-aisled basilica with Baptistery with Sanctuary extended
West Church, Bapt 408-450 Antioch central nave and single apse. small apse slightly into nave. No
North Syria Insc. Orthodox 428-441 Side chambers either side of on east wall direct access from
Orthodox apse. Arched opening from accessed from S. side chambers to
southern chamber into aisle. side chamber and sanctuary.
Atrium on south side. atrium.
Shekh Sleman 5th C Two-aisled basilica with North side chamber
central nave and single apse. linked to sanctuary
Side chambers either side of apse.
apse. Arched opening from
southern chamber into aisle.
Atrium on west side.
Serdjibleh 5th C Two-aisled basilica with North side chamber
Church single apse. Side chambers linked to sanctuary
either side of apse . South apse. Sanctuary
chamber with wider opening projects one bay into
to south aisle. nave.
White Early Arcadius Cyril Bishop of Two-aisled basilica with Baptistery located Raised sanctuary
Monastery, 5th C 395-408 Alexandria central nave and triconch in SE corner platform in front
Egypt Orthodox 412-444 sanctuary. External south with right angled of triconch with
Theodosius II Shenute aisle for catechumens. way through long central ambo
408-450 Abbot immersion font extending halfway
Orthodox 388-466 in central circular down the nave.
room.
Al Ashmunayn, First Arcadius Cyril Bishop of Two-aisled church with Bapt.located in Raised sanctuary
Egypt half of 395-408 Alexandria central nave, single apse NE corner with platform at crossing.
5th C Orthodox 412-444 and aisled, apsed transept. right angled
Theodosius II Narthex and colonnaded way through
408-450 atrium on west. immersion font
Orthodox in square corner
room.
Ephesus c450 Theodosius II Cruciform plan. Eastern arm Raised, apsed
Church of 408-450 had four aisles, a central sanctuary at the
S.John Orthodox nave and single apse. The crossing.
other arms were two-aisled
with central nave.
Der Siman 5th C Two-aisled basilica with North side chamber
West Monastery single apse. Side chambers linked to sanctuary
Church either side of apse . South apse.
chamber with wider opening
to south aisle.
Mshabbak c.460 Two-aisled basilica with North side chamber
Church single apse. Side chambers linked to sanctuary
either side of apse . South apse.
chamber with wider opening
to south aisle.
Prophets, 465 Leo I Anastasius I Cross in square, aisled arms Sanctuary platform
Apostles and 457-474 Bishop of with central apse projecting occupies eastern
Martyrs, Jerash, Jerusalem from east wall and four arm in front of apse
Jordan 458 -478 corner chambers. Synthronon in apse
Peter the dyer
(Fullo) Bishop of
Antioch 457- 476
Chalkoprateia, 5th C Two-aisled basilica with Separate bapt. Sanctuary extends
Constantinople central nave, single polygonal attached to NW into nave, no access
apse and atrium. Crypt corner. Linear from side aisles.
entered beneath sanctuary, three room
doors through east end of layout, central
aisles. room octagonal
with central
immersion font.
59
S.John Studios, 5th C Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extends

Constantinople central nave, single polygonal into nave, no access
apse and atrium. Crypt from side aisles.
entered beneath sanctuary, Synthronon in apse
doors through east end of
aisles.
Old S. Sophia, 5th C Four-aisled with central
Constantinople nave, single polygonal apse
and atrium. Separate round
sacristy - the skeuophylakion.
Chambers at east ends of
side aisles
Octagonal 5th C Octagon within square, apses
Church, Gadara off NE,SE,NW & SW sides.
(Umm Qeis) Internal colonnaded octagon
with chancel to east.
Scythopolis 5th C Circular colonnaded court
(Beisan) with an apsed shrine off
the colonnade to the east.
Narthex and atrium on west
Octagonal 5th C Octagon with central Baptismal Side chambers
church of octagonal arcade supporting immersion font in connected via the
S.Peter, a drum with cone roof. Apse later apse. apse.
Capernaum added later .
S.Thecla c476 Zeno Two-aisled basilica with Side chambers
Meryemllik 474-491 central nave and single apse connected via
Monophysite over crypt with tomb. courtyard behind the
Apsed side chambers either apse.
side of apse.
Cupola Church Late Zeno Two-aisled basilica with Baptistery with Doorways through
Meryemlik 5th C 474-491 dome over sanctuary in basin font located east ends of north
Monophysite wide nave in front of single off SE corner. and south aisles.
apse. Semi-circular entrance Ambo on central
forecourt led into atrium on axis.
west.
Theotokos 484 Zeno Peter Fullo Octagonal church with Sanctuary in apse
Church, 474-491 Bishop of Antioch internal colonnade supporting only. Side chapels
Garizim, Monophysite 484-488 dome or cone. Single apse open to ambulatory.
Israel Monophysite to east.
Seleucia Pieria, Late Zeno Domed, tetraconch with Baptistery added Sacristy added south
Antioch 5th C 474-491 apsed, square presbytery north of chancel, of chancel post -526
Monophysite projecting to the east post -526 earthquake
earthquake
S. Menas, Egypt Late Zeno New two-aisled basilica with Raised sanctuary
Phase 2 5th C 474-491 central nave, aisled transept platform at crossing
Monophysite and single apse built to east with central ambo
of existing church. Passage extending four
behind sanctuary platform column bays into
nave. Synthronon on
sanctuary platform
not in the apse.
S. Simeon Pre - Leo I S. Simeon Eastern arm is a two-aisled Tetraconch plan
Stylites, 459 457-474 Orthodox, lived on basilica with central nave and baptistery with
Syria a pillar 425-459. three apses. font in apsidal
480- Zeno Cruciform plan with niche on east
490 474-491 S.Simeon’s column at the side
Monophysite crossing.
Kalota East 492 Anastasius I Two-aisled basilica with North chamber
Church 491-518 central nave and single apse. linked to sanctuary
Monophysite Side chambers either side of apse. Clergy
apse. Arched opening from platform located at
southern chamber into aisle. west end of nave.
S. Phocas, 491/ Anastasius I Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extended
Basufan, North 492 491-518 central nave and single apse. half a bay into
Syria Monophysite Side chambers either side of nave. Small
apse. Wider opening from S. opening between
chamber into aisle than from south chamber &
northern chamber into aisle. sanctuary.
60
TableS
Zebed East 5th C Two-aisled basilica with North chamber

Church central nave and single linked to sanctuary
horseshoe apse. Side apse.
chambers either side of apse.
Il-Anderin 5th C Two-aisled small basilica Both side chambers
Church of the with central nave and linked to apse.
Holy Trinity single elongated apse. Side
Il-Anderin 5th C Two-aisled small basilica Both side chambers
Church of S. with central nave and linked to apse.
Theodoros single elongated apse. Side
S.Theodore, 494- Anastasius I New two-aisled basilica with Baptistery three Raised sanctuary
Jerash 496 491-518 central nave and single apse inter-connecting platform extended
Monophysite built west of cathedral atrium. rooms with an two bays into nave
Access through east ends immersion font in with ambo to south.
of aisles allowed passage the central room. Altar on cord of
around fountain behind the apse.
apse. Atrium and offertory
chapel to west.
Campanopetra Late 5th Zeno Anthimus Two-aisled basilica with Baptistery three Synthronon in
Basilica, -early 474-491 Bishop of Salamis central nave and three apses. small rooms and central apse.
Salamis 6th C Monophysite 488 when Cyprus North and south external chapel accessed
Anastasius I church confirmed aisles lead to court east of from E. end of
491-518 autocephalous apses with focus in centre of the northern hall
Monophysite under Zeno. east side. Narthex apsed at Inner atrium had
Orthodox each end off double atrium central pool.
to west.
Cathedral, 512- Anastasius I Severus Bishop of Central round church with
Bosra, South 513 491-518 Antioch four projecting apses to
Syria Monophysite 512-518 NE, SE, NW and SW all
Monophysite contained within a square.
Internal colonnaded
tetraconch. Extended apsed
chancel flanked on either
side by rectangular chambers
accessible from the chancel.
Church of S. 515 Anastasius I Severus Bishop of Domed cruciform tetraconch Sanctuary linked to
George, Zor’ah 491-518 Antioch with sanctuary in elongated north side chamber.
(Ezra), South Monophysite 512-518 apse to east. Side chambers
Syria Monophysite either side.
Resafe Early Elongated tetraconch with Narrow stairs either
(Sergiopolis) 6th C apse at east flanked by side of apse linked it
apsed side chambers. to side chambers.
Church of the 526-7 Justin I Paul Bishop of Circular church with apse to
Archangels at 518-527 Antioch 519-521 east and side chambers.
Fa’lul, NE Syria Chalcedonian Portico on west.
Procopius 526- Justin I Ephraimos Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary platform
Church, Jerash 527 518-527 Bishop of Antioch central nave and three extends two bays
Justinian I 521-526 inscribed apses. Chapel into central nave,
527-565 Ephrem Bishop of accessible off west end of one bay into S. aisle,
Chalcedonian Antioch north aisle half a bay into N.
527-545 aisle. Synthronon in
Chalcedonian central apse.
Siagha, Mt. 6th C Justin I Two-aisled basilica with Baptistery chapel Sanctuary platform
Nebo Phase 2 518-527 central nave and single at east end of enclosed by former
Justinian I apsed sanctuary with side external south triconch with ambo
527-565 chambers either side of and aisle with basin on south.
Chalcedonian opening into apse. Atrium on font in apse.
west and offertory chapel at
west end of external south
aisle.
SS. Sergius 6th C Justin I Cruciform tetraconch based Openings between
& Bacchus, 518-527 on the Gregory of Nyssa sanctuary apse and
Constantinople Justinian I cross, with central dome, north and south
527-565 narthex and multi-domed corner spaces with
Chalcedonian portico. Elongated sanctuary exedrae.
to east.
61
S.Sophia, 532- Justinian I Elongated cruciform Centralised Sanctuary included

Constantinople 537 527-565 tetraconch with central dome baptistery with central apse plus
Chalcedonian , east and west half domes dome off SW north and south
and eastern octagonal apse. corner with own exedrae.
Cross vaulted narthex and narthex. Small
portico and colonnaded apse in centre of
atrium, separate sacristry- east wall.
skeuophylakion.
S.Irene, 6th C Justinian I Two-aisled basilica with wide Synthronon in apse
Constantinople 527-565 central nave, dome over part
Chalcedonian of nave, octagonal apse and
narthex. Doorways through
eastern ends of aisles.
S. John Baptist, 529- Justinian I Ephrem Bishop of Central round church with Baptistery with Sanctuary projects
SS. Cosmas & 533 527-565 Antioch four projecting apses to cruciform basin one bay into central
Damian and S. Chalcedonian 527-545 NE, SE, NW and SW all between and area. Ambo on
George Jerash Chalcedonian contained within a square. connecting south. North side
Octagonal apse on east. Four with apses of chamber of SS.
colomns in centre supported SS. Cosmas & Cosmas & Damian
dome or cone. Single- Damian and S. connects to apse.
apsed churches connecting John Baptist. Side chambers
either side – SS. Cosmas & S.John apse either side of apse
Damian on north, S. George connects with to S. George not
on south. south side included in sanctuary
chamber. of S. George.
S.Mary, Rihab, 533 Justinian I Ephrem Bishop of Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extends
Jordan 527-565 Antioch central nave. Single apse into nave, no access
Chalcedonian 527-545 with side chambers. from side chambers
Chalcedonian
S. Catherine 6th C Justinian I Two-aisled basilica with
(formerly 527-565 central nave and single
S. Mary Chalcedonian apse. Apsed side chapels
Theotokos) either side of apse opened
Sinai to north and south aisles
and to courtyard behind
apse containing the ‘burning
bush’. Outer aisles comprise
chapels and sacristy/store.
S. Menas, Egypt 6th C Justinian I Basilica over shrine
Phase 3 527-565 converted to tetraconch.
Chalcedonian
Church of 6th C Justinian I East end rebuilt as transept/
Nativity, 527-565 triconch
Bethlehem Chalcedonian Stairs from side aisles
accessed crypt beneath
sanctuary.
SS. Peter & 540 Justinian I Ephrem Bishop of Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary includes
Paul, Jerash 527-565 Antioch central nave and three apses all apses but projects
Chalcedonian 527-545 - all inscribed. Offertory further into the
Chalcedonian chapel at north-west corner nave, Ambo within
with ante room accessible sanctuary.
from narthex. Synthronon in
central apse.
Nea Church 543 Justinian I Peter Bishop of Two-aisled basilica with
of S.Mary 527-565 Jerusalem central nave and three apses.
Theotokos Chalcedonian 524-552 Narthex on west.
Jerusalem Chalcedonian
Pella West 6th C Justinian I Two-aisled basilica with
Church 527-565 central nave and three apses.
Chalcedonian Atrium on west .
Pella Civic 6th C Justinian I Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extends
Church Phase 2 527-565 central nave and three apses. three bays into
Chalcedonian Three entries from parvis nave and one bay
on north. Three entries from into side aisles,
atrium on west. Two entries including all three
from south. apses. Synthronon
in central apse.
62
TableS
Pella East 6th C Justinian I Two-aisled basilica with Hexagonal pool Sanctuary extends
Church 527-565 central nave and three apses. in colonnaded three bays into
Chalcedonian Two entries on north and atrium nave and one bay
south to aisles, three entries into side aisles,
from atrium on west. including all three
apses. Synthronon
in central apse.
Ayios Georgios 6th C Justinian I Two-aisled basilica with Centralised Sanctuary includes
Basilica A, 527-565 central nave and three baptistery with all three apses but
Peyia, Chalcedonian projecting apses – all immersion font in projects further into
Cyprus polygonal. Offertory chapel colonnaded court nave. Ambo centrally
at north-east corner with ante on S. side of triple located out in front of
room accessible from narthex apsed transept sanctuary.
along north side. Atrium but basilica with own Synthronon in
no narthex on west side narthex along N. central apse.
side.
Basilica ‘A’, 6thC Justinian I Triple apsed
Abila, 527-565
Jordan Chalcedonian
Elusa, Negev 6th C Justinian I Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary included
Cathedral 527-565 central nave and three apses. all three apses but
Phase 2 Chalcedonian Colonnaded atrium to west. extended further into
nave. Hexagonal
ambo in front on
N. Single bishop’s
throne in apse.
Esbeita, Negev 6th C Justinian I Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary included
North church 527-565 central nave and three apses. all three apses but
Chalcedonian Atrium to west. extended further into
nave.
Qasr Ibn 564 Justinian I Two-aisled basilica with wide
Wardan Church, 527-565 central nave, dome over
N.E. Syria. Chalcedonian central part of nave, Single
apse with side chambers.
Propylaea 565 Justin II Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extended
Church, Jerash, 565-578 central nave and single four bays into nave.
Jordan apse – incorporates Roman
structure. Polygonal atrium
at west end with circular
offertory chapel on north
side. Access through east
ends of side aisles to rear of
apse and beyond.
Dandarah, 6th C Two-aisled basilica with Linear baptistery Sanctuary extended
Egypt central nave terminating in shows no font across nave and
triconch. Side chambers but with central included triconch.
either side of triconch at east apsed room off Triconch accessible
ends of aisles. narthex to west. from side chambers.
Dayr al-Matmar 6th C Two-aisled basilica with
central nave terminating in
triconch.
Dayr Abu Fanah 6th C Two-aisled basilica with Triconch accessible
central nave terminating in from side chambers.
triconch. Side chambers
either side of triconch at east
ends of aisles.
Church of the 574 or Justin II Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extended
Lions, Umm al 589 565-578 central nave and three apses. into nave. Ambo on
Rasas (Bishop Justinian II No access between apses. south.
Sergius), Jordan 565-578
Esbeita 6th C Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extended
(Sobata), Negev central nave and three apses. into nave.
Central Church No access between apses.
Deir ‘Ain ‘Abata 6th C Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extended
Church of Lot Mosaic central nave and three apses. two bays into nave.
date Tomb cave off northern apse. No access between
691 apses. Octagonal
ambo on north.
63
Churches of the 579 or Tiberius II Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extended

Rivers and Palm 594 Constantine central nave and single apse into nave.
Tree, Umm al 574-582; with side chambers, No access from side
Rasas (Bishop Maurice chambers to apse or
Sergius) 582-602 sanctuary.
it-Tuba 583 Maurice Two-aisled small basilica with Sanctuary in apse
Church N.E. 582-602 central nave and single apse accessible from both
Syria with side chambers, side chambers.
Church of the 586 Maurice Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extended
Priest Wa’il, 582-602 central nave and single apse into nave
Umm al Rasas with side chambers, No
access from side chambers
to apse or sanctuary.
Church of 587/ Maurice Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extended
Bishop Sergius, 588 582-602 central nave and single apse into nave
Umm al Rasas with side chambers, No
S Basil, Rihab 594 Maurice Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extended
582-602 central nave and single apse into nave
with side chambers, No
S Paul, Rihab 595 Maurice Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extended
582-602 central nave and single apse into nave
with side chambers, No
Nawa, N.E. 598 Maurice Two-aisled small basilica with Sanctuary in apse
Syria 582-602 central nave and single apse accessible from both
with side chambers, side chambers.
Bishop Asaiah 599 Maurice Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extended
Church, Jerash 582-602 central nave and three apses. almost straight
Tri-partite sanctuary includes across nave and
all three apses. side aisles.
Nessana 610 Heraclius Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extended
South Church 610-641 central nave and three apses. straight across nave
Dedicated to Tri-partite sanctuary includes and side aisles
Virgin Mary, all three apses.
Mother of God
Bishop 611 Heraclius Two-aisled basilica with Sanctuary extended
Genesius 610-641 central nave, single apse and straight across nave
Church, Jerash tri-partite sanctuary. and side aisles.
S. Euphemia, Early Heraclius Adapted hexagonal tryclinium Sanctuary projected

Constantinople 7th C 610-641 with five apses. Northern into central space
apse linked to sanctuary in front of apse,
apse. ambo projected
further from centre of
sanctuary.
Synthronon in apse.
S Peter, Rihab 623 Heraclius Two aisles plus nave, single Sanctuary extended
610-641 apse, aisles extend to quasi straight across nave
side chambers either side. and side aisles. No
Straight tri-partite sanctuary ambo.
with chancel screen
Church ‘E’, 7th C Four aisled basilica, central Sanctuary included
Abila, nave, single apse and apsed central apse and
Jordan transept. extended into nave.
No acess from
transepts.
64
TableS
A2 Summary of Church Types

(Plans are drawn with North to top of page)
A2a House, hall & commemorative

The modified dining room of the 3rd C Dura-Europas house church soon became a
free-standing hall church in the 4th C as at S. Julianus and Pella. The 4th C Church of
the Nativity at Bethlehem incorporated a large polygonal apse over the manger grotto.
A2b Commemorative/eastern passage

The apse of the Church of the Holy Cross (335) was separated from Christ’s tomb
by a courtyard, accommodating crowds of pilgrims. In the early 5th C, the holy relic or
tomb was housed more compactly behind the apse as at Kourion and Yanikan. By the
late 5th & 6th C, there was a reversion to the courtyard concept at large basilicas such
as Campanopetra at Salamis.
65
A2c Single apse

The examples of Brad (392), Amman Citadel church (5th C) and S. Phocas (492)
exhibit the single-apsed form prevalent throughout the region. By the late 6th Century,
the single-apsed basilica of Bishop Genesius had a straight, tri-partite sanctuary as
distinct from the sanctuary confined to the central nave as in the earlier examples. This
new arrangement accommodated a change in liturgical practice.
A2d Centralised (octagonal, round)

The circular form of the 4th C centralised churches such as the Imbomon was replaced
in the 5th and 6th C by forms that were more complex. The Theotokos Church at Garizim
(485) was octagonal and incorporated an eastern apse to accommodate the Eucharistic
liturgy. By the 6th C at Bosra, the circular form was enclosed in a square with exedrae
in each corner and a projecting eastern apse.
66
TableS
A2e & f Cruciform plan, cruciform tetraconch

As with the round and octagonal churches, the basic centralised form expressed by
Gregory of Nyssa’s 4th C cross plan, 5th C versions required an eastern apse and addi-
tional spaces to accommodate the liturgy. The Prophets Church at Jerash (465), S. George,
Ezra (515), and SS.Sergius & Bacchus, Constantinople (early 6th C), all demonstrate
this. S. Simeon Stylites, while accommodating the famous monk’s pillar at the crossing,
required four large basilica arms to accommodate the vast numbers of pilgrims. S. Sophia
is thought of as a centralised church because it has a dome over the central section, but
the plan shows it is more truly a variation of the basilica, created by elongating the central
section of the Nyssa cross plan, and with a triconch sanctuary.
67
A2g Triconch
The 4th C basilica at Siagha on Mt Nebo incorporated an earlier triconch building, as
its sanctuary. By the 5th C, the form was appropriated at the White Monastery in Egypt.
Rooms and chambers including the baptistery surround the sanctuary. By the 6th C, the
east end of the Church at Bethlehem was rebuilt as a transept with expanded triconch
sanctuary over the manger grotto, allowing pilgrims access down from either side.
A2h Transept
The transept form of the Church of the Multiplication at Tabgha (early 5th C) enabled
pilgrims to assemble and pass by the stone at which tradition places the miracle of the
multiplication of the loaves and fishes. Later in the 5th C at the great pilgrim church of
S. Menas in Egypt, the transept form accommodated large numbers of pilgrims process-
ing behind the sanctuary. At al Ashmunayn Cathedral the transepts provided a similar
function but were given semi-circular ends, forming an expanded triconch.
68
TableS
A2 i & j Triple apse

The 4th C triple-apsed churches of Gethsemane and S. Epiphanios, Salamis, exhibit a
similar apse configuration – a large, central projecting apse with a smaller inscribed apse
either side. The sanctuary of the smaller and earlier of the triple-apsed churches at Peyia
also took this form. In the 5th C, the triple-apsed Campanopetra basilica at Salamis, and
the triple apsed eastern arm of S. Simeon Stylites had three projecting apses. In the 6th
C at Elusa Cathedral in the Negev, Humeima Church in southern Jordan, and Procopius
and Bishop Asaiah churches at Jerash, all apses were inscribed. At Peyia they were all
projecting but were polygonal rather than semi-circular in external plan. A liturgical
change requiring a tri-partite sanctuary similar to that demonstrated by the single-apsed
churches is apparent in the triple-apsed churches of Procopius and Bishop Asaiah at
Jerash, the churches at Pella, Elusa in the Negev and at Basilica A at Peyia.
69
A3 Summary of Church Size

Comparison of the plans in the typological table A2, which are drawn all to the same scale, indicates that sizes
fall into four distinct groups as shown in the table below. This is likely to reflect a system of standard nave siz-
es based on projected congregation numbers. The slight variation in nave sizes within the four groups is likely
to be due to the variation in length of measurement units – feet or cubits - used in the ancient world (Wilkinson
1981: 171), or to the proportional relationships (Wilkinson 2002b). The proportional relationships within each
church would have been set out geometrically as demonstrated by Wilkinson (1981: 156-172; 2002b: 72) and
Chen (1985 & 1981).
Small churches
Amman Citadel Church 5th C, (Northedge 1992: fig. 162)
S.Simeon Stylites First Basilica c425, (Butler 1969: 99, ill.100)
Humeima Church, Jordan 5th C, (Oleson 1993: 471 fig. 4)
Yanikan South Church early 5th C, (Hill 1996: fig. 59)
Peyia Small Church, (Papageorghiou 1985: 315 fig. 5)
S. George, Ezra 515, (Butler 1969: 191, ill. 194R)
Medium churches
S. Julianus, Umm al Jamal 345, (Butler 1969: 18, ill. 11)
Farfirtin, Syria Church of the Holy Apostles 372, (Butler 1969: 33 ill. 32)
The Imbomon, Mount of Olives 378, (Bagatti 1971: 221 fig. 88)
Gethsemane, Jerusalem Church of the Agony c380, (Bagatti 1971: 205 fig. 72)
Cross plan of Gregory of Nyssa c380, (Lethaby 1912: 85 fig. 45)
Pella Civic Church Phase 1, 4th C, (McNicoll 1992: fig. 21)
Siagha Church, Mt. Nebo 4th C, (Piccirillo 1986: 77)
Pella Civic Church Phase 2, (McNicoll et al 1992: 150 fig. 22)
Yanikan South Church early 5th C, (Hill 1996: fig. 59)
Church of the Multiplication, Tabgha early 5th C, (Crowfoot 1941: 74 fig. 15)
Prophets, Apostles and Martyrs, Jerash 465, (Crowfoot 1941: 40 fig.8)
Theotokos Church, Garizm 484, (Crowfoot 1941: 37 fig.6)
S. Phocas, Basufan 492, (Butler 1969: 69, ill. 71)
SS. Sergius & Bacchus, Constantinople, early 6th C, (Van Millingen 1912: 80 fig. 23)
Procopius Church Jerash 527, (Crowfoot 1938: Plan XLIII by A.G. Buchanan and C.S. Fisher)
Bishop Asaiah Church, Jerash 599, (Piccirillo 1993: fig. 566)
Peyia Basilica A 6th C, (Papageorghiou 1985: 315 fig. 5)
Bishop Genesius, Jerash 611, (Crowfoot 1941: 53 fig. 10)
Cathedral size
Church of the Nativity Phase 1, Bethlehem 339, (Crowfoot 1941: 18 fig.2 and Bagatti 1971: 176 fig.48)
Brad Cathedral 392, (Smith 1950: fig. 205)
Kourion Cathedral early 5th C
S.Simeon Stylites Second Basilica c450, (Butler 1969: 99, ill.100)
Al Ashmunayn Cathedral, Egypt 5th C, (Grossman 1991b: 286)
Campanopetra Basilica, Salamis 5th-6th C, (Delvoye 1980: 327 fig. 18)
Bosra Cathedral 513, (Crowfoot 1941: 38 fig. 7.
Elusa Cathedral Phase 2, Negev 6th C, (Negev 1993: 289)
Church of the Nativity Phase 2, Bethlehem 6th C, (Crowfoot 1941: 78 fig. 16)
Great churches
Holy Cross, Jerusalem 335, (Gibson and Taylor 1994: 75 fig. 45)
S. Babylas, Antioch c379, (Smith 1950: fig. 170)
Baalbek, Basilica of S. Peter c391, (Ragette 1980: 69)
S.Epiphanios, Salamis c400, (Megaw 1974: fig. A)
Church of the White Monastery, Egypt early 5th C, (Grossman 1991d: 768)
S.Simeon Stylites c425, c450, c480, (Butler 1969: 99, ill.100 with orientation corrected)
S. Menas, Egypt late 5th C, (Kaufmann 1908: fig. 61)
S.Sophia, Constantinople 537, (Matthews 1971: 92, fig. 49.Magnisci blan el exercilla adiat. Osto odit)
70
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Early Church Architectural Forms: A Theologically Contextual Typology for the

Book · September 2007

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early church architectural forms:

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early church architectural forms:

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Typeset and Design:

National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication Data:

1. Christian art and symbolism - To 500. 2. Architecture,

1 These can be accessed at www.icomos.org

Plate 2: S. Simeon Stylites. Base of pillar at

Plate 3: Triple-apsed sanctuary of Campanopetra

Plate 4: Peyia Basilica A looking east. Baptistery on

Plate 6: Pella Civic Church in foreground. View to

Plate 7: Amman Citadel Church, view towards

Plate 8: Bishop Asaiah Church, Jerash looking

The documentary record

The archaeological record

the people entered. There perhaps, one deacon stood

The commemorative church

The commemorative church: basilica with a single apse

The commemorative Figure 5: Church of the Nativity Phase 1, Bethlehem 339,

Figure 6: Holy Cross,

The Eleona, Mount of Olives

The commemorative church: basilica with a single apse plus

The Syrian church type

Brad Cathedral, Syria

The palace church: centralised structure

The commemorative church: the basilica with three apses

The Church of S Mary of the Probatica, approached along

Salamis (Constantia), Cyprus

Figure 12: S. Epiphanios, Salamis c400, after Megaw 1974: figure A.

use related to liturgical practice.

The cruciform plan

The triconch sanctuary

The single-apsed church

At S. Phocas Basufan, North Syria dated 491/492 the sanc-

The tri-apsidal sanctuary

Commemorative churches and liturgical functionality

Figure 24: Prophets, Apostles and

20 Quoting Chrysostom Hom. Xxxvi, in I Cor., vi, P. G., LXI, 313.

The Constantinian-type commemorative basilica at major pil-

Abu Mina, Egypt

S. Theodore, Jerash (Gerasa)

S. Simeon Stylites, Syria

Campanopetra Basilica, Salamis

Procopius Church, Gerasa

sanctuary and the processes involved in the Eucharistic rite

The Nea (New) Church, Jerusalem

S.S. Sergius and Bacchus, Constantinople

Ayios Georgios, Peyia

Church of the Nativity, Bethlehem

Triple-apsed and single-apsed churches: projecting sanctuary

Triple-apsed and single-apsed churches with straight, tri-par-

27 Dix 1964: 268-302.

Moorhead, John 1994 Justinian, London and New York: Longman.

Index of influential churchmen

Table A1 Chronological Survey