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E.

Michael Gerli, Editor

EDIEVAL
IBERIA
AN ENCYCLOPEDIA
Associate Editors

Samuel G. Armistead, University of California, Davis


Robert I. Burns, S. J., University of California, Los Angeles
Pedro M. Catedra, Universidad de Salamanca
Alan Deyermond, Queen Mary-Westfield College, University of London
Ana Dominguez Rodrfguez, Universidad Complutense, Madrid
Harold V. Livermore, University of British Columbia
Joseph F. O'Callaghan, Fordham University
Norman Roth, University of Wisconsin, Madison
Robert Stevenson, University of California, Los Angeles

Routledge
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Project Editor: Mark O'Malley
Production Editor: Jeanne Shu
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Production Director: Dennis Teston
Developmental Manager: Kate Aker
Publishing Director: Sylvia Miller

Published in 2003 by
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Published in Great Britain by


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Copyright © 2003 by E. Michael Gerli

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group.


Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized
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10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Medieval Iberia : an encyclopedia / edited, with introductions, by E. Michael Gerli.


p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-415-93918-6 (hardcover: alk. paper)
1. Spain-History- 711-1516-Encyclopedias. I. Gerli, E. Michael.

DP99 .M33 2002


946'.02'03-dc21
2002012828
LUCIDARIO

Fortuna, written in 1448 as a consolation to mark the Cr6nica Najerense and Cr6nica Latina de las reyes de
political imprisonment of a cousin by don Alvaro de Castilla. However, for his twelfth and thirteen-century
Luna, marks the climax of the theme of Fortune in his narrative he employed sources now apparently lost. He
work. In contradistinction to the difficult allegory of does not utilize Historia Compostelana or Chronica
the Comedieta, Bfas, the Greek philosopher who is Adefonsi Imperatoris.
the spokesperson for Santillana, makes his views on In addition to earlier but lost chronicles as such,
Fortune and the world clearly known. The Doctrinal he also freely employed epic materials. That of Ber-
reveals a final vindictive side of Lopez de Mendoza's nardo de! Carpio first appears in Lucas's text. He also
character, in which he employs Fortune and confession incorporates epic materials dealing with the reigns of
to make Alvaro de Luna, his dead enemy, denounce Sancho II of Castile (r. 1065-1072) and Alfonso VI
his own transgressions. of Leon and Castile (r. 1065-1109). There are also
When Lopez de Mendoza died in 1458, the event minor tales, including that of the pilgrimage of Louis
inspired his contemporaries to write a number of ele- VII of France to Santiago de Compostela in 1154.
gies and other literary compositions to mourn his Writing slightly later, Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada incor-
passing. porated these materials almost verbatim into his De
E. MICHAEL GERL! rebus Hispaniae and from there they became the com-
mon property of subsequent historians.
Bibliography BERNARD F. REILLY

Lapesa, R. La obra literaria def Marques de Santilla11a.


Madrid, 1959. Bibliography
Nader, H. The Mendoza Family in the Spa11ishRenaissance,
Reilly, B. F. "Sources of the Fourth Book of Lucas of Tuy's
/350-1550. Rutgers, N.L 1979.
Chro11iconMuncli." Classical Folia 30 (1976), 127-37.
Schiff, M. La bibliotheque du marquis de Santi/lane. Paris,
Tuy, L. de "Chronicon Mundi ab Origine Mundi usque ad
1905.
Eram MCCLXXIV." In Hispaniae Illustratae. Ed. An-
dreas Schottus. Frankfurt, 1608, 1-116.
LUCAS OF TUY
Lucas of Tuy (fl. thirteenth century) was the bishop
of the small see of Tuy in Galicia on the Portuguese LUCIDARIO
frontier between 1239 and 1249 where he had also The Latin Elucidarium, composed around 1095 by An-
been magister scolarum and canon just previously. His selm of Canterbury's disciple Honorius Augustodu-
episcopate was not particularly significant and he is nensis (c. 1075-c. 1156), was a highly popular work
known to us chiefly as an author. Lucas was likely a translated soon after its creation into every major Euro-
native rather of the city of Leon or its environs and, pean language. The Castilian version, the Lucidario,
before he came to Tuy, had been a canon and deacon was commissioned by Sancho IV (r. 1284-1295)
of the cathedral of Leon. While in that position, he around 1293 and forms a complement to the other
had written a trans/atio detailing the movement in the minor encyclopedic works from the reign of the second
eleventh-century of the relics of St. Isidore of Seville son of Alfonso el Sabio: the Castigos e documentos
from that city to the great shrine church built for them and a translation of Brunetto Latini' s Li Liv res dou
in Leon. There as well he also wrote an apologetic tresor. Lucidario is extant in five manuscript copies
tract against the Albigensian heresy. ranging from the late fourteenth or early fifteenth to
These works may have brought him to the atten- the early sixteenth centuries. Like the original Elucida-
tion of the Queen Mother Berenguela, former wife of rium and its vernacular congeners, the Castilian rendi-
Alfonso IX of Leon, who asked him to compile a his- tion is couched in the form of a dialogue between a
tory of the realm. The result was his most famous work, master and his pupil wherein the student poses a ques-
Chronicon Mundi, composed before 1238. A world tion to which the master duly responds with a conven-
chronicle in form, the work largely follows Isidore of tional answer based on the interplay between the fun-
Seville for the earlier period and only with the fourth damental medieval doctrines of lex natura!is or laws
book, which covers the time from the Muslim invasion of nature and lex theologiae or laws of God. In this
of 711 down to the recapture of Cordoba by Fernando respect, the work was a highly successful attempt to
III in 1236, is it of independent interest. Lucas ex- reconcile the pagan Aristotelian scientific corpus with
cerpted freely from the chronicles of the Alfonso III the essential canons of Christian dogma. As such, the
cycle, from Historia Si/ense, and from Cr6nica de! Castilian Lucidario became a standard text of Christian
obispo Don Pelayo. It is possible, as well, that he used orthodoxy at the level of the cathedral schools where

519
LUCIDARIO

it was utilized as a most effective if rather limited and ence to augment their power at the expense of the
rudimentary mode of instructing Christian cosmogony crown. (In later years the king would be confronted
and cosmography. In the process of reproducing and by the nobles with rumors of their homosexual rela-
translating the primitive text of the Elucidarium, tionship). Luna, however, remained confident of the
scribes frequently incorporated additional questions king's support and relied heavily on the backing of
and answers which were then suitably accommodated others who associated the crown's interests with their
and passed on as if they had been part of the original own, namely the lower and middle layers of society.
work, thus accounting for the variety of contents found Luna brilliantly exploited the concerns and aspirations
in the extant Castilian codices of the Lucidario, which of the non-noble sectors of society and, at the same
range from 59 to 113 chapters. The title Lucidario time, sought to increase his own influence as well as
eventually came to be used as a generic term for a centralize the power of the monarchy. As a result, he
variety of encyclopedic works cast in the master-disci- undermined the power of the cortes (parliament) and
ple format of question and answer. Today its value the local municipalities, as he gathered more and more
resides precisely in that aspect of the text that made it power for the crown and for himself. The king, who
so popular during the Middle Ages: the certainty that remained largely disinterested in affairs of state, be-
it accurately reflects the orthodox Christian views of came a virtual pawn of the ambitious Luna.
the average Spaniard between the thirteenth century In 1420 Luna, who had been elevated to count and
and the demise of Aristotelianism some four hundred been given large estates, rescued the king from the
years later when, in testament to the esteem it contin- lnfantes de Aragon, who had seized the monarch and
ued to enjoy, an abbreviated Latin translation based on taken him to Talavera de la Reina. The lnfantes, broth-
the Castilian version was made by Padre Juan Eusebio ers of Alfonso V of Aragon, were closely allied with
Nieremberg (1595-1658). the Castilian nobles who sought to curb the power of
RICHARD P. KINKADE the monarchy in the kingdom. Both had regal ambi-
tions themselves and looked to protect their family's
Bibliography enormous interests in Castile. Luna was made the con-
stable of Castile in 1423, a step which greatly increased
Kinkade, R. (ed.) Los "Lucidarios" espaiioles. Mad1id,
his power and influence by making them official. The
1968.
move provoked the nobles and the Infantes to multiply
"Sancho IV: Puente literario entre Alfonso el Sabio y Juan
Manuel." Publications of the Modern Language Associ- their efforts against him, which met with success in
ation 87 (1972), 1039-51. 1427, when they and the other nobles forced the king
to exile Luna. Neither the king nor the nobles, how-
ever, were capable of governing Castile without Luna,
LUNA, A.LVARO DE whose talents had ensured his indispensability. As a
Don Alvaro, as he is commonly referred to, was the result, he was quickly recalled and fully reinstated. The
illegitimate son of a minor noble of Aragonese origin Castilian victory in the war against Aragon (1429) not
by the same name. He was born in Castile at Canete only restored but amplified Luna's power and influ-
in 1388, and his mother was from that village. When ence.
his father died in 1395, Alvaro was taken in by his Luna seemed unstoppable. At one point, the mas-
uncle, Juan Martinez de Luna. In 1408 Alvaro de Luna tery of the military Order of Santiago was conferred
was sent to court to further his education. There he upon him after it had been stripped from the Infante
was known for his elegance and wit, and quickly be- Enrique, heir to the throne. With this new power in
came the friend, companion, and favorite of Prince hand, Luna began to campaign against the Muslim
Juan, the considerably younger boy who had inherited south and led the Castilians to an important victory at
the throne during infancy and would become Juan II, the battle of La Higueruela in 1431. The nobles, pre-
king of Castile. From their earliest days together, Luna sided over by the Manrique and Enriquez clans, contin-
and the king were constant companions and confi- ued to resist Luna and plot against him at court. Al-
dantes. Fearing the worst of the association, the young though their efforts led to a second exile in 1438, by
prince's mother, the Queen Regent Catalina de Lancas- 1445 Luna had been restored to favor and had handed
ter, arranged to have Luna removed from court in 1415. the nobles a resounding defeat at the battle of Olmedo.
Juan was miserable without his friend's company, and Only King Juan's second wife, Isabel of Portugal,
Luna was quickly recalled. By 1418, when Catalina managed to rid the kingdom of Luna. With the collabo-
had died, Luna and the king's relationship had grown ration of the nobles, especially the conde de Haro and
to the point that it inspired both public gossip and pri- the marques de Santillana, she persuaded the king to
vate envy among many of the nobles, who sought influ- arrest Luna and condemn him to death. He was taken

520

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