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andDemocracy
Entrepreneurship The riseof thepublic-sector
theadventoftaxlimitation
entrepreneur
movements,
is foundin
declining feder-
al grantsto stateand localgovernments, and thegrow-
ing fiscalcrisesfacedby governments at all levelsof
Carl
J.Bellone, Frederick
George Goerl, the federal system. Public administratorsas
California University,
State Hayward entrepreneurs and agentsofentrepreneurial statesseek
to findnewsourcesofrevenue,besidesthe more tradi-
tionaltaxes,to increasetax bases througheconomic
Can public-sectorentrepreneurship amongpublic development projectsand to augmentthe numberof
administrators be reconciledwiththedemandsfor private-sector entrepreneurs withintheirboundaries.
adherenceto democraticvalues in government admin- Current attention partnerships
paid to public-private as
istration?Carl Belloneand GeorgeFrederickGoerl solutionsto thefiscaland social problemsof govern-
reviewthenatureofthatchallengebyconsideringthe mentsymbolizes the importance currentlyattachedto
seeminglycontraryvalues emphasizedin each role. bothprivate and publicentrepreneurship.
Whileentrepreneurship callsfor autonomy,a personal However,the characteristicbehavior of public
visionofthefuture, secrecy,and risk-takingbehavior, entrepreneurs (as well as traditionalpublicadministra-
democraticadministrationdemands accountability, tors),mustbe evaluatedin termsof administrative
citizenparticipation,openpolicymaking processes,and responsibilityiftheiractionsare to be compatible with
"stewardship" behavior. Theybelievetheseperspectives democratic values. Administrative responsibilitycan be
viewedas simplyfollowing policiesand directions of
can be bridgedthrougha "civic-regarding
hierarchicalsuperiors.Becausethisapproachcan lead
entrepreneurship" whichbuildson a "strongtheoryof
to the Eichmannphenomenon,some authorshave
citizenship."
arguedthatadministrative responsibility mustinclude
certaindemocratic valueswhenadministrators are car-
ryingoutadministrative directives.Otherauthorshave
even describedresponsibility as requiring theadminis-
tratorto becomean activeagentof democratic educa-
tionand reform.JohnBurkeurgesadministrators to
correctany departures fromdemocratic principlesby
to feelan obligation
politicians, to democratic govern-
mentas a whole,and to acteffectively to achievepoli-
cy ends(Burke,1986,pp. 42, 45, 50-54).TerryCooper
arguesthatpublicadministrators, as "citizen-administra-
tors,"shouldbe politicaleducatorsfora citizenry that
needs more information in orderto play important
politicaland citizenship roles(Cooper,1984). In these
two cases, theoristsof administrative responsibility
assumethatthepublicadministrator has a responsibility
forfurthering democratic valuesin thepoliticalprocess,
in policyimplementation, and fordevelopingbetter
opportunitiesforcitizenship.
PublicEntrepreneurialVision
Entrepreneurial
Autonomy VersusCitizenParticipation
VersusDemocratic
Accountability A secondconflict fora publicentrepreneur who desires
First,a conflictexistsbetweenthe autonomy/discretiondemocratic legitimacy is betweenentrepreneurial visionand
desiredbyentrepreneurs and democratic accountability.With democracy's need forcitizeninput. TerenceMitchelland
an increasein the complexity of revenueproblemsfacing WilliamG. Scotthave suggestedthatentrepreneurs maybe
manygovernments, publicadministrators ask forgreater dis- no moreprescientand knowledgeable thanthe restof us
cretionto carryout theirentrepreneurial revenuesearches (Mitchell and Scott,1987,pp. 447-448). Democratic politics
(Lewis,1980;Goerland Bellone,1983).Revenuecriseshave and administration bothdemandthatcitizensbe able to con-
madepublicpolicygoalsrelatively less importantin compari- tribute viewson issuesof importance to them. However,if
son to economicgoalsor revenueacquisition.In thenameof entrepreneurs areto be innovators, itmeansthattheyneedto
revenuegeneration, programs and projectsare set in motion come withvisionsor ideas thatare, by definition, uncom-
thatthreatento changedrastically thecharacter ofa communi- mon. The Reagan administration'sIran-Contraarms
tyand theauthority relationships betweenprofessional public entrepreneurial scheme,implemented by OliverNorthand
administratorsandthecitizenry. Forexample,userfees,rede- others,and the vision of the formerMayorof Oakland,
velopmentagencies,off-budget enterprises, investment rev- California, and othersto reacquirethe OaklandRaidersby
enues,tax-increment financing,and development feescan be guaranteeing ticketsales, are examplesof privatevisions
seen as measuresto avoid voterapprovaland, thereby, which,by moststandards,were not compatiblewiththe
increasetheautonomy of publicofficialsand publicadminis- tenetsofdemocratic participationandapproval.
trators.Togetherwithprivatization, theycontribute to the The Los AngelesOlympicOrganizing Committee's deci-
autonomy and discretion of publicentrepreneurs whileoften sion to have the 1984 Olympicsprivately financedand the
making publicaccountabilitymoredifficult. decisionof theCityof SantaClara,California, to buya $100
Becausethepublicsector'sbottom lineis hardto measure millionamusementpark in orderto save it fromclosing,
publicaccountability is mostoftenattempted by measuring althoughnotwidelyheldvisions,gainedacceptanceby the
inputsor regulating administrativeprocesses.Thus,through publicand publicofficials through open discussion.In the
the budgetprocessand administrative rulesand regulation, latter case,thecitizenry ofSantaClaragottovoteon thepro-
legislativebodies have long soughtto circumscribe the posal.
actionsofpublicagenciesin thebeliefthatbudgetsandregu- Onlybytesting entrepreneurial visionthrough a meaning-
lationsensureaccountability (Gruber, 1987). A characteristic fulpublicparticipation processcan publicadministrators
of publicentrepreneurs, and
however,is theirattempt to increase othersensurethatpublicentrepreneurship is compatible with
theirinfluence overbudgetprocessesin orderto be freefrom thevaluesofdemocratic participation.
excessiverulesand regulations. Publicentrepreneurs ask for
autonomy fromline-item budgetcontrols in orderto be more
effective and efficient.Theywantdiscretion
money"(publicentrepreneurs
to spend"their
are encouragedto see them- Entrepreneurial
Secrecy
selvesas owners)formeasuresthattheydeemimportant and VersusDemocratic
Openness
on itemsthey,notothers, choose. Thismeansthat,ifpublic
A thirdconflictis betweenthe entrepreneur's need for
entrepreneurs are to be held accountable,measuresof
accountability mustshiftfroman inputor processfocusto secrecy and the democratic value of conducting the public's
one based on an outcomeanalysis.Analysis businessin theopen. Opennessis definedas disclosure of
of outcomesas
a means to measureadministrative information in policymaking stagesthatpermits the publicto
accountability can be be informed
tracedto the1960swithprogram budgeting participantsin the policymaking process. The
andevaluation.
Iran-Contraarmsdeal is a good exampleofan entrepreneuri-
A current exampleof outcomeaccountability forpublic al activity requiringsecrecyto be successful.Giventhecom-
entrepreneurs can be foundin Fairfield, California,
wherethe petitive natureof localgovernmental financeand landdevel-
Reconcling
PublicEntrepreneurship
andDemocracy
131
betweenadministrator
to callforgreatercitizenparticipa-
tion and an improvedcitizenshipas a way of helpingto
regainthe trustof the voteror citizen.Greatercooperation
andcitizenis thedesiredgoal.
I Astrong
theory
requires
ofpublic
a strong
entrepreneurship
theory
ofcitizenship.
A civic-regarding entrepreneurship emphasizingpublic
participationoffers
a remedy forover-zealous pursuitsofself- Equalaccessto high-quality publicservicesshouldbe a basic
interests.It offers
a program of actionthatcouldmakepub- citizenship rightthatshouldnotbe jeopardized.However,
lic entrepreneurship and democracymore compatible. fiscallimitsthreaten the provision of publicgoods and ser-
Throughdeveloping citizens'opportunities
to participate,the vices. Thus,theentrepreneurial talentsof publicadministra-
qualityofcitizenshipcouldbe raisedto a levelwherecitizens torsarecrucialto a civic-regarding entrepreneurship.
themselves becomemoreresponsible agentsofefforts to pro- However, public administrators, as civic-regarding
videmorepublicgoodsand serviceswithin theparameters of entrepreneurs, can go muchfurther. Theycan increasethe
acceptabletaxburdens. abilityofcitizensto complainaboutthequalityoftheirpublic
Atthehighest levelofpoliticalaspiration,a civic-regarding services and help to facilitate
correcting efforts (Sharp,1986).
entrepreneurship can be seen to be attempts, to use George In similar fashion, New York City and other local govern-
Frederickson's words,to "recovercivism,"whichembraces mentsthatcreateuniform-service districts thatenablea citi-
amongotherthings, politicalcommunity, self-aware citizens, zen to use a singlesiteforreachingtheappropriate service
and more adaptable and responsive government providers are also increasing the opportunities for greater
(Frederickson, 1982). Expandingon Frederickson's call for involvement in ensuring servicesystems thatare responsive
our disciplineto rediscover itsown citizenship responsibili- (Mudd, 1984).
ties,administrativetheorists
havestressed thatpublicadminis- Whenit comes to providing the rationaleforspending
tratorsshouldbe held responsible forhelpingfurther "civic publicfunds,a civic-regarding entrepreneurship wouldentail
literacy"(Mathews,1984,p. 124),civility (as in forbearance creatingcitizenbudgetcommitteesto help set priorities
[Hart,1984,p. 116]),and "civiccapital.""Civiccapital"can be beforeanyformal budgetapprovalis madeby theexecutive
definedas: "problemsolvingknowledgepossessedby citi- and legislativebranches.Portland, Oregon;Dayton,Ohio;
zens,attitudes thatguidecivicaction,and civiccapacityfor and, in some respects, New YorkCityall tryto getcitizens
governance" (McGregor, 1984,p. 128). The goals of such moreinvolved earlierinthebudgetary process.
effortswouldbe, to citeCharlesLevine's(1984,p. 180) list,
theraisingof citizentrustin government, Because public often
entrepreneurship is manifested inthe
thecitizen'ssense
of efficacy,and,hopefully, a sharedconception formofeconomicdevelopment projects, anyeffort at a civic-
of thecom-
mongood. oriented entrepreneurship needsto increasetheability ofciti-
zensto see, comprehend, criticize,
amend,and jointly design
A strongtheoryof public entrepreneurship requiresa theprojectsso thattheirneighborhood or community is not
strongtheoryof citizenship. Bettercitizenparticipation, disrupted or victimized bythedevelopment effortsof others.
alongwithnew sourcesof publicrevenueand betterpublic Whereneighborhoods arewelldefined, neighborhood associ-
policiesand services,are highstandards forpublicadminis- ations,citizenadvisory boards,etc.,maybe in orderifciti-
tratorsto tryto reach.These loftyaspirations, however,are zens are to defendand enhance theirown community
abstractwithoutcleareridentification of thetypeof citizen- (White,1983;Marcuse,1990).Although criticized forpossibly
ship role one is talkingaboutand specifications as to how raising theNotIn MyBackYardproblem, overallsocialequi-
opportunities forcitizenship and a citizen'spubliceducation tyconcernsare betterservedby mutually agreeablezoning
can be enhanced. and development thanwhenthecitizenry and neighborhoods
At a minimum, a civic-regardingentrepreneurship is no haveno say.
different fromall otherendeavorsto increasecitizenpartici- Elevatingcitizenchoice,as in thecase ofvouchersystems,
pation. However,as DwightWaldoreminds us, notall citi- maystillbe thebestwayforenhancing citizenparticipation.
zen participationis ofa publicor collectivecharacter (Waldo, Budgetand land-usedecisionsareamongthemostimportant
1984); it can simplybe expressionsof self-interest, interest forall stakeholders. Beingurgedto becomemoreresponsi-
groupliberalism, or specialpleading. In addition, it can be ble forone'spublicchoices,withpublicsectorstaff providing
moremanipulative thanfacilitative
and moresymbolic than neededinformation, maymakecitizeninputfarmoreinfor-
effective.It mayalso be moredivisivethanfacilitative or mativeforcitystaff andelectedofficials.
benevolent.Lastly,it mayrequiremoreconcernforsocial-
equityconsiderations thanare foundin liberaldemocracy The use ofcitizenvolunteers to helpprovideand produce
(Bellahetal., 1985;Frederickson and Hart,1985). publicserviceshas beensuggested as another wayofincreas-
ingopportunities forcitizenparticipation. Volunteerism has
Thereare different degreesor levelsof politicalparticipa- increasedin manyfiscally troubled citiesand countiesoutof
tion(Milbrath, 1965,pp. 5-38). In thecase of administrativeself-defense. Neighborhood safetypatrolsand arson-preven-
democracy, the same maybe said. At a minimum, citizens tionvolunteers are cases in point. In upper-class suburbs, a
can onlytakepartin publicservicedelivery systems ifthey highlyeducatedcitizenry oftendemandsa highlevelof par-
receive public services. Not all do. Thus, considerable ticipation forthemselves in thedesignand delivery of their
doubtsexistas to fairnessin such distributions of services. publicservices.Suchcitizenvolunteerism is a showof civic
Reconcling
PublicEntrepreneurship
andDemocracy
133
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