Visions of The Third Princess. Gendering Spaces in The Tale of Genji Illustrations

Visions of the Third Princess.
Gendering spaces in "The Tale of Genji" illustrations

Author(s): DORIS CROISSANT
Source: Arts Asiatiques , 2005, Vol. 60 (2005), pp. 103-120
Published by: École française d’Extrême-Orient
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43484213
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DORIS CROISSANT
Visions of the Third Princess.

Gendering spaces in
The Tale of Genji illustrations
The Tale of Genji has been at the heart of Japanese cultu-

tions of The Tale of Genji , and the hermeneutic problems
ral history ever since at the end of the 18th century the nativist
resulting from the correlation of gender and genre in roman-
scholar Motoori Norinaga (1730-1801) located the essence oftic fiction.3 Apart from linguistic and literary exploration of the
Japaneseness in the sensitivity of Heian women literature. psychological dimension of Genji monogatari , a close analysis
Since Murasaki Shikibu (973-1013/1025 ?) wrote this master- of the pictorial codes of narrative painting may yield new
work of romantic fiction for a primarily female audience, it is insights in the production and reception of the romance by
assumed that soon after the work's completion in the first male and female readers.
decade of the 11th century pictorializations were created by or This paper focuses on the topos of male-female erotic com-
in close collaboration with court ladies, and therefore high- munication which is central to the Genji romance and its pic-
light the elegance and refinement of Heian court culture. torializations from the 12th century onward. At stake is the
The Genji scrolls ( Genji monogatari emaki ) in the Toku- visualization of literary tropes in the allegedly feminine style of
gawa Reimeikai (Nagoya) and in the Goto Museum are not only monogatari-e that forged Genji imagery from the Heian to the
the earliest extant examples of Gerç/ï-illustrations ( Genji-e }, Edo period.
datable to the early 12th century, but also of monogatari-e , a I will first examine the spatial structure of monogatari-e ,
sub-genre of narrative painting in Yamato-e style devoted to characterized by the "blown-off roof" ifukinuki yatai) method.
the illustration of tales and fictitious narratives. Painted with Contrary to the presumption that this device developed in tan-
opaque colours in the so-called tsukuri-e technique, the mono- dem with the illustration of Heian romantic fiction, forming an
scenic pictures are also regarded to represent "women pain-integral part of onna-e , I argue that fukinuki yatai originated
ting" or "women pictures" - onna-e , a painting category that inside the normative isometric space system, laying emphasis
according to literary evidence coexisted since the 10th century upon the risqué nature of visual penetration into interior
with "men's pictures" ( otoko-e), and therefore would in res- spaces rather than being contingent upon the "female gaze".
pect of style and/or subject, authorship and/or audience Second, I investigate pictorialisations of kaimami and
constitute a female genre of Heian painting.1 monogoshi - two tropes of erotic communication indicative of
Ikeda Shinobu has recently argued that onna-e should notthe distinction between male and female ways of "seeing the
be conflated with "women art" in the modern sense of the other sex". The question is whether Genji illustrations comply
word. She maintains that in creating and consuming romantic with what Edith Sarra labeled the novel's feminine "poetics of
narratives ( monogatari ) Heian ladies were subject to courtvoyeurism", or betray an intervention on the part of male com-
ritual that prescribed strict distinction between interior and
missioners intend on manipulating the reader's imagination.4
exterior spheres of cultural activities, but did not deter talen-
Third, I examine examples of the pivotal "kickball scene"
ted women to practice brush painting techniques and so mas- ( Genji monogatari , chap. 34, Wakana I) in Tosa Genji albums
ter genres, like landscape painting, normally monopolized andbyin 17th century printed Genji editions. The option of two
male amateurs and professional painters.2 Targeting at the different modes of confronting the ill-fated Third Princess
myth of the femininity of Japanese culture in general, her (Onna
cri- San no Miya) with her lover Kashiwagi betray gendered
ticism invites a revision of the agenda of mainstream artconcepts
his- of eroticism, ending up in the definitely sexist por-
tory from the vantage point of text-image relation in illustra-
trayal of the heroine in Ukiyoe painting and prints.
Arts Asiatiques, tome 60-2005 103

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Finally, I will argue that the conceptualization of native
painting tradition as highlighted by Geriji announced itself in
17th century painting treatises and prepared the eventual
canonization of Genji in literary studies. The Tosa painter Mit-
suoki grounded his appraisal of Yamato-e on the opposition of
Chinese and Japanese art, and thus anticipated the construct
of the femininity of native aesthetics that haunts Genji studies
from Motoori Norinaga into the present.
Looking through the "blown-off roof'
Although the origin of the "blown-off roof" technique is a

moot question, it is commonly believed that this device develo-
ped in the early Heian period (794-1185) in tandem with the
illumination of romantic tales ( monogatari ).5 While 12th cen-
tury Buddhist chronicles and semi-historical stories as depic-
ted in the scroll paintings Ban Dainagon ekotoba and Shigisan
engi emaki show the course of events in outdoor surroundings,
unrolling from the right to the left in a continuous display of
space and time, densely colored, monoscenic monogatari-e
painted in opaque tsukuri-e technique like the Tokugawa/Gotô
Genji monogatari scrolls condense the gist of the story into
single images, freezing space-time continuity to situations
considered essential to the narrative.
The first extant example of fukinuki yatai makes part of
the Illustrated biography of Shôtoku Taishi (Shôtoku Taishi
eden), a wall painting created in 1069 by Hata no Chitei, an
artist of Korean descent, that originally covered the walls of
the Picture Hall (edono) in Hôryûji temple (fig. 1). Remounted
today on ten panels, the Shôtoku Taishi eden displays the most
important stations in the life of the regent and propagator of
Buddhism, Shôtoku Taishi (593-621). 6 Among the numerous
buildings only one building is shown in fukinuki yatai pers-
pective, namely the palace hall where the prince was brought Fig.l
Hata no Chitei (mid-1 1th c.), Shôtoku Taishi eden, 1069,
up after his mother had delivered him in the Imperial stables.7
panel 1 of 10 panels, color on hemp, about 190 x 142 cm
The "blown-off roof" grants a look into the mansion where the Hôryûji),
(formerly
Tokyo National Museum.
four-year old prince is attended by nurses and instructed in
(Akiyama, Heian jidai sezokuga no kenkyû, 1964, p. 34.)
the martial arts by his father, the future emperor Yômei.
During commemorative rituals the paintings served to visua- the court (moya), and heavy lattice shutters (shitomi) on the
lize the prince's biography, orally interpreted ( etoki ) tofour thewalls facing the veranda provide virtually endless varia-
predominantly male audience of the Buddhist clergy, buttions occa-of interlocking spatial enclosures that hide or expose the
sionally also for aristocratic nuns who toured Nara temples.8 inhabitants to the spectator's gaze. On top of that, ladies would
In Shôtoku Taishi eden the miraculous removal of the roof protect themselves by the help of silken curtains of state
allows visual intrusion into an interior, ritually kept secret not which prevented them from being seen from outside
(kicho)
only on behalf of an emperor's divine status, but also in when res- put against the bamboo blinds even during daytime.
pect of the taboos imposed on the ruler's consorts. InThese
the obstructions of vision underline the fluid boundaries
context of the uniform mapping of temples and houses seen between
in ritual constraints and sexual desire that characterize
oblique bird's-eye- view ( chôkan ), the removal of the roofthe oferotic atmosphere at the Heian court as described in the
only one building amounts to a miracle, or to magic trickery.
Tale of Genji.
In monogatari-e painting highlighted by the Tokugawa/It is commonly assumed that the "blown-off roof' method
Goto Genji scrolls the verism apparent in the close-up descrip-
amounts to a generic style (Typenstil) that complied with a
tion of the nails that hold beams and pillars of the skeleton
genuinely female perspective constitutive of the womenlike
structures together emphasizes the oddness of the fukinuki rhetoric of romantic fiction.9 Interestingly, however, Louisa
yatai "perspective". Movable architectural parts like sliding
Read argued that the fukinuki yatai mode originated in a com-
panels (fusuma) between pillars and rooms, bamboo blinds pletely lost genre of erotic Tang painting, although at this point
(sudare, misu) rolled up on the south aisle (hisashi) in front
thereof is no pictorial proof to this conjecture.10 While Chinese
104 Arts Asiatiques, tome 60-2005

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painting keeps in line with the bird's-eye perspective even the sake of illicit love.14 As a figure of speech "doing kaimami
when imparting buildings a maximum of transparency connotates the beginning of a romance, but as visual meta-
through the removal of the walls between the front pillars, the phor kaimami conjures the image of a rural house hidde
alternation of thatched buildings with houses shown in the behind a brushwood fence ( koshibagaki ). Genji illustrators
"blown-off roof' method appears to be a peculiarly Japanese might choose more luxurious enclosures like earthen walls
convention transmitted from aristocratic painting into the and bamboo gutters to visualize the inhabitant's social sta-
"floating world" of Ukiyoe.11 In medieval scroll paintings, tus.15
however, the mixture of closed and open buildings is not arbi- Comparison of the Hashihime scene ("The Lady of the
trary. Already in the 12th century Ban Dainagon ekotoba the Bridge", chapter 45) in the Heian Genji scrolls with an early
"blown-off roof" method is reserved for residences of aristo- Edo version of the same chapter in Tosa Mitsuyoshi's (1536-
1613) Genji album in the Kyoto National Museum, datable
cratic celebrities and their women in contrast with the oblique
outside view at less notable structures. about 1610, proves the longevity of Genji iconography over the
What can be ascertained, then, is that the wondrous remo- centuries16 (fig. 2-3). Although separated from its prototype by
val of the roof offends against the order of the axonometric more than 350 years, Mitsuyoshi's Hashihime-ilhistrsitioīi
space system. In terms of pictorial verification of romanticshows fic- no major changes in the diagonal composition with the
tion, visual breaking in upon the privacy of aristocratic Uji terri-
sisters inside the house, two ladies-in-waiting (nyôbô) on
tories amounts to a revelatory operation that involves the the veranda and Genji's son Kaoru spying at them through the
complicity between narrator and reader/spectator. However, lattice fence in the lower right.17
while the "blown-off roof' device lends itself to visualize the In Royall Tyler's translation the romantic encounter goes
life inside palaces as described in the Genji romance, exposure like this :
of intimate spaces to the spectator's gaze connotates an "indis- "He led the Captain to a bamboo screening fence that set
cretion" that psychoanalytical studies of modern media the wouldgarden before their rooms entirely apart. Then he invited
consider typical of masculine desire to see the other sex.12 the Captain's attendants into the gallery to the west, where he
seated them and looked after them himself. The Captain crac-
ked open the door that seemed to lead through the fence and
peered in through prettily moonlit mist to where the women
Peeping through a fence and meeting sat, beyond the rolled-up blinds. A single page girl was on the
across a curtain veranda, thin and looking awfully cold in her rumpled cos-
tume. One of the women within, partially hidden behind a
In Heian poem-tales like the Tales of Ise ( Ise monogatari) pillar, had a biwa before her and was toying with the plectrum.
and The Tale of Genji romantic episodes may start by Just then the moon, which had been clouded, burst forth
telling
the story of a courtier who tries to secretly catch a brilliantly...".18
glance of
his beloved.13 Since unmarried aristocratic women were Both versions of the Hashihime scene falsify the text in
required to passively resist amorous advances, the most ele-the sinfulness of kaimami : Kaoru does not open a
stressing
gant way to get secretely in touch consisted in the exchange door, but of peeps clandestinely through a gap in the fence. But,
letters and love poems. Likewise, if a courtier ventured while to the Tosa version visualizes the secrecy of doing kai-
catch a glimpse of the lady by "peeping through a mami, gap inlatera illustrators interpreted voyeurism in the sense of
fence", literally kaimami , he risked offending social physical taboos for intrusion. In the Illustrated Genji monogatari by
Fig. 2
Genji monogatari emaki,
Hashihime, 12th c.,
scroll painting, 26 x 23 cm,
The Tokugawa Art Museum.
(Courtesy of the Tokugawa Art Museum.)

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Yamamoto Shunshô (1610-1682), completed in 1650 but prin-
ted in Osaka in 1654, the Hashihime scene is spread over two
pages19 (fig. 4). Placing the Uji sisters on the right page, on the
left Kaoru approaches the fence as if he intended to enter the
residence by force.20 Obviously, Shunshô sought to emphasize
the aggressive aspect of the sentence "the Captain cracked
open the door that seemed to lead through the fence."
Besides kaimami Heian literature has another trope desi-
gnating erotic encounter, called monogoshi or misugoshi , lite-
rally "to see by crossing something [a standing curtain] bet-
ween" . The term monogoshi already occurs in the 9th century
poem-tale Tales oflse , chapter 95. Hellen McCullough transla-
ted the relevant passage like this : "Once there was a man who
was in the service of the Empress from the Second Ward. For
some time he had been in love with a lady-in-waiting whom he
encountered constantly, and finally he begged to be allowed to
visit her, keeping her curtains between them if necessary...".21
The poet compares his longing with that of the Heavenly
Herd Boy who according to the Tanabata myth was sentenced to
meet his lover, the Weaver Maid, only once a year by crossing
the "River of Heaven". The same episode is pictorialized in the
Hakubyô Ise monogatari shitae bonjikyô , arguably a copy of a
12th century scroll painting, done in monochrome line drawing,
and later inscribed with a sutra text.22 (fig. 5) The lady has her
back to the viewer, squeezed between her curtain-of-state
C kichô ) and the bamboo blinds (sudare) going to the veranda. A
Fig. 3 correctly positioned second standing curtain on the left seems to
Tosa Mitsuyoshi (1536-1613), Genji monogatari gajô , Hashihime, about 1610, underscore the lady's indulgence. Since she confronted the
album, gold and colour on paper, about 26 x 23 cm, courtier face to face without a curtain in-between she could not
Kyoto National Museum.
( Kyoto Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan shozô Genji monogatari gajô , p. 91.) only talk, but also peek at the man who for his part would at
best have discerned the lady's shadowy silhouette.23
A perhaps not much older but completely different
construction of monogoshi is the illustration of the Takegawa I
Fig. 4
Yamamoto Shunshô,
E-iri Genji monogatari , Hashihime, 1654.
(Yoshida, E-iri bon Genji monogatari kô,
vol. 2, p.180-181.)

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12th century set of fans dedicated to Shitennô-ji (Osaka) after
having been inscribed with the Hokkekyô text.26
However, in as much as illuminations are liable to make up
for the lacunae of verbal information, they also constitute a
visual meta-text that manipulates the reader's imagination.
What is at stake is the response of the spectator : was she/he
supposed to identify with the characters or adopt the shifting
vantage point of the omniscient narrator? Mark Morris put it
like this: "The crucial act of voyeurism involved in Genji is that
of the reader, an ambiguous type of identification, facilitated
by shifting subjective points of viewed response".27
In fact, the Takegawa I scene offered an alternative formula
for picturing monogoshi voyeurism: in the above mentioned
Tanabata scene in Hakubyô Ise monogatari shitae bonjikyô
the lady peeps at the man through the blinds while her part-
ner is supposed to put up with acoustic communication (fig. 5).
Fig. 5 But, whereas in the Ise scene the lady is seen from behind, the
Hakubyô Ise monogatari emaki , (reconstruction), chapter 95 (Tanabata),
copy of 12th century scroll, ink on paper, hight about 22 cm, Takegawa I image instead exhibits the women's faces, setting
Kubosô Memorial Museum, Osaka. the curious ladies in the borderline between interior and exte-
(Itô, Toshiko, Ise monogatari-e, 1984, p. 26-27.)
rior spaces, skillfully combining the oblique view at the front
of the house with a smaller area at the left, seen from above
chapter in the Tokugawa/Gotô scrolls (fig. 6). The related pas-
through the "blown-off roof' (fig. 6).
sage says that Tamakazura's ladies-in-waiting sought to catchSince monogatari-e disposed at latest since the 12th cen-
a glance of Kaoru as one of them composed a titillating poemtury of the vocabulary to contrast masculine voyeurism with
comparing his bashful charm to a plum bud.24 Although the feminine exposure, a close look at various representations of
text does not elaborate on the women's location, the painterthe pivotal "kickball" or kemari episode will show in which
felt free to scrutinize the event by combining the fukinuki way the interchange of opposing concepts of female voyeur-
ism - the monogoshi and the "re -guard" formula - interfered
yatai exposure of the interior with the front view of the man-
sion. Three ladies have removed their state curtains behind with the reader's faculty of imagination.
the blinds that separate them from the beautiful lad who lei-
surely sits on the staircase in front of the veranda. Clearly, the
lady's secretive looking out turned the man in an object of
"visual rape".
Joshua Mostow has called attention to the psychological
dimension of the Takegawa I scene. Questioning the cliché of
female passivity he labels the women's peeping at Kaoru a "re-
guard" that counters male voyeurism, but also attests Heian
women's awareness of the omnipresent male gaze. Within the
scope of visual- verbal metaphoric, kaimami reverted into an
"internalized male gaze" betraying the objectifying power of
male erotic desire.25 Yet, what complicates Mostow's interpre-
tation is the potential conspiracy between painter and specta-
tor in commenting on the text. While the text does not com-
ment in detail on what was going on behind the blinds, the
illustrator ventured to contrast scopophilic gazing, typical of
low-ranked women, to the male hero's introvert behavior. In
other words, we cannot be sure whether female onlookers
were supposed to identify with curious ladies-in-waiting, or
ought to rather indulge in critical reflections upon female
voyeurism, siding with the male protagonist who seems to bla-
tantly ignore the maids' indecent approaches. On top of that,
the spectator perceives the women by sort of an illusionist
deceit : as bamboo blinds are virtually non-transparent from
the outside, a person sitting in the darkness of the room is sup-
Fig. 6
posed to stay in obscurity whilst she herself will get a relatively
Genji monogatari emaki, Takegawa 1, 12th c.,
clear view of what is happening outside. Pictures of ladies seen scroll painting, detail, 26 x 23 cm, The Tokugawa Art Museum.
through transparent blinds belonged to the fancy motifs on the
(Courtesy of the Tokugawa Art Museum.)

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Images of the Third Princess
The kemari episode, described in Genji monogatari chapter
34 (New Herbs I; Wakana I), focuses on the fatal moment when
Kashiwagi while playing football in front of her quarters cat-
ched a glimpse of Genji's legal third wife, the Third Princess -
Onna San no Miya. Temptation assumed the form of a tiny Chi-
nese cat that lured the princess away from behind her curtains,
giving Kashiwagi a chance to fancy her extreme beauty for the
first time. Falling madly in love Kashiwagi was eventually to
rape the princess and father Genji's illegitimate son Kaoru. As a
result he fell ill and passed away, still young in years.
The kemari scene is, unfortunately, not contained in the
Tokugawa/Gotô Genji scroll. Instead, this episode is brilliantly
pictorialized in two Tosa Genji albums, both having been com-
missioned and inscribed by male aristocrats (fig. 7 -8).
In the Genji album by Tosa Mitsunobu (1434-1525) in Har-
vard University Art Museum, datable to 1510, the picture
plane is diagonally divided in indoor and outdoor spaces, the
women's quarter occupying the right half of the picture
(fig. 7). 28 The princess stands in the line-of-sight of Kashiwagi
who glances at her from under a cherry tree in the courtyard.
Two ladies-in-waiting behind the blind turn their backs to the
viewer, peeking straight at the football players outside.29 The
matching shikishi is inscribed with a passage from Wakana I
chapter in Genji monogatari :
"The Intendant [Kashiwagi] followed him [Yûgiri, son of Fig. 8
Tosa Mitsuyoshi (1639-1613), Genji monogatari gajô , illustration to Wakana I,
Genji]. The blossoms are scattering fast, aren't they', he said.
album, about 1610, gold and colour on paper, about 26 x 23 cm,
'Like the wind we should keep our distance.' He darted a side- Kyoto National Museum.
long glance toward where Her Highness lived, and detected ( Kyoto Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan shozô Genji monogatari gajô , p. 69.)
presences bustling about there as usual, the many colors

visible through the blinds, or peeping out beneath them, the east side of the second bay west of the steps, she was in
reminded him of the gods'bright offerings of spring".30 perfectly plain view [...]. Slender and slight as she was, her
Here the narrator clearly took the vantage point of the skirts were quite long, and her hair and figure seen from the
male protagonist Kashiwagi, but what did Kashiwagi perceive side had an inexpressively elegant appeal. However, the light
of the Third Princess that the painter might have sought to was failing, and the Intendant [Kashiwagi] was deeply dis-
pictorialize? In the translation by Royall Tyler the story con- appointed not to see more clearly into the shadows of the
tinues: room".31
"He [Kashiwagi] noted that they [the maidservants] had Clearly, the position of the Third Princess remains a
casually moved the standing curtains aside and were inde- somewhat contested case. Although we are told that "the
cently close to the veranda. Just then a very small Chinese catmaidservants had casually moved the standing curtains aside
darted out from under the blind, pursued by a somewhat lar-and were indecently close to the veranda", the princess appa-
rently kept her distance as she stood behind her curtain of
ger one and followed by a practically deafening rustle of silks
as the women inside rushed about in alarm and confusion. state, only becoming temporarily visible through a slit opened
The cat must not have been quite tame yet, because it between
was on pillar and blind. Royal Tyler's translation scrutinizes
a long cord in which it became entangled, and its struggle the architectural
to setting stating that "there was a curtain
escape lifted the blind to reveal the space immediately against beyond.the blind, and a step back from it stood a young
No one moved quickly to mend the gap. The women who woman hadin a gown. In that position, on the east side of the
just been near the pillar seemed flustered and a little frighte- west of the steps, she was in perfectly plain view".
second bay
ned. There was a curtain against the blind, and a stepYet, backMitsunobu discarded the curtains of state, positing ladies-
from it stood a young woman in a gown. In that position, on as well as the princess directly behind the blinds.
in-waiting
What is more, although the text keeps silent about who was
pulling the cat's cord that "lifted the blind to reveal the space
Fig. 7
Tosa Mitsunobu (1434-1525), Genji monogatari gajô , immediately beyond", in Mitsunobu's rendition it is Onna San
illustration to Wakana I, album, colour on paper, about 1510, no Miya herself who missed to keep the cat under control.
Harvard University Art Museums.(Courtesy of the Arthur M. Sackler Museum,
Harvard University Art Museums, Bequest of the Hofer Collection of the Arts of Asia,
About one hundred years later Tosa Mitsuyoshi (1639-
1985.352.34.A - Phot. Katya Kallsen.) 1613) created a quite different view of the kemari scene for

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the already mentioned Genji album, now in the Kyoto National maid's secret looking and the heroine's negligence. Although
Museum33 (fig. 8). As Mitsuyoshi's Genji album bears inscrip- the frontal view inside-out prompts identification with the
tions by 22 courtiers, among them some by emperor Go-Yôzei gazing maidservant, identification with the princess is critical
(1571-1617), we might be right to assume that iconographical in respect to the heroine's faux pas. Standing upright did not
choices were done in agreement with current Genji exegesis at befit elegant taste as it made a lady look like a child, a man or
the Imperial court.34 a dancer.39 Virtually unperceivable by any of the courtiers in
The composition is horizontally divided into two halves, the garden, the Third Princess signalizes erotic desire through
permitting in the foreground a glimpse into the Third Princess' the pine tree ( matsu ) on the screen behind which puns at the
room and in the upper part another one at the kickball players pivot word matsu , meaning "to pine" for a lover.40
in the garden. Kashiwagi cannot be sorted out among the foot- The improper demeanor of the Third Princess had
ball players as none of them turns his head toward the Prin- already evoked the critique of the author of Mumyôzôshi ( The
cess. In his place, the beholder gets a full view of the Princess: Nameless Notebook), attributed to the daughter of Fujiwara no
holding her cat on a long cord, she is standing on the right in Shunzei (1114-1204) and dated about 1200.41 The Mumyôzô-
front of a golden screen. shi is the earliest critical commentary dealing with the exem-
Interestingly, the inscription on the relevant poem leaf plariness of Genji characters, men and women. Significantly,
makes no mention of the Third Princess or of Kashiwagi, focu- the Third Princess is classed with "pitiful women" and seve-
sing on the ladies-in-waiting, instead: rely criticized :
"Her women must have been intent on watching the "Onna San no Miya is truly a pitiful lady [...]. She does not
young men absorbed in their game, oblivious of the falling talk like a person of her age, and I don't like the tense atmos-
petals, because they did not immediately notice that they were phere of the amorous scenes [...]. People like Onna San no Miya
exposed".35 are attractive precisely because of their childish behavior".42
In fact, the album leaf shows only one lady gazing at the The final verdict is : "Really, this Onna San no Miya is quite
kickball players, but her posture counterbalances the one of detestable".43
her mistress. She turns her back to the beholder, very much in Significantly, this disparaging remark passes the buck to
conformity with the monogoshi formula depicted in the the immature Third Princess whilst Kashiwagi is excused for
already mentioned Hakubyô Ise monogatari shitae bonjikyô falling victim to her allure. Apart from documenting a rather
illustration (fig. 5). Most scholars assume that Mitsuyoshi per- misogynistic tenor, allusion to the "tense atmosphere of the
ceived the Wakana I episode from a female perspective. Taka- amorous scenes" proves the author's intent on absolving
hashi Toru mistakenly identified the sitting maid with the Kashiwagi from accusation of rape and adultery.44
Third Princess and the courtier in the right upper corner with
Kashiwagi, but observed rightly that the picture displays the
dialectic of "seeing and being-seen" embodying what he calls
the "psycho-perspective" of the novel.36
Doris Bargen argued likewise that the painter took "the
woman's perspective" as he inverted the male kaimami voyeu-
rism into a female gaze at men.37 Proceeding from gender
metaphoric Masako Watanabe argued that in compliance with
the rhetoric of the female narrator Genji illustrations allow to
switch from the outside world inhabited by men to the inner
space of the house reserved for women.38 She maintained that
in contrast to the standardized rendition of scenes exposed to
the viewer in later Tosa Genji illustrations, the fukinuki y atai
device once manipulated a viewer's secretive glimpse into
romantic tales. Arguing that Mitsuyoshi 's Wakana I scene
intertwines "two narrative spaces in communicative interac-
tion", expressing the ambiguity of the characters'inner mind",
she assumed that Mitsuyoshi bestowed the horizontal beam
with a symbolism that "anticipated the fatal, illicit romance
between Kashiwagi and the Third Princess".
Yet, the picture's symbolism does not rest upon an animis-
tic accentuation of the beam but rather on a social and moral
discrimination between mistress and maid. While the lady-in-
waiting behaves in correspondence with monogoshi conven-
tion, the Third Princess exposes herself to the spectator who is
enabled to see what Kashiwagi only wished to have perceived
Fig. 9
from her. In other words, the almost emblematic juxtaposition
Saga-bon Ise monogatari, illustration to Chapter 95,
of the two women signals a pretty clear difference betweenprinted
the in 1608, 27.3 x 19.3 cm, private collection.

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Fig. 10
Yamamoto Shunshô (1610-1682), E -iri Genji monogatari,
illustration to Wakana I, printed in 1654.
(Yoshida, E-iri-bon Genji monogatari kô, vol. 2, p.142-143.)
The love affair between the Third Princess and Kashiwagi (fig. 5) by virtue of heightened eroticism is documented by the
evoked not only female critique but inspired also the "Genji Saga-bon edition of Ise monogatari, published in 1608. Com-
plays", performed at the court of the retired Emperor Go- parison of the Saga-bon version of episode 95 (fig. 9) with the
Fukakusa (1243-1304; reigned 1247-1259). In her Confes- relevant illustration in Hakubyô Ise monogatari scroll (fig. 5)
sions of Lady Nijô {Tow azug atari) the then ex-concubine of reveals a progressing concern with the sexually rewarding
Emperor Go-Fukakusa reports that in 1277 she together with outcome of the encounter. By positioning the lady in the gap
other ladies-in-waiting was forced to dress as male football between curtain and pillar, the Saga-bon Ise monogatari
player in order to amuse the emperor, his brother, retired recalls the last sentence of the head note ( kotobagaki ) that
Emperor Kameyama (1249-1305; reigned 1259-1274), and bluntly states that after hearing the man's poem "deeply affec-
other noble guests.45 Since the motif of playing kemari below ted, the lady drew aside the curtains".48
flowering cherry trees was hardly to dissociate from the love On a pair of screens composed of 54 small Genji scenes,
affair between the Third Princess and Kashiwagi, the risqué painted in 1642 by the Shogun's court painter Kano Tan'yû
nature of Lady Nijô's cross-dressing, no matter whether inven- (1602-1674), the Tosa-type ternari-scene is replaced by the
ted or true, alluded to the inversion of gender roles that made outdoor confrontation between the Third Princess and Kashi-
the Third Princess in a perfect example of a masculinized dan-
wagi, therewith probably setting a standard followed by illus-
gerous woman. trated Genji editions printed in Kyoto, Osaka and Edo from the
The Tosa type fukinuki y atai mode of the Wakana I scene1650s onward49 (figs. 10-11). Since Tan'yû's screens were pre-
sented to Tomihime, daughter of Maeda Toshitsune (1593-
was to be replaced by the outdoor representation of the prin-
1658), Lord of Kaga, on her marriage to the Imperial Prince
cess about the middle of the 17th century, although both ver-
Hachijô no Miya II Tomotada (1619-1662), their iconography
sions did coexist at least since the 16th century.46 The first
extant example of the outdoor type of the kemari episode was certainly in agreement with the then officially approved
reading of the scene. Significantly, the kemari scene is not to
appears on one of the Genji fans mounted on a pair of screens
be found in Genji albums by Mitsuyoshi's followers Tosa Mit-
( Genji monogatari-e senmen-chirashi byôbu) in the collection
of Jôdoji and datable to the Momoyama period.47 While dis- sunori (1583-1638) and Tosa Mitsuoki (1617-1691). 50 It
remains to be proven whether later Tosa painters dismissed
playing the scenery in oblique bird's-eye view with the Third
the episode on didactic grounds as the offensive behavior of
Princess standing upright between curtain and pillar at the
front side of her mansion, the painter of the fan resumed the
the Third Princess might offend the educatory objective of
Genji albums given to aristocratic women as trousseau
pictorial tradition rooting in the Heian "re-guard" formula
(fig. 6). That this formula contrasted the monogoshi tropeobjects.51

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However, in Yamamoto Shunshô's already mentioned Illus-
trated Genji monogatari of 1650, a luxuriously illustrated
printed Genji edition that arguably made part of bridal gifts
given to middle-class brides, the kemari episode occupies
similar to the Hashihime scene (fig. 4) two pages (fig. 10). The
scenery provides a coherent view of the garden with three
football players and the mansion of the Third Princess seen in
diagonal front view at the left.52 Kashiwagi has turned his
head in the direction of the princess who is about to step
through the slit of the curtain out on the veranda.53
Later printed illustrations of the kemari scene like the one
in "Genji in Ten Volumes" ( Jûjô Genji), published in 1654 by
the haikai poet and painter Hinaya Rippo (1599-1669), under-
line the innocence of Kashiwagi who stages as voyeur against
his will : Kashiwagi is timidly hiding behind a cherry tree from
where he furtively steals a glance of the Princess and the cats
on the veranda54 (fig. 11).
The shift from the indoor to the outdoor mode proofs the
effort to overcome the deigetic ambivalence of the kemari plot
that consisted in the moral discrimination between normative
male "looking in" and the rather passive female "looking out".
While Heian narrative and pictorial conventions restricted
female voyeurism to ladies-in-waiting, when committed by an
Imperial Princess like Onna San no Miya the violation of
Fig. 11 courtly etiquette amounted to a transgression of social and
Hinaya Rippo (1599-1669), Jûjô Genji, moral norms.
illustration to Wakana 1, 1654.
(Yoshida, E-iri-bon Genji monogatari kô, vol. 3, p. 79.) Kobayashi Tadashi has already pointed to the eventual
transfiguration of the Third Princess into a Yoshiwara courte -
Fig. 12
Hishikawa Moronobu
(ca.1618-1694),
Onna San no Miya and Kashiwagi,
from the picture book Images
of Different Types of Women
( Bijin e-zukushi),
printed in 1683, 27 x 18.7 cm,
British Museum.
(Éditions de la Réunion des musées
nationaux, Paris, ed.,
Images du Monde flottant.
Peintures et estampes japonaises
XVIIe -XVIIIe siècles ,
Paris, 2004, catalogue n°42, 165.)

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Fig. 13
Hishikawa Moronobu (ca.1618 - 1694)
attributed, Genji makura, datable 1670 to 1680.
C Kikan Ukiyoe , 57, Gabundô, 1974, p. 32-33.)
san, one magnificent example being the parody Mitate Onna came from behind the blinds herself to gather it up. Kashiwagi
San no Miya zu (Chiba Municipal Museum of Art) by the 19th suddenly saw her for the first time, and he became a slave to
century Ukiyoe painter Keisai Eisen (1790-1848), depicting a
thoughts that should not be.
beauty with cat as symbol of sexual obsession55 (fig. 16). Pre-
sumably, the mutation started with Hishikawa Moronobu Murasaki no Although his was not
(ca. 1618-1694) who featured the Third Princess as an outs- iro ni kokoro ha a heart the color
tanding Heian beauty and therewith prepared for her incorpo-aranedomo of the purple,
ration in the canon of Ukiyoe bijinga. In his picture bookfukaku zo hito wo deeply indeed was he dyed
Images of Different Types of Women ( Bijin e-zukushi ), printedomohi-sometsuru by his very first thoughts of her.57
in 1683 in three volumes, Moronobu enlisted Onna San no
Miya among three Chinese and thirty-six Japanese examples Miyagawa Harunobu (active early 18th century), one of
Moronobu's followers, relied on his master's Images of Dif
of famous beauties of the past56 (fig. 12). The close-up confron-
rent Types of Women , but dispensed with the coutiers a
tation of the couple suggests that the princess actively sought
to arouse Kashiwagi who fell in love "even without having Kashiwagi58 (fig. 15). Coming out from behind the blind
seen her". The explanation on top of the page reads: princess stares at a three-colored cat put on the lead by a m
(or a wakashû?). On behalf of her costume in Genroku fashion
"In the past, the person called Kashiwagi no Emon [Assis-
tant Commander of the Right Guard], since he was someone the maid locates the scenery on the Kabuki stage or in Ed
who was amorous ( iro-gonomi naru ) and excelled others in pleasure quarters. While consigning the role of voyeur/spe
tor to the onlooker, the Third Princess has at last transmuted
looks and personality, hearing word of a heavenly lady, he was
an aristocrat to the degree of aspiring to her love even without
in the icon of a Heian prostitute.
having seen her. Once when there was a ball game in the gar- On the premise that a woman's deliberate "showing her-
den of the palace, since this Assistant Commander was skilledself' (miseru) was tantamount to sexual titillation, the kemari
at ball, he was summoned and was playing, when Onna San episode
no unleashed a veritable discourse of voyeurism, first
Miya regarded Kashiwagi from behind her blinds. The cat she revolving about the delicate interaction of male secret
always loved was startled by the noise of the Assistant Com- "seeing" (miru) and female "being seen" (< mirareru ), but even-
mander's ball, and ran out from behind the blinds. Onna San tually ending up in the transformation of the Third Princess in
no Miya restrained it with the scarlet cord in her hand and a courtesan, keen on luring her visitor in. In any event, the

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Fig. 14
Nishikawa Sukenobu (1671-1751), koshokubon, printed 1711.
C Kikan Ukiyoe, Bessatsu, Gabundô, 1977, p. 55.)
change from picturing female eroticism with the help of the normal Tosa and Kano Genji-e , allegedly addressed at women
"blow-off roof' device (figs. 7-8) to the oblique view at a and children, pretend to visualize the course of events.
woman breaking physically through the boundaries of her In his "Sex and the Floating World " Timor Screech stated:
mansion (figs. 9-11) emphasizes the erotic connotation of the "There was a sexualization of Genji, or a 'Genjization'of Sex in
veranda as a liminal sphere between female and male the Floating World". It appears, however, that the court nobi-
spaces.59 lity appreciated erotic depictions of Genji long before Ukiyoe
Arguably about 1680 Moronobu created for his predomi- artists ventured on pornographic Genji interpretations. The
nantly pornographic Genji Pillow ( Genji makura) another Diary of Things Seen and Heard (Kanmon Gyôki ) by Prince
prospect of the couple's encounter, skipping the cat altoge- Fushimi no Miya Sadafusa, father of emperor Go-Hanazono
ther60 (fig. 13). The image combines the sight inside the prin- (1419-1471; reigned 1429-1465) notes the following event: in
cess's room with an oblique look at the front of her mansion 1435 Sadafusa presented his son, the seventeen-year old
seen from the garden. Anticipating the eventual rape of the emperor, two scrolls of Genji illustrations. Three years later, in
Third Princess as described in chapter Wakana II, Kashiwagi 1438, when the emperor reached the age of twenty, Sadafusa
has straight away entered the house, meeting the princess in asked the court painter Awataguchi Takamitsu (fi. early 15th
an intimate tête-à-tête. century) to paint a set of Genji scrolls of the sort of pornogra-
In 1711 Nishikawa Sukenobu (1671-1751) designed an phic pictures ( osokuzu no e) on which he and his son would
overtly pornographic interpretation of the kemari episode calligraphy the text.63 It is thus likely that Genji entered the
based upon a playful distortion of words (fig. 14). A courtier isrepertory of narrative erotic painting as early as the Muroma-
embracing a lady who stepped out on the veranda to see the chi period.
game better. The inscriptions notify that she wanted only to The proliferation of Genji imagery was a side-effect of the
"have a look at the balls" {watashi wa marumi ni kita), while Tokugawa cultural policy that ordained the politically power-
the courtier attended the play in order to "showing penis" ( ore less Emperor to function as guardian of courtly tradition.64
wa mar amise ni kita).61 This visual- verbal parody of the kick- Putting the restoration of native arts in the hands of the court,
ball scene humourously reverts gender stereotypes by cont- the bakufu encouraged samurai, merchants and townsmen to
rasting female scopophilia with male exhibitionism. aspire for the ideals of aristocratic culture, but at the same
time promoted the vulgarization of the classics. Classical stu-
dies had flourished at the court of emperor Go-Yôzei (reigned
Female aesthetics and cultural identity 1587-1611) and emperor Go-Mizunoo (reigned 1612-1629),
but already in the middle of 17th century Genji came under
As the bifurcation of Genji imagery in generically opposed suspicion of obscenity. In the vein of Buddhist and Confucian
categories of straight and erotic pictorializations shattered the dismay with the erotic appeal of Heian fiction, emperor Go-
authority of the text, literal and figurative readings of Genji Kômyô (reigned 1643 to 1654) denied Genji monogatari and
became dependent upon gender, class and age of the audience. Ise monogatari any educatory value or political effectiveness.65
Whereas parodies mock in a definitely male-oriented manner Amazingly, however, in 17th century treatises written by
at Heian mores, insinuating verbal tropes a sexual meaning, painters working for the bakufu and the Imperial Court

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Yamato-e was advocated for embodying a native antithesis to
Chinese ink painting and subject matter. Kano painters were
first in securing native painting tradition and genre like Genji
pictures a safe place in the value system modeled after Chi-
nese standards. Proving the ambitious project of uniting the
"realm of painting" under one roof the Shogun 's Kano aca-
demy was leading in conceptualizing the aesthetic quality of
indigenous painting that they claimed to master by virtue of
intermarriage and the synthesis of wa and kan painting tradi-
tions.66 Kano Einô (1631-1697) wrote in his Honchô Gashi
( History of Japanese Painting , written circa 1678, published
1691):
"In recent times, the Yamato-e painting of the Tosa clan
and the Han painting of Sesshu and his followers have each
attained the divine class. As for [Kano] Motonobu [1476-1559],
[...] he achieved the best of Yamato and Han. His painting is
comparable to the calligraphy of [Wang] Hsi-chih [Wang Xizhi,
303-361]".67
* Reversely, Tosa Mitsuoki (1617-1691), heir of the Tosa
school of Yamato-e painting who served the Imperial court as
edokoro-azukari from 1654 to 1681, claimed the superiority of
his school in relating the wa-kan opposition to the generic dif- Fig. 16
Keisai Eisen
ference between prose literature and poetry. In his Authorita- (1790-1848),
tive Summary of the Rules of Japanese Painting C Honchô gahô Mitate Onna San
no Miya,
taiden ), the secret transmission of Tosa painting written in first half 19th c.,
1690, Mitsuoki referred to fukinuki y atai like this: hanging scroll,
"Foreign painting is like prose ; Japanese painting is like colors on paper,
112.5x49.8 cm,
poetry. Or, as another saying goes, painting is visual poetry, Chiba City
and poetry is verbal painting. Japanese painters [of waga ] Museum of Art.
t Nikuhitsu Ukiyoe
have developed a technique of depicting the inside of a house Taikan,
by not painting the roof. In this technique Tosa Mitsunobu was vol. 10, illustration 35.)
extremely skilled and surpassed all Chinese painters [kanga

painters] ; it is said that he was respected even in China. This
is one of the examples in which painting is not lifelike and is
good nonetheless. As is commonly observed, Japanese pain-
ting is flexible, unique, imaginative, informal, and flower-like.
Chinese painting {kanga) is orthodox, permanent, realistic,
and fruit-like. In point of truthfulness to the original object,
even the best of ancient Japanese works are inferior to Chi-
nese painting".68
In playing the lyricism of Japanese painting off against Chi-
nese "truthfulness" Mitsuoki, paradoxically, took refuge in the
ut pietura poesis simile that according to Su Shih (Su Dong-Po,
1037-1101) characterized the art of the poet-painter Wang
Wei (701-761), forerunner of literati painting: "Savoring Wang
Wei's poems, one finds painting in his poetry. Contemplating
Wang Wei's paintings, one finds poetry in his painting".69
Drawing on the literati maxim of eccentricity and non-rea-
lism Mitsuoki suggested that by virtue of poetic allusiveness
Yamato-e surpassed the down-to-earth realism of Chinese-
style painting ( karayô or kanga) of the "Northern school",
Fig. 15 monopolized at home by the Shogun's Kano academy.70 This
Miyagawa Harunobu (active early 18th century), twist enabled Mitsuoki to challenge the gender metaphor
Onna San no Miya, hanging scroll,
Tokyo National Museum.
played up by Kano Einô (1631-1697) who in his History of
( Nikuhitsu Ukiyoe Taikan, vol. 1, illustration 59.) Japanese Painting labelled Tosa Mitsunobu as specializing in

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the "womanly painting" {joseiteki kaiga) of Genji pictures and painting, art historians rarely questioned the contingency bet-
other "unserious pastimes of palace ladies".71 Significantly, ween Genji images and the psychological complexity of Mura-
Mitsuoki maintained that Yamato-e narrative painting owned saki's masterwork. In 1955 Alexander Soper analyzed the
its singular flavor to the "blown-off roof" method, surpassing Tokugawa/Gotô scroll paintings on the supposition that the
Chinese painting to the extent that poetry excelled prose. In geometrically structured interior scenes express human emo-
fact, while likening the wa-kan binarism to the generic diffe- tions and dramatic tension by way of a synaesthetic word-
rence between waka poetry and prose he boosted the alle- image analogy.78 Since the 1980s literary Genji studies have
gedly feminine genre of Genji illustration that had constituted reversely made use of illustrations, without giving much
his school's forte since the 16th century. thought to the semiotic disparity of visual and verbal conven-
Mitsuokťs multifaceted advocacy of native painting style tions. Takahashi Tóru, for instance, proposed in 1991 a struc-
agreed with literary concern of the upgrading of Genji mono - turalist approach to text-image hermeneutics, coining the
gatari by kokugaku scholars like Kumazawa Banzan (1619- term "psycho-perspective", literally "perspective of the heart"
1691) and most important by Motoori Norinaga (1730-1801). 72 (shin-teki enkinhô ), that he considers tantamount not only to
Norinaga aimed to divert Confucian and Buddhist concern the "grammar" and the elusive rhetoric of the female narrator,
with the licentiousness of Genjťs love affairs in locating the but also to the spatial structure of Genji-e. Takahashi argues
essence of courtly culture in the sensitivity to emotion {mono that the shifting vantage point of the female narrator amounts
no aware), typical of women. In his Little Jeweled Comb for the to a "psycho-perspective" that complies with what he calls the
Tale of Genji he similarly discriminated between native and "inverse perspective" of the "blown-off roof' technique.79 He
alien literature, construing a close connection between essen- conclusively maintains that psycho-perspective constitutes "a
tial principles of narrative fiction and the feminine quality of general factor in Japanese culture" and a typically Japanese
emotional engagement.73 Exemplary is Norinaga's interpreta- counter-thesis to Western post-Renaissance visuality. While
tion of the affair between Kashiwagi and the Third Princess projecting the notorious wa-kan binaries of Japanese and Chi-
quoted by Haruo Shirane in illustration of his concept of mono nese painting on the antagonism of Western and Japanese
no aware.74 ways of seeing, Takahashi insists on the singularity of Japa-
nese culture, appointing native painting a stronghold of cultu-
At the end of his life Norinaga authored the first Japanese
painting critique written by an amateur. In his On Painting ral identity. Strictly speaking, what he considers typical about
(1799) Norinaga called the "blown-off roof" a method visual-verbal
that aesthetics complies with fiction writing by and
should not be given up because it enabled the spectator to for palace ladies at the male-dominated Heian court. Although
"look inside" otherwise invisible residences: theoretically demanding, his approach again profits from the
conflation of women literature and "female aesthetics", this
"In fact, the [Yamato-e] convention of representing houses
is fundamentally appropriate. When the roof is removed, timewe to the advantage of a psychological definition of cultural
can look inside. When objects are separated by clouds, we get
identity.
the impression to cross far and near ( enkin ). But, if we giveTheup "feminine aesthetics" attributed to Genji cannot be
on this method, things don't improve, and as in our timedivorced
pain- from the cultural nationalism prevalent in main-
ters deliberately give way to a willful manner, the results stream
areart history and literary studies. The late Chino Kaori
not getting better."75 elucidated the historical reasons on account of which gender
Elsewhere in the same essay Norinaga notes that painterstheory is not just one among many tools for analyzing Japa-
ought to reproduce the appearance of things truthfully, sonese
thatart, but offers a key to the politics of gender and sexuality
pictures might provide a source of knowledge about that times
coined the concept of self-identity from the middle ages
past. He, apparently, esteemed the surreal but informative into the modern.80 In this paper I examined the interaction
between visual and verbal codification of male-female eroti-
"perspective" of the "blown-off roof" a technically and aesthe-
tically unsurpassed way for spreading knowledge aboutcism, the hoping to furnish evidence, not only of the male-cente-
heydays of Imperial power.76 Yet, judging by Norinaga's red prag-
appropriation of The Tale of Genji , but also of the intricate
problems resulting from the intersection of gender and ideo-
matic evaluation of verisimilitude it is doubtful that he thought
of relating the stereotyped Genji-e of his days to whatlogy he in the art history of Japan.
conceived as the "pathos of things".77
In the wake of Norinaga's much debated concept of mono DORIS CROISSANT
no aware , though ignorant of his still casual reflections upon University of Heidelberg

158.143.233.108 on Wed, 09 Jun 2021 23:46:43 UTC
Abstract Résumé
While literary scholarship takes the feminine nature of Si, pour les chercheurs en littérature, le Dit de Genji de Mura-
Murasaki Shikibu's The Tale of Genji for granted, in the visual
saki Shikibu présente un caractère clairement féminin, dans le
domaine des arts visuels le fait de dévoiler l'intérieur des
field the unveiling of interior female spaces through the pecu-
espaces d'habitation réservés aux femmes, grâce à la tech-
liar technique of the "blown-off roof' can hardly be attributed
to a genuinely "feminine perspective". Already in 12th century
nique dite du « toit envolé », peut difficilement être attribué à
une perspective spécifiquement féminine. Dans les rouleaux
picture scrolls the distinction between tropes designating male
and female erotic communication generated varying patterns peints du xiie s. déjà, la distinction établie entre les figures
of secretly spying at the other sex, based on the "blown-off désignant respectivement, dans le cas de l'homme et dans
roof' device as well as the normative bird's-eye-view on the celui de la femme, l'établissement du commerce amoureux
exterior of buildings. The paper focuses on 17th century repre-
déterminait l'apparition de différentes méthodes pour espion-
sentations of Genji's consort, the Third Princess, that in discri-
ner secrètement l'autre sexe, fondées tant sur l'artifice du
minating between female and male patterns of voyeurism
«toit envolé» que sur la classique vue plongeante de l'exté-
betray an increasing awareness of the ambivalence implied in des édifices. L'article étudie les représentations datant
rieur
gendered ways of "seeing the other sex". In conclusion, thedu xvir s. de la Troisième Princesse, une des épouses de Genji,
author reconsiders the paradigmatic role of gender in Japa-représentations qui, à travers la distinction qu'elles établis-
nese art history. She argues that from the Edo period onward
sent entre les méthodes de voyeurisme employées par les
speculations on the feminine aesthetics of Heian fiction obscu-
hommes et par les femmes, trahissent une conscience de plus
red the male appropriation of Genji monogatari. en plus claire de l'ambivalence impliquée par l'existence de
modes sexués d'« observation de l'autre sexe». En conclusion,
l'auteur remet en question le rôle paradigmatique que la dif-
férence sexuelle est supposée avoir joué dans l'histoire de l'art
japonais et affirme que les spéculations qui, à partir de
K!J * •
l'époque d'Edo, se sont développées autour de l'esthétique
féminine des fictions littéraires de l'époque de Heian ont
occulté le fait que le Genji monogatari avait fait l'objet d'une
appropriation masculine.
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fl#AÄBfe^Łá3ítSÄ^M<o*Sl<z>Äv^«^A■tì:î5ìJûSÇ>t>, rmtSrÄSj £
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Notes removed. Read suggests a possible influence of (1571-1617) and Konoe Nobutada (1565-1614).
Southern Tang painting on narrative painting of The first 36 shikishi bear the 'Kyûyoku' seal of
1 Akiyama Terukazu 1964, 20-21; Read 1987, the onna-e type. - On the symbolism of sexuality Tosa Mitsuyoshi...
p. 245 ff. The term onna-e occurs for the first time and royal power see also Takahashi 1990. 17 In an attempt to substantiate the thesis of
in the diary Gossamer Years (Kagerô nikki, writ- 11 The stone engravings on the Nelson sarcophagus women's active intervention with the creation of
ten by the mother of Michitsuna (ca. 935 - 995). (Nelson Gallery and Atkins Museum, Kansas City), Genji imagery Akiyama Terukazu attributed the
Shirahata 1979, p. 19. datable in the 6th century, show an early example Hashihime scene besides illustrations to chapter
2 Ikeda 2001, p. 61 ff. of a building opened at the front (Nagahiro 1969, Suzumushi and Takekawa II mainly on qualitative
3 Cf. Chino 2003, 17-34, 25 f. figs. 38-44). reasons to the hand of a female amateur painter
4 Sarra 1999, 230-243. - Cf. Ikeda 1998, 96 ff. 12 On the discrimination between the voyeuristic (Akiyama Terukazu 1990, p. 174).
5 Nihon bijutsushi jiten 1987, p. 794. On fukinuki gaze of the camera/painter, the onlooker and the 18 Tyler, The Tale of Genji, vol. 2, p. 837 ; Nihon koten
yatai see also Chino/Nishi 1991, 168 ff. protagonists see Laura Mulvey's path-breaking bungaku taikei 1980, vol.17, Genji monogatari 4,
6 Akiyama Terukazu 1964, p. 34; Tokyo National article, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema", p. 314.
Museum 1996, fig.l, p. 28; Ôta 1998, 21-40 (My first published in Screen , 1975. 19 E-iri Genji monogatari , in: Yoshida 1987, vol.1,
thanks for this reference go to Melanie Trede). 13 See Mostow 1999, 1-25. p. 122 f. - Yamamoto Shunshô (1610-1682) mas-
7 Aston 1980, p. 122. - Cf. Minamoto 1976, p. 106.14 On kaimami see Chino/Nishi 1993, p. 91 ff. tered waka poetry, Chinese literature, and was
8 See Ôta 1998, p. 38-40. 15 On the political metaphoric of kaimami see Marti- working as a designer of lacquerwork. He is said
9 Akihisa & Seckel 1959, p. 67 ; see also section IV nez 2002, p. 57 ff. (I thank Joshua Mostow for this to have been befriended with the kokugaku scho-
of this article. reference.) lar Nakamura Shin'an who after 1666 served the
10 See Read 1987, p. 293-302, note 136, on a com- 16 Kyoto Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan shozô Genji Suido clan.
parison of the Genji scrolls with the Ming copy of monogatari gajô 1997, figure p. 91. The album20 Joshua Mostow has pointed to corrections of kai-
the 10th century "Night Revels of Han Hsi-tsai" contains 54 illustrations and the same number of mami iconography in Hishikawa Moronobu's Ise
(Peking Palace Museum), attributed to Ku Hung- poem leaves inscribed between 1614 and 1619 by
monogatari which might relate to the Ketsugi Shô
chung, of which the erotic scenes have been 23 calligraphers, among them emperor Go-Yôzeicommentary by Hosokawa Yûsai (1534-1610).
.Ai ts Asiatiques, tome 60-2005 117

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Yûsai argued that secretly "peeping through a the Third Princess was strong enough to earn him 60 Genji makura ("Genji pillow "; one volume, 30 ill.
fence" offended elegant demeanor and should be anguish, mental illness and death (Shirane 1987, for chapters Suetsumuhana to Ukifune, ed. Mat-
replaced by having the hero "look from a dis- p. 175-178). sue Sanshirô, Edo,), style of Kanbun-Master or
tance, or through something" (Mostow, Tales of 45 Brazell 1973, p. 92 f., p. 95. - Although recording Hishikawa Moronobu. Reproduced in Kikan
Ise, 2004, p. 8-9). about the same festivities the male author of the Ukiyoe, 57, Gabundô, 1974, 69-126; cf. Lane
21 McCullough 1968, p. 135. - Cf. Nihon Koten Bun- diary "The Clear Mirror" ( Masukagami ) makes no 1974, 125-126, and Ôwa 1974, 82-84, dai 16.-
gaku Taikei vol. 9, p. 168: "itoshinobite, monogo- mention of cross-dressing (Perkins 1998, p. 121- Genji makura is not included among Moronobu's
shi no ahinikeri, monogatari nado shite". - 122). erotic books (shunpon) enlisted by Hayashi Yoshi-
Cf. McCullough, Tales of Ise (chapter 90), 132. 46 The 16th century Genji monogatari ekotoba (un- kazu, but Hayashi quotes Genji gyasha makura,
22 Itô 1984, illustrations p. 3-29, 26-27, comment illustrated manuscript in Osaka Womens Univer- printed in one or three volumes in 1676, arguably
p. 10 ff., 34. sity), a manual for selecting Genji motives, states the earliest shunpon by Moronobu. An untitled
23 In Tales ofTakamura, a Kamakura narrative, we ambiguously : "The Third Princess should remainbook printed in 1676-1681, contains scenes of
are told that a distrustful father demanded that inside the curtains. Other women should also befamous love affairs that stylistically resemble
his daughter should converse with her teacher watching the game. When a small Chinese cat Genji makura (Hayashi 1968, p. 94; p. 79, p. 146-
through a blind and a curtain of state (Mostow, At comes running out with a large cat in pursuit, a 147).
the House of the Gathered Leaves, 2004, p. 168- 61 Hayashi 1977, p. 50-54 ( Iro hinagata, printed in
curtain is pulled back to reveal the Third Princess
169, note 11). behind it. Kashiwagi and Yûgiri both have a 1711).
24 Tyler, The Tale of Genji, vol. 2, p. 807;- Nihon glimpse of her" (Murase 1983, p. 200). 62 Screech 1999, p. 243 ff.
Koten Bungaku Taikei, vol. 17, 258-259. 47 Akiyama & Taguchi 1988, p. 248 (first fan pain- 63 Brock 1995, p. 469 ff., note 109. See also
25 Mostow 1995, p. 37-54,46 ff., fig.5. - For more ting on third panel of the right screen). Akiyama, Terukazu 1976, p. 50.
references to the distinction between male and 48 McCullough 1968, p. 135; Chino 1991, fig. 124.- 64 Mitamura 2001, p. 103-169. (I thank Joshua Mos-
female "seeing" see Mostow 1997, p. 62-84; see The Saga-bon Ise monogatari was commissioned tow for this reference.) See also : Mitani &. Mita-
also Ikeda 1997, p. 23-59, and Ikeda 1999, p. 25- in 1608 by the merchant Suminokura Sôan and the mura 1998, p. 224 ff. - Cf. Nakano Mitsutoshi,
62. calligrapher Honami Kôetsu who were at the cen- "The role of traditional aesthetics", in : Gerstle (ed.),
26 Akiyama Terukazu, 2002, vol.1., figs. 62-63, ter of the restoration of courtly culture supported 2000, 124-152.
203 f., 233-234.- Chino 8tNishi, 1991,91 ff.,fig. 1. by nouveau riche citizens and the imperial court. 65
- Webb 1968, p.150; McMullen 1999, 59.
27 Morris, 1990, p. 302- On the interaction of the Itô Toshiko (1984, p. 34) argues that the Saga-bon66 Phillips 1994, 52; Kamei 1996, p. 1-20.
reader with the fictional world of Genji monoga- illustration of episode 95 features Narihira, author 67 Phillips 1994, 52.
tari see also Miyake, 1993, p. 77-87. and main protagonist of Ise monogatari. 68 Translation of Ueda Makoto 1967, p. 138-239;
28 Chino, Kamei & Ikeda 1997, p. 11-24; McCormick 49 Museum of the Imperial Collections 2002, plate 5, cf. Tosa Mitsuoki, Honchô gahô taiden (1690), in:
2003, p. 54-85. p. 20. Sakazaki 1942, p. 31-63, 37.
29 On a screen painting in the Freer Gallery, datable 50 Akiyama & Taguchi 1988, p. 256 ff., p. 264 ff. ; 69 Quoted from Hans H. Frankel 1957, p. 304.
about 1600, and on a screen in the Baltimore Murase 2001. 70 The Nanga painter Kuwayama Gyokushû (1746-
Museum of Art the kemari scene is depicted simi- 51 Cf. Allen 2004, p. 99-132. 1799) speculated hundred years later that the
larly (Akiyama & Taguchi, 1988, fig. 131). 52 Yoshida 1987, vol.1, p. 54, p. 122 f. Rinpa masters Sôtatsu and Kôetsu were forerun-
30 Tyler, The Tale of Genji, vol. 2, 619 ; Nihon koten53 The relevant scene in Yoshida Juhei's Genjiners Ko- of the Japanese "Southern school" of Chi-
bungaku taikei, vol. 16, 306; Cranston 1997, p. 56 kagami, a Kamigata edition in three volumes, nese painting (Croissant 1978, p. 95).
(dai 34, jo). containing 54 illustrations and printed in 711657,
Cf. Kamei 1996, p. 56 (on kyûin keibô no gan).
31 Tyler, The Tale of Genji, vol. 2, 620. continues in the Tosa tradition, but replaces 72 Onthearguments in defence of Genji by the neo-
32 Seidensticker 1981, 582 f. maidservant through the princess, spying from Confucian scholar Kumazawa Banzan, see
33 Kyoto Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan shozô Genji mono- behind the blinds at Kashiwagi. - Yoshida Kôichi McMullen 1999, 285 ff., 310.
gatari 1997, ill. p. 69, text 68-69. notes that later Edo editions of Genji Kokagami 73 Motoori Norinaga, Genji monogatari Tama no
34 Kyoto Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan shozô Genji mono- replaced the kemari scene through Yamamoto ogushi (Little Jeweled Comb, 1796). See Harper
qatari qajô 1997, illustration p. 69, text 68-69. Shunshô's rendition in E-iri Genji monogatari 1989, p. 106-123; cf. Harootunian 1988, 79 ff.;
35 Tyler, The Tale of Genji, vol. 2, p. 620. (Yoshida 1987, vol. 1, 363-364, 408). Shirane 1987, p. 30 ff., 181.
36 Takahashi 1991, p. 272 ff., 276-277. see also 54 Yoshida 1987, vol. 3, p.79, vol. 1, p. 237 ff.- Nono- 74 See note 44. - Shirane 1987, p. 175-178.
Sarra (1999, p. 238 ff.) on Norma Field's (1987) guchi Hinaya Rippo (Ryûho ; 1699-1669) worked in 75 Motoori Norinaga, E no koto (datable between
discussion of the discourse on "seeing and being Kyoto. In his Jûjô Genji ("Genji in Ten Volumes", 1793 and 1801) in: Sakazaki 1942, p. 203-210,
seen" in Genji monogatari. printed in 1654, 131 pictures) Rippo relied on 208. French translation by Vera Linhartova 1996,
37 Bargen 1997, p. 155 ff. Yamamoto Shunshô's E-iri Genji monogatari. p. 332-341,338, cf. 364 ff.
38 Watanabe 1998, p. 115-145, 130, 143. 55 Kobayashi Tadashi, Edo no gakatachi, Perican-sha, 76 Cf. Screech 2000, p. 143 f.
39 Seidensticker 1981, p. 583 (footnote). Tokyo, (1987), 1993, 175-182; cf. Nikuhitsu Ukiyoe 77 On the relationship between mono no aware and
40 See Mostow, Pictures of the Heart, 1999, p. 92, Taikan, vol. 10, ill. 35 (Mitate Onna San no Miya, Yamato-e, see Ii Haruki in: Akiyama, Ken, Genji
poem 16, p. 190. datable 1818-1844, Chiba City Museum of Art). monogatari, 1978, 168-179.
41 Marra 1984; cf. Saitô 2000, p. 241-264. 56 Éditions de la Reunion des musées nationaux 78 Soper 1955, 1-16; cf. Watanabe 1998, 115-145.
42 Marra, Monumenta Nipponica 39, 2, summer Paris 2004, catalogue no. 42, 165. - Chiba City 79 Takahashi 1991, 9-38, 251-280, 370 f.- Note that
1984, p. 141-142. Museum of Art 2000, catalogue number 134. the "bird's-eye view" is not identical with the
43 Marra, Monumenta Nipponica 39, 3, autumn 57 I have to thank Joshua Mostow for this transla- "inversed perspective" that organizes the size of
1984, p. 291. tion. figures according to symbolic ranking. - Tomiko
44 On Kashiwagťs character see Field 1987, p. 139, 58 Nikuhitsu Ukiyoe Taikan 1994, vol. 1 ill. 59 (han- Yoda (2004, p. 192 ff.) argued that "voyeurism" is
168-169, and Childs 1999, p. 1074 ff.- Richard ging scroll, Tokyo National Museum). inappropriate to designate male-female relation
Bowring characterized Kashiwagi as a person 59 On the motif of "Beauty on the veranda" and in Heian literature as its very concept grounds on
who was not able to control his passion (Bowring parodies of Ise monogatari, see Okudaira Shun- the linear perspective of Western visuality.
1988, 43-47). To Motoori Norinaga Kashiwagi roku, in : Yamane Yûzô Sensei Koki Kinenkai (ed.)80 Chino 2003.
deserved sympathy because his infatuation with 1989, p. 647-690.
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- Takahashi Tóru 1991 : Monogatari to e no enkinhô - Yoda Tomiko 2004, Gender and National Literature.
[Perspective in Narrative Tales and Painting], Heian Texts in the Construction of Japanese Moder-
Tokyo, Perikansha. nity, Durham & London, Duke University Press.
- Takaki Makoto & Andò Tóru (eds.) 2000: Tekusuto e - Yoshida Kôichi 1987 : E-iri bon Genji monogatari kô,
no seiai-jutsu. Monogatari bunsetsu no riron to jis-3 vol., Tokyo, Seishodô Shoten, ( Nihon shoshigaku
sen [The art of love as text : theory and practice of taikei 53, 1-3).
monogatari analysis], Tokyo, Rinwasha.
-Tyler Royall (trsl.) 2001: see Murasaki Shikibu
2001.
Glossary of Terms
chôkan Kaoru M mono no aware $)(D fofa fri

edokoro-azukari Í&0Í8C#* *9 Karayô moya SM
edono IMS Kanga 3ÜB nyôbô Ixfê
enkin iSìS Kashiwagi onna-e
etoki fèÂ? kemari BfcStî Onna San no Miya UT

fukinuki yatai kichô JLtŘ osokuzu no e
fusuma ft kokugaku otoko-e
Genji makura < b koshibagaki 'hScíS. Saga-bon Ise-monogatari

Genji monogatari kotobagaki 3*1 łl shikistii
Genji monogatari emaki ® B:matsu Ê #

$Jfo fè# shin-teki enkin-hô
Haikai #§§ matsu shitomi
Hakubyô Ise monogatari emaki Ď # miru Mó sudare SI

Hash ih ime łS® mirareru b ti Ò Takegawa tíJ'l
Hata no Chitei ÎÊ0CJÏ misera ÜL1£ Ò tsukuri-e {p 0 jfè
hisashi misu M wa kan ÍOSI
Ise monogatari misugoshi MM L Wakana no ue h
joseiteki kaiga ictt WfèH monogatari-e Yamato-e
Icaimami feHBÄ monogoshi L

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Visions of The Third Princess. Gendering Spaces in The Tale of Genji Illustrations

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Visions of The Third Princess. Gendering Spaces in The Tale of Genji Illustrations

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Visions of the Third Princess.

Gendering spaces in "The Tale of Genji" illustrations

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