CHAPTER V

TYPES OF INSTITUTIONAL FUNCTIONS FOR

Institution BuildingTRANSPORTATION
for Transportation
INDevelopment
DEVELOPING inCOUNTRIES
Developing :‫ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬
Countries

A. Introduction Abd Alrahman, Anis Khalil :‫ﺍﻟﻤؤﻟﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻲ‬

Assuming that the governmentHorwood,

of everyEdgar M.(Super)
country is supposed to :‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬
be ‫ﻣؤﻟﻔﻴﻦ‬
1982 :‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬
the guardian of the public interest, then one can also make assump-
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺗﻞ‬ :‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬
tions that governmental activities are of crucial importance in the
1 - 136 :‫ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬
development and utilization of transport facilities, because as
613378 :MD ‫ﺭﻗﻢ‬
discussed in the last chapter, transport has‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬relevancy :‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﻮﻯ‬
compelling to ‫ﻧﻮﻉ‬
English
all economic and social sectors of a developing economy. This rele- :‫ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬
‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ‬
vancy calls for special attention and participation :‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬
by the different
University of Washington :‫ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬
organs of the government.
College of Engineering :‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
In order to aChieve their economic and social development objec-
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‬ :‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
tives, most governments of developing countries are increasingly:‫ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
Dissertations
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
involving themselves ،‫ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤؤﺳﺴﻲ‬
in undertaking ،‫ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‬،‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻞ‬
responsibilities for the formation :‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ‬
and operation of http://search.mandumah.com/Record/613378
their national transport systems by assuming the role :‫ﺭﺍﺑﻂ‬

of planner, entrepeneur, organizer and regulator. Depending on the

circumstances of individual countries, the government will first have
to decide on policies and plans for the development and utilization of
transport systems and then take the necessary steps to implement them.
These governmental activities or institutional functions for
transportation fall mostly into the following categories: (1)
transportation planning function; (2) engineering design and
construction; (3) maintenance function; (4) enforcement function; (5)
.‫ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻇﺔ‬.‫ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ‬2021 ©
operation, organization and management function; and (6) public
‫ ﻳﻤﻜﻨﻚ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺃﻭ ﻃﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬.‫ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻇﺔ‬،‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻊ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‬
‫ ﻭﻳﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺦ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺃﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻻﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻲ( ﺩﻭﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺃﻭ ﺩﺍﺭ‬،‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ‬
.‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ‬
 CHAPTER V

TYPES OF INSTITUTIONAL FUNCTIONS FOR

TRANSPORTATION IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

A. Introduction
Assuming that the government of every country is supposed to be
the guardian of the public interest, then one can also make assump-
tions that governmental activities are of crucial importance in the
development and utilization of transport facilities, because as
discussed in the last chapter, transport has compelling relevancy to
all economic and social sectors of a developing economy. This rele-
vancy calls for special attention and participation by the different
organs of the government.
In order to aChieve their economic and social development objec-
tives, most governments of developing countries are increasingly
involving themselves in undertaking responsibilities for the formation
and operation of their national transport systems by assuming the role
of planner, entrepeneur, organizer and regulator. Depending on the
circumstances of individual countries, the government will first have
to decide on policies and plans for the development and utilization of
transport systems and then take the necessary steps to implement them.
These governmental activities or institutional functions for
transportation fall mostly into the following categories: (1)
transportation planning function; (2) engineering design and
construction; (3) maintenance function; (4) enforcement function; (5)
operation, organization and management function; and (6) public
 89

transportation service.
The above categories are the subject of this chapter; they will
be identified and discussed in terms of their institution~ necessi-
ties and conventional wisdom. Distinction will be made between the
national transport systems and urban transportation systems whenever
it is necesary to do so. The following discussion of the institu-
tional functions for transportation does not necessarily represent the
most meaningful ways of approaching the problems; if the prob1ems have
broad solutions, they do not represent the only solutions.

B. National Transportation Planning

Transportation planning, as Riad G. Mahayni put it, " •••. plays
both a passive and dynamic role in the national development planning
of a country."l The passive role is directed toward meeting existing
and forecasted transport demands and is a problem solving activit¥.
The dynamic role uses transport policies and investment to bring about
desirable changes in the macroeconomic condition of a country.
Transport, as a facilitative link among many sectors influences the
distribution of the socioeconomic and political institutions and
thereby affects the country's development. As such, planning in the
developing countries is a precondition for development, as contrasted
with the case of western societies where planning emerged as a result
of development. 2
1. Transportation planning process. Hans Adler suggested a
five stage cyclic transportation planning process that best fits the
case of developing countries. These stages are:
 90

a. Identify the basic goal s of the transport

sector.
b. Prepare an inventory of traffic information
and existing transport facilities, their con-
dition and utilization.
c. Forecast future transport traffic and
distribute it among the different modes.
d. Evaluate transport policies and operations
of the sector, and determine the extent of
the required improvements.
e. Prepare a detailed time-phased program
identifying new transport investments and
their priorities. 3
The following sections will discuss each stage of the process
separately and relate them to the transport planning situation in
developing countries.
2. Goals for the transportation system. Harold Koontz
describes planning as, " ••• the selection from among alternatives of
future courses of action.,,4 It is considered an important function in
every organized undertaking. It is of critical importance to a
developing economy that must move fast to catch up with the developed
countries.
Because transportation is a service to connect production and
consumption as well as population centers, it is strategic to the
attainment of a country's developmental goals. As the economy pro-
duces more goods, a larger volume of raw materials must be moved, and
larger quantities of products must be distributed to consumers. The
increase in volume may also result from enlaring the area from which
materials are obtained, as well as extending the area in which the
 91

increased production is marketed. The variety of goods available will

multiply with increasing specialization and rising income, which in
turn will increase the demand for both goods and transportation ser-
vices. This means simply that at least freight transportation is
certainly not designed for it own sake, but as a means to the larger
end of achieving the general economic goals of the country. In the
planning for these goals, transportation is expected to support and
promote. 5
The identification of transportation goals is a necessary step in
setting the appropriate transport strategy. The goals need to be
specified in order to give direction and to determine priorities among
different projects. The cyclic nature of the process requires that
these goals be flexible enough to accommodate adjustment as they arise
through feedbacks and revaluations. The absence of a statement of
goals leads to confusion in measuring achievements and creates biases
in transport decision-making. 6
3. Transport inventory. Because transportation planning must
take place simultaneously with a country's overall plan for
development, transport planners must know the general strategy for
development. This includes, for example, an inventory of existing
transportation facilities.
Most developing countries do not have adequate, up-to-date and
readily accessible information about their transport system. It is
obvious that without a clear idea of the quantity and qualit¥ of
existing facilities and their utilization, rational planning for
 92

future requirements is hardly possible. 7 Albert Waterson observed

that, " . . • planning in developing countries is severely hindered by
the lack of an adequate and reliable data base."S
The preparation of an inventory of available facilities and of
their conditions and utilization is therefore essential. It is a time
consuming job, which can account for as much as one-half of the effort
involved in preparing a transport program. In the case of a transport
survey of the eastern region of India, for example, making the basic
inventory alone took more that one year; this is unusual and was
largely explained by the complexity of the region and the limited
information which was initially avai1ab1e. 9
A proper inventory provides information for the movements of
passengers and commodities, their origins and destinations, their
timing and the modes they use. The compilation of this data is
usually done using three complementary techniques:
1. Examination of existing sources.
2. Fie1 d traffic surveys.
3. Sector or industry studies. 10
The inventory shou1 d cover not only the physical facil iti es, but
should also indicate the degree of their utilization, the volume and
composition of traffic flows, the costs of transport and the related
tariffs, the financial situation of transport enterprises and the
government's transport policies. Such an inventory can easily be
prepared for commercial transportation modes. Most railways, airlines
and ocean and waterways shipping companies have at least some
 93

information on their rolling stock including type, condition and

utilization, traffic carried and financial conditions. Reliable
information on road transport is rare. Most countries have a general
idea of the length of their road network and how much of it is paved,
but few have anad inventory which describes the condition of the
roads, their width, grades, curvature, capacity and traffic, all of
which are necessary for intelligent planning. 11
4. Forecasting traffic. Estimating future traffic is still a
new art, but an essential part of transportation p1anning.
Forecasting methods are being enhanced and widened in scope and
accuracy with the development" of computers.
Hans A. Adler has suggested three main stages for traffic fore-
casting:
1. The first involves as estimate of the volume
and location of future agricultural,
industrial and mining output and its consump-
tion, including also exports and imports; an
analogous estimate is needed for population,
volume and location.
2. The second stage requires translating output
and population data into traffic, both by
volume and by origin and destination.
3. And finally, the traffic must be distributed
to the transport mode which can carry it most
efficiently. The three steps are interre-
lated since regional outputs and traffic
flows depend in part on transport costs. 12
Difficulties in forecasting future traffic in developing
countries are numerous. Transportation planners are supposed to be
ahead in their planning efforts compared to those in other sectors,
yet they need the forecasts of these sectors as a basic input for
 94

determining future traffic. Some of the common difficulties and limi-

tations of forecasting in developing countries can be grouped as
follows:
1. Lack of quantitative and qualitative infor-
mation.
2. Limited range of planning experience.
3. A rapidly changing future with varied inten-
sities of impact, and
4. A narrow methodological base that allocates
for the points above. 13
5. Transport policies and regulations. It is essential in any
attempt to relate policies to transport that a distinction be made
between transport policy and transport planning. The most common
distinction made between planning and policy is that between means and
ends -- planning referring to "how" to accomplish, and policy
referri ng to "what" to accompl i sh. 14 Pl anni ng is referred to as the
technical process of finding solutions to determine transport
problems, that is, problems for which unique solutions exist. Policy
is referred to as the political resolution of indeterminate transport
problems, that is, problems for which an infinite number of solutions
exists; or perhaps no solution, in the strict sense, eXists. 15
The primary goals of transport policies and regulations are to
ensure the efficient utilization of existing transport facilities and
to minimize the need for new investments. This is especially impor-
tant in developing countries, where a large portion of their transport
network is owned and operated by governmental agencies. 16
 95

Governmental policies regulating transport services such as

tariffs, user charges, licensing, routes, distance restrictions, rate
and fare limitations, weights and other controls, as well as their
enforcement are essential parts of the transport policies. 17
6. Transport investment program. The final step of the
transport planning process is to decide on the new investments needed
to carry the traffic efficiently. For'this purpose, it is useful to
divide into three basic types:
Investments necessary to increase the capa-
ci ty of a transport system.
2. Investments necessary to replace older equip-
ment with new and similar ones.
3. Investments necessary to modernize the opera-
tions of the sector. lS
This pattern of investments is relevant for developing countries.
The first type of investment is needed at the first stage of estab-
lishing transport networks and expanding transport capacity.
The second type of investment is to replace old equipment with
similar, but new, equipment. The proper timing of such replacemnt
depends primarily on two factors. First, the capital cost of new
equipment minus the scrap value of old equipment and the relative
costs of maintaining the latter, which tends to increase with age.
Second, obsolescence, i.e. the availability of new equipment incor-
porating technological improvements.
The third type of investment is for modernization of facilities
or equipment which has become obsolete due to tec: Ilological improve-
ments or other radical changes which have taken place. 19
 96

The national transportation process identified and discussed

in this section offers a general guideline that is considered to be
suitable for many developing countries.

C. Urban Transportation Planning

While the isolation resulting from poor transport has been a
principal obstacle to rural development and to agriculture, mounting
congestion has become a growing threat to the viabilit¥ of large urban
centers. Population growth, migration and the concentration of
economic activity in most major cities of developing countries have
created urban problems of every kind. These centers are suffering
from shortages of housing, water and sanitary facilities, from high
rates of unemployment and disease and from a lack of every kind of
amenity. Transport facilities are being overwhelmed by the crush of
people travelling between home and work and by the tangle of goods
traffic that somehow keeps the cities alive and functioning. 20
The process of urban transportation planning in developing
countries is influenced by many social, economic and political fac-
tors. The structure of the cit¥ and urbanization certainly play an
important role in any consideration of the urban transportation in
these countries.
1. Urbanization in developing countries. Cities have been cen-
ters of change and progress almost throughout human history. Great
cities have been the symbols of human achievement and civilization.
In the twentieth century and especially in the last two decades, how-
ever, discussions of urbanization have tended to emphasize problems;
 97

overcrowded, lacking services, plagued by slums and choked by smog,

garbage and crime, the cities of the world do not present a very
favorable impression of the values of modern technology.
The urgency of dealing with urban problems is emphasized by the
fact that the contemporary pace of urbanization is faster than at any
other period of human history. This is particularly true of the
developing countries. 21
The concerns of many scholars with regard to urbanization in
developing countries relates more to the so-called "overurbanization"
problem and its rapid pace. The thesis of overurbanization rests on
the belief that rural migrants are being pushed from the countryside
rather than being pulled into urban areas, although the latter is very
strong. 22
Among the most important push factors, the incentives to leave
rural areas, is population pressures on land. Though the arable land
was increased in many developing countries by applying new methods
and technologies, this increase could not keep pace with the rapid
population per hectare of arable land. Higher population per hectare
meant lesser opportunities in the countryside. Ironically, a major
push factor from the villages is the avail abil i ty of improved communi-
cations between rural and urban areas. Migration appears less for-
midable than before since family ties can be maintained, but con-
venient transportation has created a new sort of nomadism for the
migrant who is neither urban nor rural. This fluidity of movement
contributes to the already difficult task of assessing accurately the
 98

quantum of rural migrants. 23

The most important pull factor toward the cities is employment.
Rural workers are turning toward the the cities to secure better
employment and a higher standard of living. The migrants from rural
to urban are primarily young adult males. Secondary and university
education are another reason for the intensive migration of the
younger generation. As the literacy rate increases, additional migra-
tion to the urban areas may be anticipated. 24
-
Rapid growth of urban population in developing countries is the
result of both a high natural increase in the urban areas and of rural
to urban migration. The latter is partly the result of the high
natural increase in population which cannot be accommodated in rural
areas. Kingsley Davis has noted correctly that the process of urbani-
zation is considered to be an irreversible process. 25
Availability data indicates that the urban population of the
world increased from 724 million to 1,807 million between 1950 and
1980, an increase of about 180 percent. The highest percentage gains
in urban populations were in Africa (329%), Latin America (254%) and
Asia (216%). The minimum percentage gains were in Oceania (125%),
North America (73%) and Europe (65%). Data for regional urban-rural
distribution of world population is summarized in Table 6.
Kingsley Davis used the index of the degree of urbanization in
his formulations of the typical cycle of urbanization. He noted that
this cycle is best approximated by an attenuated "s" curve (see
Figure 9). Starting from the bottom of the curve, the first bend
 - - - ... ...

Table 6
Regional, Urban and Rural Distribution of World Population
and De9ree of Urbanization (1950-1980)*

Urban Rural Degree of Urban Rural Degree of

Population Population Urbanization Popul ation Population Urbanization
1950 1960

REGION
Worl d 724 1,777 29 1,012 1,974 34
Africa 31 187 14 50 223 18
Asia 218 19128 16 342 1,274 21 <.0
<.0

North Amer. 106 60 64 133 65 67

Latin Amer. 68 96 41 107 109 50
Europe 223 192 54 266 189 58
Oceania 8 5 62 10 5 67
U.S.S.R. 71 109 39 105 109 49
 ,~

- - .. ..
Table 6 (Continued)
Regional, Urban and Rural Distribution of World Population
and Degree of Urbanization (1950-1980)*

Urban Rural De9ree of Urban Rural De9ree of

Population Population Urbanization Population Population Urbani zation
Percent
1970 1980 of Urban
Increase
1950 to 1980
REGION
Worl d 1,354 2,256 38 1,807 2,567 41 150
Africa 80 271 23 133 328 29 329
Asia 483 1,506 24 689 1,775 28 216 .....

North Amer. 159 67 70 183 66 73 73 '"'"

Latin Amer. 162 121 57 241 131 65 254
Europe 318 180 64 369 167 69 65
Oceania 14 6 70 18 6 75 125
U.S.S.R. 138 105 57 174 94 65 145

*To the nearest million or percentage.

Source: United Nations Department of International Economic and Social Affairs, Population Studies,
No. 68, Patterns of Urban and Rural Populatio-"~rowth, New York, ST/ESA/SER/68, 1980, pp. 11
&14.
•
101

• tends to come early and is followed by a long attenuation. As the

degree of urbanization climbs over 50%, the curve begins to flatten
until it reaches its plateau at about 75%.26
The index of the degree of urbanization used by Davis is a quan-
titative measure that does not reflect qualitative differences of
urbanization. Since it is considered to be relative to total popula-
tion, the absolute size of cities and their distribution are not taken
into account. Two countries that exhibit the same degree of urbaniza-
tion may have different a distribution for their cities. The urban
population of the first country may be concentrated in one or few
major urban areas, which is the case in most developing countries.
The urban population of the second city may be distributed among a
hierarchy of urban settlements, which is the case in most developed
countries. 27
A United Nations study has found that large cities in Asian and
far eastern regions hold the bulk of the total urban inhabitants and
have a tendency to grow faster than smaller urban ares. In certain
countries of that region, the urban population is heavily concentrated
in a single metropolis which dominates the urban scene, giving an
exaggerated picture of the degree of urbanization. 28 Such increase in
concentration aggravate regional imbalances by retarding growth of
smaller urban centers in other parts of the country.
There is a striking difference between urbanization in developing
countries and early western urban growth in Europe, which resulted
from rural-to-urban migration in response to the growth of urban
•
•
102

100

75

;,.!!
0
.s:

-
c:
0
C rate of
N
urbanization
c:
C band
...::I
-
..Q

0
Q)
~
C\
Q)
"0

I-~::::::~dd;efinition of on urban area - - - -

o~----------------------------~
time

Figure 9. Cycle of urbanization.

source: Adopted from Kingsley Davis, "The Urban-
ization of Human Population", ~ cit., and Riad
G. Mahayni, op. cit., p. 74.
 103

industry and other economic opportunities in the cities. 29 Urbani-

zation in the west was due primarily to technological innovations,
which made possible rapid growth in manufacturing, commerce and
services. The industrial revolution brought about a concentration of
people in cities and introduced the technological improvements which
increased agricultural production and made this concentration
possible. In the developing countries, it is rapid population
increase in both rural and urban areas, and not technological innova-
tions or industrial growth which are mainly responsible for urbaniza-
tion. With both city and countryside overpopulated, a high level of
unemployment and underemployment exi sts; productive capaci ty is low
and there are great demands on the economic and political System. 3D
Akin L. Mabogunje argues that:
••• the primary reason why urbanization
represents such a disturbing factor in many
African countries today is that it is essentially
a consumer-innovation, a new form of social orga-
nization which encourages an attitude negative to
or at 1east inconsi stent wi th real economic
development. Although urban development has had a
long history in Africa, notably in northern and
western Africa and along the east African coasts,
its modern manifestation can be said to be essen-
tially due to active European penetration of the
continent in the nineteenth century.3
A migrant expects the city to offer him everything he lacks in his
rural community. Thus, a city becomes a symbol where he can find more
permanent and rewarding jobs, better housing and better conditions for
educating his children. 32
 104

Urbanization,may be the leading factor in causing the urban

,
transportation problem in developing countries because it has a great
impact on all other aspects of urban transportation. The con-
centration of people and activities within relatively small urban
areas creates an enormous demand for transportation facilities and
land space. Because of urbanizaton, planning for land use and
transportation facilities is not an easy task, but it is a very cru-
cial one.
Effective land use planning in urban areas of developing
countries is the subject of the following section.
2. Land use planning. In the developing countries, urban areas
have a space problem of a difficult kind. The rapid growth of popula-
tion and urbanization without due process of industrialization has
resulted in housing shortages and other social problems. Under con-
ditions such as huge in-migrations without economic bases and a demand
for work, squatters inevitably appear.
Charles Stokes explains the process of squatter formation
theoretically, as follows:
Assume that at any moment of time the level
of population of a cit¥ of substantial size is
steady. It is not increasing either from natural
growth or from in-migration from the cit¥'s
hinterland. The employment is full and there is
no excess demand for labor. In the hinterland,
assume that there are no factors at work which
would induce out-migration other than an excess
demand for labor in the cit¥. An excess demand
for labor is the measure of existence of that
economic opportunity and leads to an in-migration.
The excess demand leads a~ full employment to an
increase in the cit¥'s going wage, but, more
important, given different rates of economic
•
105

growth as between the city and its hinterland, to

a widening of the differential between wage levels
in the two market areas. It is in fact this
growth in the differential which becomes the
economic incentive directing migration towards the
city. Given the unsettled labor market in the
hinterland plus the accumulation of non-economic
motives; it is likely that once the in-migration
is induced to begin, it will exceed the actual
initial demand. The city will be faced with
absorbing the newcomers. If we assume again that
the in-migrants have some quality tow work, the
rate of absorption would depend upon the rate of
economic growth. But if this rate of economic
growth be slow relative to the flow of in-
migration, squatters will appear inevitably.33
The perSistence of squatters will presumably depend upon the
differential rates of growth of the cit¥ and its hinterland as well as
upon the internal rate of growth of the city alone. The slower rate
of absorption, the faster the rate of squatter formation. 34
Armies of squatters are taking over every vacant space, not only
on the outskirts, but even in the centers of town. They are putting
up shacks of tin, wood or cardboard in the metropolitan areas of many
developing countries. In Peru, for example, the number of squatters
grew from 45,000 in 1940 to 958,000 by 1960. Metropolitan Manila had
nearly 283,000 squatters in 1963 and their number is growing so
rapidly that it was expected to reach 800,000 by 1980. In Davao,
squatters have settled down on a parkway running fram the cit¥ hall to
the retail center. In Caracas, the capital of Venezuela, more than
35~ of the city's total population are squatters; in Maracaibo, 50
percent; in Santiago, 25 percent, in Ankara, nearly 5~; and in
Instanbul, more than 20 percent. 35
,
106

Compounding the squatter problem in cities of developing

countries is the problem of land speculation and high land prices. In

•
the metropolises of developed countries, land prices are kept under
some control by taxation and modern transport systems that make a wide
area accessible. In the United States, for example, the land cost
(without utilities) represents no more than about a quarter of the
total cost of multiple dwellings in the central areas, and no more
than 10% of the cost of a house in the suburbs. In the developing
countries the land price often amounts to 60% of the combined cost of
house and land. Frequently, the owners of strategically placed land
will not sell it at all, preferring to wait for swollen prices when
the demand soars. High land cost is not the only obstacle to home
building and ownership in these countries. With the annual family
income often less than $100 per year, land at any price is often
totally beyond a family's means. The would-be home builder cannot
raise money through a mortgage because there is no mortgage system; to
obtain a personal loan he must pay interest as high as 100 percent per
annum. In some countries it is impossible to get a clear title to a
site because no land registration exists. In Ghana there is continual
litigation over clouded titles on former tribal 1ands. 36
To convert chaos into order, to make cities workable, to bar bad
development and encourage the building of necessary facilities,
governments msut establish control over the use of land. Three tools
are available for shaping the pattern of land use in cities: regula-
tion, taxation and public acquisition of the land.
t

ill 7

• Regulation of the us~ of land is not a new thing; there were

restrictions imposed even in the cities of ancient Babylonia. The
industrial age forced governments to intervene for the sake of health
I
and safety and to establish some control over housing and other cit¥
conditions. From that beginning, regulation was expanded until it now
includes strict building codes, zoning specifications for land use,
t
and even rent controls. Regulation has not, however, proved to be a
master key to solutions of the problems of improving the urban
environment. Although regulations on new buildings restrict
objectionable development, they also raise costs and thus put new
housing beyond the reach of the low-income family. In all too many

, metropolitan communities the zoning power has been used not to

ameliorate housing conditions, but to exclude the. poor from the more
attractive living areas. 37
The taxation of land is a more effective method of controlling
\ its use than regulation is. It can be a potent and versatile instru-
ment for desirable development of urban real estate. An example is
Pakistan, which has adopted a law (on the advice of a United Nations
mission) that imposes penalty taxes on land if it is not built upon
within a specified period. A few others have resorted to the same
policy. It is a useful but a common device for preventing the holding
of land for speculative profits; indeed three centuries ago the colony
of New Amsterdam (New York) used it to squelch land speculation within
the stockade. The taxation of underdeveloped land helps governments
to finance roads and utilities and to recover some of the rise in land
 108

values that accompany such improvements. Unfortunately, taxation

policies even in the advanced nations are too confused and fragmented

• to allow general use of the real estate taxes as a social tool.

countries, particularly former colonies that have recently become
Some

independent, do not tax land at all. Other tax it so heavily that

home owners are overburdened and investment in land is discouraged. 38
Dissatisfied about what can be accomplished by regulation or by
taxation, most countries have decided that they must take a direct
hand in their own construction or reconstruction. They now acquire
land not only for roads, parks, government buildings and other pur-
poses traditionally recognized as public works, but also for industry,
commerce, housing, parking and a host of purposes long considered as
being in the private domain. In doing so, they have adopted a policy
that a generation ago would have been considered an unthinkable viola-
tion of private rights -- taking property away from one individual to
sell it to another. The policy is now accepted as unavoidable if
cities are not to fall into decay. Indeed, it can be ethically
justified because we now live in a world where land and money are
freely exchangeable. Of the three forms of land control to which the
city may resort (regulation, taxation and purchase), purchase of the
property is the only one that compensates the private owner for his
deprivation. 39
The quality of urban life depends on the way in which the
available land is used. The relationship between the locations of the
work place, residence and service areas is one of the factors
•
109

influencing the quality of urban life. The quality of urban life

means the appropriate use of land for the whole urban population, not

• for just one or a few classes of society. The right to quality in

urban living includes not only the right to adequate living space, but
also accessibility to all city functions (social integration), not
social segregation which relegates the lower income groups to only the
outlying areas. 40
Urban land policy is a part of urban development policy and must
be viewed within the framework of general development policies. One
of the goals of development policies is to mobilize the resources of a
country in order to achieve socioeconomic objectives. The basic goal
of urban policy is to achieve socioeconomic maximization of land use.
In order to do that, developing countries need to adopt comprehensive
land policy.41
In each historical period in a country the goal of land policies
is defined according to the main purposes of the development process.
In the United States the opening of new territories was one of the
main goals of the development policies in the eighteenth and nineteen
centuries. The transfer. of land from federal ownership to the
railway companies at the cheapest prices was one of the incentives for
attracting capital to erect the railway system which permitted the
development of the new territories. 42
In an attempt to achieve a high level of industrial production,
the Soviet Union is exploiting its natural resources in Siberia and
other unpopulated regions by concentrated efforts to establish new
 110

towns near the resources. The immediate economic goal, with its pro-
mise of achievements to be enjoyed by future generations is the prin-

•
cipal aim. A secondary, but very important aim, is improvement in the
service and human living conditions. 43
In contrast, in the Scandinavian welfare state system the provi-
sion of land for housing is of first importance in land policy.44
The effectiveness of land policy measures depends to a great
extent on the coordination of policy measures in order to minimize the

•
side effects due to the interrelationship between different policy
measures. The results achieved by a particular policy measure is a
function not only of its efficient implementation, but also a result
of the effects provided by other, different measures.49
3. Urban transportation planning process. The urban transpor-
tation planning process has developed steadily over more than two and
one-hal f decades,. but most rapidly since 1955. The core of this pro-
cess is a series of steps involving data collection, forecasting,
stating goals, planning, testing and evaluating. Although there are
substantial variations in the detailed techniques which are used by
different transportation planners, the basic sequence of operations is
very nearly alike. John W. Dickey and others suggest the following
nine stage process (see Figure 10):
1. Statement of transportation problems and
problem domain.
2. Identification of objectives and constraints
to be met by proposed transportation system.
 111

3. Modeling of transportation system and its

domains.
4. Collection of data on present transportation
system and its domain.
5. Calibration and use of models.
6. Evaluation of performance and decision among
alternative systems.
7. Generation and resetting of transporation
system variables.
B. Specificiation of details of selected
transportation systems.
9. Implementation of system changes. 46
These stages are basically similar to the transporation planning
process on the national level, therefore it is expected that they will
be confronted in developing countries with the same difficulties
described in the previous section. Furthermore, the above stages,
suggested by Dickey are long range, rather than short range, oriented.

D. Engineering Design and Construction Function for Transportation

The engineering function encompasses far more than the design of
transportation facilities. It involves a series of activities
relating to a host of physical structures necessary to the public sec-
tor. These activities include cost examination, economic justifica-
tion studies, acquisition of right-of-way, design, specification,
writing, drafting of engineering documents and contract supervision.
The fact is that transportation design decisons cannot be made on
the basis of engineering criteria alone. Formal design was based on
physical limitations and policy determination. The only information
 ... - - . ..

II III IV

Statement of Identification of Modeling of Col lact Ion of

Transportation objectives and transportatIon data on present
1 3 4
problems and constraints to be system and Its transportation system
problem domains met by proposed dOmains and its domain
transportation system

13
CallbratlQn and Use of Models

(al (bl (el

Projection of levels of
regional land-use
deve I opment apd other
affecting variables
Settings of levels Prediction of levels of .....
of transportation sub-regional land-use
6
Operation and .....
N
system var I ab les development, travel and rna I nteoance
other af fected varl ab les of system

6 11
VI VII VIII IX

Evaluation of Generat Ion and Specification of Impte~ntatlon !

performance and r O59tt t 09 of details of selected of system Changes

7 9 10 I
decision Brn:Jng transportation transportat Ion

I
I
alternative systems system variables systems
-~ I

12

Figure 10. The Urban Transportation Planning Process.

Source: John W. Dickey st al., Metropolitan Transportation Planning. Scripta Book Company, Washington, D.C.
 113

needed to design a bridge, for example, is the required height, width,

span and design loading. The most economical structure meeting these
requirements would then be designed.
Street and highway design in urban areas must weigh the effects
of a facility upon future development, present land uses, present and
future traffic patterns, the tax base, slums, urban development pro-
jects and a host of other items. No longer are grade, alignment, cut
and fill the only consideration.
Generally, city engineers are not fully qualified to consider
these additional aspects of urban highway designs and must obtain
feedback regarding their decisions from other disciplines and
activities.
In this section we will identify important issues of engineering
design and construction for transportation in developing countries.
Both sectors of national and urban transportation are of interest in
this section.
1. The dilemma of design. The basic dilemna of project design
in developing ~ountries is the presence of a number of negative attri-
butes or lacks. Lack of capital, of skills, of willingness to grant
promotions or permits in according to merit, of abili~ to mediate
conflicts between different social and ethnic groups are some of the
negative attributes. The dilemna of project design is then the
following:
.•• if the project is planned, built, and
operated on the basis on certain negative
attributes of the status quo, taking them for
granted, as inevitable and unchangeable, it may
 114

miss important opportunites for effecting positive

changes in these attributes -- on the contrary, it
may even confirm and strengthen them. The

, achievements of the projects wou1d be far be10w

what they might have been and the net resu1t cou1d
even be negative from the pOint of view of some
"social progress function."47
The art of project design consists of a course in escaping from
this di1emna. Imp1ementing a project in a deve10pment country imp1ies
the fol1owing:
1. A decision to accept some status quo traits
as temporari1y unchangeab1e characteristics
of the environment that wi11 mo1d the pro-
ject, and
2. A decision to consider others as subject to
and ready for the kind of changes that are
required for making a success of the
project. 48
A1bert O. Hirshmann notes that" ••• the project may therefore
be said to act at the same time as 'trait-taker' and as 'trait-maker;'
the decision of which traits to 'take,' that is, to accept (because
they are considered unchangeable) and which ones to make (by changing
existing creating new traits) is crucia1 to project design and
success." 59 .
2. Uncertainty and faci1ity design. The p1anning and design of
transportation projects norma11y entails considerab1e uncertainty in
the estimates of future condition. Decisions must often be made as to
capacity needed in a re1atively distant time period. Transport demand
can fluctuate even in the short term in response to economic and
socia1 variab1es externa1 to the project itself. Variation may a1so
arise as a resu1t of differences in the performance of the rest of the
 115

transport sustem. An example is Saudi Arabia between 1975 and 1978

when, as a result of the sudden import boom, good transportation from

, Europe shifted to highways which were not able to handle this enormous
volume. The result was a disaster in road accidents and structural
cracks in bridges which were not designed for such large loads.
Because of the lumpiness that often characterizes transport
investment, capacity cannot always adjusted immediately and
continuously (at least not cheaply) to this variation in demand. As a
consequence of these uncertainties and discontinuities, periods in
which fixed transport capacity is either overbuilt or underbuilt may
result. 50
Complementary or supplementary investment requirements also
increase the lumpiness of many transport facility projects. For
example, the construction of a new deep water port planned to cost $20
million might be justified only if a road system connecting the port
with the hinterland were constructed at a cost of at least as much as
the port itself. The transport sector, of course, has no monopoly on
lumpiness -- other sectors are also confronted with the necessit¥ of
providing exce5S capacity in order to have any capacity at all. In
the poor developing countries, however, the high capital requirements
created by the lumpiness of transport investments can be particularly
burdensome. 51
John R. Meyer suggests the following schemes to treat uncertainty:
1. Assuming the useful life of the project or
system under design to be less than its most
likely physical or economic life.
 116

2. Adding a risk premium to the interest rate

used for discounting future costs and benefit
streams to the present.
3. Reducing final net benefits in some rule-of-
thumb proportion, generally by hedging esti-
mates of engineering costs and benefits in
specific arbitrary proportions. 52
The physical or economic life of transport projects is probably
no greater than that for investments in many other sectors. Equipment
may be expected to be economically useful for ten to twenty years,
while basic facilities (right-of-way, roadbed, track, ports, airports,
etc.), if maintained, will not normally become economically obsolete
due shifts or alterations in the regional characteristics of produc-
tion for twenty or forty or more years. 53
Addition of a risk premium to the interest rate used for
discounting accomplishes the same thing as reducing the assumed
economic 1ife, perhaps more sensitively, si nce more di stant future
returns are progressively discounted more heavily. A high discount
rate is a popular means used by the private sector as a hedge against
uncertainty associated with future market or technological
developments. However, determination of an appropriate rate (or
rates) of discount is a difficult problem which is only compounded in
complexity by attempting to incorporate a premium for uncertainty.
According to Meyer, there is presently no unassailable empirical
method for specifying the appropriate premium. 54
While certain ad hoc methods for handling uncertainty have the
advantage of simplicity, in most circumstances there is little guaran-
tee that these procedures will lead to optimal results. The normative
•
lU

implications of the implicit weighting of costs and benefits are these

ad hoc procedures which are generally not obvious. The list suggested
by Meyer is indicative, not exhaustive. The adjustments may be
applied singly or in some combination, but in no case are they
satisfying devices for handling uncertainty.
3. Design standards, specifications and construction costs.
The design task is also made more difficult by the variability of
costs with relatively small alterations in specifications. The change
of a road from a weight-bearing strength of a ten ton axle load to the
weight-bearing strength of a thirteen ton axle load (which in terms of
truck volume would not appear large) can increase construction costs
about 40 percent; dredging a harbor to a ten meter instead of a nine
meter depth will increase harbor costs 15 to 20 percent. Issues per-
taining to such specifications become the critical points of policy
decision, yet their benefits frequently cannot be, or are not, clearly
defined and quantitatively analyzed. The crucial factor in making a
decision of this sort may well be a political one which cannot be
anticipated with any great certainty. For example, bearing specifica-
tion for roads often depends upon whether the government has the
desire and the power to enforce a weight limitation and at what level
it could be made effective. 55
Another aspect of the cost and specification problem is the
possiblity of tradeoffs between various cost components: basic
facility capital costs vs. basic facility maintenance costs and basic
facility maintenance costs vs. vehicle operating costs. As the
 118

quality of a basic facility is improved, consequently raising its

cost, the operating costs of vehicles which employ it tend to fall.
This is most evident in the case of highways and railroads, where an
improved roadbed permits higher speeds, heavier loads, lower per unit
fuel, labor and repair costs. 56
In constructing roads to identical standards in different areas,
variations may be encountered in topography, soil type, drainage con-
ditions, availability of materials for construction and the accessi-
bility of labor, supplies and materials. All these factors influence
the final costs of contructing the road. 57
The differences in construction costs cannot always be traced
back to differences in particular standards, as changes in one
geometric standard are often accompanied by changes in others. For
example, in all but very flat terrain, changes in design speed will
generally lead to differences in lane width, curvature and sight
distances, each of which will affect the costs of construction. 58
Design speed is the most important standard affecting the
construction of two lane highways. Design speed determines the
necessary safe stopping and passing sight distance to be incorporated
into the highway design. The latter, in turn, has a significant
effect on the capacity of undivided highways, particularly where slow
moving truck traffic represents a high percentage of total road traf-
fico Various traffic flow studies have shown that as highway
operating speeds are increased, wider pavements are usually required
to reduce the "skin friction" between opposing and passing streams of
 119

traffic. Thus, in addition to increasing sight distance requirements,

increases in the design speed of a road facili~ generally produces
increases in total road width and corresponding increases in all other
construction cost elements. 59

E. Maintenance Function for Transportation

After the transportation system has been planned and the physical
facilities designed and constructed, they must be properly maintained
or they will soon lose their usefulness. Maintaining transport faci-
lities involves activities and methods which justify treatment as a
separate function.
1. Maintenance versus new construction. Dependi ng on
geographic, climatic and soil conditions, there can be rather large
variations in maintenance costs with alterations in design. This is
especially true where seasonal or daily extremes in temperature or
rainfall are experienced. 50
Because of the variety of factors that influence the pattern of
maintenance costs for various road types, maintenance data are by far
the most difficult to obtain in any analysis of road transportation
costs. 51 Far too little comparative analysis of orginal construction
costs with maintenance costs of transport media, under varying physi-
cal conditions, specifications and input costs of materials, machinery
and labor is done today in transport investment reviews. 52
It is too often assumed by engineers as well as economists that
I .
input factors in the developing countries have comparable relat1ve
costs to those existing in the advanced, industrial nations for main-
 120

tenance as well as construction. Unfortunately, in the developing

countries there is a strong bias for constructing new transport faci-
lities rather than maintaining existing ones. The bias stems from (1)
the relatively high cost of maintenance; (2) the shortage of technical
skills; (3) the requirement for foresight in terms of planned acquisi-

•
tion of equipment, training of personnel and organization for the exe-
cution of maintenance; and (4) the lack of realization of the real
costs (direct and indirect) of not taking preventive or restorative
maintenance measures. The developing countries frequently find it
easier to obtain foreign loans for new construction than to obtain
increased taxes for maintenance. 63
2. Street maintenance function in urban transportation. The
street maintenance function 1S a very old and universal service which
existed in many ancient cities, although not in the same form and cer-
tainly not as intensively as in the modern city.
The function of street maintenance is indeed difficult to define,
because the activities performed in its name vary from ci~ to ci~.

Resurfacing might be considered a maintenance activi~ in one ci~ and

construction in another. In some cities, all activities carried out
in relation to physical care of streets is classified as maintenance
if it is not performed by contract, while in others all activities not
requiring engineering services are considered as maintenance.
For general purposes, the following activities can be identified
as maintenance functions:
1. Regulation of sub-surface street uses.
 121

2. Repair, upkeep and improvement of the

following facilities:
a. street pavement (concrete, asphalt, sur-
face treatment
b. unimproved streets and alleys
c. bridges
d. drainage systems
e. miscellaneous facilities, sidewalks,
guard rails, steps, curbs, islands, etc.
f. utilit¥ cuts
3. Street cleaning
4. Snow and ice removal and treatment
5. Care of roadside and street trees
6. Yard operations and equipment maintenance64
As mentioned earlier, there is very little emphasis in developing
countries on maintenance function of transport facilities. The
activities described here are not always organized as a single func-
tion and carried out by one unit. It is very common in developing
countries that no special organization or agency responsible for main-
tenance exists at all. This is especially true for small communities
and towns. An exception is street cleaning, which is performed at
relatively low cost.
Because financing new programs is politically more profitable
than financing maintenance programs, political expedience often
results in the neglect or absence of adequate maintenance.
Three categories in the street maintenance fUnction have par-
ticular significance in the overall urban transportation program.
 122

These are:
1. Regulation and control of sub-surface uses
2. The street cleaning program
3. The program for control of snow and ice 65
Regulation and control of sub-surface uses includes the collec-
tion of necessary information about the opening of streets, minimizing
traffic interference, prevention of pavement damage, protection of the
public from hazard and the city from legal liability and the com-
pilation of accurate records about buried facilities. Effective admi-
nistration of sub-surface uses depends upon careful supervision of
private individuals using city property. Where the control system is
not adequate, the resulting poor coordination between street uses soon
becomes apparent to the public. Then the urban transportation program
suffers from lack of public confidence as well as from reduced effi-
ciency and added expense. Coordination between street operations and
sub-surface use administration is essential. A routine exchange of
information should be arranged and conferences held on proposed street
openings of a critical nature. Maintenance officers should cooperate
with operations officers to achieve the primary transportation objec-
tive involved, that of increased street operations effiCienCy.66
The street cleaning operation is another activity of the street
maintenance function that can be positively or negatively influenced
by the urban transportation program. The techniques used and the
frequency of cleaning directly influence the degree of traffic inter-
•
ference and the job of maintaining drainage facilities. Conversely,
 123

the layout, width, pavement types and design features of streets

influence the cost and efficiency of cleaning. Street cleaning should
be done when both traffic and parking are at a minimum; generally at
night. Signs prohibiting parking during cleaning periods are needed
and enforcement is necessary. Public information should be dis-
seminated on the street cleaning program. Thus, police cooperation is
needed. It has long been recognized that if street litter is reduced,
street cleaning is cheaper and more efficient. Public relations is an
important factor in reaching this objective. Neglect of the cleaning
operation has both direct and indirect adverse effects upon urban
transportation. Dirty streets are dusty in dry weather and muddy in
wet weather. Dirt clogs drainage facilities and causes water to pool
at intersections and low areas during storms. Wet leaves cause
skidding hazards and wind-blown litter obscures vision. Pulverized
street dirt coats buildings, trees and vehicles resulting in insightly
and unhealthy conditions. 67
The third street maintenance activity with particular signifi-
cance in the urban transportation program is that of snow removal and
ice control. Unremoved or inefficiently handled snow or ice can
completely halt all vehicular movement. 68

F. Enforcement Function for Transportation

Administrators of transportation programs in general and urban
transportation programs in particular seek to accomplish three things:
1. The creation of the best possible system of
physical facilities with available resources;
•
, 124

2. The attainment of the highest and most effi-

cient use of them; and
3. The achievement of maximum public compliance
with the regulations imposed. 69

The first objective is attained through the functions of

planning, design, construction and maintenance, the second is reached
through street operations and the third is realized through enforce-
ment.
Two activities in the enforcement function have particular
signifcance in the overall transportation programs. These are (1)
traffic regulations and (2) land use and zoning regulations.
1. Enforcement function for traffic regulations. Traffic regu-
lations are designed to equitably distribute the time or space uses of
transportation facilities among the largest possible number of users.
Unless these regulations are complied with, they are of no value at
all. The traffic enforcement function is therefore a vital part of
the transport institutions. 70
Enforcing traffic regulations is a police task in almost every
country. Generally, for public relations reasons, police have a
natural reluctance to pursue a rigid policy of enforcement against
traffic violators. In supervising non-criminal activities, including
traffic, police have a vastly different problem than in keeping the
peace. They are dealing with the very segment of society whose sup-
port they must have in order to suppress crime. There is a tendency
to consider this type of enforcement to be of less importance than
activities dealing with crime, although the loss of life and property
•
•
125

resulting from traffic accidents exceeds all losses from crime. 71

Enforcement efforts in the field of traffic regulation are cus-
tomarily concentrated at selected locations and times, and against
particular violations. This policy is calculated to produce the most
effective results for the enforcement effort available. It is quite
likely that a point exists where the application of more enforcement
pressure would result in more traffic congestion, rather than less.
The nature of the enforcement function has, in the past, tempted

• men to use it for political purposes. 72 This is especially true for

developing countries. Elected or appointed judges, especially in
small communities, may fail to punish influential citizens and politi-
cal allies in the same manner as non-resident or political enemies.
The police tend to avoid arresting certain people or enforcing certain
regulations; this leads to injustice and partial treatment.
Traffic enforcement difficulties of developed countries are
shared by most developing countries. The latter have the additional
problems of regulations which are too difficult to understand; the
group to be regulated too large; and too few police, who are underpaid
and, hence, subject to corruption. Most developing countries have no
good traffic education programs. These would be helpful in reducing
the number of traffic accidents by familiarizing citizens with traffic
regulations.
2. Enforcement function for land use and zoning regulations.
Norman Williams, Jr. enlists the following goals for residential land
use control:
•
, 126

First, restrictions on the total size of

buildings serve to limit the number of people who
are likely to come to such buildings and thus the

•
degree of congestion in the area nearby. Such
restrictions may also be concerned with preventing
spotty, uneven development, where congestion
alternates with blighted or underdeveloped areas.
Second, there are several different physical
factors and amenities which may be summarized as
follows: protection of light and air against
overshadowing walls -- and so regulation over the
amount of space between building walls; protection
of privacy, i.e. protection against other buildings
with windows too near; protection of open space;
restrictions on physical dangers, as from a muni-
tions dump; restrictions on the traditional common
law nuisance, i.e. noise and vibration, air pollu-
tion (by smoke, fumes, dust, etc.) glaring lights,
and excessive heat or cold; protection against
aesthetic nuisances, such as billboards.
Third, land use controls are concerned with
protection against psychological nuisances --
those uses disliked for purely irrational reasons.
Two examples illustrate the point. Funeral
parlors, with the constant reminder of death,
exemplify one type of psychological nuisance.
Another type involves essentially snobbish attitu-
des -- dislike of certain types of people for
their racial backgrOund economic condition, ways
of speech, or what not. j 3
With commercial land use control, the primary emphasis shift from
anxiety to convenience.
Commercial areas should provide an efficient
arrangement of shops, preferably in a small, con-
centrated area, quite unlike the long string of
shops extending for a mile of two along the usual
main street. Equally important is the restricton
of heavy trucking and of congested passenger traf-
fic. In addition, nothing dangerous should be
permitted, and nuisances should be severely
restricted. 74
The primary consideraton in industrial land use control includes
providing the best physical environment for industry and protecting
, lV

nearby residential and commercial areas.

This involves restrictions, so far as
possible, on nuisances, dangers and traffic
congestion. For the encouragement of industry,
sites must be provided which are appropriate in
terms of topography and the availability of
transportation and labor. Finally, increasing
recognition is being given to the importance of
protecting industrial sites so that these are
actually available for factories instead of being
t broken up by scattered building. 75
In most developing countries land use and zoning regulations are
virtually a flat failure as a policy. Often they are unable to
enforce restrictions because they lack enforcement machinery. An
example is Turkey where builders ignore a building code because there

,
are no civil servants who can read their blueprints. In La Paz,
Bolivia, rent control laws are held in contempt by landlords who might
be tempted by the provision that an apartment be de-controlled when
its occupant dies. 76
The dilemma of most developing countries is that there is a great
need to encourage investment in building because of severe housing
shortages, but the adoption of necessary land use and zoning regula-
tions have the unwanted side effect of discouraging new building.

G. Operation, Organization and Management Function for Transportation

1. Transport enterprises. One major type of institutional
function for transportation in developing countries is the direct
investment and the organization of transport enterprises, especially
in instances where private capital and initiative are absent, insuf-
ficient, unsuitable or undesirable.
 128

Public enterprises in the transport field are owned, managed

or controlled by the government. Logically, the presence of one ele-
ment does not necessitate the existence of the other two, but in prac-
tice the degree of government control tends to correlate closely with
the proportion of government ownership. For individual enterprises
there can be different degrees of government ownership, management or
control or varying combinations of the three. For the transport
economy as a whole, the degree of government involvement varies from

, country to country. Thus, the developing countries have different

patterns of mixed economy in their transport sector. 77
The organizational forms of public transport enterprises in the
developing countries may be divided broadly into four categories.
These are:
1. Integral part of the executive branch
2. Autonomous and semi-autonomous government
boards
3. Public corporations
4. Government owned or73overnment sponsored
transport companies
The first category consists of undertakings set up and managed as
an integral part of the executive brance of the government. These
usually originate from the execution of projects by the operative
departments on the basis of directions from the chief executive. A
governmental undertaking of this category may be national, regional or
local in scope. It may cover one or more modes of transportation such
as railways, highways, ports or navigation. It may be undertaken by
 129

the transport ministry, a department of the ministry or a division of

the department. Thus, long established transport enterprises, such as
railways, are often organized, financed and controlled in the same
way as other government branches or departments. In India, for
example, railways constitute the work of one ministry while in
Malaysia the Railway Administration comes within the purview of the
Ministry of Transportation. 79
The second category of public transport enterprises comprises the
autonomous and semi-autonomous government boards, commissions or agen-
cies to which are delegated certain pow.ers and responsibil ities for
specific and specialized transport tasks. They are governmental

, bodies with a large measure of autonomy or occasionally operative

independence. However, such agencies in general are subject to the
same procedures of budgeting decision making and routine administra-
tive control as other departmental units. This is exemplified by the
Railway Board in Pakistan, the Port Authorities in Nigeria, and (since
1965) the Administration of Navigation and Ports in Paraguay.80
The third category of public transport undertakings are created
by special legislation. Such corporations are usually guided by a
Board of Directors and managed by a management group invested with
much greater autonomy and much wider financial and other powers than
is usually the case of departmental undertakings. In such cases, the
primary responsbil ity for the detailed working of the corporation and
its businesses lies with the management. This is the most prevalent
form of transport enterprise in developing countries, combining in
 130

various ways public ownership and business flexibility. Such public

corporations are subject to direct government direction and control
only to the extent stipulated in specific organic statutes. These
are exemplified by the Nigerian Railway Corporation; the Sudan
Railway; the Railway Organization, the Land Transport Authori~ and
the Maritime Transport Authority in Egypt; and the Emparesa Nacional
Portuaria which manages and operates the ports in in Honduras. 81
In the fourth category, there is usually one general law, such as
the Companies Act in India and Turkey, which regulates the organiza-
tion and operation of the transport enterprises in the public
interest. It usually takes the form of a joint stock company wi th
government ownership or participation. It is a commercial entity
separate from the governmental administrative machinery. It gives the
management a far greater degress of flexibility and freedom than have
public corporations to conduct business on a commercial basis. As
with private enterprises, such government companies are responsible to
their respective boards of directors, all or a number of whom are
government appointees or officials. In many cases, such companies may
be SUbsidiaries of public corporations or departmental agencies. 82
Multinational transport enterprise is a special category created
across national frontiers in accordance with agreements among nations
which become partners of joint ventures. Such entities and part-
nerships reflect the growing trend since the Second World War toward
economic cooperation and regional or subregional economic integration
among the developing countries. These include many international
 131

rivers such as the Mekong, Senegal, Niger and Pa Plata systems;

international transport routes and undertakings such as Air Afrique,
Asian Highway and the Pan American Highway System. Since 1967 the
three east African community countries have established separate,
jOint, public corporations for railways and harbors in addition to the
already-existing East African Airways Corporation. Such enterprises
are generally created by agreements, treaties and/or conventions which
set forth the purpose, organizational framework, method of operation
and the obligations and privileges of the participating countries. 83
Each of the above categories of public transport enterprises has
its own characteristics which could entail problems concerning

, decision-making power or executive control. The general trend is away

from departmental undertakings and toward the increased use of semi-
autonomous or independent agencies, public corporations and government
companies. Most developing countries are confronted with a series of
difficulties in establishing these kinds of transport enterprises.
Shortage of trained personnel is considered to be the most
serious problem. A related matter is the coordination problem; when
autonomous or semi-autonomous agenCies are created, part of the tech-
nical personnel must be diverted, certain needs for intragovernmental
communications created, and the flexibility for shifting and using
competent technicians and administrators reduced. The spread of
pOints of control means more complicated procedures for coordination
and harmonization among these transport agencies. Such problems may be
solved or alleviated by the creation of interagency committess, boards
•
132

of joint control, special advisory bodies, procedures of mutual infor-

mation and centralized programming. But these various measures would
again require allocation of technical and human resources and tax the
limited technological and administrative capabi1ities. 84
Allowing the government enterprises to enter into market com-
petition and to pursue maximum return on the capital investment may
bring commercial discipline and effective operation to the public
undertakings. But such policies cannot be carried too far, as govern-
ment transport enterprises are, in most instances, required to provide
maximum protection or service to the economy rather than the highest
rate of profi t. The soci a1 purposes for estab 1i shi ng a transport
enterprise often calls for the promotion of the complementary use of
SUbstitutable facilities instead of unbridled competition. 8S
2. Street operations functions. The street operation functions
includes the supervision of the street system and terminal facilities
and the regulation of their use. This function involves co11abora-
tions with urban planning as part of transportation planning, coopera-
ti~n with design engineering and coordination with enforcement. All
aspects of transportation have to be taken into account. 86
In the United States and in most developed countries street
operations are considered a municipal activity and are relatively well
established. As the automobile made services of this type necessary,
they were assigned to existing administrative units. Later, when
traffic engineering developed, opinions varied as to what responsi-
bilities should be assigned to them. Tradition, rather than logic,
•
133

often determined what duties would be performed. Variations in prac-

tice still persist in many cities. Traffic engineers usually perform
most of the activities associated with street operations, but are
seldom responsible for all. S7
Thomas S. Seburn and Bernard L. Marsh suggest the following acti-
vities which should logically fall into the category of street opera-
tions:
1. Traffic surveys, condition studies, and
determination of needs.
2. Developing city wide operations plans and programs.
3. Participation in transportation planning.
4. Participation in the design of new transpor-
tation facilities.
5. Regulation of street use by transit and other
public carriers, and coordination with auto
traffic.
6. The formulation of traffic control regula-
tions such as one-way streets, turning move-
ment prohibitions, speed limits, and
channelization.
7. Regulation of other street uses, such as
driveway entrances, construction storage,
street closure, parades, structures on right-
of-way, and others.
8. Control of street parking and installation of
meters, signs, and other devices used to
exercise control.
9. Design and regulation of off-street parking
facil i ties.
10. Design, erection and control of traffic
signal systems.
11. Design, installation and control of traffic
signs, street signs, and street markings.
 134

12. Design, erection and control of street

1 ightingsystems. SS
In most developing countries these activities, if available, are
divided between municipalities and the national traffic police depart-
ment. There is need for an organizational philosophy in municipal
government which will make one agency responsbilit¥ for all aspects of
street operations. The most serious fault of separation is in the
division of responsibility. It becomes difficult to hold any indivi-
dual accountable for results. Control becomes divided between two or
more agencies.

H. The Function of Providing Public Transportation Service

The function of providing public transportation service is
recognized to be one of the most. important institutional functions.
this is especially true for the developing countries because available
data indicates that vehicle ownership in most of these countries is
much lower than in most advanced countries (see Table 2). For this
reason the majorit¥ of the people in developing countries rely on
intercity travel and on some kind of public transportation in urban
areas. In most cases they depend entirely on the public transpor-
tation service.
1. Urban traffic thrombosis. In spite of the concentration of
automobiles in the largest cities of developing countries, most urban
travel is accomplished via public transportation. Vehicles are
generally obsolete and grossly overcrowded. Those who have the money
to ride are subject to many discomfort and inconveniences. The home-
 135

• to-work journey for low income workers is especially difficult because

many of the most attractive jobs are far from slums. 89
The transportation problem in cities and rapidly expanding
suburbs is as important as the problems of housing and sanitation.
Inability to overcome congestion and to remove obstacles to mobility
threaten to make big cities economic liabilities rather than assets.
The speed of traffic in the congested parts of urban areas has been
reduced to that of a bullock cart. This phonomenon of tangled traffic
and metropolitan immobility is aptly called "traffic thrombosis.,,90
2. Peak-hour problem. Mass transportation problems are more
severely apparent at peak-hours. Most trips are concentrated into a
few hours of the morning and the evening when workers commute to and
from thei r jobs.
People cannot move freely in various urban centers in developing
91 .
countries. The "to and fro" journey to the place of work takes as
much as two to four hours for most commuters in cities like Bombay and
Calcutta. Pedestrians have no place to move on footpaths. Street
traffic and pedestrians seem to clash continuously. Long queues may
be seen at almost all bus stops and buses are packed like sardines.
There is general agreement by all who have observed transit in
developing countries that Calcutta has the very worst transit
situation. Trams and buses are grossly overloaded not only during
peak hours, but at other times as well. Long transit travel time is
more attributable to operation over long narrow roadways, congestion
caused by pedestrian traffic and slow or non-motorized traffic than to
 1~

• route lengths which are relatively short. 92

3. Transit and land use. A close study of traffic conditions
in some of the major cities of developing countries reveals that the
chaotic street conditions and the various obstructions to human move-
ment are the result not only of restricted resources, but poor
planning and foresight. People live in buildings and, therefore,
buildings are the main source of traffic. This basic concept seems
to be absent in the overall planning of urban centers in many
developing countries where urban planning and transportation planning
are carried out independent of each other. 93
The success of any transportation system depends on how closely
its planning is coordinated with land use. In many cities, however,
skyscrapers are being sited without corresponding provision for the
traffic demand they will generate. For instance, twin cinema houses
are constructed at main and busy junctions which later throttle
passenger movements at these junctions; large neighborhoods are still
being planned only by providing wide roads under the assumption that
such a road can meet the traffic demands. This approach cannot meet
the growing traffic demands in developing cities. Transport is only a
service industry, not an end in itself, and must be coordinated with
development in communications and with land use planning to make cit¥
life more pleasant. 94
4. Transit and automobiles. The number of automobiles is
increasing very quickly in many developing countries and the majorit¥
of these vehicles is concentrated in urban areas. Still, considering
•
ID

the low car ownership, it appears that undue priority is being given
to private automobile traffic at great costs to the communit¥.
Considering the resources available in a developing economy, there is
no doubt that top priority must be given to the needs of the public
transportation system and this is probably the most important aspect
of overall transportation planning. The policy should be to move more
people and not more cars. The entire transportation plan in
developing cities must emerge from this basic requirement. 95
The fortunes of both the automobiles and public transportation
are interdependent. The success of each depends on what is done about
the other. Yet in nearly every cit¥ in the world, these two major
parts of the single problem of how to provide adequate mobilit¥ for
the urban population are being separately planned and financed. The
outcome is reflected in the severity of street congestion, the absence
of acceptable standards of public transport, the lack of genuine
travel options and the neglected travel needs of large segments of the
population. There is a need for a combined strategy between transit
and automobiles. 96
5. The transit dilemma in developing countries. One important
problem is that in a developing economy, movements of people in urban
areas are being accepted by the community as a welfare activit¥ and
not as a commercial one. Naturally, therefore, fares for these move-
ments will be at a level lower than that warranted by the operational
costs. In a situation like this, a different approach is required;
for the operator every system must be productivity conscious, for the
 1~

government every system must be suitably subsidized. The approach,

therefore, will have to be at optimum productivity with suitable
subsidization. 97
Another dilemma faced by transit in most developing countries is
the increasing competition between automobiles and transit for street
space. This reduces the efficiency of surface transit and increases
• its cost. Going underground or providing an exclusive right-of-way
for transit eliminates this interference but is very costly and
limited to a few miles. If higher transit costs are reflected in
fares, the result is likely to drive people away from transit. And as
affluence increases, the proportion of the urban population owning
automobiles increases.
Latin American nations are experiencing a boom in subway building
that involves billions of dollars. It was reported by Wilfred Owen in
1972 that the Argentine government was planning major renovation and
extension of the twenty-mile Buenos Aires subway, which used to carry
242 million passengers per year. Mexico City began operating the
first segment of its planned twenty-six mile subway in 1969. Many
other cities in developing countries are either planning rapid transit
98
systems or are already in the process of constructing such Systems.
But there is also a question of whether conventional rapid tran-
sit can serve the travel patterns of low income riders. Rapid transit
is expensive and does not provide the means for making short trips for
shopping and other local daily needs. Rapid transit solutions may
also create congestion rather than alleviating it; while some routes
t

1~

may never develop sufficient traffic to warrant a subway, high density

routes requiring such facilities may encourage high density growth
which generates more transit traffic than can be conveniently handled
without lowering service standards. Without effective land use
controls, the tendency toward greater concentration of economic
activity will make congestion, including street congestion, worse than
ever by creating more traffic generators. 99
The root of the problem is that location decisions are based on
the economic feasibilit¥ of individual structures and not on the total
costs incurred by the community. A building constructed on a new sub-
way line can be a sound investment for the owner, while a series of
such buildings may create so many demands on municipal services that
collectively they become an economic disaster. Urban congestion can-
not be cured simply by supplying more transportation; the solution
lies in balancing the supply of transportation and the demands created
by the physical characteristics of the cit¥ and in governing the way
growth occurs. lOO
• FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER V

1. Ri ad Ghaleb Mahayni, "Passive and Dynamic Concepts of

Transportation Planning in Developing Countries," Unpublished
Ph.D. Dissertation in .Urban Plannng (Seattle: University of
Washington, 1972), pp. 39-40.

2. Ibid., pp. 36-40.

3.

4. Harold Koontz and Cyril O'Donell, Principles of Management: An

Analysis of Manrerial Functions, (New York: ~1cGraw Hi" Book
Co., 1972), p. 13.

5. Hans A. Adler,2£.. cit., pp. 10-11.

6. Riad Ghaleb Mahayni, 2£.. cit., p. 102.
7. Hans A. Adler,2£.. cit., p. 14.

B.

9. Hans A. Adler,2£.. cit., p. 14.

10. Riad G. Mahayni, 2£.. cit., p. 104.

11. Hans A. Adler,2£.. cit., pp. 15-16.

12. ~., pp. 16-17.
13. Riad G. Mahayni, 2£.. cit., p. 107.

14. Edwin T. Haefels (ed.), Transport and National Goals (Washington,

D.C.: The Brookings Institute, Transport Research Program,
1969), p. 1BO.

15. Ibid., p. 1BO.

16. Ri ad G. Mahayni, 2£.. cit., p. lOB.
17. Hans A. Adler,2£.. cit., pp. 21-23.
lB. Ri ad G. Mahayni,2£.. cit., p. 110.

19. Hans A. Adler,2£.. cit., pp. 27-2B.

 141

• 20.

21. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Public

Administration Divison, Administrative Aspects of Urbanization
(New York: ST/TAO/M/51, 1919), p. 4.
22. Kingsley Davis, "The Urbanization of the Human Population," In
Gerald Breeze (ed.), The City in Newly Developing Countries
(Englewood Cliffs: Prentlce-Hall, tnc, 1969), p. 15 •
• 23. United Nations, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East,
Bangkok, Thailand, Plannin~ for Urban and Regional Development
in Asia and the Far East l ew York: E/CN.ii/lo03, 197i}, p. 35.
24. Ibid., p. 35.
25. Kingsley Davis, E.P.. cit., pp. 5-20.
26. Riad G. Mahayni, E.P.. cit., p. 74 and Kingsley Davis, E.P.. cit.,
pp. 50-20.
27. Ri ad G. Mahayni, Ibid., p. 75.
28. United Nations, Planning for Urban and Regional Development in
Asia and the Far East, E.P.. cit., pp. 1-13.
29. Kingsley Davis, E.P.. cit., pp. 5-20.
30. United Nations, Administrative Aspects of Urbanization, E.P.. Cit.,
p. 5.
31.

4.
32. Gerald Breese, Urbanization in Newly DevelO~ing Countries
(Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Rall, Inc., 196).
33. Charles J. Stocks, "A Theory of Slums," Land Economics, Vol. 38,
No.3, August 1962.
34. Jong Gie Kim, Problems and Aspects of Squatter Settlements and
Their Solution Methods in Develo in Countries, M.Sc. Thesis in
e: nlversit¥ of Washington,
•
142

35. Charles Abrams, "The Uses of Land in Cities," In Kingsley Davis

(ed.), Cities: Their Origin, Growth and Human Imtact. (San
Francisco: W.H. Freeman and Co., 1973), p. 24-23 •
36. I bi d. , pp. 226-227.
37. Ibid., pp. 227-228.
38. Ibid., p. 229.
39 . Ibi d. , pp. 229-230.
• 40. Haim Darin-Drabkin, Land Policy and Urban Growth (New York:
Pennagon Press, Inc., 1977).
41. Ibi d.
42. Ibi d.
43. Ibi d.
44. Ibid.
45. Ibid.
46. John W. Dickey, et al. Metropolitan Transtortation Planning.
(Washington, D.C.: Scripta Book Company, 975), pp. 22-25.
47. Albert O. Hirschmann, Development Projects Observed (Washington,
D.C.: The Brookings InstitUte, Transport Research Program,
1967), p. 130.
48. Ibid., p. 131.
49. Ibid., p. 131.
50. John R. Meyer (ed.), Techni~ues of Transport Plannin~, Vol. 1,
Pricing and Project Evaluat on (Washlngton, D.C.: T e Brookings
Institute, Transport Research Program, 1971), p. 216.
51. Gary Fromm, (ed.), Trans~ort Investment and Economic Development
(Washington, D.C.: The rookings Instltute, Transport Research
Program, 1965), p. 95.
52. John R. Meyer, ~. cit., p. 217.
53. Gary Fromm, .2£. cit., p. 218.
54. John R. Meyer, .2£. cit., p. 218.
 143

55. Gary Fromm, ~. cit., p. 10l.

56. Ibid., p. 101.
57. Richard M. Sobermannn, Transport TechnoloiY for Developing
Regions, (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 966), p. 38.
58. Ibid., p. 39.
59. Ibid., p. 40.
60. Gary Fromm, (ed.),~. cit., p. 10l.
61. Richard M. Sobermann, ~. cit., p. 55.
62. Gary Fromm, (ed.),~. cit., p. 10I.
63. Ibid., pp. 101-102.
64. Thomas J. Seburn and Bernard L. Marsh, Urban Tran~ortation
Administration (New Haven: Yale Universlty, Stra oma Hall,
1959), pp. 63-63.
65. Ibi d., p. 66.
66. Ibi d., p. 66.
67. Ibi d. , p. 67.
68. Ibi d. , p. 67.
69. Ibid., p. 74.
70. Ibid., p. 74.
71. ~., p. 74.
72. Ibi d. , p. 75.
73. Norman Williams, Jr., "Land Use and Zoning," In Geral d Breese and
Dorothy E. Whiteman (eds.), An Approach to Urban Planning
(Princeton: Princeton Universlty, 1953), pp. 39=40.
74. Ibid., p. 40.
75 Ibid., p. 40.
76. Charles Abrams, "The Use of Land in Cities, In Kingsley DaV.5
(ed), Cities: Their Origin, Growth and Human Impact, ~. cit.,
pp. 228-229.
 144

• 77. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Afrairs,

Institution Buildin9 for TransKort Development in Developing
Countnes (Hew York: ST/ECA/l 8, 1911), p. 19.
78. Ibid., pp. 19-20.
79. Ibid., pp. 19-20.
80. Ibid., p. 20.
8l. Ibid., p. 20.
82. Ibid., p. 20.
83. Ibi d. , p. 21-
84. Ibid., pp. 21-22.
85. ~., p. 22.
86. Thomas S. Seburn and Bernard L. Marsh, ~. cit., p. 35.
87. Ibid., p. 35.
88. Ibid., p. 36.
89. Wilfred Owen with the assistance of Inai Bradfield, The
Accessible City (Washington, D.C.: The Brooki ngs InSTItute,
Transport Research Program, 1972), p. 39.
90. P. G. Patankar, Urban MObilit, in Develoying Countries (Bombay:
Popular Prakastian Bombay, 19 B), pp. 4- •
91. Ibid., p. 5.
92. Ibid., pp. 10-11.
93. D. K. Halder, Urban Transgort Problem [An Economic Investigation
into Public Ut11ities 1n alcutta] (Calcutta: Academic
Publishers, 1977), pp. 15-18.
94. P. G. Patankar,~. cit., p. 13.
95. Ibid., pp. 13-14.
96. Wilfred Owen, op • .£1!., pp. 43-44.
97. P. G. Patankar, ~. cit., p. 14.
98. Wilfred Owen, ~. cit., p. 39.

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