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Drucker Johanna Alphabetic Labyrinth The Letters in History and Imagination 1995
Drucker Johanna Alphabetic Labyrinth The Letters in History and Imagination 1995
T HE
D
th e L e tte rs
in H is to ry
and Im a g in a tio n
Johanna Drucker
A ny copy o f this book issued by the publisher as a paperback is sold
subject to the condition that it shall not by way o f trade or otherwise
be lent, resold, hired out or otherwise circulated w ithout the
publisher’s prior consent in any form o f binding or cover other than
that in which it is published and w ithout a similar condition
including these words being imposed on a subsequent purchaser.
ISBN 0-500-28068-1
and
from :
Annie,
Avery,
Buffy,
Christopher,
Dona,
Eliza,
Jessica,
Kieran,
Lauran,
M atthew,
M atthew,
Paul,
Teddy,
W hitney
to
Zachary
A ckn ow ledgm ents:
M any thanks are due to the colleagues, friends and fam ily who provided
advice on prelim inary drafts o f this manuscript: N atalie Kampen, for
ongoing commentary and discussion; D irk O bbink fo r references in the
Classical period; Andrew Gregory fo r translations from Latin and many
details; Brad Freeman for first readings; Paula Gerson for her conscien
tious help on the medieval period; Gino Lee fo r continual counsel on the
history o f calligraphy and printing, as well as technical advice; Em ily
McVarish fo r interest in a much earlier proposal. Also thanks are due to
Bertrand Augst and Tony Dubovsky under whose generous sponsorship
and support the original research for this project was first undertaken at
the University o f C alifornia at Berkeley in 1980. M arc Treib provided addi
tional support at that time. Julian Boyd provided references and advice on
sections concerned w ith the late Renaissance, particularly the w ork o f
John W ilkins. M uch appreciation to Robin M iddleton, through whose
machinations this book became more than a proposal. Finally, affectionate
thanks to Jane and Boris Drucker for their enthusiasm and careful reading
o f various portions o f the draft manuscript.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I T H E ALPHABET IN C O N T E X T
U
II O R IG IN S A N D H IS T O R IA N S
*Z
NOTES
309
B IB LIO G R A P H Y
3U
IN D E X
316
The Pergamon disk
From the invention o f letters the machinations o f the
human heart began to operate; falsity and error daily
increased; litig a tio n and prisons had th e ir beginnings,
as also specious and a rtfu l language, which causes so
much confusion in the w orld. It was on these accounts
that the shades o f the departed wept at night. But, on
the other hand, from the invention o f letters all polite
intercourse and music proceeded and reason and jus
tice were made manifest; the relations o f life were
defined, and laws were fixed; governors had a lasting
rule to refer to; scholars had authorities to venerate;
the historian, the mathem atician, the astronomer, can
do nothing w ith o u t letters. Were there not letters to
give proof o f passing events, the shades m ight weep at
noonday as well as night and the heavens rain down
blood, fo r tra d ition m ight affirm what she pleased, so
that the letters have done much more good than evil;
and as a token o f the good, heaven rained down ripe
grain the day that they were first invented.
In some form or other the letters we recognize as the alphabet have been in
continuous use for more than three thousand years. Currently, the alpha
bet is more widespread than any other system o f w ritten language. A fu ll
account o f its origin and development has only been pieced together dur
ing the 20th century, and the obscurity o f this history through the many
centuries o f its use has fostered much speculation about the origin and
symbolic value o f the letters. Thus, in addition to serving as an efficient
means o f representing many spoken languages, the alphabet has also
served as a set o f symbols whose distinct visual characteristics have pro
voked a plenitude o f imaginative projections. These symbolic interpreta
tions o f the visual forms o f the letters o f the alphabet provide a rich record
o f cultural history and ideas which interweave the domains o f philosophy
and religion, mysticism and magic, linguistics and humanistic inquiry. The
investigation o f alphabet symbolism forms the central focus o f this study,
but a few parameters and terms must be defined before proceeding w ith
discussion o f that m aterial.
First it is im portant to define the term alphabet and understand the
characteristics which distinguish the alphabet from other forms o f w riting.
Secondly, the concept o f alphabet symbolism, or the interpretation o f the
alphabet as a symbolic form , needs clear demarcation. Finally, a brief out
line o f other w ritin g systems which are non-alphabetic in nature provides
a context w ithin which the alphabet can be appreciated.
The basic principle o f alphabetic w ritin g is to represent a single sound
o f a spoken language by a single letter. This phonetic w ritin g system is at
best an approxim ation. The orthography o f English, fo r instance, is notor
iously plagued by inconsistencies and peculiarities which generations o f
reformers and pedagogues have struggled to correct. But while w ritten
forms are continually changing and evolving, never more rapidly than
under the influence o f computers, the tenacity o f the alphabet bespeaks its
im portant place w ith in human culture. W hile there are many examples o f
the invention o f w ritten signs used to mark ownership, record agricultural
cycles, make accounts and chart astronomical events, it is the phonetic
principle which is the unique characteristic o f the alphabet. N o other w rit
ing system has the capacity to represent the. sounds o f spoken language
w ith such efficient and adaptable means.
In addition to serving as the means to record speech or ideas in w rit
ing, the letters o f the alphabet also constitute a set o f visual symbols.
These shapes and features have played a part in the decipherment o f their
history and transmission and have inspired imaginative interpretations
o f their apparent or hidden meanings. To engage w ith the history o f
symbolic values attached to the visual form o f the letters requires charting
two parallel histories: one, attitudes toward the function o f language, and
the other the concept o f the symbol.
Language has conventionally been considered an instrum ent o f com
munication. W riting is generally considered a more or less adequate
means o f transcribing language so that it may serve its communicative
function. But throughout history, the letters o f the alphabet have occa
sioned imaginative speculation about the possible hidden value o f their
visual form . In oracular and ritu a l practices, mystic and kabbalistic doc
trine, Gnostic and humanistic beliefs, the letters have been considered as
fundamental elements o f the cosmos, or o f divine or human knowledge.
The attributes o f their visual forms have been assigned values which
extend far beyond their capacity to function as the orthography (mere
spelling or spoken sound) and instead have allowed them to be construed
as indices o f the most profound mysteries o f the universe. W hile most o f
the historical symbolic values attached to letter forms in these interpreta
tions would be discounted by contemporary scholars, the history o f such
conceptions provides a fascinating insight into the history o f ideas. The
interpretation o f the letter V as produced by the oracle at Delphi and
detailed in a record by Plutarch may have little to te ll us about the concrete
historical lineage o f the fifth letter o f our alphabet but serves to reveal
much about Greek concepts o f symbolic form .
As w ritten forms, the letters o f the alphabet have been used for cen
turies in the production o f w ritten and printed documents. M any visually
inventive versions o f letter forms have been produced, and as a device for
the arrangement o f pictorial elements, the alphabet has enjoyed the atten
tion o f calligraphic artists, type designers, and mystics. I shall not dwell
extensively here on alphabet use that is purely decorative in nature, or
attaches no extra meaning or value to the character o f the letters, or gives
no insight into intellectual thought. Instead, the focus o f this study has
been on the interpretation o f the alphabet as a symbolic m atrix whose let
ters are assumed to encode in their visual shape the history o f their o ri
gins, o f some fundamental cosmological or philosophical tru th , or some
mystic or ritu a l power. This research moves far afield from the domain o f
archaeological debate and linguistic inquiry, into the realm o f im agination
and philosophical speculation, but the framework for understanding these
symbolic interpretations must be established in the history o f the serious
and systematic inquiry into the actual origin o f the alphabet.
Fewer than a dozen instances o f the invention o f w ritin g are recorded
in human history. O f these, most occurred in and around the ancient Near
East: cuneiform in Sumer (3100 BC - all dates given here are general),
Proto-Elamite (3000 BC), H ittite hieroglyphics (1500 BC), Egyptian hiero
glyphics (3000 BC), and the Cretan-M inoan pictographic and linear
scripts (2000 BC, but w ith a considerably earlier date for the carved seals
from which they are derived). O f other ancient w ritin g systems, including
the glyphs o f pre-Columbian America (the earliest examples date to
300 AD ), Indus valley scripts (2000 BC), Easter Island proto-w riting and
The Alphabet in Context
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
0 0 1 H -, * ^ A-s 1 c rp /
O ur Parent who art in Heaven, T h y Name be Hallowed, T hy
12 13 14 1$ 16 17 18 192021 22 23 24 2$ 26
o • « u y /L ' 4 A / 4 - ,
Kingdome come. T h y W ill be done, fo in E arth as in Heaven, G ive
central presentation. This technique was used into the 19th and 20th cen
turies in portraits and works o f a more secular nature where the image
involved was often composed out o f micrographic w riting.
Finally, I have not attempted to deal w ith issues o f literacy, o f reading,
or o f the impact o f electronic forms o f media upon the conventions o f the
printed document. Contemporary life is more saturated w ith signs, letters,
language in visual form than that o f any previous epoch - T-shirts, b ill
boards, electronic marquis, neon signs, mass produced p rin t media - all
are part o f the visible landscape o f daily life, especially in urban Western
culture. M y decision was to remain involved w ith a textual tradition, to
examine the body of literature w ithin which the history and historio
graphy o f the alphabet has been established and transm itted, rather than
to examine the role o f w ritin g in the culture more broadly considered.
Ultim ately, this book is concerned m ainly w ith the symbolic attributions
and interpretations attached to what may be termed the Western
European alphabet. So let us turn our attention to the chronology o f the
discovery of its origins and development before tracing the concepts o f
alphabet symbolism through the course o f human history and tradition.
II
ORIGINS AND HISTORIANS
On the one hand the ingenious character o f the alphabet made it seem
too perfect, too simple and too complete to have been invented by mere
m ortals, and the tendency o f Western historians from biblical times
onward had been to assign ultim ate responsibility for all knowledge to a
divine source. On the other hand, scholars intent on researching the o ri
gins o f the alphabet were hampered by unsystematic archaeological evi
dence and lack o f specialized knowledge o f the evolution o f languages in
the ancient Near East. By the end o f the 19th century, however, the con
scientious chroniclers o f alphabet history, Isaac Taylor and Philippe Berger
both commented (w ith a note o f regret) that the tim e had passed in which
one could seek a single origin for the alphabet or expect to find that it had
been a divine gift.
The testimony provided by classical and biblical texts remained the
prim ary source for inform ation about the origins o f most forms o f w ritin g
u n til the Renaissance; in the case of the alphabet, this situation remained
unchanged u n til the 19th century. Among the Greeks, Herodotus’ com
ments on the Phoenician Cadmus found an echo in the later w ritings o f
Diodorus Siculus, who referred to the Phoenicians as the Pelasgi, or wan
derers. Pliny, in the first century AD, asserted that the use o f letters was
eternal, and that the antiquity o f this practice extended fa r beyond what
he called ‘authentic history’. If Pliny were placing history in a relativist
perspective, then he was correct, since the Egyptian system o f hieroglyphic
w ritin g extended several thousand years back into antiquity to a period
much beyond any memory o f Greek civilization. It is far more likely that
Pliny was simply falling back on a form ulaic solution to a d iffic u lt prob
lem. Plato, w ritin g some four centuries earlier on the symbolic value o f the
letters o f the alphabet, neither provided nor invoked real historical evi
dence. The dialogue in Cratylus, as w ill be evident in later discussion, is
philosophical and speculative in character. Such speculations remained the
norm in medieval and early Renaissance periods, when the visual evidence
provided by the letters themselves was the sole source for inform ation
about their history and invention. In the O ld Testament, w ritin g is first
mentioned in association w ith Moses. W hile there is no discussion o f w rit
ing in Genesis, there are numerous passages in Exodus which refer to the
tablets o f the Ten Commandments: ‘I w ill give thee tables o f stone, a law,
and commandments which I have w ritten.’ Also: ‘The tables were the
work o f God and the w ritin g was the w ritin g o f God.’ W ithout contradic
tory evidence (or m otivation) to dispute such attribution, the status o f
biblical texts as historical tru th went unquestioned.3
As a visual form , the alphabet faced s tiff com petition from Egyptian
hieroglyphics, and later, Chinese characters in their capacity to exercise
fascination as visual symbols. The pictorial quality o f the hieroglyphics
combined w ith their reputedly enigmatic function to provoke all manner
o f imaginative interpretation. Access to their functional operation as a
linguistic form was not understood u n til the discovery o f the Rosetta
Stone during French occupation resulted in the successful efforts at
decipherment by Jean-Fran^ois Cham pollion in the early 19th century. (It
subsequently fell into English hands.) The letters o f the alphabet seemed
fam iliar and unexciting by contrast. To some extent, however, it was such
intercultural contacts which sparked the imaginative investigations which
led to both the scientific investigation o f the development o f w ritten
forms, and also to the speculative projections which produce symbolic
interpretation. It was in part Plato’s contact w ith the priests o f Ptolemaic
Egypt, who had turned the early hieroglyphic w ritin g from a system for
monumental public inscriptions into an esoteric practice during the period
o f Greek dom ination, which instigated his own investigation into the
character o f the Greek letter forms. But in Western tradition the very term
hieroglyph virtu a lly defines the concept o f a potent visual image, one
whose linguistic value is far exceeded by its symbolic resonance. The
concept o f the hieroglyph was a central theme in the Corpus Herm eticum,
w ritings produced in the 2nd and 3rd centuries o f the Christian era, which
combined C hristian Gnosticism and arcane mysticism in a doctrine which
claimed descent from the figure o f Hermes Trismegistus, the Hellenized
image o f the Egyptian god T hoth.4
Such references would be irrelevant to later studies o f the alphabet if it
were not for the fact that in many cases these w ritings contained the
framework through which the letters could be interpreted as visual
symbols as well as instruments o f linguistic use. Thus Clement o f
Alexandria’s exegesis on symbology, Stromates, containing his efforts to
grapple w ith the nature o f the hieroglyphic form , outlined the structural
principles by which a symbol could be related to its meaning (such as
synecdoche, metaphor, and metonymy). The influence o f Clement’s text
stretched well into the 18th century in the w ritings o f such scholars as
L.D. Nelme and Rowland Jones whose interpretations o f the alphabet
derive part o f their intellectual structure from the 3rd-century Stromates.
Similarly, the influential Hieroglyphics o f H orapollo, w ritten in the 4th or
5th century AD, and com bining a distinctly Greek point o f view w ith a
smattering o f knowledge o f the Egyptian language and culture, became a
m ajor influence when the manuscript was discovered in the 15th century.
M ost im portant fo r the history o f alphabet studies, H orapollo’s
Hieroglyphics was taken up by early typographers and printers, such as
Geoffrey Tory and Aldus M anutius, whose extrapolation o f the
hieroglyphic tradition led to investigation o f the symbolic properties o f
letters.5 But these investigations were all concerned w ith symbolism, w ith
the interpretation o f visual forms as a means o f gaining m oral or theologi
cal knowledge, not w ith tracing the history o f w ritten language. The idea
that the alphabet had a history, beyond that o f Adam in Eden, Moses at
Sinai, or Cadmus on his trade routes through the Mediterranean, is a con
cept which only comes to m aturity in the 19th-century obsession w ith
origins.
If hieroglyphics inspired all manner o f symbolic interpretation from
the point o f the Greeks’ first awareness o f their existence, the cuneiform
Origins and Historians
scripts o f the ancient Near East had far less o f an im pact on Western
thought. Neither ancient nor medieval scholars demonstrate any aware
ness o f the cuneiform scripts o f Sumer, Babylonia and Akkadia; there is no
mention o f the ‘nail letters’ (the literal meaning o f cuneiform) in either
classical or biblical literature. The cultures in the T igris and Euphrates
valley who had been most successful in their development o f cuneiform
scripts had ceased to dominate the region before the tim e o f their contact
w ith the Greeks, although there were cuneiform scripts in use along the
Babylonian cuneiform northern regions o f the coast on which the Phoenicians traded and in
Mesopotamia as late as the 1st century AD. Even though the monumental
Persian inscriptions at Persepolis and Behistun were never completely
buried or destroyed it was not u n til 1604 that an emissary o f the pope,
Pietro della Valle, made prelim inary drawings o f the Behistun monument.
This can be seen as an effective demonstration o f cuneiform ’s in ability to
assert seductive power on the basis o f visual mystery.6 The 17th century,
however, was a period o f rapid expansion in linguistic and archaeological
knowledge, as well as an era in which things charged w ith the exoticism o f
ancient or other cultures found particularly eager reception among
European scholars. Cuneiform , hieroglyphics, and Chinese characters -
w ith the latter two linked by vague and veiled connections - began to
enjoy a certain vogue as objects which m ight provide insight into the his
tory o f human thought and ideas as well as into the foreign language o f
other cultures. Historians o f the alphabet would later reap the benefits o f
this interest, since any understanding o f its development would depend
upon a thorough knowledge o f so-called oriental languages - Persian,
Coptic and Hebrew - whose study was promoted as a means to analyse
hieroglyphic and cuneiform texts.
basis o f their clearly notated vowels. The two branches o f epigraphic study
were separated by more than the geographic specificity o f the regions to
which their studies assigned them; debates on methods of dating, and of
the relative merits o f the two versions o f the alphabet began to take form.
The distinctions between an alphabet w ith notated vowels and w ithout,
and the debates it has engendered, remain one o f the more intense areas o f
scholarly contest in contemporary alphabet studies. By the end o f the 19th
century, however, alphabet scholarship had established a solid basis in
philological analysis of language form and development aided by archae
ological evidence. In many ways the gulf which separates Edmund Fry’s
1799 publication and the comprehensive assessment o f alphabet research
published by Philippe Berger in 1892 is w ider than any opened in the two
previous m illennia. There is a m ajor conceptual distinction between Fry’s
eclectic gathering o f typefaces, legends and m ythology and Berger’s cau
tiously circumscribed account, the result o f a 19th-century approach to
epigraphic research which took the natural sciences as its model.
The date o f Fry’s publication coincides w ith the discovery of the
Rosetta Stone. The breakthrough in understanding the Egyptian language
and the linguistic operation o f the hieroglyphs had profound effects on
research into the origins o f the alphabet. Before the decipherment o f
Egyptian hieroglyphics, and their related cursive forms o f hieratic and
demotic, there had been no reason to look to Egyptian sources for the
alphabetic letters. It had been so deeply ingrained in Western thought that
the w ritin g systems were grounded on fundamentally distinct principles,
that only the clear evidence that there was a phonetic basis fo r at least a
significant portion o f the hieroglyphs provided the impetus to look for a
lin k o f some kind. Up u n til that point, the efforts o f classicists in tracing
the development o f Greek w ritin g had never reached beyond the
Phoenician letters and their immediate Semitic antecedents. On the basis
o f both classical authorities and visual sim ilarities, the Phoenicians were 27
s till considered the single original source for all later alphabetic develop
ment. There had been neither artifacts nor linguistic evidence on which
proto-alphabetic letter forms could be traced.
Greek and Latin epigraphy and paleography were prom inent scholarly
fields in the early 19th century. An exhaustive attempt to publish all
known examples o f Greek inscriptions had been initiated by the classicist
August Bockh in 1828 in Berlin (this project, now known as the
Inscriptiones Graecae is s till underway).8 Though Greek epigraphy was
firm ly established, questions about the earliest origins o f the pre-Greek
letter form s remained unasked. Semitic epigraphy had also gained a firm
foundation during the same period, largely through the efforts o f W ilhelm
Gesenius, who published and deciphered the fu ll corpus o f known exam
Phoenician inscription (Wilhelm ples o f Phoenician w ritin g in 1837. Gesenius’ w ork remained a major
Gesenius, Scripturae Linguaquae source fo r understanding the extent o f Phoenician culture and influence in
Phoeniciae M onum enta, Leipzig, the ancient Near East and West throughout most o f the century, and par
1837) ticipated in the general high estimation in which Phoenician culture was
Origins and Historians
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Chart o f Phoenician letters y r x ^ sn . if,ti,. ---------
(William Gesenius, Scripturae j 1 77 7 „ 221 i ® ..+ r —
Linguaquae Phoeniciae Oh ) Hi H W H ^ U u ).S U ..W LJ V 7) 2 /l\.. .
M onum enta, Leipzig, 1837) t y f A f f l h ._ .t_
Origins and Historians
hieroglyphs, and it was their distinctive schematic form from which Rouge
was able to obtain the characters he suggested were the prototypes o f the
Semitic letters. This particular set o f correspondences, mapped in a table
comparing the Egyptian hieratic w ith Phoenician and Greek forms, was
based entirely on correlations o f sound values. For the sounds represented
by the twenty-two characters o f the Phoenician alphabet, Rouge found
hieroglyphic and hieratic signs, to which the forms o f the schematic
Phoenician letters were supposed to bear a strong visual resemblance, thus
bearing out the connection o f phonetic value. In Rouge’s table, the hiero
glyphic picture value fo r the sound ‘a’ was indicated w ith an eagle, w ith
the schematic hieratic form next to it, followed by the fam iliar Phoenician
‘A’ in its shifted orientation. Rough’s sound values may have correlated, but
/»w the visual sources he had chosen were wrong - that same ‘A’ would eventu
ally be linked to the ox-head and its name ‘aleph.’ This absence o f visual
£ c L V
sim ilarity between Egyptian sources and alphabetic letters was pointed
> 7 V to out by his critics, but in general Rouge’s theories met w ith wide accep
-T 3 tance. Though his specific speculations have been largely disproved, the
>
principle on which Rouge worked and his prim ary assertion that the
% > M t>
Phoenician alphabet had an Egyptian origin were both suggestive, and
? o 0 Q y have been developed further by 20th-century partisans o f this position. In
addition, an im portant concept had its germ ination here: the idea o f the
? n 5)
> ?
pictorial origin o f the schematic letter forms o f the alphabet.
r * h > - if The introduction to Rouge’s published w ork was addressed to Frangois
r / t T jn
o f the Phoenician alphabet. Though the M oabite stone is now dated to the
9th century BC (and its script identified as part o f an early branch o f the
Part o f the Egypto-Phoenician Canaanite alphabet o f which Phoenician is another) the antiquity o f the
alphabet, according to alphabet had begun to be pushed back beyond the assumed point o f its
Emmanuel de Roug6 (De Roug6, transmission to the Greeks in the 11th century BC. This intensified the rift
M em oire sur I'orig in e between Semitist and classical epigraphers: Lenormant wrongly insisted
Egyptienne de I'alphabet that o f the many alphabetic forms derived from the Phoenician, Greek was
Phoenicienne, Paris, 1874) the oldest, while other scholars were convinced o f the greater antiquity of
Origins and Historians
retain between them a not inapt representation o f the beak, while the first
o f the vertical strokes represents the breast. In the script form ‘m’, the cen
tra l hanger stands for the beak, on either side o f which are seen the two
curves which represent the ears.’ Taylor’s method o f arriving at these
detailed conclusions combined sheer daring w ith careful observation in
accord w ith state-of-the-art scholarship. He fell into the m ajor p itfa ll of
such research: the highly schematic forms o f the alphabet can be made to
correspond w ith a nearly endless variety o f more complex pictorial
images, and thus, seem to be ‘derived* from them. Since he had phonetic
correspondences as a basis, Taylor inferred the visual correspondences. As
in the case o f his predecessor Rouge, this led, as much by accident as
method, to his being correct for only two out o f twenty-two values in his
tables.
Egyptian
Phoenician
i
Greek Samaritan Aramean Sabean
M !3 f> ^1
_J___________________ I L
1 1
Roman Runic Coptic Estranghelo Hebrew Old Indian Ethlopic
M 0 S on
M ** *
1 | !
1
English Anglo Saxon Syriac Tam il Tibetan Burmese
m 0) IQ Q
I 1 |
1. 1 1
Zend Mongolian Old .Airabic Sanskrit Javanese
Derivation o f the letter M
9 0 <L>'
according to Isaac Taylor (The
1--------------- i 1 1 I
Alphabet, London, 1883) Georgian Armenian Manchu Modern Arabic Gujerati
9 U 3 •* >1
alphabet than the Greek forms. To support the hypothesis o f the arbitrary
character o f the Semitic names o f the letters, he quoted a child
ren’s nursery rhyme as a parallel example. According to Taylor the rela
tions proposed in ‘A was an Archer who shot at a frog, B was a Butcher
who had a great dog, etc.’ were as credible as the equation
<A=aleph=oxhead’. But the techniques which had helped Rouge make such
profound progress in his w ork also furthered Taylor’s research —the sys
tematic analysis o f the sounds o f the Egyptian language in phonetic terms
and an investigation o f the correlation between these sounds, the sounds
o f Semitic languages, and their representation by w ritten signs. The alpha
bet was coming out o f its isolation and gradually being connected to the
historical context o f cultural developments in the geographic region of its
invention.
LA TE R
EGYPTIAN. SEMITIC. EQ UIVALEN TS.
Hebrew.
G reek.
Phoenician.
g
Values. H ie ro g lyp h ic. H ie ra tic.
1
a eagle * A A K 1
k £
~0 crane B B 3 2
5
k 's ) throne G **"Z« 2 f 7 A r C 2 S
f cerastes v 1 V F 6
2 duck •x . X Z ? 7
& t
sieve © 3 0 & * H H n 8
$ (th) tongs 'G S b © 0 ... tD 9
i parallels \\ y 1 1 > 10
Jc bowl K K 11
I lioness c I A l ’ 12
m owl 'I M M D 13
n water /WX/WN N N 2 14
1
s chairback H X D 16
a o o 0 V 16
P shutter I 7 n P D 17
r mouth <=> p R n 20
inundated
s (sh) garden m w z S w 21
Affiliation o f Egyptian and %
Semitic alphabets (Isaac Taylor, t lasso T T r\ 22
} $ f X +
The Alphabet, London, 1883) i. ii. in. iy. y. vr. VIT.
Origins and Historians
Standard 1
Alphabet. |
M issionary
Notations.
a
A lphabet.
Vulgate.
Glossic.
A rabic.
Usual
§ I 4 a
I: l
|
|
1 I aye
Alcph K a, e, ’a 9 9 9 9 e, a a, e, (o) 1
(Vj °)
0 (_>
Beth a b
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o f the Sem itic alphabet. The site was older than the sites in which
Phoenician and Hebrew inscriptions had been found, and the evidence
inspired new directions in alphabet studies. Petrie was excavating an area
in w hich turquoise and copper mines had been active around 1700 BC. He
found a series o f inscriptions in caves, m ine entrances and temples w hich
had obvious visible links to hieroglyphics and yet were dem onstrable
examples o f a Sem itic, n ot E gyptian, language. Petrie’s discovery had
other im p lica tio ns, since the num ber o f elements contained in his signary
(his term ) exceeded the num ber contained in the alphabet used by the
Phoenicians. He proposed th a t this signary had been diffused around the
area o f the M editerranean coast and trade routes, and th a t it o nly became
reduced and fixed in fo rm at a later date. He believed, fo r instance, th at
both the Greek alphabet and the Phoenician alphabet had been form ed
independently from this w idely used signary. The m aterials w hich resulted
from Petrie’s research proved more viable than his own in te rp re ta tio n o f
them and provided the basis fo r investigating an early source fo r the
alphabet, one w hich preceded the Phoenician dissem ination, and w hich
extended the period in w hich both developm ent and transm ission had
occurred.
A decade afte r Petrie’s o rig in a l discoveries, A lan G ardiner proposed
th a t at least one w ord in the Sinai inscriptions could be read. T his contra
dicted Petrie’s n o tio n th a t they were m erely crude pre-alphabetic signs.
G ardiner read the Sem itic name o f the goddess B ia t (or ‘Ba’a la t’), the
‘mistress o f turquoise’ know n to the Egyptians as H athor, in a num ber o f
the a rtifa cts found in the Sinai site. Though he could n ot establish w ith
clear a u th o rity the phonetic value, or even the stable visual fo rm o f the
rest o f the signs in the S inaitic in scrip tio n , G ardiner was convinced by a
num ber o f factors th a t th is was the prototype o f a ll the alphabets: it had
h isto rica l p rio rity , was visua lly related to both hieroglyphics and later
alphabetic form s, and he was convinced it recorded a Sem itic script.
G ardiner’s position was taken up by a num ber o f other scholars. G odfrey
D river, fo r instance, determ ined th at the alphabetic character o f Petrie’s
so-called signary was w ell established in this early period in the Sinai.
D rive r found evidence th a t this alphabetic order was su fficien tly fixed to
serve as a guide fo r workm en in the consecutive assembly o f b u ild in g ele
ments. The idea o f the S inaitic o rig in o f the alphabet found a strong p ro
ponent in F.W. A lb rig h t, w hich continues to be prom oted by his student
Frank Cross, both o f whom supported the archaeological evidence w ith
careful lin g u istic research. There are challenges to this theory, however,
and the geographically dispersed archaeological evidence fro m the Levant
continues to challenge epigraphists and scholars in th e ir search fo r the o ri
gins o f the alphabet.
One technical p o in t, however, should be made before going on to the
outline o f the history o f the alphabet as it is currently understood.
Changes in p rin tin g and the techniques o f image reproduction have had an
enorm ous im pact on the study and p ub lica tion o f research in the field o f
Origins and Historians
Sinai inscription (l)b'lt (British epigraphy. In his in tro d u ctio n Isaac T aylor bemoaned the expense o f the
Museum, London) p ub lica tion on the h isto ry o f the alphabet occasioned in large p a rt by the
unavailab ility o f p rin tin g types to serve the purpose o f representing the
many scripts he was describing. T aylo r’s com plaints indicate ju st how fa r
epigraphic research had outstripped the com m ercial return to be made by
creating p rin tin g types fo r little -k n o w n and barely available versions o f
w ritte n scripts. The m ajor im petus to the cu ttin g and founding o f such
types had come from either co lo nia l expansion o r m issionary proselytiza-
tio n (or some com bination o f the tw o) and there was little to be gained in
either dom ain by cu ttin g types to represent an e xtin ct language o f a long
vanished culture o f the ancient N ear East.
There are several sites w hich compete fo r claim s to having fostered
development o f the proto-alphabet in the period between 1700 and 1500
BC. The oldest and to m any scholars m ost convincing evidence is th at
fro m the Sinai, from the extensive m aterials gathered in the excavations at
Serabit El-Khadem w hich were the source o f the inscriptions from which
Flinders Petrie composed his o rig in a l signary. There are, however, both
visual and lin g u istic reasons to suggest th a t the process o f alphabet form a
tio n may have occurred in several other locations at m ore o r less the same
period and under influences besides th a t o f E gyptian hieroglyphs. There
are fo u r m ain areas in w hich m aterials have been found w hich indicate
early stages o f alphabet fo rm a tion . The furthe st n o rth o f these is the area
near present-day Ras Shamra in Syria (the site o f the ancient c ity o f
U g a rit); the second is at the site o f the ancient Phoenician p o rt o f Byblos,
Origins and Historians
Map of region of the The chief language type o f the ancient N ear East was Sem itic, and rep
Mediterranean in which the resented by several m ajor branches: A kkadian in the M esopotam ian valley, 37
alphabet was developed Aram aic in Syria and upper M esopotam ia, Canaanite (Phoenician), old
Hebrew, A rabic (which is the m ain fo rm in use in m odern'tim es), and
other less dom inant branches such as A m haric, the Sem itic language o f
E thiopia. Remnants o f early Aram aic are s till found in parts o f Turkey and
Iraq and in to the Caucasus region.9 C ontem porary Hebrew is a modern
revival o f a branch o f the Aram aic language used in the Persian empire,
and has little relation to the ancient Hebrew (s till preserved by the
Sam aritan sect as a ritu a lis tic w ritte n language). W hile the alphabet was
firs t used and m odified by the Sem itic speakers, it was, as m ost w ritin g s,
adaptable to other languages. Just as the Akkadians had borrowed th e ir
cuneiform from the non-Sem itic speakers o f Sumer, and the Semites
appropriated the w ritte n marks o f the Egyptian language, so the alphabet
ic form s w ould find ready reception among the 12th to 9th century BC
invaders from the n o rth and east who spoke m ainly Indo-European lan
guages. The chief d iffic u lty in such transm ission is the n o ta tio n o f sounds
w hich do n o t exist in the language from w hich the script is borrowed. The
Origins and Historians
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and tim ber, in short supply in the N ile valley, was exported. The Greeks
also had im p o rta n t contact w ith the Phoenicians at Byblos a few centuries
later, in fa ct the Greek name fo r papyrus, b ib los, w hich worked its way
in to the language as the basis o f the Greek w ord fo r book, biblion> was
taken from the name o f the Phoenician city. W orking in this region in the
1930s, the French archaeologist M aurice D unand found a num ber o f
inscriptions on bronze tablets and spatulae w hich are in a d iffe re n t fo rm o f
o ld Canaanite script. T his scrip t is term ed pseudo-hieroglyphic, but a ll the
Phoenician letters except tw o have prototypes among th e ir form s. Dunand
posited the dates o f these inscriptions as early (or even earlier) than the
Sinai inscriptions, and suggested th a t they were, sim ilarly, the product o f a
Sem itic-speaking people inventing a w ritin g system under the influence o f
the Egyptians. The arguments fo r this scrip t as the prototype o f the
Phoenician alphabet is based on geographic p ro xim ity, the d irectio n o f
w ritin g (both read from rig h t to left) and the fa ct th a t some documents
have been found w hich contained both scripts. The num ber o f signs in the
pseudo-hieroglyphic script was considerably larger in num ber than in the
Phoenician, however, and apparently constituted a syllabary. There are no
other documented instances o f reduction o f syllabary scripts to phonetic
scripts, and the structural principles on w hich they are based are su ffi
ciently d ifferen t to make such a tra n sitio n unlikely. A gain, archaeological
evidence is not forthco m in g to trace a continuous tra n sitio n supporting
this pseudo-hieroglyphic as the o rig in a l alphabet, but w hat is quite clear is
th a t the concept and practice o f w ritin g had developed in the region w ell
before the Phoenician script consolidated.
A considerable num ber o f other early Canaanite inscriptions dating as
fa r back as the 18th century BC have been found throughout the region
near Byblos, as w ell as Gezer and Lachish. Early, m iddle and late periods
o f this Canaanite script are distinguished in inscriptions on seals, daggers,
bowls and other pottery. D avid D irin g e r pointed out th a t the dates defin
ing these periods correspond, roughly, to the Age o f the Patriarchs (1700
BC), the Age o f Joshua (1400-1300 BC), and the Age o f'th e Judges
(13th-12th centuries BC), and th a t the lacuna corresponds to the period o f
Israelite oppression in Egypt. A ll o f these scripts are clear antecedents to
the Phoenician, and have been used to support the theory o f the S inaitic
invention o f the alphabet, w ith these Canaanite inscriptions (found
throughout the region o f ancient Palestine) fu n ctio n in g as the geographic
and chronological tra n sitio n between the pictographs and the line ar form s.
One o f the problem s w ith this suggestion is reconciling the early dates o f
the firs t o f these Canaanite inscriptions - in some cases as early o r earlier
than th e ir Sinai inscriptions - w ith a chronological development. In fact,
the earlv Canaanite inscriptions also offer strong evidence fo r the sim ulta
neous developm ent o f several independent attem pts at alphabetic w ritin g ,
A sarcophagus in scrip tio n found near Byblos by Paul M o n te t in 1923 is
debatably the oldest o f a group o f N orth ern Sem itic examples o f the alpha
bet. The te xt is an epitaph praising K ing A hiram , and has been dated as
Origins and Historians
early as the 13th century BC. The N o rth Sem itic alphabet is the closest
im m ediate antecedent' to the Phoenician, and other artifa cts in this script,
such as the Gezer a gricu ltu ra l calendar are found in to the firs t m illennium
BC. The direction o f the w ritin g , the fo rm , num ber and sequence o f the let
ters a ll correspond to the Phoenician characters, though the question o f
o rigin al sources remains. There is considerable contem porary debate over
the dating o f the A hiram sarcophagus, and the discussion o f its form s is a
prom inent element in the struggles between classicists and Sem itist schol
ars over the date o f transm ission o f the alphabet from this region to the
Greeks.12 There is strong evidence to suggest th a t the alphabet o f this
inscriptio n provided the prototypes fo r the Greek script, and th a t the date
o f transm ission was about this tim e. In th a t case, the Greek alphabet w ould
be one o f the several branches o f o rig in a l Canaanite, like Phoenician, early
Hebrew, and the much earlier offshoot o f South Sem itic alphabets.
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Ras Shamra alphabet (Ren6 3 ■
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Shamra, Paris 1937) As the Phoenician alphabet stabilized, the direction o f w ritin g became
fixed in a rig h t to le ft directio n , and the sequence and o rien ta tion o f the
letters to o k on a perm anent form . It was from this Phoenician form th at
the m ajor branches o f Greek and Aram aic derived, as w ell as the less
successful o ld Hebrew and Punic form s. O ld Hebrew developed in the
11th and 10th centuries BC durin g the tim e associated in b ib lica l history
w ith D avid and Solom on; it fe ll out o f use after the fa ll o f the Temple and
Babylonian exile in the 6th century BC. Though preserved in the form o f
sect scrip t Sam aritan, o ld Hebrew was held in low esteem by the rabbini
cal Jews who adopted a chancellery script o f the late Persian empire as the
Sabaean inscription (British basis o f the square Hebrew s till in use today. Too little is know n o f the
Museum, London) Punic form s o f the Phoenician alphabet to be clear about th e ir develop-
Origins and Historians
•A s i i f • *
• W lA ? * : ' A f llt *
13A • (113A • IV •*«"*»«: •flQsaftt
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in Samaritan (Friderico
Uhlemanno, Institutiones
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Linguae Sarmaratinae, Leipzig - c ^ j a ^ A * s re ttifl • a x n • '- it n i
1837) m a m • - ) t " * ^ A ( t i • ^ 2 A a '3 A t ** •
The m ajor o ffsp rin g o f the Canaanite source were the tw o alphabets
from w hich m ost m odern systems derived: Phoenician and Aram aic. The
alphabets to the east o f Syria were offshoots o f A ram aic, w hile the alpha
bets to the west derived fro m the Phoenician. Aram aic (the term refers to
the w ritin g system as w ell as to the language, w hich became the dom inant
language in the N ear and M id d le East in the la tte r h a lf o f the firs t m illen
nium BC) developed in Syria no later than the 11th century BC but
reached its greatest period o f influence durin g the Persian empire. As the
Im pe ria l A ram aic it spread w idely between the 6th century BC and the
breakup o f the Persian em pire in 332 BC and spawned fo u r m ajor branch
es o f n ational scripts: Syriac, Nabataean (the source o f m odern Arabic,
Persian, and T urkish as w ell as Slavonic, S w ahili, M alay and many other
alphabets in use in A fric a , Asia and parts o f Europe), Palmyrene (which
lasted in to the 3rd century AD , when Palmyra was destroyed by the
Romans), and the Jewish alphabet w hich led to m odern Hebrew. A branch
Origins and Historians
A // H
which was either early Aram aic o r derived from its Canaanite prototype
spread to the non-Sem itic languages o f the Indian subcontinent by the 7th
century BC where it became the basis o f Brahm i, Devenagari, Pali and the
scripts used throughout Burm a, T ib e t, and Indonesia.
Origins and Historians
W m 9m m
llt S lI i! ! lll« § f !
m m m
I S lS t
Mycenae, and its reappearance on the m ainland between 750 and 700 BC,
the problem shifts to the dating o f Sem itic inscriptions whose relatio n to
the Greek prototypes o f the 8th o r early 9th century BC is largely assessed
through script com parison. A long-standing com ponent o f this argum ent,
s till supported by many classicists, is the concept o f a Greek D ark Age o f
illite ra c y in the three hundred years fo llo w in g the destruction o f M inoan
and Mycenaean centers.13 W ritin g in these early cultures was largely used
fo r accounting purposes, and though the Linear B scrip t o f the latest
M inoan era recorded a Greek language, the earlier scripts have no relation
to Greek whatsoever. Tablets and records o f taxes and transactions
abound, but there are no instances o f the lite ra ry w ritin g w hich is a fea
ture o f the firs t classical inscriptions.
The supposed supe rio rity o f the Greek alphabet has tra d itio n a lly been
asserted on the basis o f the fu ll nota tion o f vowels through independent
le tte r form s. As evidence in the U g a rit alphabet and certain Canaanite
inscriptions has revealed the presence o f various vowel notations in the
Sem itic scripts, the hard and fast d istin ctio n between the Greek fo rm and
Sem itic sources has blurred. The Greek alphabet derived d ire ctly fro m the
Phoenician, as is evident by the com parison o f letters, whose s im ila rity
leaves little doubt on this p o in t (in contrast to , fo r instance, the Etruscan,
which sometimes seems closer to the Greek form s than to the Phoenician
o riginals). Early Greek inscriptions do not have a fixed directio n , they can
be w ritte n rig h t to le ft, o r le ft to rig h t, o r in a regularly alternating
sequence know n as boustrophedon after the pattern made by a plow ing
ox. T his p o in t, com bined w ith the visual force o f scrip t com parison, sug
gests an early date o f transm ission - one closer to 1100-1050 BC than the
9th o r 8th century BC date tra d itio n a lly assigned - since afte r this period
the Phoenician inscriptions do n o t have the v a ria b ility o f directio n seen in
the Greek inscriptions. The lack o f evidence from excavations fo r any
w ritin g in the Greek m ainland between the destruction o f Mycenaean civi- 47
liz a tio n and its syllabary in the 12th century BC and the appearance o f jug
and bow l inscriptions in the 8th o r possibly 9th century BC has le ft ample
room fo r debate. O f these latter, tw o s trik in g examples are the D ip ylo n
jug dated to around 740 BC and the so-called N estor’s cup, also dated to
the 8th century BC. These tw o objects, deemed among the oldest exam
ples o f Greek epigraphy, though close in visual form to the Phoenician
Dipylon vase showing Greek prototypes, inscribe verse-texts o f praise to an athlete and a dancer in a
inscription dated to 8th century style w hich is perfectly consistent w ith the heroic classical
BC tra d itio n .
Through the w ork o f M a rtin Bernal, Joseph Naveh and P. Kyle
M cC arter, as w ell as a host o f other archaeologists and linguists, the gap
between early Greek classical inscriptions, archaic evidence, and the h isto
ry o f Sem itic scripts in the Levant has been closing. It was the Western
Greek (C halcidian) alphabet which spread through Cumae in Ita ly and
thus to Europe, becoming the basis o f a ll m odern European scripts,
inclu ding those used fo r m odern English. Later inventions, such as the
Origins and Historians
C y rillic , G la g o litic, W allachian, Germ an, Runic and Roman hands all
trace th e ir origins back to the Greek. In the contem porary w orld there are
several hundred alphabets currently in use, a ll o f w hich are derivations of
the Canaanite scripts o f the o ld Sem itic language. The Greeks adopted the
Sem itic names o f the letters, though the words have no value in their
Greek form : alphay beta, and delta fo r instance merely denote the letters.
A N D D IV IN A T IO N
In the classical period, the Greek a ttitu de tow ard the alphabet contained
elements o f h isto rica l consciousness, m ythical belief, lin g u istic analysis
and sym bolic thought. T his array o f positions is evidenced in the many
classical texts w hich attem pt to describe the origins, value, o r fu nctio n o f
the alphabet. Both the Greeks and the Romans had e x p lic it fa ith in the
perform ative efficacy o f w ritte n form s, and in later a n tiq u ity the blend o f
m ythical and m agical practices expanded to include Jewish, E gyptian and
C hristian izin g influences as w ell (as w ill be seen in the next chapter). The
alphabet was involved in a w ide range o f cu ltu ra l activities between the
5th century BC and the firs t centuries AD , but the legacy o f classicism
extends in to the 20th century. Later w rite rs m aking use o f classical
m ythology d id n o t always ground th e ir w ork in the texts o f this earlier
period and often granted themselves considerable la titu d e in interpretin g
the classical tra d itio n . T his chapter focuses on the discussion o f the alpha
bet and its h isto ry as it was m anifest in a ntiquity, w ith some indications o f
classical themes taken up in later h istory and sym bolism .
C urrent debates about the precise h isto rica l m om ent at which the
alphabet was transm itted to the Greek islands and m ainland leave many
issues unresolved. Research in to the effects o f the alphabet upon Greek
culture has been extensive. The claim s fo r the su pe rio rity o f the Greek
m odifications o f alphabetic w ritin g have been sym ptom atic o f the
European tendency to privilege a ll aspects o f Greek culture over th at o f
the much older civiliza tio n s o f A frica and the ancient N ear East. The
Greeks themselves made few such claim s though th e ir discussions o f
h isto ry and sym bolism in connection w ith w ritin g are embedded in a
com plex o f concerns about th e ir own history, identity, and culture.
Argum ents fo r the su pe rio rity o f the Greek alphabet, as m entioned
earlier, centered on the im portance o f vowel n o ta tio n and on the im pact o f
alphabetic literacy on Greek culture in general. The distinctions between
the mechanics o f the Sem itic alphabet, p a rticu la rly the Phoenician p ro to
type fro m w hich the Greek alphabet was derived, and th a t o f the Greek
were am plified by 19th- and especially 20th-century classicists fo r whom
the lite ra ry significance o f the H om eric epics eclipses th a t o f a ll previous
lite ra ry w orks in scope and quality. These scholars reduce the law books
o f U r (around 2100 BC), the Code o f H am m urabi (about 1750 BC), the
The Alphabet in Classical History, Philosophy and Divination
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The Alphabet in Classical History, Philosophy and Divination
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p p PPP Y PR YP PR P K P PPf cP PPPP YP
or tz ** m MZ HS S s iz si *5 * M
T T T ' T T T T T T T
t; YV YV r v Y Y YV YV Y V KYV
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X X X x+ X X YV Y V V
Geographical distribution of * r v
Greek alphabets (Isaac Taylor, (0 n OG
The Alphabet, London, 1883) i. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. _
Papyrus scrolls, wax tablets, lead, gold and silver fo il were a ll m aterials
used fo r w ritte n documents in add itio n to w hich inscriptions were fre
quently scratched through, o r painted onto, p o tte ry glazes. M onum ental
stone engravings increased in scale and num ber throughout antiquity, w ith
ABC
a high degree o f aesthetic achievement in both the Greek and Roman peri
od. The L a tin alphabet, as has been m entioned, was n o t a d irect descen
dant o f the Ionian alphabet o f the Greeks, but a developm ent w ith a com
m on early antecedent. The alphabet eventually adopted by the Romans
GHI came fro m the Etruscans, through settlem ents in and around the c ity o f
Cumae on the ancient Ita lia n peninsula. Some o f these settlers had come
from Boeotia and Euboia on the eastern side o f the Greek m ainland, and
NOP some from the island o f Pithekoussai. The Romans made th e ir own m odi
fications. They were responsible fo r the superbly designed m onum ental
capitals w hich are s till copied by calligraphers and stone carvers in con
tem porary lettering. But they also saw the need fo r a dd itio na l letters. In 44
TVW
Renaissance form of Roman
A D the em peror C laudius introduced three new sym bols, a vertical digam
ma fo r ‘V,’ an anti-sigm a fo r the ps and bs sound, and another sym bol to
represent the long ‘u’ sound. D istinctio ns between ‘V,’ ‘U,’ and ‘W ’ as w ell
majuscules. Inspired by classical as between ‘I ’ and ‘J’ d id n ot enter the alphabet u n til the medieval period.
models, by Serlio, 16th century The alphabet used by the Romans is the direct progenitor o f the alphabet
(Lewis F. Day, Alphabets Old and used fo r English, though elements o f an Anglo-Saxon scrip t were in use up
New, 1910) through the 15th century when, largely due to the standardization effected
The Alphabet in Classical History, Philosophy and Divination
by the spread o f p rin tin g , they were elim inated. A ttem pts to revive local
scripts have occurred throughout the succeeding centuries, m ost especially
in the e fforts o f spelling reform ers who cited the inadequacy o f the L a tin
alphabet fo r n ota ting the sounds o f the English language. These and other
developments, such as the Renaissance reinvention o f w hat they believed
to be classical form s, w ill be touched on in later chapters.
The Greek w ord fo r the alphabet, stoicheia, also carries the meaning
elements w ith a ll the cosm ological associations o f th a t term . For the
Greeks the letters had an atom istic and elem ental character. The letters
were indecom posable: there were no sm aller, m ore significant, o r more
basic elements o f the cosmic order. It was fro m these units th a t the m ateri
al fo rm o f the universe, and the natural w o rld , was constructed. In addi
tio n , the essence o f the letters was equivalent to th e ir value as numbers, fo r
numbers were considered the purest fo rm o f energy o r m atter. T his funda
m ental concept, w hich finds its firs t a rtic u la tio n in the th in k in g o f the
Pythagoreans, weaves through a ll o f classical sym bolism .
The n o tio n th a t the letters were a fin ite set o f elements capable o f in fi
nite com binations was frequently commented on by classical w rite rs. The
Roman philosopher Lucretius, fo r instance, noted th a t if a ll the letters in
the H om eric epics were set free from th e ir lite ra ry fo rm , jum bled in a
sack, and then poured o u t, they w ould reconstruct the universe. Several
centuries earlier, A ris to tle had pointed o u t th a t both Tragedy and Comedy
were w ritte n w ith the same letters. B ut in spite o f this cosm ological con
ception o f the elem ental character o f letters, the Greek authors had a defi
nite sense o f the hum an h isto ry in w hich th e ir w ritin g system had evolved
as w ell as o f its m ythic significance. The accounts used to describe these
tw o are often in co n tra d ictio n , but are no less indicative o f Greek attitudes
fo r th a t fact.
Classical authors linked the alphabet to both Phoenician o r E gyptian
sources - to the figures o f either the sem i-m ythic Cadmus, a figure whose
name means person ‘from the East,’ o r T h o th , the Egyptian god who is
associated w ith the Greek Hermes. The Greek sources agreed th a t
Cadmus was Phoenician, but they placed the period o f his a rriva l in
Greece in the m iddle Bronze Age, around 1600 BC, more than h a lf a m il
lennium earlier than current archaeological dating perm its. The h isto rica l
record preserved in these accounts was sometimes embellished to give a
m ythic character to the story. Am ong the 5th-century historians, Nonnos
described Cadmus’s g ift to the Greeks as a ‘divine a rt,’ w hile K ritia s stated
in rather more pedestrian term s th a t it was the Phoenicians who had ‘dis
covered the w ord-guarding scratchings.’ B ut the m ost elaborate version o f
the legend o f Cadmus is in the w ritin g o f H erodotus, who also attem pted
to corroborate the tale w ith a ll the archaeological sources at his disposal.
The Alphabet in Classical History, Philosophy and Divination
though th e ir arithm etic is slig h tly differen t, since they claim the o rig in a l
num ber o f the Phoenician letters was sixteen and th at Palamedes added
only zeta, upsilon, p h i and x i.10 The consistent p o in t in these accounts is
the conscious recognition o f both the Eastern source o f the alphabet and
the processes o f transform ation necessary to adapt it to Greek use.
Classical w rite rs were n o t overly concerned w ith the date o f these
events. Josephus, w ritin g in the 1st century AD , stated th a t at the tim e o f
the T rojan W ar the Greeks knew n othing at a ll o f w ritin g , but at the same
tim e he m entions the fam ous le tte r o f Bellerophon w hich features in the
sixth book o f the Ilia d . In this story the ‘baneful signs’ w hich are ‘scratch-
ings on a folded tablet’ were instructions carried by Bellerophon from
Proitos to his w ife ’s father, the kin g o f the Lykians. The tablet to ld the
kin g th a t he was to k ill Bellerophon on reading the message w hich the
u n w ittin g (and presum ably illite ra te ) messenger carried. (This concept o f
the ‘fa ta l le tte r’ has an O ld Testament parallel in the story o f D avid and
U riah in the K ing o f Samuel.)11
W hat is com pelling in a ll o f these accounts is an interest in b oth h is to r
ical perspective and cu ltu ra l relativism . The very fa ct th a t the Greeks d id
n o t perceive th e ir w ritin g as som ething divine o r n atural, but as som ething
associated w ith both hum an h isto ry and cu ltu ra l exchange, seemed to
cause them to reflect p hiloso ph ically upon both its character and its devel
opm ent, W hile there are a few other instances o f purely m ythic o r leg
endary a ttrib u tio n among the classical texts, they are vastly outnum bered
by these h isto rica l accounts. For instance, there is a somewhat farfetched
legend w hich recounts th a t Hermes was apparently inspired by the sight o f
cranes in flig h t, th e ir angular, schematic form s suggesting signs w hich he
considered m ight serve to represent the sounds o f w ritin g .12 A nother
a u th o rity states th a t the letters merely ‘fe ll dow n from the heavens fo r the
benefit o f hum ankind.’13 R eportedly the spot at w hich they fe ll was called
Phoenix (a w ord m eaning Phoenician), and located near the c ity o f 59
Ephesus. A m onum ent inscribed w ith alphabetic letters at Ephesus enters
later records as p a rt o f d iv in a to ry practices. The Ephesis gram m ata were
letters incised on the base o f a c u lt statue o f A rtem is used in ritu a ls , but
the texts produced in this process are u n in te llig ib le to la te r w rite rs.14
Finally, there is the significant m ythic figure o f Prometheus, whose trans
gressive acts against the gods, dram atized in the w ork o f Aeschylus,
include giving both fire and w ritin g to hum ankind. The power ascribed to
the w ritte n w ord in such an association w ould be evident even were it n ot
underscored by the gruesome punishm ent meted out to Prometheus fo r his
behavior.
here are com plex, since they involve a d istin ctio n between the concept o f a
m utable universe and th a t o f a stable, perm anent fixed order o f essences,
such as A ris to tle w ould assume as the basis fo r his analysis o f the natural
w orld.
Leaving such issues aside, the particulars o f the analysis o f the alpha
bet w hich emerge from C ratylus’ propositions and Socrates’ in terro ga tion
revolve, ultim ately, on the discussion o f the fu n ctio n o f the letters in the
production o f lin g u istic m eaning. This in tu rn raises the central issue o f
whether o r not an Idea is equivalent to the m aterial fo rm o f its expression,
such as its expression in language. C ratylus argues th a t a w ord m ust be
either the perfect expression o f a th ing o r mere, arb itra ry, in a rticu la te
sound: it cannot be anything else. He fu rth e r claim s th a t language and
w ritin g were invented by an Im ita to r who understood the essence o f things
and encoded this in to th e ir names. Hermogenes, however, counters by
stating th a t a ll words are conventional names fo r things, used and agreed
upon through social contract and invented by a Legislator. Socrates in tro
duces confusion by p o in tin g o ut th a t the letters themselves are n o t the
same as th e ir names. A w ord such as ‘alpha’ o r ‘beta’ contains many le t
ters n o t contained in the le tte r itse lf, and this introduces a c o n flic t o f iden
tity in to language at the very elemental level o f the letters. Socrates sug
gests th a t this may be the result o f m utation over tim e and th a t the o rig i
nal names have been lost, buried, in this process. In lo o kin g fo r these o rig
in a l names, Socrates makes an analogy between the letters as elements o f
language and colors as elements o f a p aintin g, stating th a t ju st as a painter
composes an image by com bining a percentage o f purple, w hite or other
pigm ent, so a w ord may be understood in term s o f its com ponent parts,
the letters.
C ratylus and Socrates assess the values o f p a rtic u la r letters by exam in
ing groups o f words in w hich the same le tte r appears to indicate a com
m on theme. For instance, they conclude th a t rho is a sign o f m otion
because it is found in words such as trem or, trem ble, strike , crush, bruise,
crum ble and w h irl.16 The cause o f this association o f le tte r a'nd meaning
was n ot merely incidental, it was linked to the physical a ctivity o f pronun
ciatio n. A ccording to Socrates, the tongue was ‘m ost agitated and least at
rest in the pronunciation o f this le tte r’ and therefore the o rig in a l im ita tin g
inventor used it ‘in order to express m o tio n .’ By the same p rin cip le , he
goes on to say, io ta was used to ‘express the subtle elements w hich pass
through a ll things.’ In fa ct, the p rincip le by w hich the io ta m ight express
this capacity is linked to its graphic character, n ot its pronunciation. As
the sm allest le tte r it was capable o f fittin g in to spaces - both between
other letters and other things - w ith the very least am ount o f d ifficu lty.
The rest o f the analysis o f selective, specific letters emphasizes the physical
act o f pronunciation: phi> psi and sigma require ‘great expenditure o f
breath’ and are used ‘in im ita tio n o f such notions as shivering, seething,
shock and shaking’ o r anything else ‘w hich is w indy.’ Lam da w ith its
liq u id smoothness, produced by the slipping o f the tongue, expresses this
The Alphabet in Classical History, Philosophy and Divination
smoothness in such words as level, slip and sleek. The ‘heavier sound o f
gam m a,' in w hich the tongue is detained combines w ith lam da to express
the n otio n o f stickiness, as in the words glutinous and glucous. T he ir
analysis is incom plete, irregular, and unsystem atic. But it makes clear th at
there was an attem pt to examine both the philosophical and physiological
underpinnings o f language through analysis o f its sm allest elements, the
letters o f the alphabet. The struggle to fin d lin ks between idea and expres
sion concentrated on these atom ic form s. In a d d itio n , it shows the kernels
o f the phonological analysis o f the language s till used in phonetics
today: in to categories ide ntifie d by the mechanics of pronunci
ation such as gutterals, labials, dentals and so fo rth . Plato had Socrates
apply these principles to an analysis o f his name in the Tbaetetus, only to
have him meet w ith fru s tra tio n . He is unable to find any atom istic analysis
w hich accounts fo r the relatio n between his id e n tity and his name given
th a t it is used to designate other individuals as w ell. B pt he continues to
assert th a t the letters are ‘the prim eval elements out o f w hich you and I
and a ll things are compounded here.*17
Plato was n o t the only Greek a uthor to understand the phonetic struc
ture o f the language: D ionysius o f H alicarnassus, w ritin g in On L ite ra ry
C om position (approxim ately 20-10 BC) gave another such analysis o f the
letters.18 He linked the atom ic character o f the letters to th e ir capacity to
represent speech, saying th a t ‘every sound made by the voice originates in
these and is resolvable in to them .’ He understood the d istin ctio n between
the fu nctio n o f vowels and th a t o f the consonants and was more thorough
in his description o f the physical acts o f pronunciation. In place o f P lato’s
im pressionistic term s - slipperiness o r stickiness - D ionysius states th a t
the lam da pronounced by ‘the tongue risin g to the palate and by the w in d
pipe helping the sound.’ Like his predecessor, he does n o t extend his
analysis in to a visual realm , and the graphic character o f the letters
62 remains unnoticed in his w ork. It is w o rth p o in tin g out th at m ost linguists
” and classicists are in agreement upon the s u ita b ility o f the early Greek
alphabet to adequately notate the sounds o f the Greek language. In a situ
ation such as the current English language use o f the L a tin alphabet, the
m ism atch between the fo rty o r so phonemes o f speech and the tw enty-six
graphemes used fo r n o ta tio n w ould never support a cosm ological analysis
o f language in to letters (rather than sounds) as its fundam ental parts.
Pythagoras him self presum ably lived in the 6th century BC. H is image
as a legendary figure, w hich developed on the basis o f his w ritin g s and his
supposedly exem plary life , waxes and wanes in p o p u la rity thro ug h ou t the
classical period. M uch o f the sym bolic q u a lity ascribed to’ his w o rk was in
fa ct the w ork o f his follow ers, and the Neo-Pythagoreanism w hich arose in
the early centuries o f the C hristian era has as much in com m on w ith
G nosticism , H erm eticism , N eoplatonism and other contem porary sys
tems o f belief as w ith its authentic forbear. The w ritin g s o f Nicom achus
o f Gerasa, and others, w ill therefore be considered in the fo llo w in g chap
ter, and strains o f Neo-Pythagoreanism w ill continue to weave through
this study up through the Renaissance.
In early Pythagoreanism, however, numbers were considered to be
things, and things numbers. Things could n o t therefore be derived from
numbers, by Pythagorean logic, since a th ing could not be derived fro m , or
d ifferen t from , itself. But by the tim e th a t Pythagoreanism became popular
in the w ork o f 5th- and 4th-century BC w rite rs such as Speusippus and
Aristoxenus, the prevailing concept was th a t sensible things were in fact
derivatives o f the higher order o f numbers. Thus the n otio n o f the sym bol
ic content o f numbers, and in p articula r, o f such correlative systems as
alphabetic letters w ith th e ir num erical equivalents, belongs to this later
period. In orth od o x Pythagorean tra d itio n , the numbers were liv in g
beings, older than the bodies o f the m aterial w o rld , and more pow erfu l.20
In the 3rd century BC the fu lly developed concept o f num ber sym bol
ism know n as gem atria developed. G em atria is premised on the b elief th a t
num erical equivalents fo r letters may be used to decode and calculate the
concealed meanings o f scripture o r te x t.21 In this system the firs t ten le t
ters were assigned a value correlating to the firs t ten num bers, w ith each
le tte r a fter this obtaining value as a m u ltip le o f ten in accord w ith its place
in a regular sequence.
In gem atrial calculations the num ber values are used to com pute corre
spondences and associations. For example, the num ber equivalent o f the
w ord fo r cosmos (kosmos) is 600, equivalent to the num ber fo r the god
head (o theotes) w hile the w ord fo r cosmos preceded by a definite article
reaches the sum o f 670, placing it in p ro x im ity to the concept o f paradise
{paradeisos) w hich has the value 671. For believers, the num ber o f secret
connections revealed in this process are lim itless and may involve long
sequences o f calculation. In one such calculation the god Pan, the sym bol
o f wholeness, equals the num ber 131 w hich, when linked to th a t o f the ser
pent (drakon) stands fo r Eros. W hen this is in tu rn added to the value fo r
creation, the sum equals the gem atrial value o f the w ord Zeus, and so
fo rth through a cycle w hich leads through A p o llo , A rtem is, Selene and the
num ber fo r conscious w ill (nous) to result, finally, in the num ber fo r death
(thanatos).22 For the cosm ologically disposed, these gem atrial calculations
provide a key to the secret structure o f the universe.
Later developments show elaborate theories o f harm ony (the lite ra l
explora tion o f the music o f the spheres) and other m anifestations o f
The Alphabet in Classical History, Philosophy and Divination
m athem atics as a fundam ental structure. One sym bolic element from this
tra d itio n w hich shows up repeatedly in the historiography o f the alphabet
is the so-called Pythagorean ‘Y.’ T his le tte r w ill feature in studies o f
Renaissance sym bolism , but the ritu a l it condenses as a visual sign can be
traced to classical texts where it is linked w ith in itia tio n in to Pythagorean
studies. An in itia te presented w ith tw o options fo r a life to lead is asked to
choose between them . O n the one hand is a life o f austerity, discipline, and
d iffic u lty in w hich ideas and intellectu al pursuits are the chief reward. On
the other is a life o f m aterial co m fo rt, even indulgence, sexual, and sensual
satisfaction. The in itia te ’s p osition is considered equivalent to th a t o f the
juncture o f the tw o branches o f the ‘Y,’ and the choice w ill determ ine
whether the path o f Pythagorean rig o r o r o f w o rld ly co m fo rt is taken.
When this sym bol is loaded w ith C hristian values, tljie tw o branches
become stigm atized as choices between vice and virtu e , d is to rtin g o f th e ir
earlier representation o f w o rld ly vs intellectu al pursuits.
N um ber sym bolism was widespread in antiquity, n o t a ll o f it s tric tly
Pythagorean in character. A s trik in g example is the analysis o f the value o f
the le tte r offered in P lutarch’s Essay on the L etter E at D elp hi.23 Though
considered a m in or te xt in Plutarch’s w ork, it reveals the mechanics o f
num ber sym bolism at w ork. N o t s tric tly speaking associated w ith divina-
to ry practices, the le tte r was nonetheless found at the Oracle at D elphi
inscribed in various m aterials such as gold (linked w ith Caesar’s w ife
L iv ia ), bronze or w ood (the ‘E’ o f certain wise men).24 In a com m only
acknowledged equivalent, Plutarch associates the seven vowels w ith the
seven astrological planets. In this system the ‘E’ is in the second position ,
aligning it w ith the Sun, and thus, w ith the god A p o llo him self associated
w ith D elphi and the O racle. The num erical equivalent assigned to the le t
ter ‘E,’ however, was five. Plutarch enumerates seven explanations fo r the
dedication o f this le tte r to A p o llo ’s Oracle.
64 F irst o f a ll, Plutarch begins, the le tte r was to be understood in term s o f
—— its pronounced fo rm or ‘E i’ w hich had been the cry o f protest offered by
the wise men against interlopers. They stated unequivocally th a t they were
five in number, n o t seven, thus precluding claim s by im posters to be
included among them . Second, by its place as the second vowel, it was, as
noted above, associated w ith A p o llo . T h ird , when pronounced aloud it
meant ‘i f ’ and was thus the means by w hich people m ight inquire o f the
oracle ‘i f th is ’ o r ‘if th a t.’ F ourth, it was to be used as ‘i f ’ in prayers or
wishes expressed to the god in supplications beginning ‘I f only ...’ F ifth ,
‘i f ’ was indispensable because o f its value in syllogism s and logic. S ixth,
the num ber ‘five’ was considered the m ost im p o rta n t num ber in m athe
m atics, philosophy and music. Seven, as an utterance it also m eant, ‘T hou
a rt,’ by w hich was indicated the eternal existence o f the god A p o llo .
Some o f these values, p a rtic u la rly those associated w ith the sym bolic
value o f the num ber, Plutarch associates w ith the teachings o f the
Pythagoreans. Stating his allegiance to the ‘theory o f num bers,’ Plutarch
articulates a series o f meanings fo r the number. Five had the value o f
The Alphabet in Classical History, Philosophy and Divination
neck. W hile there are few extant amulets fro m the classical period, there
® Y f y u A
are an abundance o f them in the Roman period where the m agical
V ® t-» T*
I —; ^ RAMM>a>crlAMA f< lam ellae, o r spells w ritte n on tin y strips o f fo il, were com m only used fo r
; y h t € I N > I ^ ‘f ’ am ulet inscriptions.
H—-
--
--
--r
? —TIT leM tae5
These texts were largely fo rm u la ic and o f the ‘Flee G out, Perseus is
chasing you!’ variety. A w ritte n epistle containing a prayer fo r cure and
Amulet (Hans Betz, Greek la id on the body was considered a m edical treatm ent. In the C hristian era
M a g ica l Papyri, Chicago, 1986) letters w ritte n by a saint o r h oly figure were o f course deemed m ost valu
able and m ost pow erful. Extensive docum entation on incantations and
spells o f a ll varieties, used fo r every im aginable purpose, have been pre
" A £TA*V«A4*4
served in the Greek m agical p apyri from Graeco-Roman Egypt. Those
v f designed fo r m edical use range from specific recipes fo r poultices to the
* Ijjfe 8 8 Y » U T sim ple w ritin g out o f magic names on deerskin o r m etal o r other specified
*
I m aterial to be bound to the afflicted area o f the p a tie n t’s body.
it B u ria l ritu a ls invo lvin g phylacteries (the w ord its e lf derives from the
t Greek ro o t m eaning ‘to p ro tect’) are traced to the 4th century BC. In these
m m , practices the body o f a corpse had a scroll unrolled upon it to protect it
f**u from the terrors o f the a fte rlife .34 A nother tra d itio n used the gold leaves o f
Amulet from 4th or 5th century O rph ic ritu a ls to inscribe passports fo r the dead, w ith prayers and suppli
(E. Wallis Budge, Amulets, cations to the gods and shades.
Oxford, 1930) The vowels, in sequence, and in set configurations, were com m only
used in spells. The cosmic power granted these elements has, again, links
to the Pythagorean tra d itio n . Each o f the seven vowels was associated
w ith one o f the planetary gods: A p o llo (the Sun), M ercury, Jupiter,
Saturn, Venus, M ars and the M oon. The very firs t instance o f a m agical
spell cited in Hans D ieter Betz’s exhaustive com pendium o f m agical
p apyri uses a vowel in scrip tio n to ca ll up a dem on. The ritu a l involved is
com plex, req uirin g firs t the deificatio n o f a falcon, tw o fingernails, and
h a ir from one’s head in a m ixtu re o f m ilk and honey. A fte r a ll the p a rtic u
Amulet (Hans Betz, Greek lars o f the ritu a l are perform ed a strip o f papyrus is to be inscribed w ith a
Magical Papyri, Chicago, 1986) spell w ritte n o ut in m yrrh. T his spell is the double figure o f tw o pyram ids
o f vowels, side by side. The firs t is structured w ith a single ‘AKat the top,
A follow ed by tw o ‘E’s’ and so fo rth u n til the fin a l row o f seven long ‘ O ’s.’
E E The second pyram id inverts this order, placing the long ‘ O ’s’ at the top
H H H
and dim inish in g to the p o in t o f the ‘A .’ T his vowel sequence w ould in tu rn
I I I I be incorporated in to the actual prayer to invoke the aid o f the demon
OOOOO helpm ate.35 Vowel com binations such as these were often com bined w ith
Y Y y y Y Y other nonsense utterances in a m anner w hich prefigures the G nostic and
W W W W W W W K abbalistic use o f such com binations, but m etrical phrases were also fre
Magical arrangement of Greek quently used. A charm used to restrain oneself against anger, fo r instance,
vowels (E. Wallis Budge, places various patterns and com binations o f vowels on the borders o f a
Amulets, Oxford, 1930) sm all lam ella in the center areas o f w hich are m ore arcane characters and
nonsense com binations.
Klerom ancy, o r d ivin a tio n by lots, was also a comm on practice which
sometimes involved alphabetic w ritin g . In certain lo t systems, tw e nty-fo ur
self-contained oracular lines, each o f w hich begins w ith a d iffe re n t letter
The Alphabet in Classical History, Philosophy and Divination
o f the alphabet, were used. When a lo t was draw n, the line w hich bore the
le tte r corresponding to the lo t w ould be read as the response to the
inq uiry.36 W ritte n tablets from which a choice w ould be made were fre
quently inscribed in advance and produced as p a rt o f a prepared response.
The letters themselves were n o t granted p a rtic u la r sym bolic value, but the
alphabet as a stable structure enabled the process o f the oracle.
A t least one fo rm o f d ivin a tio n involved direct use o f the alphabet, and
Iam blichus, a late 3rd- early 4th-century A D fo llo w er o f Pythagoras, is
credited w ith its invention. T his fo rm o f d ivin a tio n is know n as alectry-
omancy - o r d ivin a tio n by means o f a fo w l. To use this m ethod one
scratched the letters o f the alphabet out around a circle in the sand and
then sprinkled grain over them . The fo w l was released and the pattern o f
its pecking was recorded. The sequence o f letters was studied fo r hidden
meanings o r messages.
One very fam ous, but unique, instance o f d iv in a to ry a c tiv ity is record
ed by the Roman w rite r Am m ianus M arcellinus who dated the events he
recorded to the year 371 AD. H is story describes a seance in w hich the par
ticipants have a m etal disk inscribed w ith the letters o f the Greek alpha
bet. A rin g suspended over the disk by means o f a wooden trip o d swung
tow ard the edges o f the disk to p ick o u t the letters o f the message. The
questions being asked by the group were ‘When w ill our em peror die? And
who w ill be the next emperor?’ A fte r in d ica tin g the num ber ‘7’ the rin g
began to spell o u t a name. ‘ Theta, epsilon, om icron - ’ the p articipants in
this process eagerly concluded the fu ll name was ‘Theodorus.’ Such
inquiries were considered traito rou s and when the authorities learned o f
these events the particip a nts in the seance were arrested, as w ell as the
unsuspecting Theodorus who claim ed to have no knowledge o f the event.
A ll were sum m arily executed.37 In another version, it was the fo w l m ethod
o f Iam blichus w hich was employed in this fa ta l d ivin a tio n . Iam blichus was
68 supposedly included among the hapless victim s though him self not pre
sent at the seance. In both cases, as the story goes, after a period o f seven
years it came to pass th a t the emperor died and was succeeded by
Theodosius.
W hile there is no concrete evidence th a t such m etal disks - classical
prototypes o f the O u ija board - were ever produced in a ntiquity, there is
one unique and peculiar a rtifa c t w hich has some s trik in g resemblance to
the object described in these stories. T his is the Pergamon d isk, a shallow
m etal bow l inscribed w ith several rings o f characters. Dated to the 2nd
century A D it contains an inner circle and three outer concentric rings.
The inner circle is divided in to seven areas and inscribed w ith characters
associated w ith the seven planets w hile the outer rings are cut in to eight
divisions each and associated w ith one o f the tw e nty-fo ur letters o f the
Pergamon disk (Staatliche Greek alphabet. The precise use o f this object and the m eaning o f the
Museen, Berlin) characters are n o t clear; but it is unique among a rtifa cts o f this period.
One fin a l image w hich bespeaks the powers assigned to w ritin g comes
from C icero’s De D ivin a tio n e . He tells the story o f one N um erius
The Alphabet in Classical History, Philosophy and Divination
The Romans added a num ber o f features to the classical uses o f alpha
betic w ritin g . Am ong these were the extensive use o f abbreviations on
m onum ents, coins and in other instances o f w ritte n language. These were
know n as sigla, and have been extensively documented. Lists o f sigla can
be found in m ost standard texts on L a tin paleaography, and in themselves
they are n o t p a rticu la rly m ysterious. However, the fa ct th a t there was so
extensive a system o f these abbreviations does dem onstrate a high degree
o f consensus and shared context among literates in the culture, since a sin
gle le tte r m ight bear a variety o f values. The le tte r ‘A ,’ fo r exam ple, was
used in senate votes to indicate a lo t cast in favor o f a cqu ittal, standing fo r
‘absolvo.’ It was also used in the Roman com itia to indicate th a t the voter
rejected the proposed change. ‘B’ could be used independently to indicate
beneficiarius o r bonus and ‘C ’ on its own stood fo r cedit, centu rio , circus,
civiSy clarrisim us and Caesar. In add itio n to standing independently,
abbreviations consisting o f tw o o r more letters were extrem ely comm on.
For example: ‘BB VV’ fo r boni v iri (good m en), ‘BD ’ fo r bona dea, ‘BF’ fo r
bona fo rtu n a and ‘B V ’ fo r bene vale. L ite ra lly hundreds, even thousands,
o f these were in use in Roman tim es, depending on com m on lin g u istic and
cu ltu ra l references fo r th e ir comprehension. 69
A nother Roman invention was a fo rm o f shorthand a ttrib u te d to "
C icero’s freed slave, T iro . Cicero is reported to have used such a shorthand
d uring the tria l o f the C a tilin ia n conspirators, especially fo r recording the
famous speech o f Cato in ‘signs which in sm all, b rie f characters com pre
hended the force o f many letters.’ N o ta rii, or shorthand w rite rs, were dis
tinguished from other types o f scribes, and the fu nctio n they perform ed
was specialized. Shorthand became w idely used in Roman tim es fo r both
recording o f p ub lic lectures and among students ta king down m aterial
from a m aster’s speech. M uch o f this w ritin g remained ille g ib le in spite o f
the rediscovery o f extensive paleographic evidence. It was n o t u n til the
1747 p ub lica tion o f D om . P. C arpentier’s firs t system atic attem pt to unrav
el the mysteries o f this hig hly cursive and very condensed w ritin g th a t any
insight in to the textual substance o f these pieces was made. By the end o f
the 19th century, a uthoritative keys fo r deciphering had been com piled,
but d iffic u ltie s o f translation were compounded by the problem o f le g ib ili
ty - a fter a ll, this form o f w ritin g is term ed tachygraphy because it was
The Alphabet in Classical History, Philosophy and Divination
w ritte n at great speed. The system depended upon a set o f radicals, gener
a lly the in itia l capital le tte r o f a w ord. T his m ight stand alone, especially
in the case o f a frequently employed term . B ut more elaborate radicals
existed to indicate certain invariable words: adverbs, prepositions, con
junctions, certain nom inative form s and even certain th ird person singular
form s o f a verb in the indicative. This in tu rn could be m odified by a
te rm ina tion w hich, w hile s w iftly notated, perm itted in fle ctio n o r other
m odification o f the w ord. These were n o t idiosyncratic systems unique to
individuals, but w ell established alternative w ritin g systems which were
in stitu tio n a lize d in teaching and widespread habits o f use.
> - a p T r y 1
y n ' a
n x j 4 -
fingers o f a counting hand. The ‘V ’ has been linked to the space between
thum b and forefinger on an open hand, w hile the ‘X ’ is supposed to invoke
the angle o f tw o hands linked together. T his la tte r stretches visual cre d ib il
ity w hile the form er observations are quite banal, and the ‘X ’ contains the
character o f a double ‘V ’ readily enough w ith o u t com paring it to m anual
contortions. The num erals ‘ C ,’ ‘M ,’ and ‘L’ presum ably derived from
older C halcidian sym bols, the circle w ith a h o rizo n ta l line m odified to ‘C ’
had been used to represent TOO,’ just as a sim ila r circle s p lit by a vertical
line had been used by the Etruscans fo r the value o f ‘ 1000.’ ‘D ’ is evidently
sim ply the graphic equivalent o f h a lf o f this la tte r sign. The source o f ‘L’
fo r fifty remains vague, lin k in g it to a fo rm o f the C halcidian ‘X .’ The con
ventions w hich brought these form s in to co nfo rm ity w ith letters w ith in
the L a tin alphabet were the effect o f convenience, rather than necessity,
and other signs w ould have functioned equally w ell - even better since
they w ould have stood less chance o f confusion.
The classical tra d itio n has been a source o f in sp ira tio n throughout
Western European h istory and in this regard the h istory o f the alphabet is
no d ifferen t from th a t o f any other tra d itio n w ith in the h isto ry o f ideas.
C ertain elements discussed here w ill recur throughout the fo llo w in g chap
ters in passing o r in substantial discussion. The Pythagorean tra d itio n o f
num ber sym bolism , the practices o f gem atria, and m ost p a rticu la rly, the
image o f the Pythagorean ‘Y* are elements w hich provide a recurring m o tif
in alphabet historiography. The m yth o f Io , in w hich her h o o fp rin ts spell
out her name in tw o fundam ental elements, the T and the ‘O ,’ returns
p a rtic u la rly in the w ritin g s o f 17th- and 18th-century historians who
analysed the graphic structure o f the alphabet in term s o f these tw o p ri- 71
m ary form s. A nd finally, there are inventions o f a classicism w hich have lit- ""
tie relatio n to actual precedent w ith in classical texts, yet draw heavily
upon the structures derived from classical m ythology. One o f these is the
rem arkable D iv in a tio n de VAlphabet L a tin , a w ork by the 20th-century
w rite r Francois Haab, who dem onstrated the elaborate sym bolical rela
tions among the letters as evidence o f th e ir connections to specific person
ages w ith in the pantheon o f Roman gods and goddesses, but w hich w ill be
described in a later chapter.
IV
GNOSTICISM, HERMETICISM, NEO-PLATONISM
AN D NEO-PYTHAGOREANISM: ALPHABET IN
THE EARLY CHRISTIAN ERAS
The sym bolic interpretations o f the alphabet w hich emerge in the early
centuries o f the C hristian era m anifest the fu ll range o f cu ltu ra l influenced
typ ical o f the largely secular and cosm opolitan H ellenistic culture. They
com bine religious and c u lt practices from E gypt, Babylon, Persia, Syria
and Palestine w ith the teachings o f Greek philosophy. A rem arkable diver
sity o f belief systems vied fo r p o litic a l and s p iritu a l dom ination in the 1st
and 2nd centuries AD , inclu ding many syncretistic hybrids peculiarly char
acteristic o f the period. The reasons fo r this are evident from the h istory
o f the M editerranean region at the close o f the classical era, as the Greek
influence established under the p o litic a l and m ilita ry trium phs o f
Alexander the Great in the 3rd century BC began to be challenged by cu l
tu ra l factors such as the m arked reemergence o f ritu a l practices in the
East, including C h ris tia n ity and the increasing significance o f Rome. The
late H ellenic period and the early centuries o f the Roman empire were
characterized by considerable religious tolerance and diversity. The focus
o f this chapter w ill be on m aterials from the period spanning the close o f
the classical era through to the consolidation o f the Church and the
Roman Em pire. The w orks to be examined here were m ainly w ritte n in
Greek, some in L a tin , and a ll particip a te in one o f the several religious or
philosophical systems w hich p roliferated throughout the M editerranean
region. M any o f these sources are concerned w ith the alphabet as a vehicle
fo r sym bolic m eaning, but before attending to these, it seems useful to
provide a b rie f overview o f the role o f w ritin g in the restructuring o f
power between classical and C hristian eras, and to the many transform a
tions in the visual form s o f the alphabet in this period.
The h istoria n Hans Jonas stated th a t from the Greeks’ perspective the
area from Egypt through the ancient N ear East to the borders o f India had
been the ‘East.’ But w ith the emergence o f Rome as an Im pe ria l power, the
d ivision o f Eastern and Western dom ains became redefined. The
C hristian izin g o f the Roman Em pire under C onstantine and the establish
m ent o f the N ew Rome at C onstantinople fu rth e r emphasized the b ip o la r
izatio n o f the Church in w hich Greece - and the Greek language and
alphabet - w ould come to be characterized as Eastern. The p o litic a l strug-
Gnosticism, Hermeticism, Neo-Platonism and Neo-Pythagoreanism
gles o f these changes were m arked in the transform ations in scrip t form s.
a n a The P olitics o f S cript, by the h istorian o f paleography and typography,
Stanley M o riso n , remains an unsurpassed study o f the role played by w rit
QVRTSXI dardized and prom ulgated. Various hands developed fo r purposes other
than m onum ental inscriptions, fo r instance fo r legal and business docu
Trajan imperial majuscules as ments w hich required a ll range o f form a l, in fo rm a l and rapid w ritin g . In
redrawn by Edward Catich, 1961 a dd itio n, such documents were w ritte n on m aterials other than stone,
such as on the surfaces o f papyrus and vellum . Letters drawn in in k were
adapted to accommodate the movements o f the scribe’s hand rather than
the stonecutter’s chisel.
By the early 2nd century A D a form o f L a tin lettering know n as Rustic
emerged w hich was m ore condensed and less square than the earlier
Im perial majuscules. It was used both in carved inscriptions and in w ritin g
on papyrus. Though s till essentially a set o f majuscule form s, it had a
character and visual id e n tity w hich were perceived to be more specifically
L a tin than even the Im perial capitals. One b it o f evidence o f this id e n tity
was the application o f the rustic hand - in preference to the Im perial le t
ters - to the m anuscript pub lica tion o f 4th-century codex editions o f
V irg il, the quintessential L a tin poet.
The next m ajor change in alphabetic w ritin g occurred in relatio n to
C onstantine’s rise to power and establishm ent in 313 A D o f C h ristia n ity
as the o ffic ia l religio n o f the Roman Em pire. In 312, conquering Rome,
C onstantine reputedly had a vision in w hich he saw the Cross shining in
the sky along w ith the alpha and omega and the words ‘W ith this sign,
C hrisom on is triu m p h a n t.’ In his vision the fo rm o f the Greek alpha was
forked, a style w hich w ould come to be clearly associated. w ith the
Gnosticism, Hermeticism, Neo-Platonism and Neo-Pythagoreanism
a A X A.
b & B la & *
c C C c c c
d D D Ac)?)
e £<F> E /I U fSSiei
f F(F) I 1' f F J ff
g C G q C Ci 3)
h H H Hf h. b
•
1 I 1 1 l
k K K.
1 I L U 1
m AA JVI M M H .\H \ AV fOOQOD
n N N K) M fl M
0 0 O <fc * o
P r P P ]■"? ppp
q
Q. Q 9 9
r K R K K iRiUPV
s i S * S <
t T n T T 7 q -
u V M) V u u U V U lIL )
Chart showing majuscule and ^ X X X X
cursive forms o f Roman
y — Y V r
alphabet in use in early Christian
•s
era (Harold Johnston, Latin —
I ?sTS L ^ ^ Kv
m I n n r s m ts v iv s iT V p m W m j ;iiA c > s c .v s .;^v —
i n e v M t^ V S T V S ^ G IR M rO 'ftI fc‘N 1 1 LV X D S JL^-T IrttR F . '
I t C C lW V PL R C I H O C l I V COSI I !A M V U J . 1 * i
Ii i i (j^i' m i i Wcrx 0 i n w ^ - \ a vv ^
1
C hristian term s, the logos is the m etaphysical co nd itio n o f being, the very
essence o f God as the fu ll extension o f the universe — transcendent,
absolute, and u ltim ate. Both Jewish and Islam ic dogma share this concept,
though in m odified fo rm . In Jewish culture the W ord is the D ivine W ord,
and is to be found in the Scriptures. Preservation, in te rp re ta tio n , and
transm ission o f these sacred texts is at the heart o f Jewish b elief and
Jewish law and the m ystical potency o f the W ord is the basis o f the kab-
balistic tra d itio n . In the Islam ic com m unity, the te xt o f the Koran is sim i
la rly revered as D ivine, and honoring and dissem inating its w isdom and
beliefs are one o f the m ajor tasks o f the believer. B elief in the sacred char
acter o f the W ord, in a ll o f three o f these religious systems, includes a rev
erence fo r its visual fo rm , and a respect fo r scrupulously accurate repro
duction o f the te xt o f the Scriptures;
The im p lica tio ns o f these belief systems fo r Western culture more gen
e ra lly are th a t they establish a foundation fo r belief in the transcendent
power o f language and the W ord, o r /ogos, m ore generally. A lo ng w ith this
b elief comes a fa ith in the a u th o rity o f language when it is the em bodi
m ent o f Law, o r Faith. T his b elief raises the v a lid ity posited in language to
the level o f T ru th , again in a m etaphysical and transcendent sense. In
much o f Western culture, the very concept o f T ru th its e lf is linked to the
a ctivity o f language, and its capacity to present its e lf as the em bodim ent
o f an a uthoritative power. These notions permeate early C hristian
G nosticism , as they also permeate the Jewish Kabbalah. They have a more
banal, but no less effective, legacy in the tra d itio n s o f te xtu al interpreta
tio n w hich appear in lite ra ry studies, h isto rica l studies and the like. These
latter, and the b elief systems underlying them w hich are characterized as
logocentric in character, have been system atically critiq ue d in the w ork o f
recent critics, the m ost prom inent among whom is Jacques D errida, the
French philosopher responsible in large p a rt fo r the developm ent o f decon
stru ctio n ist criticism w hich begins w ith an investigation o f the logocentric
basis o f W estern m etaphysics.4
8o
dow n fro m the m ountain on the sixth day and enters the Hebdom ade (the
dom ain o f seven) in a redem ptive descent w hich m irrors the movement o f
the aberrant n in th vowel in the firs t class to become the eighth member o f
the th ird class. W hile the num ber eight figures p rom inently in the num eri
cal analysis o f Jesus’s name, it is w ith the relations between the sym bolic
values o f six and seven th a t M arcos and G nosticism are largely concerned.
The num ber six had carried the sym bolic value o f C reation from the
O ld Testament account o f G od’s six days’ lab or in creating the universe.
In a dd itio n there is a lin k w hich M arcos establishes between Adam , made
on the sixth day, and Jesus since in the story o f the Passion, the sixth hour
o f the sixth day is the tim e associated w ith the n a ilin g o f C h rist to the
Cross. In M arcos’s te xt it is stated th a t ‘the perfect In te lle ct, know ing th at
the num ber six possesses the power o f creation and regeneration, m anifest
to the Sun the lig h t and power exercised by the appearance o f the Insigne
. . . ’6 M arcos’s te xt forges other associations w ith the Pythagorean six, the
num ber o f regeneration, and the re b irth o f C hrist. Such synthetic blend
ings o f O ld and N ew Testament imagery, o f Pythagorean influenced num
ber sym bolism and the hierarchical structure o f the Cosmos show the syn
cretic tendencies which m arked the G nostic s p iritu a l project.
The C hristian philosopher, Clem ent o f A lexandria, w ritin g in his w ork
Stromates in the late 3rd century, to ok up th is G nostic theme and reiter
ated the p o in t th a t the Insigne, episemon> o r w aw is linked to Jesus
because it is the le tte r w hich is hidden in the alphabet (in other w ords, the
o ld digam m a) as H is d iv in ity is H idden - firs t in the w o rld , then in his
Ineffable Nam e. For Clem ent the disappearance o f the le tte r fro m the
alphabet was crucial since it signalled the movement o f resurrection and
redem ption. Thus the process by w hich the seven letters o f C h rist’s name
(the Greek Kreistos) became six (the num ber o f intervals between the le t
ters) and so fo rth allowed an interchange o f sym bolic values between six,
seven and eight. As a 3rd-century A lexandrian, Clem ent was w ell aware o f
the G nostic precedents and sources fo r his w o rk, the aspects o f his w rit
ings w hich w ould exert a more long lasting influence resided in other p o r
tions o f the Stromates. W hile M arcos’s discussion contains the m ost
detailed exegesis o f the le tte r w aw th a t has come down to the present day,
the doctrine attached to the le tte r is probably much older than M arcos.
The discussion o f the Three Powers (the In co rru p tib le L ig h t, the Water,
and the Earth) in the lam ella analyzed by Sommer can be traced in to 1st
century Syrian sects, though w ith o u t the same e x p lic it C hristian sym bol
ism . Some degree o f sym bolism was also attached to the visual fo rm o f the
w aw , connecting it to the image o f the serpent w hich some Gnostics
believed was inscribed in its very design. A ccording to one source, the ser
pent was recognized as the m ost em inent sym bol, possibly even th a t
imposed on the head o f C ain to prevent his being k ille d . W hatever these
early sources may have contributed to the sym bolism o f the w aw y they are
fu lly absorbed in to M arcos’s inte rp re ta tio n , where they have been
absorbed in to the G nostic C hristian im agery o f the episemon.
Gnosticism, Hermeticism, Neo-Platonism and Neo-Pythagoreanism
A nother G nostic te xt, Pistis Sophia (the title lite ra lly means Faith-
W isdom in Greek) makes use o f both the fu ll alphabet and the sym bolism
o f the vowels com m on to classical culture in its structure. Considered a
late w ork, and an expression o f an already degraded form o f G nosticism ,
the Pistis Sophia nonetheless presents a clear image o f the cosm ological
structure o f G nostic th o u g h t.7 The w orld, again d istin ct from the realm o f
D ivine L ig h t w hich is the antithesis o f the Darkness o f the universe, is gov
erned by Archons. These are the low er powers who rule the m aterial
w orld, a prison whose innerm ost dungeon is the earth. There are seven
spheres o f the Archons, each ruled by a figure whose name recalls the
names o f God from Jewish texts; Sabaoth, A donai, Eloheim and so fo rth .
Pistis Sophia describes a w orld o f tw e nty-fo ur aeons and tw e nty-fo ur mys
teries, aridJndicates the existence ( if n o t the clear significance) o f the five
m arks, seven vowels, five trees and seven amens.8 These are the tw enty-
fo u r elements, knowledge o f w hich was required fo r the passage tow ard
salvation. In the book the soul is p u t to the test o f travelling through the
aeons w hich structure the cosmos. The female character o f Pistis Sophia is
found by C hrist, stuck in the th irte e n th aeon, and is led by her through the
necessary stages tow ard enlightenm ent. As in the case o f earlier religious
practices, the w ork m anifests a strong belief in the m ystical power o f le t
ters, numbers and magic form ulae. A t the end o f the book Jesus utters an
incantation w hich repeats the Greek vowels in a m anner precisely d u p li
cating th e ir use in many Greek m agical papyri. The passage describing
this a ctivity places p a rtic u la r im portance on the com bination o f ‘I A U ’
(the last le tte r indicates the Greek long ‘ O ’ , omega, the fin a l vowel in the
tra d itio n a l sequence ‘A E H I O Y IT ), a com bination w hich carries com
plex sym bolic value in Greek, A rabic, Hebrew and Sanskrit lin g u istic con
texts.9 Standing at an altar, dressed in linen garments sign ifying purity,
Jesus turns to a ll fo u r corners o f the w orld repeating ‘I A O ,’ ‘I A O .’ One
84 in terpretatio n offered is th a t Iota> the universe, came out o f A lpha w hich
offers renewal before retu rn to Omega, the ‘com pletion o f a ll com ple
tio n s,’ w hile another in te rp re ta tio n o f the statem ent reads, T (Jesus) ‘am
the A {alpha) and the O {omega). The alpha and omega were co ntin ua lly
identified w ith principles o f m anifestation and reintegration. The scene
described is sim ila r to th a t prescribed as a ritu a l practice in the Greek
m agical papyri (which are o f the same chronological period) in w hich the
sequence o f seven vowels is pronounced tu rn in g firs t to the fo u r cardinal
points and then to the E arth, to the A ir and fin a lly to the Heavens.10
O ther magic w ords, letters, com binations are found among the
Gnostics, some o f w hich become standard features o f later magic prac
tices. The w ord ABR AXAS, fo r instance, is one in w hich the seven letters
are intended to signify the seven creative powers, each, again, associated
w ith one o f the seven vowels, planetary angels. The num erical significance
o f the w ord ABR AXAS was calculated at three hundred and sixty-five,
ABRAXAS gem (E. Wallis Budge, corresponding to the num ber o f ‘aeons o r em anations from the firs t cause’
Egyptian Magic, London, 1901) and the ‘aeons,’ were fu rth e r considered the ‘S pirits o f the Days.’11
Gnosticism, Hermeticism, Neo-Platonism and Neo-Pythagoreanism
Elements o f Pythagorean num ber sym bolism show up in alm ost every
aspect o f early C hristian le tte r m ysticism , but they are subsumed in such
practices to the overriding concern w ith the central image o f C hrist and o f
salvation. There were, however, strongholds o f the non-C hristian Greek
tra d itio n . M ost significant among these were N eo-Platonism , a reinterpre
ta tio n o f the teachings o f Plato prom oted m ost sign ifican tly in the w rit
ings o f Plotinus in the 3rd century12. As defined in P lotinus’s Enneades,
„ N eo-Platonism prom oted a m ystical discipline leading to salvation
through union w ith the One. Asserting th a t this teaching could be found
in the w ork o f the classical philosophers, p a rtic u la rly Plato, Neo-
Platonism was a d is tin c tly a n ti-C h ristia n movement, a riva l fo r power in
the s p iritu a l dom ain, an attem pt to build a stronghold o f fa ith grounded
in Greek tra d itio n capable o f w ithstanding the increasing power o f
C hristianity. The movement found strong proponents in the 3rd and 4th
century w rite rs Porphyry (a student o f Plotinus) and Iam blichus, and con
tinued to have a significant fo llo w in g in to the 6th century. It w ould experi
ence a revival w ith the Renaissance p ub lica tion o f M a rs ilio F icin o ’s L a tin
tran slatio n o f P lotinus’s te xt as p a rt o f the Renaissance attem pt to recon
cile classical tra d itio n w ith C hristian beliefs.
Because o f the lin k w ith Greek tra d itio n , both N eo-P latonism and
Neo-Pythagoreanism made use o f the theories o f cosm ological structure,
harm ony and sym bolism w hich had emerged in the classical period. They
also were both theurgical practices, com bining contem plation, ritu a l
m agic, disciplined habits, and good w orks in the fo rm a tion o f a route to
divine salvation. The m ystical tenor o f N eo-Platonism was reinforced by
its use o f the Chaldean Oracles and various poems ascribed to Orpheus as
its response to the power w ielded by the C hristians through the force o f
th e ir ‘divine b oo k.’ A co lle ction o f cryp tic statements rather than a sys- 85
tem atic statement o f belief, the Oracles nonetheless pointed to the syn- “ “
thetic character o f N eo-Platonism , and its capacity to draw on the old
Babylonian astrological cosm ology as w ell as the tenets o f Greek p hiloso
phy in its attem pts to establish a pow erful s p iritu a l b elief system. In the
2nd century Julianus the Theurge used the Chaldean Oracles to attack
C hristianity, and by the reign o f C onstantinus, son o f C onstantine, such
beliefs were s till so prevalent (and so persuasive) th a t a ll d iv in a to ry prac
tices were outlawed by decree in 357 A D in an attem pt to co n tro l the in flu
ence o f non-C hristian religio n.
Letter m ysticism enters the tra d itio n o f N eo-Platonism o nly m arginal
ly. Since the goal o f N eo-Platonism was a m ystical union w ith the One, the
structure o f the cosmos form ed a m etaphoric fram ew ork fo r structuring
the hierarchical relations o f levels o f consciousness. The lin ks between
Pythagoreanism and N eo-Platonism in this period are com plex, but cer
ta in figures, such as N icom achus o f Gerasa, made elaborate use o f num ber
sym bolism w hich was in tu rn appropriated by the N eo-Tlatonists. In N eo-
Gnosticism, Hermetidsm, Neo-Platonism and Neo-Pythagoreanism
Letter Omega, the round, the double, corresponds to the seventh zone o f
heaven, th a t o f Kronos, according to m aterial language - in s p iritu a l lan
guage it is som ething else, ineffable, w hich only N icotheos knows secretly
- so, as I said, according to the m aterial language Omega is th a t w hich
one calls Ocean - o rig in and source, o f a ll the gods, a ll as one says, o f the
monarchs o f m aterial m eaning. Thus, the said Omega, grand and venera
ble, includes a ll the powers o f the divine water, etc/ 15
The theory o f the significance o f the seven vowels and th e ir continued
association w ith the planets, as w ell as w ith theories o f cosmic harmony,
w ould show up again in the Renaissance, as p a rt o f the revival o f classical
knowledge. O ther strains o f Neo-Pythagorean thought w ould in fo rm
medieval K abbalistic w ork, the ars com binatorial and cosm ological p ro
positions through the Renaissance which involved theory o f harm ony and
structure in the ordering o f the universe. These w ould increasingly come
to be understood in relatio n to the n otio n o f the Rook o f N ature as a w ork
Amulets (based on Charles W. o f the D ivine order, s p irit or m ind, but the strength o f the Pythagorean
King The Gnostics and their systems perpetuated th e ir use even in to much la te r C hristian and scientific
Remains, London, 1864) attem pts at ascribing sym bolic significance to the structure o f the universe.
Christian symbolism
Indisputably, the m ost fam ous early C hristian statem ent using the sym
b olic im agery o f the alphabet comes from the Apocalypse o f St John, in
which Jesus speaks the fo llo w in g words, ‘I am the alpha and the omega,
the firs t and the last, the beginning and the e n d / A lm ost exactly the same
form ula is repeated elsewhere as ‘I am the alpha and the omega, th a t
w hich is and w hich has been, and w ill be - the a ll p o w e rfu l/ The use o f
the alphabet as a sign o f cosm ological to ta lity is ine xtrica b ly bound up
w ith the Greek concept o f the stoicheia, but in the C hristian w o rld it loses
this atom istic meaning and serves as a sign o f the wholeness o f the D ivine
w orld o f C hristian fa ith . In a passage o f his w ork, Stromates^ Clem ent o f
A lexandria expanded on this sym bolism , ‘ ... the sensible form s are vow
els, w hich explains why the Lord was know n as the A lpha and Omega, the
beginning and the end. The sign AO is easily associated w ith C hrist when
one discovers a num erical equivalence w ith the name o f the dove, another
w ell know n C hristian s y m b o l/ Clem ent is o nly one o f the many early
Church Fathers to take up this sym bolism , w hich recurred throughout the
medieval period.
Aside from the refrain o f this text, one docum ent w hich provides evi
dence o f early readings o f the alphabet through C hristian sym bology is in
a le tte r w ritte n by St Jerome to St Paula. Know n as the X X X th Epistle,
this te xt is also much cited in later literature.
The passages in St Jerome, w ritte n about 384 AD, focus on the 118th
Psalm w hich is composed according to the order o f the Hebrew alphabet,
though using Greek letters.16 The firs t verses a ll begin w ith alpha and each
Gnosticism, Hermeticism, Neo-Platonism and Neo-Pythagoreanism
succeeding set o f verses w ith the succeeding le tte r u n til ending w ith those
beginning w ith tau. Jerome assigns a value to each le tte r and then groups
them in to phrases, a ll the w hile keeping in m ind his ultim ate aim , to
explain to St Paula th a t the alphabet contains s p iritu a l knowledge in sym
bolic form .
In the firs t group are the fo llo w in g letters are equivalents: Aleph =
doctrine, Beth = house, G im el = plenitude, D aleth — the tablets, He = this
here. The meaning o f this string o f elements is at firs t construed lite ra lly
by St Jerome as ‘doctrine house plenitude these tablets here.* But then he
expands, fillin g in the gaps, and arrives at the explanation th a t the first
fo u r letters read together mean th a t ‘the doctrine o f the church, which is
the house o f G od, is to be found in the plenitude o f divine books.’
The second group o f letters are: Va, Z a i, and H eth w hich mean ‘and
this life .’ And w hat life , Jerome asks, is possible besides th a t one described
in the Scriptures ‘thanks to w hich one knows C hrist him self, and w hich is
the life o f believers.’ Teth and Io d , the th ird set o f letters, mean ‘good
p rin cip le ’ and signify th a t ‘In effect, even if we know the a ll the Scriptures,
s till o ur knowledge is p a rtia l and o ur prophecy is p a rtia l and we see only
by means o f m irro r and enigma. B ut when we w ill have been w orth y o f
being w ith C hrist, when we resemble the angels, then we w ill have no
more need o f the the teaching o f books.’ The fo u rth group, kaph and
lam ed, stand fo r ‘hand o f the a rt or d iscip lin e,’ in which the hand im plies
action, the heart and discipline make clear th a t ‘we can do n othing if we
don’t know w hat to do.’ M em , N u n , Samech mean th a t ‘from w hich
comes the eternal salvation’ w hich, Jerome says, ‘has no need o f explica
tio n - it is more clear than day, by the holy books we are furnished w ith
eternal a id .’ The elements o f the sixth group, a in , phe, sade, are the
‘source’ o r ‘eye o f the m outh o f justice’. Jerome instructs Paula to in te r
pret these as in the case o f the th ird group, to mean ‘good p rin c ip le .’
88 Finally, the seventh set o f letters, koph, res, shin, tau, carries the somewhat
cryp tic sense o f the ‘ca ll o r appeal o f the head o f the teeth signs.*
Stretching to include the lite ra l sense o f the letters’ sym bolic value, Jerome
explains th a t ‘the teeth p e rm it the voice to be a rticulated and heard and by
these signs one arrives at the head o f things - w hich is C h rist.’ N o t sur
prisingly, Jerome then invokes the sym bolism o f the num ber seven, associ
ating this last group w ith C hrist as the u ltim ate, the end o f a ll things.
Perhaps the m ost interesting feature o f St Jerome’s exercise from the
perspective o f alphabet historiography is his use o f the names o f the
Hebrew letters in a sym bolic in te rp re ta tio n , the firs t such recorded
instance o f this practice. The values assigned to the letters as symbols in
this manner were never fu lly standardized, n ot even in the peak vogue o f
such associations in the 19th century, and Jerome’s in te rp re ta tio n has a
num ber o f idiosyncratic aspects. In fa ct, w ith the exception o f the assign
m ent o f the value house to beth, the only letters w hich have values w hich
are cited elsewhere as the names o f letters are those w hich name body
parts: caph/hand, ainleye, phelm outh, reslhead, and shin/teeth. W hile
Gnosticism, Hermeticism, Neo-Platonism and Neo-Pythagoreanism
a. •
beta: with a blackened bowl,
e w ritte n to represent the earth and the water, another to represent the
abysses and the shadows, another to represent the w ind and the water,
another symbolizes lig h t, another shows the firm am ent o f heaven, another
the white part represents depicts the separation o f the waters above and the waters below, another
waters, the shadows below are shows the fo rm ation o f the earth and its im m ersion in to the waters.
the abyss Another, again, is the image o f the plants, another o f the fru it bearing
alpha: in circle, the space above trees, another shows the lig h t o f the stars, and in another one finds the sign
is air and wind, below are o f the sun and the m oon, another shows th e ir place in in the heavens.’18
waters Before d eta ilin g the sym bolic value o f each o f these in com pany w ith
eta: split o f light and shadows, drawings to illu stra te his points, the author digresses on the theme o f the
the middle line makes the episemon. This letter, again identified as the digam m a, is n o t present in
separation the alphabet. Thus the episemon is hidden, and signifies the descent o f the
W ord o f God fro m Heaven to the Earth as w ell as H is C om ing to found
H 1 JC H is Church. To these themes, fa m ilia r from the discussion o f G nosticism ,
zeta: separating the superior Saba adds schematic elaboration o f the value o f the num ber 22, stressing
and inferior water th a t it is the Greek alphabet w hich foretells the com ing o f C h rist, though
iota: plants w ith grains or seeds he is n o t loathe to move freely back to the H ebrew letters when high
kappa: fru it trees a u th o rity and a n tiq u ity support his arguments.
Gnosticism, Hermeticism, Neo-Platonism and Neo-Pythagoreanism
Hermeticism
t h e m e d ie v a l p e r io d
The m illennium w hich stretched from the decline o f the Roman Em pire to
the invention o f p rin tin g in the m id-15th century witnessed the develop
m ent o f w ritin g in to both a decorative a rt and an effective m edium fo r
com m unication. Fostered largely w ith in the context o f Church activities,
especially in monasteries, calligraphy also flourished as a feature o f s h ift
ing p o litic a l influences in the dom ain o f secular power. T his is the period
in w hich various scripts acquired d istin ct graphic id e n tity as w ell as th a t in
w hich h ig h ly stylized form s o f illu m in a tio n transform ed the shapes o f in i
tia l letters in to visual ornam ents o f alm ost in fin ite variety.
However ind ivid ua lized , scrip t form s in Europe in the M id d le Ages a ll
derived from some form o f Roman source m odified by local and foreign
influences. The decoration o f in itia l letters, however, often showed greater
evidence o f older influences, p a rticu la rly th a t w hich distinguished the
m etalw ork o f tribes who had m igrated in to N o rth e rn Europe before the
C hristian era. As local styles o f both scrip t and decoration developed,
th e ir d is trib u tio n follow ed the movements o f individuals o r p o litic a l forces
w ith in the netw orks o f medieval literate society. Since both the scripts and
the illu m in ated letters o f medieval m anuscripts particip a te in these stylis
tic differences and d istrib u tio n s, both w ill be examined here, but separate
ly, in keeping w ith m ost o f scholarship in the field.
As the Roman Em pire declined the role o f the scribe passed to the
m onk: m onastic scrip to ria became the m ajor sites fo r the p roduction o f
w ritin g throughout the M id d le Ages. W ritin g w ould become an element o f
' secular life w ith the developm ent o f universities from the 12th century
onward, but u n til th a t tim e, the copying and illu m in a tio n o f m anuscripts
to o k place largely under the auspices o f C h ris tia n . religious orders;
between 400 and 900 A D the developm ent o f d istin ct w ritin g form s can be
linked to p a rtic u la r scrip to ria in the B ritish Isles and th roughout the
European continent.1
In the 4th century monasteries were established throughout Ita ly and
Southern France, and Roman scripts such as the uncial and half-un cial
flourished. O f p a rtic u la r influence in fostering m anuscript production
were those missions established under the order o f St Benedict, such as
those founded at Subiaco and M ontecassino in the early 6th century under
an edict th a t each member o f the com m unity set aside some p a rt o f the
day fo r reading. M eanw hile, the monasteries w hich w ould be the source o f
the distinctive C eltic tra d itio n s came in to being in 5th-century Ireland,
Gnosticism, Hermeticism, Neo-Platonism and Neo-Pythagoreanism
The m illennium w hich stretched from the decline o f the Roman Em pire to
the invention o f p rin tin g in the m id-15th century witnessed the develop
m ent o f w ritin g in to both a decorative a rt and an effective m edium fo r
com m unication. Fostered largely w ith in the context o f Church activities,
especially in m onasteries, calligraphy also flourished as a feature o f s h ift
ing p o litic a l influences in the dom ain o f secular power. T his is the period
in w hich various scripts acquired d istin ct graphic id e n tity as w ell as th a t in
w hich hig hly stylized form s o f illu m in a tio n transform ed the shapes o f in i
tia l letters in to visual ornam ents o f alm ost in fin ite variety.
However individualized, scrip t form s in Europe in the M id d le Ages a ll
derived from some form o f Roman source m odified by local and foreign
influences. The decoration o f in itia l letters, however, often showed greater
evidence o f older influences, p a rticu la rly th a t which distinguished the
m etalw ork o f tribes who had m igrated in to N o rth e rn Europe before the
C hristian era. As local styles o f both scrip t and decoration developed,
th e ir d is trib u tio n follow ed the movements o f individuals o r p o litic a l forces
w ith in the netw orks o f medieval literate society. Since both the scripts and
the illu m in a te d letters o f medieval m anuscripts particip a te in these stylis
tic differences and d istrib u tio n s, both w ill be examined here, but separate
ly, in keeping w ith m ost o f scholarship in the field.
As the Roman Em pire declined the role o f the scribe passed to the
m onk: m onastic scrip to ria became the m ajor sites fo r the pro du ction o f
w ritin g throughout the M id d le Ages. W ritin g w ould become an element o f
v secular life w ith the developm ent o f universities from the 12th century
onward, but u n til th a t tim e, the copying and illu m in a tio n o f m anuscripts
to o k place largely under the auspices o f C hristian * religious orders;
between 400 and 900 A D the developm ent o f d is tin c t w ritin g form s can be
linked to p a rtic u la r scrip to ria in the B ritish Isles and throughout the
European continent.1
In the 4th century m onasteries were established throughout Ita ly and
Southern France, and Roman scripts such as the uncial and half-un cial
flourished. O f p a rtic u la r influence in fostering m anuscript production
were those missions established under the order o f St Benedict, such as
those founded at Subiaco and M ontecassino in the early 6th century under
an edict th a t each member o f the com m unity set aside some p a rt o f the
day fo r reading. M eanw hile, the monasteries w hich w ould be the source o f
the distinctive C eltic tra d itio n s came in to being in 5th-century Ireland,
Calligraphy, Alchemy, and Ars Com binatoria In the Medieval Period
spreading to m ainland B rita in in the 6th and 7th centuries where they
encountered Anglo-Saxon influences, inclu ding th a t o f the Runic charac
ters brought by Scandinavians. By the beginning o f the 7th century the
scrip to ria w hich w ould later be renowned fo r th e ir in d ivid u a l m anuscript
tra d itio n s had already been established at L u xe u il, Bobbio, St G allen and
many other sites in N o rth e rn Europe. S criptoria were an essential p a rt o f
these monasteries, often set in to tow er room s o r o ff in te rio r courtyards to
afford them greater in vu ln e ra b ility in the event o f attack. The value
accorded books was correspondingly high, and stealing a m anuscript was
considered a serious crim e. Scribes often intoned against any prospective
th ie f w ith invectives rem iniscent o f the curse tablet verses o f an earlier
period: T f anyone take away this book, le t him die the death, le t him be
frie d in a pan, let the fa llin g sickness and fever seize him , le t him be bro
ken on the wheel and hanged. Am en.*2
Changes occurred in the fu n ctio n and place o f w ritin g w ith in the
social order in the centuries fo llo w in g the decline o f the Roman Em pire.
The a ctivity o f w ritin g shifted emphasis - from the carving o f m onumen
ta l inscriptions, w ritin g o f classical poetry, and recording o f legal and his
to ric a l texts - to the copying o f religious and classical texts w ith in the
province o f religious com m unities. These transform ations had been pre
ceded by certain technical changes: vellum replaced papyrus as a m aterial
support fo r w ritin g and the codex (sheets bound in to books) replaced the
scroll. The m onum ental capitals w hich had been produced fo r and in
stone inscriptions were replaced by graphic form s o rig in a tin g from the use
o f the pen, rather than the chisel, stylus o r brush. Finally, the division o f
elements w ith in the te xt came to be visua lly marked so th a t title s, begin
nings, endings, and com m entaries came to be organized spatially and in d i
cated by d istin ction s o f size and design to a fa r more com plex and
nuanced degree than was practical w ith in m onum ental inscriptions.
94 The term s scrip t and hand are often used interchangeably, but in fact,
the form er indicates a m odel o f le tter form s w hile the la tte r designates the
actual production on the page o f such a m odel through a p a rticu la r
scribe’s w ork. Both scripts and hands vary considerably, but given the non
mechanical nature o f m anuscript production the co n tin u ity and u n ifo rm i
ty o f fo rm is as rem arkable as the range o f invention.
Three im p o rta n t w ritin g form s were the legacy o f the Roman Em pire:
the square capital, w hich adapted p oo rly in the transform ation from
in scrip tio n to penned fo rm ; the rustic capital whose precedent had been in
brush form s w hich were more readily suited to m od ifica tio n by the pen;
and the uncial fo rm w hich appropriated elements o f the Greek alphabet
(see Chapter 3). The term uncial was derived from a derogatory statement
made by St Jerome in the 4th century when he condemned the use o f
excessively large, inch-high, letters in the w ritin g o f m anuscripts, claim ing
it made them clum sy and u n fit fo r use. From the L a tin term fo r ‘inch’
came the term uncial. There were, in a dd itio n, a num ber o f cursive scripts
whose designs emerged in p a rt from the s w ift strokes o f pen production.
Calligraphy, Alchemy, and Ars Com binatoria In the Medieval Period
*^tt>*sefxcr> e T u S ifi
%
T his Roman cursive, lik e later chancery hands and other ra p id ly p ro
duced pen scripts, was often used in o ffic ia l, legal documents w hich did
n ot require the m onum ental character o f in scrip tio n a l le tte r form s. By the
4th century a m odified fo rm know n as the h a lf-u n cia l also appeared w ith
in southern Europe, p a rtic u la rly in Ita ly and France, and q u ickly gained
popularity. T his was the firs t scrip t to have a regularized m inuscule and
became the fu n ctio n a l scrip t fo r paperw ork, correspondence and other
Church business throughout Europe.3
As the Roman Em pire fe ll apart in the West in the 4th and 5th cen
turies, m ig ra to ry tribes on the edges o f the Em pire gained prom inence and
in the clash o f m ix o f cultures sm all, isolated p o litic a l units evolved. The
resulting lack o f coherent c u ltu ra l u n ity in Europe exacerbated the d iffe r
e ntia tion in scrip t form s so th a t it is necessary to discuss the w ritin g o f
p a rticu la r localities, peoples and historica l periods rather than tracing a
single line o f continuous evolution. An exhaustive treatm ent o f the many
scripts w hich developed in medieval calligraphy is outside the scope o f this
w ork. But the m ajor areas o f activity, movement and influence in N orth ern
Europe and the B ritish Isles w ill be broadly sketched here. It should be
kept in m ind, given the Eurocentric focus o f this study, th a t sim ultaneous
developments were occurring throughout this period in areas o f Asia, the
N ear and M id d le East, A fric a , and, by the early centuries AD , in the
C entral Am erican peninsula as w ell.
W hile Roman uncial and half-un cial flourished in the Ita lia n states, it
was in the B ritish Isles th a t these form s developed a unique character and
aesthetic sophistication unsurpassed in medieval w ritin g . The Roman le t
te r form s were brought back to B rita in in the late 6th century w ith the
missions o f St Augustine, as a ll earlier traces o f Roman influence on w rit
ing had vanished after the Romans le ft the B ritish Isles in the 5th century.
It should also be noted th a t Ireland had never been a p a rt o f the Roman
Em pire and therefore a ll L a tin scripts entered this region through the
Calligraphy, Alchemy, and Ars Com binatoria in the Medieval Period
l i m i mi l u a n • >1
in u lu n i t d 4 u o ; %(x ;n i4iu Z iu j k
(/O k Ii u k . 1 K 'K O u i;; u ^ v i n u i
ly m igrated southw ard o nly to meet and coexist w ith form s o f the Roman
half-un cial m oving n o rth fro m the missions in the south. The visual
blending o f these tw o resulted in h yb rid m anuscripts em ploying both
hands side by side, and the 7th century, a period o f great scribal a ctivity in
the B ritish Isles, is m arked by Roman and H ibe rn ian influences in vying
w ith each other fo r visual perfection. A nother m odified form o f minuscule
developed in the 9th century under the influence o f C arolingian scripts. By
the 11th century this had become p a rt o f the vocabulary o f w ritte n letter
form s w hich Anglo-Saxon scribes used in com bination w ith other, earlier
form s. Through the w ork o f St Boniface and others, the m ixed form s o f
H ibernian and Anglo-Saxon w ritin g were subsequently carried in to
Germ any where they became an im p o rta n t influence on developments in
C ontinental monasteries.
M eanw hile, the developm ent o f local scripts in Europe in the 5th and
6 th centuries reflected the continual re d istrib u tio n o f power and waves o f
19th century redrawing of invasions and changed cu ltu ra l com position o f d ifferen t regions. It is pos
Anglo-Saxon majuscules (F. sible to chart s h iftin g te rrito ria l boundaries o f p o litic a l influence and peri
Lewis Day, Alphabets Old and ods o f relative cu ltu ra l s ta b ility through the developm ent o f national
New, London, 1910) hands. In d ivid u a l monarchs established courts whose chancery hands
recorded th e ir activities w hile various monasteries resisted devastation
from invading tribes o r ra id in g parties long enough to foster development
o f a m anuscript style. In a period o f continual change, therefore, the his
to ry o f a p a rtic u la r scrip t often serves as the means o f tracing the p o litic a l
o r m ilita ry successes o f an in d ivid u a l leader or group o f people.
T hroughout the 6 th century, fo r instance, the influence o f such groups as
the Lom bards in N o rth e rn Italy, Visigoths in Spain and M erovingian
Franks along the R hine were a ll reflected in script form s w hile Roman
influence continued in the south o f Italy, especially in the book hands
w hich were produced in Subiaco and M ontecassino .5
A t the end o f the 5th century the firs t Frankish kin g , C lovis, consoli
dated the tribes and te rrito rie s along the Rhine in to the M erovingian king
dom . The M erovingian book script w hich emerged in these te rrito rie s
used to be considered by scholars the natio na l French book hand. B ut it is
now considered to have had a more circum scribed, localized im pact, ta k
ing its place alongside the popular cursive form s such as those developed
in Burgundy and in the m onastery at L uxe uil. The M erovingian hand was
hig hly developed, very d istin ct in its exaggerated vertica lity, loopy quality,
and th in , spidery lines. One historia n o f le tter form s, N icolete Gray, char
acterized it as ‘a to rtu ro u s script w ith a fascinating com plicated rhythm
w hich seems to suggest the involved and vio le n t te rro r o f life in
M erovingian France as portrayed by the H is to ry o f G regory o f Tours,
w ritte n between 573 and 594 .’6 W hile such a dram atic description lends
glam our to the scrip t, the b rig h t, v ita l designs o f in itia l letters w hich also
make th e ir appearance in M erovingian m anuscripts belie this dark vision.
One p o in t to note in exam ining the u n fa m ilia r form s o f these samples is
th a t w hile they were more legible at the tim e th a t they were current, they
Calligraphy, Alchemy, and Ars Com binatoria in the Medieval Period
were nonetheless often filled w ith copying errors which contributed to d if
fic u lty in reading. This was not inten tion al, but the result o f copying by
scribes whose knowledge o f L atin was m in im a l, and whose m ethod o f
reproduction was based on purely visual observation. Some o f the m ost
d iffic u lt to read scripts o f this period were charter hands o r co u rt hands.
These, in fa ct, were often rendered nearly ille g ib le on purpose, to baffle,
awe o r impress the reader w ith ornate and com plex flourishes and form s.
AtiKof V
MAnttufuejvfiiccuf wcjueti fiinrwJe
f>
warittcn^u^ci 'V'V'.
$cucr>nufdicmfc(VdfVurr-KW*-
fiiidjcru" 1<
|we
d
Borrcfd(cfoifdJufrorium-hmcte^ni*
C
o<ju
od rfJitttPf"■
4tci*nf cioctwfrttf
^wcrifuttini erA w r-M metier*fVfnp*j
GrdttiAnufdiccti*nir <
jul «
^rujutn jijnm irif fukLiTMuiaolf.fefi
jp^nir^uj*diettur^j«*fi Y?FCiiituin Uj
wptnihakeiiTitelnifiiji*ItvuJj«r fii,i
Jicr.v ff?j
iccurtdrtiwrr*Crtrn*ni«,rtiWf’O
ci
fWirt fpfV'alriffoC
PxMfw
frW
' ' ^Vihi
Anglo-Saxon, early 11th century, Uiri aim flilrtm dlfcCTf’u its F u rC A rra ff <
0 ■.. r -
probably from Luxeuil. Note ! ':<ATN<w»n
todt«l<
»apaTnoJ«rj«TApfr-<*'T>
tu A t c jir ^ r n c r n v e m e (k u * *
i x* r t t c i r a b d i as r ^ o r t i r
By the end o f the 9th century, Charlemagne’s empire was in its tu rn dis
integ ra ting due to in te rn a l conflicts among his descendants. Aggressive
inroads o f new groups o f invading tribes - V ikings in the N o rth , M agyars
from C entral Asia in the East, and the increasing presence o f Arabs
throughout the Southern M editerranean, Palestine, and Spain also created
chaos in Europe. The effects o f V ikin g invasions were p a rtic u la rly devas
ta tin g in the B ritish Isles, where many Anglo-Saxon monasteries were
destroyed. Though the C arolingian hand had persisted b rie fly as an after-
effect o f Charlemagne’s influence by the 11th century variety was once IO I
again the order o f the day in w ritte n form s. In the 12th century, the dom i
nant influence o f m onasteries was much m odified by the emergence o f the
lay scribe and the fo rm a tion o f workshops in centers close to the emerging
universities and related publishing industry. Evidence o f this com m ercial
a ctivity also shows up in the existence o f sample sheets posted by w ritin g
masters to encourage business, a precursor to the virtuo so displays o f pen
m anship w hich existed in the period after the invention o f p rin tin g in the
Renaissance. The scant evidence o f the existence o f earlier pattern books
suggests th a t they had circulated among scribes, rather than serving as
p ub lic advertisement.
The variety o f faces w hich developed in the 11th to 15th centuries con
stituted the last phase o f invention in the period preceding the standard
izatio n effected by the casting o f p rin tin g types - though both calligraphic
p roduction o f m anuscripts and the developm ent o f penm anship as a fine
a rt were features o f the post-G utenberg era. The p ro life ra tio n o f hands
can be roughly divided in to the so-called G othic form s, the Rotunda and
Calligraphy, Alchemy, and Ars Com binatoria in the Medieval Period
Bastarda form s. The term G othic was firs t used by Ita lia n scholars in the
Renaissance fo r earlier medieval a rt form s. They found the various black-
letter and textura form s o f the N o rth e rn scribes aesthetically unappealing.
In general, a ll o f the blackletter and textura hands tended to be sturdier
more condensed, and more e fficien tly produced than the elaborately
form ed uncial and m inuscule hands from earlier medieval periods. The so-
called G othic litte ra bastarda was one o f the m ost p ro lific and varied o f
these later hands. A fu rth e r developm ent in this scrip t was the addition o f
elaborate flourished capitals term ed cadels fo r the French w ord cadeau or
g ift used to describe the extra elements w hich in some cases became so
extravagant th at they overwhelmed the page w ith decorative activity.
When p rin tin g types were designed in the m iddle o f the 15th century, these
various local hands w ould provide models beginning w ith the blackletter
F raktur form s in Germ any w hich served as the basis o f Gutenberg’s
designs.
■ .■
a m m aunte
irtn p rto m m n tittl
_ om m f t m u u ttfttm to h$r flrtttionin mmu
J iitT n fr u o n o w n o m s i n i r >
B B .........
f e ,.v/j . i 1 uuc [a
.“' i ' W j
tArf t*{rtn I,urn<v<m**«<
........ falfiyr
cfcfH WfrtH.UnrhrnA' batjt J
nW ^K ^ *%
**0++4'lu iM rti m id fl imT »xr/<rvf»%VP’<re* yaUtJwf\tn <»UA-/ohabbe
p crfli i& 'p U iuX fcVar »«&(.
.
otuA *'*';* ■ ■i : ‘ Va v
w&rtrtnnoncm uttffln
•
•__
__. ?-x-r. ~-
, "'if' V. W tm f r t K U ftt* to 9
>i«
iuwrtU,(nitron rm
-.<
tit
/wioi<»i U
&1
et»ritfc.i$U>
I Cwi i f l j i I ' i
Lat 2o, folio 384) ,;ilL: .■A i - ' e e V .... : ...... ..........: ' ■
Calligraphy, Alchemy, and Ars Com binatoria in the Medieval Period
Decorated Letters
o f each sheet illu m in ated in this modest manner. The transform ation o f
letters through decorative design which can be seen in its m ost em bryonic
fo rm in this m anuscript w ould become fu ll blow n in medieval practice,
though the period o f greatest achievement in le tte r decoration is generally
considered th a t w hich extends from the 7th to 12th centuries. A ccording
to the m edieval a rt historia n Jonathan Alexander, w ork later than this has
less variety o r creative inventiveness. He in p a rt attributes this change to
the specialization o f tasks among lay craftsm en whose involvem ent in
m anuscript production was m otivated by com m ercial rather than sp iritu a l
gain .11 N icolete Gray suggests th a t the emergence o f fu ll blow n images in
the fo rm o f m iniature illu m in a tio n gave these w orks more the p ic to ria l
emphasis and shifted them away from interest in using letters as a vehicle
fo r decoration.
The auth orita tive scholar C arl N orde n falk described three categories
o f le tte r ornam ent: fillin g , adding, and su bstitu tion . These sim plest cate
gories describe the transform ations o f letters through colo ra tio n o r pat
tern, through the use o f decorative devices, images and flourishes, and
through the use o f elements (botanical, zoom orphic, anthropom orphic) to
actually make the le tte r form s. Alexander introduces another element into
this analysis, draw ing a d istin ctio n between classicizing and medieval ten
dencies. The firs t o f these tendencies characterizes the C arolingian
Renaissance w ith its emphasis on ra tio n a l virtues such as c la rity o f struc
ture and s im p licity o f fo rm , w hile the anti-classicizing sensibility o f the
Insular scripts o r Romanesque tra d itio n s i$ characterized by elaborate dec
o ra tio n , visual com plexity and va riatio n o f design. These tw o tendencies
are aesthetic poles between which the scribal w ork o f medieval decorators
can be assessed, though such an oppositional fram ew ork is inadequate to
describe the range o f visual invention. A nother set o f tensions, among the
form al logic o f the letter, the com plexities o f surface design, and the spa
tia l illu s io n o f a p ic to ria l image can be used to describe the more d istin ctly
visual issues in decoration.
Ll x u u lh tu adeiiidoech
The Insular style w hich developed in Ireland and the B ritish Isles from
the 7th century was characterized by dynam ic interlacing o f patterns,
Calligraphy, Alchemy, and Ars Com binatoria in the Medieval Period
largely abstract, w hich weave around the basic structure o f the letter.
Increasingly, these in itia l letters lost th e ir clear id e n tity and became the
maze o f in te rlo ckin g pattern rather than a separate support fo r it.
Z oom orphic form s, anim al heads, eyes, tw isted torsos and feet came to be
p a rt o f the visual catalogue o f elements in the Insular style w hich in its
firs t few centuries rem ained a m atter o f surface pattern rather than illu
sionary space. The establishm ent o f scrip to ria on the continent under the
influence o f m onks trained in the B ritish Isles spread this style in to Europe
in the 8th century, fo r exam ple, to St G allen, where Insular style decora
tio n became p a rtic u la rly w ell entrenched.
107
^omAxIcf Ri
K IG V c y u ird o m in tf-.
U tn u m c f
b ityvfe d cffu c
e r ^ p tiz tfX r
M x L q u tx e -y c ?
cn*xT>XJcr>so L o c u rx fa tn u f
p h rm o e m o ^ r Ce & v A fifr td c
x e e ja l^ R x m v d tp c t c - G o m A
fm s T jie R O fc ^ u r r ^ n i
ix b x u * r-e n e rrtc jtie f
u l j i i s u p t ) e p b v J K T e u s € tT > x b u x ix C o y u m t
C ue R U H Tcppew H Ae U o c J u iir c j: n o n
hum or played a visible role in many o f the specific treatm ents. N arrative
scenes gradually entered the p ic to ria l vocabulary o f decorators, and the
images to o k on the character o f tin y illu m in a tio n s, independent p ic to ria l
elements w ith in the page, rather than rem aining as fu lly integrated in to its
w oo f and w arp as in the decorative patterns o f earlier styles. In the G othic
period, capitals were created o u t o f uncial form s w hich were thickened
and enlarged. T h e ir strong graphic d e fin itio n allowed them to read clearly
as le tte r form s even when decorated w ith the elaborate pen flourishes
w hich became a favorite exercise o f late medieval scribes. H isto ria te d in i
tia ls, though not w ith o u t earlier precedents, reached new levels o f com
p le xity in this period, m aking use o f the spaces suggested by the structure
o f the letters and integrating them in to a narrative image.
M m
YYpitt&r ycr xioUmro
Kin do- )ir- I
l# « # d v n ii I
tin- flnictthcartf
niv' noc.tof1&-ttitn
omnrtn <pntwiocmrr
tiotmn diii iiri niv, vpt • i
Early 12th century, note the way in vnnni low ifMonim
the body of the bird makes the
bowl of the 'P1in a substitution, i& u d n f & p p r
rather than merely wrapping
around it as decoration (Walters
.ivlw ivtnv mv
Art Gallery, Baltimore, MD, Ms.
10.18, folio 175)
Calligraphy, Alchemy, and Ars Com binatoria in the Medieval Period
and weather were w idely used. By the 9th century such practices had
faded to the m argins o f English culture in spite o f the presence o f certain
Runic letters in the Anglo-Saxon book hands. The in fla tio n o f the magical
properties o f Runes developed after th e ir demise as a com m on w ritin g sys
tem and was sustained by earlier m entions in medieval m anuscripts sug
gesting such occult values.17 The names o f Runes, fo r instance, have been
analyzed as a cosm ology o f gods, demons and natu ra l powers in an elab
orate a rtic u la tio n o f fe rtility c u lt sym bolism and other sacred beliefs,
some o f w hich was invoked in 18th-century lite ra tu re .18
RUNES.
rad, rat r n r R RA K- P
cen, kaun c, k < A K Y K K
gebo, gifu g X X r y
wen V, w Y R V p o v,hv
hegl, hagai h NMNH H * h h
nyd, n6d n + * + + l> N v
is i 1 1 1 I i
ger, yr, ar y> g e>j> a I h <5 4. A A 9 j
hie, ih, eoh ih , 2, eo W
peorth, perc P * K G K n 7r
ilix, calc a, i, k, x Y Y q o q
sigil s * H H s <r
tir t t T r
t 1
berc, berith h * R B K P
haec, ech, eh e n m M e V
man in M M ? Y M P
lagu I V R R A X
ing ng o <> £ X X
Runic characters, from Isaac dag, dseg d S M M 8
Taylor, The Alphabet, New York, othil o, ce * a>
1899
* R 2
Calligraphy, Alchemy, and Ars Com binatoria in the Medieval Period
1 II III III1 ! 1M !
h (c h ) a t c q
i 1 1 111 l l l l 111LI__
I i I 111 l l l l • l i l t
•
a 0 u e 1
'
ss
G la g o litic .
ii
G la g o litic .
C y rillic .
B nssian.
N am es.
C y rillic .
OQ
V alues.
s 9
S
'A
1
>
II
*3
I s
i i
s
.«
j
Az a rflrt) A A A a TJk U S a oy 8 o y s : y y
Yedi V QD R 6 B b Khcr X da to X X Xx
Glagol (J Va & r r Tr 0 0 0 w Q
Dobro d lit A A /U Sha sh, 5 IU UI ITT m
111
Est e 0 3 E s Ee Shta M , 1st w qj mm
Zhivete zh iJd <k 5K )i( Tsi ts a
v ° n n «
Zclo dz t£ S s Tsherv tsJi} c q q
¥
Zemlya z 6d 3 3s Djerv dj ■fc
Iff
Izhe e, i ¥ H H Hn Yet ye EL -k n B it
I iyV K 8 11 I I i Yu yu 10 10 10 K)
JU
Kako 0
h % a K K K k Yer Tx t 'L l,
e
Lyudi I A J Ij Yery Mu
db A V •BS? 'Ll LI
Muislitf* m Q m M M M m Yerek R E I) L
i
Nash n IP F p N H nu Es eng •e A A
On 0 2 a 0 0 Oo Y qs yeng TA
Pokoy P IP [E n n n n As ong se
Reci r Q> t p Pp Yas yong
P M r/R
Slovo s ‘i f c c Cc T h ita e "tt" A -0- 00
Glagolitic and Cyrillic alphabets, Tverclo t OD T T T i Yzica u * V n Vv
from Isaac Taylor, The Alphabet,
New York, 1899 I. ir. lit. TV. r. It. - TirT
a1s^LbT J 'c<T [d fA g3 hh -
lofitu. kaitu. lehlfu. malalhi. nabalech. ozechi. chorizech. philirin. saialhi. inlalech.
1$ 1 v -Q & G n t 119
asc. biriih. chen. ihorn. ech. fccli. gibti. Imgalc. h»s. pile. la»»ii. man.
i bB fW P s^ I W fflM
not. nlhii. perc. chon. rehir. sugil. lac. bur. hnfoch. huyri. ziu.
Alphabets recorded by Hrabanus
Maurus
In alm ost every case, the tra d itio n on w hich Hrabanus based his assess
ments o f these scripts was fa irly clear, though the sources fo r his visual
m aterials were less obvious. F irst, he discussed the H ebrew alphabet,
invented by Moses, and revived by the figure Esdra after the ca p tivity o f
the Jews. There were tw enty-tw o letters in this alphabet, w hich corre
sponded w ith the num ber o f the Hebrew alphabet, but H rabanus’s form s
Calligraphy, Alchemy, and Ars Com binatoria in the Medieval Period
Alchemical Alphabets
aB C D E F QH I K L M N. The origins o f alchem ical symbols reach back in to antiquity, w ith the
■^0-0 0 C a pp ro priatio n o f planetary signs from Chaldean astrology and astronom y
o p q rs tu x y in to the Greek system, and the subsequent association o f certain metals
2 J o a m a Q >3 w ith these planetary elements.20 In this system, gold came to be associated
a B CDEF g h i k l m n w ith the sun, silver w ith the m oon, and so fo rth , so th a t the sign o f the
sun o r m oon m ight fu n ctio n to represent the m etal in a form ula. Alchem y
o p QR s T U proper is a later developm ent, and belongs to the period o f Arab influence
n -p r3 ^c( in southern Europe. The w ord alchemy is in fa ct a com bination o f the
aB c D EF G H I K.LMN Greek w ord chemya w ith the A rabic pre fix a l attached. The concerns o f
alchemy, though much distorted in later rom anticization and obfuscation
0PQRSTUVY2 through occult associations, were quite sim ply to understand the nature o f
metals and the processes by w hich they m ight be transm uted in to other
form s, p a rtic u la rly gold - w hich was considered to have transcendent sp ir
Alchemical alphabets (CJ.S. itu a l value. It was in the firs t centuries o f the C hristian era th a t the fusion
Thompson, The Lure and o f Egyptian m etallurgy and C hristian G nostic and N eo-P latonic sensibili
Romance o f Alchemy, London, ties lent a m etaphysical aura to alchemy, but the medieval practitioners
1932) were frequently serious scientists in q u irin g in to the structure o f the n atu r
al w orld. A lchem ical symbols served as a shorthand to record experim ents
and procedures, but q u ickly came to serve the fu n ctio n o f secrecy as w ell.
Traces o f early alchem ical m anuscripts show up as references in the trea
tises o f the M id d le Ages, authored by such m ythic figures as Hermes and
C leopatra and the more h is to ric a lly authenticated M a ry the Jewess and
Zosim us. B ut actual m anuscripts used in alchem ical practice are evidence
o f Arab dom ination o f the a rt between the 7th and 13th centuries.
The Arabs were at firs t loa th to make widespread use o f Greek sym
bols, considering them the legacy o f a pagan people and hence u n fit fo r
th e ir purposes. Developed alchemy made its way in to Western Europe in
beginning in the 12th century by means o f L a tin translations o f A rabic
texts, around the same period as the consolidation o f the Kabbalah. A t
this p o in t the use o f elaborate sym bols based on Greek and other com plex
Alchemist in his study with visual signs, many o f w hich seem to have been the product o f an in d i
acrostic formula and alchemical vidual a u th o r’s visual im agination, came in to comm on use. Eventually
"apparatus (Pitois Christian; w hole elaborate systems o f ‘hieroglyphics’ were pressed in to service to
L'Histoire de Magie, Paris, 1870) encode the alchem ical processes and keep them from the u ninitia ted .
Anagram s, acrostics and other enigm atic figures were used extensively.
The le tte rin g in alchem ical texts cannot be properly called an alphabet,
but there are obvious lin ks between existing w ritin g systems and the
symbols transform ed fo r use by alchemists.
The great M agus figures o f the late M id d le Ages and Renaissance, such
as A lbertus M agnus, Roger Bacon, Basil Valentine and the M ichael M aier
provided encyclopedic records o f earlier and contem porary alchem ical
practices. But by the 15th and 16th centuries, when extensively illu strate d
volumes o f alchem ical knowledge were published in the fo rm o f elaborate
allegorical images and deliberately obfuscating texts, alchemy had become
a pseudo-science, rap id ly being displaced by the fo rm a tion o f a new scien
tific understanding o f the structure o f the physical w orld. From th a t p o in t
Calligraphy, Alchemy, and Ars Com binatoria in the Medieval Period
on, alchemy to o k its place among the arcane areas o f hum an thought, and
was channelled in to occult practices where its obscure language and delib
erately com plex sym bology found a receptive fo llo w in g w ell in to the 19th
century.
One in trig u in g example o f the use o f a cryp tic alphabet in an alchemi
cal m anuscript is the so-called cipher docum ent a ttrib uted to Roger Bacon
(1214-1292). Iden tified as a 13th century English m anuscript, it is w ritten
entirely in an unknow n alphabet. Bacon, in L etter on the Secret Works o f
A rt and the N u llity o f M agic, had strongly advocated use o f ciphers: ‘The
man is insane who w rites a secret in any other way than one which w ill
conceal it from the vulgar and make it in te llig ib le only w ith d iffic u lty even
to scientific men and earnest students .’21 H e proposed seven modes o f con
cealment in this w ork, including the use o f m agic figures, spells, and mys
teriously sym bolic words. One m ethod o f secret w ritin g was to use only
consonants, as in the case o f the Sem itic languages, another was ‘effected
by com m ingling letters o f various kind s’ or through inventing an idiosyn
cratic alphabet, or, finally, through use o f shorthand. A t least one scholar
who studied the cipher m anuscript assumed it was w ritte n in just such a
shorthand. T his was W illia m N ew bold, Professor o f Philosophy at the
U niversity o f Pennsylvania, who came in to contact w ith the m anuscript
(know n by its ow ner’s name as the Voynich m anuscript) in Philadelphia in
the 1910s.
N ew bold set about to decipher the w o rk, and fin ding no key by which
the ‘apparent’ letters o f the scrip t could be decoded, decided th a t each o f
these letters was in fa ct an accum ulation o f m icrographic shorthand
script. A ccording to N ew bold, this shorthand was its e lf a code, and by
lin k in g the n o ta tio n a l m arks w ith th e ir L a tin le tte r counterparts, deci
phering those in tu rn in to com plex anagrams, w hich he subsequently
unscram bled, the m anuscript w ould yield its supposed secrets. N ew bold’s
m ethod and conclusions seem farfetched to a degree w hich stretches credi
b ility. He was able to unravel only a few words and phrases w ith in the text
by application o f his to rturou s m ethod, and had he applied it systemati
cally to the entire m anuscript (upwards o f tw o hundred pages) the result
w ould have been to read the te xt o f 300,000 characters as if it were in fact
closer to 3 m illio n sign ifying elements. N ew bold was unable to decipher
even enough o f the te xt to give a sense o f its content, fo r which he
rem ained dependent on the iconography o f its images. These depicted a
peculiar version o f the process o f egg fe rtiliz a tio n in humans, w ith human
sperm m igrating through successive levels o f a structure, w hich was as
much cosm ological as bio log ica l, towards th e ir goal.
Cipher alphabet in manuscript W hile there was a tra d itio n o f m icrographia among Hebrew c a lli
attributed to Roger Bacon; graphers in the M id d le Ages, even th e ir m ost com plex designs w ould not
William Newbold's analysis of riva l the com plexity w hich N ew bold ascribes to the cipher m anuscript.
the letters into an elaborate N ew bold also suggested th a t the last line o f this m anuscript contained a
shorthand (University of key w hich referred in tu rn to the several ‘gates’ by w hich the secrets could
Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia) be accessed. N ew bold to o k this term to refer to the gates o f the Kabbalah,
Calligraphy, Alchemy, and Ars Com binatoria in the Medieval Period
the com binations and perm utations o f letters w hich form ed a basic aspect
o f th a t m ystical practice. W hat was rem arkable about N ew bold’s w ork
was his conviction th a t the alchem ical character o f the treatise justifie d
such an in terpretatio n. Subsequent scholarship decoding the m anuscript
has la id N ew bold’s obsessive scheme to rest when the code in w hich the
te xt was w ritte n was deciphered in the 1940s by Joseph M a rtin Feely. Feely
was inconclusive in determ ining the a ttrib u tio n and his in te rp re ta tio n was
in keeping w ith the alchem ical mysteries o f the m anuscript’s imagery.22
Ars Combinatoria
127
In the later Ars Brevis the A lphabet was reduced to nine letters w ith A
and T as the m ajor figures. The letters in the Ars Brevis, though they car
ried value in sym bolic term s sim ilar to th a t o f the earlier Ars
Demonstratively functioned much more as m echanical elements fo r m anip
u la tio n and com bination. The letters were defined more by th e ir fu nctio n
than as entities, though th e ir character was no less d istin ct fo r th at. L lu ll’s
significance in p a rt resides in the way his A rt became a founding instance
o f w hat was later termed Ars C om binatoria. T his concept was defined as a
system atization o f systems so th a t they functioned as an abstract netw ork
o f knowledge and process. It was a structure o f in te rn a lly related elements
Calligraphy, Alchemy, and Ars Com binatoria in the Medieval Period
and o f relations to both a user and a set o f references in the w orld. In one
o f his w orks, L lu ll dem onstrated the application o f his Ars to profound
theological questions w hich occupied medieval thinkers such as ‘ Could
Adam and Eve have cohabited before they ate th e ir firs t food?’ o r ‘H ow do
angels speak to each other?’ and ‘Can God make m atter w ith o u t form ?’
W hile Renaissance constructions o f a universal o r philosophical alpha
bet had very d ifferen t premises from those o f L lu ll, attem pts to design an
abstract m athem atical logic to dem onstrate the universal structure o f
hum an knowledge and divine order, such as th a t o f Leibn itz in the 17th
century, borrowed much from L lu ll’s earlier example. L lu llia n diagrams
showed up in m anuscripts and books throughout the Renaissance and
K ircher’s m onum ental presentation o f systematic knowledge, Ars magna
sciendi sive com binatoria (1669) was largely based on L lu ll’s w ork. Some
o f these later philosophical languages used the L a tin alphabet, assigning
cosm ological value to the letters, w hile other proposals were dependent on
o rig in a l inventions o f new sym bol systems.
[28
VI
the kabbalah
The term Kabbalah, w hich sim ply means tra d itio n in Hebrew, is used to
refer to the m ystical aspects o f Jewish exegetical lite ra tu re , specifically
denoting the ecstatic religious practices developed in 12th-and 13th-centu
ry Jewish com m unities in and around C astille. M edieval K abbalistic lite r
ature cultivated an atmosphere o f m ystery and a rtific ia l a n tiq u ity but the
popular image o f the Kabbalah as a c u lt practice o f arcane incantations
and magic was a 19th-century invention w hich has obscured the scholarly
origins o f the movement.
The m ost fundam ental tenet o f the Kabbalah is a b elief in the ineffable
character o f D ivine energy and the sacredness and religious significance o f
the H ebrew language as an instrum ent o f D ivine power. In the Kabbalah
the contem plation and m anipulation o f the letters is considered a means
o f approaching God through m editation and esoteric in te rp re ta tio n ; the
alphabet is granted a high degree o f sanctity since the tw enty-tw o letters
are considered to be the very elements by w hich God brings the w orld in to
being. For the kabbalist, G od’s w ritin g is the w orld. The doctrines and
interpretations o f the Kabbalah derive in large p a rt from three p rim a ry
w orks, the Sefir Yetzirah (The Book o f C reation), B ahir (The L ig ht) and
the Z o h a r (The Splendour). K abbalistic s p iritu a l exercises are intended to
contribute to the collective religious enlightenm ent o f the Jewish people
through the study o f the holy scriptures. The Kabbalah is in tim a te ly
bound to the in te rp re ta tio n o f the O ld Testament, p a rtic u la rly the Torah,
but represents the m ystical, rather than ra tio n a l, aspect o f Jewish religious
and in terpretatio n.
There are scholars w ho trace the origins o f the Kabbalah to m ystical 129
beliefs existing in b ib lic a l tim es, but the consensus is th a t the practices
began to take m ore definite shape in the firs t centuries o f w hat is term ed
the Com m on Era .1 M ost o f these early kabbalistic activities are legendary,
such as the story o f Rabbi A kiva, a 1st o r 2nd century devout, who experi
enced ecstatic visions and survived on account o f his h u m ility though his
three com panions were struck down by the inten sity o f th e ir revelations.
The h isto ry o f the Kabbalah parallels the h isto ry o f the Jewish people
both in Palestine and throughout the D iaspora .2 There is little concrete
evidence o f kabbalistic a c tiv ity u n til the destruction o f the Second Temple
in 70 AD , but closed m ystical societies became a feature o f Jewish culture
after this date. As the Jews dispersed throughout the M editerranean
region and Western Europe durin g the early C hristian era, kabbalistic
practices began to become d istin ct and well-developed. A n apocalyptic lit
erature sprang up among such Jewish sects as the Pharisees and Essenes.
Revelations dealing w ith the terrors aw aiting hum ankind at the end o f
tim e appeared in company w ith ecstatic texts investigating the hidden
Calligraphy, Alchemy, and Ars Com binatoria in the Medieval Period
and o f relations to both a user and a set o f references in the w orld. In one
o f his w orks, L lu ll dem onstrated the a pplication o f his Ars to profound
theological questions w hich occupied medieval thinkers such as ‘Could
Adam and Eve have cohabited before they ate th e ir firs t food?’ o r ‘H ow do
angels speak to each other?’ and ‘Can God make m atter w ith o u t form?*
W hile Renaissance constructions o f a universal o r philosophical alpha
bet had very d iffe re n t premises from those o f L lu ll, attem pts to design an
abstract m athem atical logic to dem onstrate the universal structure of
human knowledge and divine order, such as th a t o f L eibn itz in the 17th
century, borrowed much from L lu ll’s earlier example. L lu llia n diagrams
showed up in m anuscripts and books throughout the Renaissance and
K ircher’s m onum ental presentation o f systematic knowledge, Ars rnagna
sciendi sive com binatoria (1669) was largely based on L lu ll’s w ork. Some
o f these later philosophical languages used the L a tin alphabet, assigning
cosm ological value to the letters, w hile other proposals were dependent on
o rig in a l inventions o f new sym bol systems.
128
VI
the kabbalah
The term Kabbalah, w hich sim ply means tra d itio n in Hebrew, is used to
refer to the m ystical aspects o f Jewish exegetical lite ra tu re , specifically
denoting the ecstatic religious practices developed in 12th-and 13th-centu
ry Jewish com m unities in and around C astille. M edieval K abbalistic lite r
ature cultivated an atmosphere o f m ystery and a rtific ia l a n tiq u ity but the
popular image o f the Kabbalah as a c u lt practice o f arcane incantations
and magic was a 19th-century invention w hich has obscured the scholarly
origins o f the movement.
The m ost fundam ental tenet o f the Kabbalah is a b elief in the ineffable
character o f D ivine energy and the sacredness and religious significance o f
the Hebrew language as an instrum ent o f D ivine power. In the Kabbalah
the contem plation and m anipulation o f the letters is considered a means
o f approaching God through m editation and esoteric in te rp re ta tio n ; the
alphabet is granted a high degree o f sanctity since the tw enty-tw o letters
are considered to be the very elements by w hich God brings the w orld in to
being. For the kabbalist, G od’s w ritin g is the w orld. The doctrines and
interpretations o f the Kabbalah derive in large p a rt from three p rim ary
w orks, the Sefir Yetzirah (The Book o f C reation), B a kir (The L ig h t) and
the Z o h a r (The Splendour). K abbalistic s p iritu a l exercises are intended to
contribute to the collective religious enlightenm ent o f the Jewish people
through the study o f the holy scriptures. The Kabbalah is in tim a te ly
bound to the in te rp re ta tio n o f the O ld Testament, p a rtic u la rly the Torah,
b ut represents the m ystical, rather than ra tio n a l, aspect o f Jewish religious
and in terpretatio n.
There are scholars who trace the origins o f the Kabbalah to m ystical 129
beliefs existing in b ib lica l tim es, but the consensus is th a t the practices ■
began to take more definite shape in the firs t centuries o f w hat is termed
the Com m on Era .1 M ost o f these early kabbalistic activities are legendary,
such as the story o f Rabbi A kiva, a 1st or 2nd century devout, who experi
enced ecstatic visions and survived on account o f his h u m ility though his
three com panions were struck down by the inten sity o f th e ir revelations.
The h isto ry o f the Kabbalah parallels the h isto ry o f the Jewish people
both in Palestine and throughout the D iaspora .2 There is little concrete
evidence o f kabbalistic a c tiv ity u n til the destruction o f the Second Temple
in 70 AD , but closed m ystical societies became a feature o f Jewish culture
a fter this date. As the Jews dispersed throughout the M editerranean
region and W estern Europe d urin g the early C hristian era, kabbalistic
practices began to become d istin ct and well-developed. A n apocalyptic lit
erature sprang up among such Jewish sects as the Pharisees and Essenes.
Revelations dealing w ith the terrors aw aiting hum ankind at the end o f
tim e appeared in company w ith ecstatic texts investigating the hidden
The Kabbalah
w orld around the Throne o f G lo ry and its unseen occupant. T his branch
o f the Kabbalah is know n as M erkabah m ysticism (m erkabah means
‘throne’) and to o k the b ib lic a l passages in w hich Ezekiel described his
vision o f the C h a rio t as a p o in t o f departure. The elaboration on the
structure and dynam ics o f this image form one strain o f kabbalistic lite ra
ture, but it is n o t in tim a te ly involved w ith the use o f the alphabet.
Though ine xtrica b ly bound up w ith the rabbinic tra d itio n s o f Judaism,
the Kabbalah was form ed in the context o f extensive contact w ith Greek
and early C hristian religious c u lt practices in and around Palestine. The
oldest kabbalistic doctrines e xh ib it the influence o f C hristian G nosticism ,
as w ell as sometimes co ntrad icto ry impulses borrow ed from the 3rd centu
ry Greek N eo-P latonist, P lotinus and Pythagorean num ber sym bolism .
The dating o f kabbalistic texts is in p a rt fa cilita te d by the them atic con
nections between these in te lle ctu a l developments and the tenets o f kabbal
is tic practice.
Kabbalah shares w ith C hristian G nosticism a fundam ental search fo r
knowledge, a belief th a t the D ivine Being can only be know n through the
m anifestation o f W isdom , and also exhibits features o f G nostic dualism in
the balanced structure o f m any o f its schematic designs. However, the
Kabbalah betrays its Jewish origins by the fa ct th a t kabbalistic knowledge
is always knowledge o f the Book. Traces o f N eo-Platonism are evident in
the kabbalistic b elief in a fundam ental u n ity o f divine energy, conviction
th a t the m aterial w orld is its em anation, and its strong hierarchical orga
niza tion . The N eo-P latonic concept o f Logos as T ru th parallels the kab
b alistic doctrine o f the D ivine Nam e. In its a ttitu de tow ard e vil, which is
generally n ot a concern o f Judaic tra d itio n , the Kabbalah borrowed from
G nosticism a conviction th a t evil was located in the re a lity o f this w orld
and com bined this w ith the N eo-P latonic idea o f evil as an e n tity w ith o u t
m etaphysical reality. The origins o f the Kabbalah can thus be located geo
graphically in the region stretching from Jerusalem to A lexandria and
chronologically in a period in w hich Jewish, C hristian and Greek religious
Devout Rabbi (Henri Serouya, La cults were in a ferm ent o f continual exchange w ith o u t clear d iffe re n tia tio n
Kabbale, Paris, 1947) from each other.
The term Kabbalah does n o t refer to a single doctrine o r te xt, but to a
variety o f practices w hich can be roughly divided between those w hich are
p rim a rily theoretical and m editative and those w hich are practical and
m agical in th e ir focus .3 These range from speculative intellectu al in q u iry
about the dynam ic structure o f the s p iritu a l realm , to ecstatic m editative
disciplines based on the perm utations o f the elements o f D ivine Names, to
applied practices w hich attem pt to channel s p iritu a l energy through incan
tations o r m anipulation o f signs. A ll share a devotion to the sacredness o f
the b ib lica l texts and Hebrew letters as instrum ents o f D ivine revelation,
though the sym bolism o f the alphabet comprises only one aspect o f
Kabbalah, whose larger, overarching purpose is conceived as the apprehen
sion o f God through understanding o f H is W isdom .
In a dd itio n to the M erkabah m ystics, there was a second m ajor group
The Kabbalah
o f kabbalists, the Bereshit, whose them atic focus was on the W ork o f
C reation through a specialized in te rp re ta tio n o f Genesis. Specific refer
ences to the concept o f the Hebrew letters as the instrum ent o f creation
began to surface in th e ir 3rd- and 4th-century texts, but a developed kab-
b alistic d octrine does n o t emerge u n til the 9th-century in Italy, and even
then it is rudim entary in form . The seeds o f these practices spread west
and south and by the 10th-century centers o f Jewish learning and
Kabbalah existed in S icily and in N arbonne in southern France. But the
Kabbalah to o k its firs t m ature form in 12th- and 13th-century Spain at
Gerona and Salamanca as w ell as in the N ear East where an especially
strong com m unity developed at Safed, on the edge o f the Sea o f G alilee.
Because o f its dependence upon a thorough knowledge o f the Hebrew
language and alphabet, the Kabbalah rem ained alm ost exclusively w ith in
the boundaries o f the Jewish com m unity throughout the M id d le Ages.
The Hebrew language was alm ost unknow n w ith in C hristian Europe in
this period and in a dd itio n many R abbinic groups were adam ant about
preserving the sanctity o f the Kabbalah. Its study was reserved fo r an elect
few who were rigorously screened to ascertain whether they m et the pre
requisite requirem ents: they m ust be in m id -life , o f stable disposition, dis
possessed o f w o rld ly concerns, and hum bly devout in advance o f th e ir in i
tia tio n , O ther scholars and religious leaders were more lenient, and
worked to popularize and render available the basic teachings, m aking
them more widespread w ith in the Jewish com m unity, and ultim ately,
beyond its borders.
O f the texts which fo rm the core o f the Kabbalah, one o f the oldest is
the book Sefer ha-Babir o r Book o f L ig h t, T his w ork makes its firs t appear- 131
ance as a te xt in southern France in the 12th century, and was thus a ttrib
uted to one o f the earliest h isto rica lly verifiable figures in kabbalistic study,
Isaac the B lind. M ore recent scholarship demonstrates th a t its lite ra ry
character and religious substance d iffe r greatly from other w orks by this
author and th at like many kabbalistic texts it is an amalgam o f earlier w rit
ings and cross currents blending G nostic and m ystical tendencies. The
w ork was w ell know n among 13th-century Spanish kabbalists, who
believed it was an ancient docum ent ‘composed by the m ystic sages o f the
Talm ud’ from fragm ents, scrolls and other sources.4 Though unsystematic
and miscellaneous, the te xt o f this w ork is considered im p o rta n t by schol
ars o f Kabbalah, p a rticu la rly Gershem Scholem, largely because o f w hat he
characterizes as its use o f sym bolic language and its concern w ith ‘events in
the divine realm ,’ as opposed to descriptions o f the sequence o f human
events w hich fo llo w creation. A paradigm atic o f Kabbalah, this te xt has
little interest in in d ivid u a l hum ankind fro m psychological, h istorica l o r
sp iritu a l perspectives and concentrates upon the study o f D ivine energy.
The Kabbalah
The central image in these texts, w hich was later to become the founda
tio n o f a ll later kabbalistic study, is the structure o f the Tree o f Life.
Composed o f ten Sephirot, o r emanations, this fo rm is considered the first
m anifestation o f D ivine power. One com plex theological problem con
fro n tin g kabbalists was to explain the fo rm a tion o f a fin ite , m aterial w orld
from an in fin ite , a ll encompassing source, the A in-S oph, thus an elaborate
configuration o f em anations, fixed in the fo rm o f the Sephirotic tree,
became the basis both o f intellectual understanding o f the structure o f the
celestial sphere and the basis o f ecstatic, m editative practices fo r ascending
its levels towards enlightenm ent. In the heterogenous amalgam o f Aram aic
and Hebrew texts which comprise the B ahir, the Sephirot became defined
firs t as emanations, then as divine principles o r powers, and fin a lly as
Sephirotic tree (Paulus Ricci, supernal lights. The term derives from the Hebrew w ord meaning sapphire
Gates o f Light, 16th century) and is thus intended to refer to divine radiance. The Sephirot existed in a
realm between the m aterial w orld, which was represented by the elemental
form s o f the alphabet through which it was created, and the ineffable
height o f the D ivine. F urther elaborations on the structure o f the Sephirotic
tree introduced paths between the Sephirot each governed by a letter o f the
alphabet w hich encoded elaborate sym bolic elements in to this system.
Portions o f the B ahir depend upon the Sefir Yetzirah, whose origins are
even more shrouded in h isto rica l obscurity. T ra d itio n a lly a ttrib uted to the
Jewish patriarch Abraham , this te xt is generally considered to have o rig i
nated in the early centuries o f the Com m on Era. As in the case o f the
B a hir, its obvious use o f G nostic and N eo-P latonic concepts dates the ear
liest sections o f the Sefir Yetzirah to the 3rd century w ith other portions
added as late as the 9th century. The earliest extant m anuscript versions o f
the w ork, however, belong to the same period in medieval Spain as the
B ahir and Z o h a r, and the w ork is n o t referred to in w ritte n com m entary
before this tim e. The reasons fo r this are germane to both the te xt its e lf
and the Jewish tra d itio n from w hich it springs, since like many sacred
Jewish texts it probably had an extensive existence in ora l form . Once
Sephirotic tree (Aryeh Kaplan, w ritte n , it was the object o f many interpretive comm entaries w hich
Sefir Yetzirah, 1990) became woven in to the m ain body o f the text.
In the firs t p o rtio n o f this b rie f te xt, the Sephirot are described p rim a r
ily as a system o f sym bolic numbers; fo llo w in g this are five chapters w hich
introduce the basic premises o f alphabet sym bolism on w hich a ll fu rth e r
kabbalistic study o f the letters is grounded. The w ork was an integral and
fundam ental p a rt o f the medieval lite ra tu re o f the Kabbalah, and its
description o f the Sephirot form s the basis o f the doctrine o f emanations
in the w ork o f Isaac the B lind (d. 1235), o f le tte r sym bolism in the w ritin g
o f Eleazar o f W orms (active around 1220), and other m ajor Kabbalists o f
the 12th and 13th centuries. C hief among these was Abraham ben Samuel
A bulafia (1240-1292) whose synthesis o f existing concepts o f the
Kabbalah helped to define its philosophical and m ystical emphasis w ith in
the Spanish com m unity, by contrast to the theosophical and G nostic ten
dencies stressed in the Germ an H assidic centers w hich lim ite d themselves
The Kabbalah
V)\y>nbb>Jj
iW' 'mondede
r * T g iy O # fe S f
KMr>*b>?
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Trone 1\ &$**JX. n«
Renaissance Kabbalistic
diagrams (Reicheltius 1676)
A b ula fia ’s widespread influence had a strong effect upon the way in
w hich the Kabbalah was appropriated by the C hristian hum anists o f the
Renaissance tw o centuries later, p a rtly through the w ork o f his m ost
renowned student, Joseph ben Abraham G ik a tilla . Produced at the very
end o f the 13th century, G ik a tilla ’s texts attem pted a lu cid synthesis o f a ll
the know n tenets o f the Kabbalah in to a single system, lin k in g the in e ff
able concept o f the D ivine Ain-Soph w ith the structures o f the ten
Sephirot. G ik a tilla ’s w ritin g s served as the basis o f at least one m ajor
C hristian kabbalist, Johann Reuchlin, but in a dd itio n, G ik a tilla ’s corre
spondence and exchanges w ith Moses ben Shem Tov de Leon, contributed
to th a t w rite r’s w ork on the m ajor kabbalistic te x t, the Z ohar.
The Z o h a r is the m ost extensive and developed o f the m any so-called
pseudepigraphic texts w hich were produced in medieval Spain. A vast
lite ra tu re arose in this period among kabbalists who asserted the a n tiq u ity
o f th e ir w ritin g by concealing the authorship o f th e ir own texts behind the
name o f a b ib lic a l figure. The Z o h a r, w hich is believed to have been w rit
ten (or, more accurately, com piled and unified) by Shem Tov de Leon
between 1280 and 1286, was a com pendium o f miscellaneous w ork from
various sources, many o f w hich bear evidence o f the influence o f much
earlier texts and ideas. Shem Tov de Leon claim ed th a t the m anuscript had
been passed to him through fa m ily connections and th a t it had been
The Kabbalah
?>»)»» WJlpiofc)) MDtODifnpfoto produced in the 3rd century by Simeon ben Yohai, a m ystic who had sup-
]Sa vp m |1j),P‘a Tp5?»5 ?fvy» wj f»j»v>
posedly secluded him self fo r tw enty years to compose it. The language
and sensibility o f the w ork are predom inantly m edieval, according to
Gershom Scholem, and though there is an eclectic range o f sources the
w ork has a general u n ity w hich bespeaks a single authorship. W hile the
Z o h a r is considered the m ost im p o rta n t kabbalistic te xt, its w ide range of
concerns moves fa r afield fro m the concentrated exam ination o f the sym
bolism o f the alphabet, and so its content w ill n o t feature prom inently in
this study, w hich w ill draw more extensively upon the Sefir Yetzirah.
n M m ifitw W fl’" StuwJiM o” P™*»
The Jewish authors and texts whose pro du ction and eventual p ub li
mns,Vl» o l» WsiJw» flW fl cation fo llo w in the next few centuries b u ild upon these three prim ary
r i r u n i . M X l U (ro t w » p rit e
books. It was in this period before and sh ortly after the expulsion o f the
Perspective diagram of ten Jews from Spain in 1492 th a t m ajor features o f the Kabbalah were consoli
Sephirot as embodied in initial dated. A systematic analysis o f the relations among the Sephirot was
letters of the names of the developed by Moses Cordovero (d. 1570) in Pardes R im m onim (Garden of
Sephirot (Moses Cordovero, Pomegranates), and then K abbalistic doctrine was transform ed in the
Pardes Rimmonim, Krakow, teachings o f Isaac L u ria (1534-72), a Spanish Jew who eventually settled
1592) in Safed after a b rie f period as Cordovero *s student in Jerusalem. Though
he w rote only one know n w ork early in his life , L u ria exerted tremendous
influence as a teacher, and the kabbalistic system he expounded was
recorded and studied in the w ritin g s o f his m any students and disciples.
In the h isto ry o f the Jewish Kabbalah, L u ria ’s w orks are used as a
dem arcation p o in t. K abbalistic w ritin g s w hich predate L u ria were based
on the assum ption th a t there was a single, expansive process o f Form ation
in w hich emanations fro m the O rig in moved outw ard in a creative con
structio n o f the divine and then m aterial realms. L u ria inverted this
premise and interpreted the process o f Form ation as a regressive cycle o f
contraction (zim zum ), breaking apart (shevirah hakelim ), and mending
(tikku m ). P ost-Lurianic methods are distinguished by an increased atten
tio n to dem onology and dark aspects o f the fundam ental structures o f the
Kabbalah, but more profoundly, by this inversion o f the cosm ological
dynam ic. Subsequent generations o f Kabbalists were influenced more by
L u ria ’s w ork than by th a t o f any other figure - w ith the possible except
ion o f A bulafia. H is teachings have been interpreted by 20th-century c riti
cal w rite rs such as H a ro ld Bloom , who saw in them a M y th o f E xile which
emphasized a fin a l phase o f re stitu tio n and restoration .5
W ith the expulsion o f the Jews from Spain and Sicily, the practitioners
o f Kabbalah m igrated to Ita ly and Palestine, where the com m unity of
Safed became a m ajor center o f Jewish kabbalistic studies from the early
16th century onward. The Kabbalah also became considerably more pub
lic in this period, and there were even those among the ranks o f kabbalistic
scholars who inveighed against exclusivity and in favor o f dem ocratizing
the doctrine. In Italy, the im m igratio n o f Spanish Jews sparked contact
w ith Renaissance hum anist scholars whose interest in acquiring a know
ledge o f H ebrew was in p a rt m otivated by a desire to understand the
Kabbalah and reconcile its m ystical hierarchy w ith th e ir C hristian models
The Kabbalah
o f the cosmos. The C hristian Kabbalah reached its peak in the publica
tions o f the 16th and 17th centuries, w hile the Jewish tra d itio n w hich had
come in to fu ll flow er in the M id d le Ages continued to flo urish and co ntin
ues in m odified fo rm to the present day. The m ost visible m anifestation o f
the C hristian Kabbalah in m odern times was in its idiosyncratic adapta
tio n by the Rosicrucians, but as p a rt o f the Jewish tra d itio n o f scrip tu ra l
exegesis through m editation, contem plation and revelation its practices
have been largely subsumed in the study o f intellectu al history.
Christian Kabbalah
139
The Sefir Yetzirah o r The Book o f C reation is a b rie f te xt (in its short
fo rm not more than 1200 words) w hich is the m ain source fo r alphabet
sym bolism w ith in the Kabbalah .8 It is divided in to six short chapters, the
firs t o f w hich describes the ten Sephirot and the la tte r five the attributes
and activities o f the alphabet. The Sefir Yetzirah is both the prim ary
in stru ctio n m anual fo r m editative practices using the alphabet and the
basic account o f the structure o f the m aterial w orld in term s o f alphabet
sym bolism . W ith in its systems, the letters do not sim ply have independent
values, but are significant in relatio n to each other through an elaborate
system o f correspondences, firs t and forem ost w ith the passages in the
Torah, and secondarily w ith the elements o f physical space, hum an a ttrib -
The Kabbalah
utes, yearly cycles, astronom ical charts and so fo rth . Because o f the long
h isto ry o f comm entaries these schemes o f a ttrib uted correspondence p ro
liferate alm ost w ith o u t lim it, and only the m ost basic o f these w ill be o u t
lined here. For the kabbalist, the paths to understanding are necessarily
in fin ite , reflecting the boundless and in fin ite character o f D ivin e energy.
Because the means o f access to this understanding resided in the analysis
o f the scripture as a set o f hidden relations, concealed meanings, and eso
teric knowledge - a ll o f w hich are revealed through the calculation o f cor
respondences - these expand co ntin ua lly w ith in the h isto ry o f Kabbalah.
The firs t line o f the Sefir Yetzirah states th a t there are th irty -tw o
m ystical paths o f w isdom . This num ber refers to the ten Sephirot and the
tw enty-tw o letters (consonants) o f the Hebrew alphabet, each o f w hich
corresponds, in itia lly , to a p a rticu la r phrase in Genesis, and is corrobor
ated by the fa ct th a t one o f the names o f G od, Eloheim , appears in th irty -
tw o places in the description o f the C reation. In tw enty o f these instances
The Kabbalah
it is associated either w ith the phrase ‘he said,’ o r w ith the phrases ‘he
made’ o r ‘he saw.’ The firs t o f these appears ten tim es, corresponding to
the Sephirot, the second three tim es, corresponding to the three letters o f
the alphabet know n as the ‘m others’ and the th ird seven tim es, corre
sponding w ith the letters know n as ‘doubles.’ The rem aining twelve
instances o f ‘Eloheim ’ correspond to the twelve ‘sim ple’ letters. It is on
such bases th a t the sym bolism o f the alphabet emerges in the Kabbalah,
and each layer o f co rrela tion and analogy weaves the texture o f interpreta
tio n in to a more com plex web o f sym bolic value.
The Sephirot are considered the Transform ers, the firs t appearance and
d e lim ita tio n o f the in fin ite energy o f the A in-S oph, w hile the tw enty-tw o
letters, also know n as the A u tio t, are the ‘W orkm en’ who fu n ctio n to
create the m aterial realm . The A u tio t are always linked to real, m aterial
The Kabbalah
Tetragrammaton as Trinity
(Robert Fludd, 1619)
1891)
Together these three sym bolize the fo rm o f the m asculine and fem i
nine principles. In the sequence Aleph/M em /S hin they stand fo r the male,
whose fire and passion are visible on the outside, and in the sequence
A leph/S hin/M em they sign ify the female who keeps her passion hidden,
in te rio r and concealed. In this configuration the three M others were also
used in determ ining the gender o f th a t m ythic creature, the golem (see
discussion below ), by using the appropriate sequence. A lso, when used in
the pattern S hin/M em /A leph, the three M others had the power to destroy
a golem .
W hen placed w ith in the Sephirotic tree, each o f the M others governs
one o f the h o rizo n ta l paths w hich lin k the m asculine le ft branch w ith the
fem inine rig h t branch. These tw o branches change th e ir id e n tity when
counted as members o f the three ve rtica l colum ns, in w hich case they rep
resent the three Fathers (Yod, H e, and Vau) w hich are the three letters o f
the Tetragram m aton. In m editative practices, the contem plation o f the
three M others is used to create a receptive state in the kabbalist, w hich
may then be transform ed in to a creative mode through m ed itatio n on the
three Fathers: this in tu rn w ould generate s p iritu a l descendants.
The seven Doubles are letters w hich were tra d itio n a lly pronounced
w ith either a harsh o r so ft sound (though there is no instance o f one o f
the Doubles, Resh, as a le tte r w ith th is dual p ronunciation in either his
to ric a l o r m odern H ebrew ). The harsh pro nu ncia tion was indicated
either by a d o t, Dagesh, o r by a line , the Rafeh. In the B a h ir, where the
consonants (the letters o f the Hebrew alphabet) are defined as the body
and the u n w ritte n vowels as the soul, these tw o m arks are granted a sta
tus in-between. The tw o poles o f the Doubles are associated w ith harsh
and lenient judgem ent w hich is indicated by the p a irin g o f values fo r each
letter. In th e ir capacity as seven, they represent the seven planets, seven
heavens, seven days o f the week and seven orifices o f the head. B ut firs t
and forem ost, they define the coordinates o f three-dim ensional space and
the six days it to o k to make them . Beth, on Sunday, made the space above
and G im el on M onday the space below. F ollow ing this the fo u r cardinal
directions came in to being: D aleth on Tuesday the East, Kaph on
Wednesday the West, Pe on Thursday the N o rth and Resh on Friday the
South. It rem ained fo r Tau, on Saturday, the Sabbath, to h old them a ll
together at the very center, thus sta b ilizin g the existence o f the space o f
m aterial creation. Beyond th is, each D ouble signifies a p a ir o f tra its which
are linked through a p rin cip le o f tran sfo rm atio n so th a t they are n o t sim
p ly opposed to each other, but derived each fro m the other in its basic
d e fin itio n .
Beth signifies w isdom and fo lly, as w ell as the m oon and the rig h t eye.
From its exoteric m eaning as house, it signifies ownership, continuity,
com m unity and ancestral property, but also fu nctions m ore basically as
the m ark o f enclosing space. T his translates in esoteric term s in to a c tiv i
ties o f b u ild in g , bounding, covering so th a t Beth is considered basis o f
support in the physical realm .
The Kabbalah
G im el signifies w ealth and poverty, M ars and the rig h t ear, and micro-
I cosm ically indicates the role o f the Doubles in the creation o f the spatial
" directions. As it also means camel, it comes to stand fo r the a b ility to
survive austerity, p aralleling the camel’s capacity to go w ith o u t water.
G im el thus acquires the m eaning o f a natural system w hich regulates
itse lf. As the th ird le tte r o f the alphabetic sequence, it also marks the
im pact o f the a c tiv ity o f Aleph on the s ta b ility o f Beth and is seen as the
firs t descendant.
D aleth signifies knowledge and ignorance in the fo rm o f the open and
I closed door; but is also interpreted as seed and desolation. It is associated
" w ith the sun, the rig h t n o s tril, and the role o f the Doubles to represent the
planets. Esoterically, D aleth is the le tte r associated w ith access to wisdom
and insig ht through its sym bolic fu n ctio n as the doorway.
Kaph signifies life and death and is associated w ith Venus and the left
f eye, as w ell as the D oubles’ representation o f the days. In its lite ra l and
exoteric meaning it is associated w ith the palm o f the hand, and in
C hristian Kabbalah it is associated w ith tw o o f the wounds o f Jesus. In a
broader sym bolic sense it can also mean a force such as the energy which
radiates from the palm o f the hand.
Pe signifies dom inance and subjugation, and is linked w ith M ercury, the
le ft ear, and the Doubles’ role in signifying the gates o f the soul. Because it
is associated w ith the Hebrew w ord fo r m outh it comes to symbolize
speech and the im m o rta lity o f one’s utterance o r ‘w ord.’
Resh signifies peace and war, and is associated w ith Saturn, the le ft nos-
I tr il, and the Doubles’ links to the angels. It also represents the head and is
thus associated w ith a ctivity o f recognition according to features o f face.
Tau signifies grace and ugliness, Jupiter and the m outh. In C hristian
n Kabbalah it is the sign o f the cross, but also, a phallus. In its cosmological
sense, as the fin a l le tte r o f the alphabet Tau signifies the endpoint and
148 com pletion o f G od’s creative w ork.
The Doubles were also used to calculate a weekly cycle in which each
successively governed tim es o f the day. These cycles could be used to deter
m ine auspicious times fo r p a rticu la r activities, but only in a lim ite d capac
ity, since any a c tiv ity resem bling fortune te llin g m et w ith disapproval in
the rabbinic com m unity. These guides were more frequently used to select
prayers appropriate to a p a rticu la r hour o f the day. When placed w ithin
the structure o f the Sephirotic Tree the Doubles were assigned a place
w ith in the seven vertical lines and thus became the ladders leading upward
from seven Sephirot. The kabbalist could clim b w ith hard sound o f each
D ouble and descend w ith the soft.
The twelve Simples fo rm the rem ainder o f the alphabet, and they are
associated w ith the twelve m onths, twelve zodiacal signs, twelve lim bs and
twelve tribes. W ith in the chapter addressing th e ir activity, there is a discus
sion o f a ll o f the letters o f the alphabet divided according to th e ir phonetic
id e n tity as gutterals, labials, velars, dentals and sibilants. T his phonetic
analysis is accurate and curiously appears only once in the te xt and
The Kabbalah
nowhere else w ith in either the Sefir Yetzirah o r other kabbalistic texts. The
passage is interesting, but anom alous, and was probably an instance o f a
late insertion from a unique source w hich im proved on the above cited
sequence in w hich God engraved and carved the letters by adding the
statem ent th a t God also ‘placed them in positions in the m ou th.’
H e, the firs t Sim ple, is associated w ith A ries, speech, the rig h t fo o t,
L ife , and the trib e o f Reuben; He is a w indow w hich lets in lig h t, but does
n’t provide hum an entry and thus provides a lin k between the inner and
outer w orld. He sym bolically represents re lig io n which establishes links
among people and but also between humans and the divine, universal life .
Vau is associated w ith Taurus, w ith thought, the rig h t kidney, property,
and the trib e o f Simeon. E xoterically, Vau represents a n a il, w hich reflects
the lig h t from its polished head. N ailheads were used as a system o f d iv
in a tio n in w hich the figures made in these reflections o f lig h t were in te r
preted. Vau can also signify a doorknob, thus a means o f opening a door
o f understanding or insight. In its visual fo rm it resembles an im pregnat
ing, fe rtiliz in g agent.
Z ayin is linked w ith G em ini, w ith m otion, w ith the le ft fo o t, w ith the
a ctivity o f a ttra ctio n , and the trib e o f Levi. E xoterically it means a sta ff or
a sword at rest, and is therefore given the esoteric value o f forgiveness. In
the C hristian Kabbalah, Z ayin is linked w ith the sym bolism o f the sword.
In sequence, fo llo w in g Vau, Z ayin represents the conclusion o f the act o f
im pregnation and the open field o f p ossibilities.
Cheth is associated w ith Cancer, sight, the rig h t hand, the hum an rela
tio n to ancestors, and the trib e o f Judah. Cheth represents a fence or gate
w hich serves as a barrie r or dem arcation o f ownership. By m arking the
inside and outside o f property Cheth comes to represent the capacity to
discrim inate between th a t w hich is w orth w h ile and worthless. Cheth also
signifies the power to distinguish the liv in g fro m the dead. M ore generally,
Cheth sym bolizes the very a c tiv ity o f d is trib u tin g energy and is the means
fo r storage o f substance w hich is s till unstructured o r not very evolved.
Teth is linked to Leo, to hearing, the le ft kidney, the a ctivity o f descen
dants, and the trib e o f Issachar. Teth is also ide ntifie d w ith prim eval
female energy, though as the sym bol o f the serpent Teth symbolizes organ
ic u n ity and the q u a lity o f prudence. C ertain interpretations associate
Teth the serpent w ith the s ta ff o f Moses w hich turns in to a serpent, or
w ith M ercury’s staff.
Yod is associated w ith V irgo, is the sign fo r action, the le ft hand,
health, and the trib e o f Zebulon (these firs t six tribes were headed by the
sons o f Leah). As the sign o f the hand Yod means fullness, but also the
means to transform ideas in to realities.
Lamed is associated w ith L ib ra , intercourse, the g all bladder, the
hum an a c tiv ity o f co itio n , and w ith the trib e o f Benjam in (Rachel’s son).
As the image o f a goad o r prod, Lamed is the sign used to pro m p t action.
It therefore symbolizes directed energy w hich requires sacrifice and gains
the esoteric value o f the sacrifice necessary to accom plish any action.
The Kabbalah
W hile the letters have very d istin ct functions w ith in the three divisions
they also have a logical relatio n in the sequence o f the alphabet. In one
such analysis, Johann Reuchlin unsystem atically blends the exoteric values
indicated by the letters’ names (such as beth=house) w ith other esoteric
meanings. In R euchlin’s inte rp re ta tio n A leph is the letter, o r Rule, and
Beth is the house but G im el takes on the value o f re trib u tio n in a cycle of
in itia to ry , stable and then reversed energy. R euchlin uses the trad ition al
value fo r D aleth, w hich is the door, and interprets He as the exclamation
Behold, a value close to the sound o f its pronunciation, but w itho ut
semantic substance. Since He has no w ord value, this was a common
enough in te rp re ta tio n , but by em phasizing its place in the sequence w ith
D aleth, it becomes related to the idea o f a passage through a door or gate.
For Vau and Z ayin, R euchlin used the conventional values associated w ith
th e ir names - a bent hook o r n a il and a weapon. Though Vau has little
im pact on the narrative o f sequence R euchlin spells out, Z ayin anticipates
Cheth, w hich becomes te rro r in his system. Teth and Yod are causally
related: Teth represents a slipping downward from w hich one can be
rescued by Yod in a confession o f praise. Kaph is interpreted, again
The Kabbalah
K 2 J T n 1 t n b
Alcph Bayt Ghimel Dallet Hay Vav Zayn Hhayl Tayt
Vayl or Waw
i a 3 4 3 6 7 e 9
______ e.__
*
X h 0 y ?
1
\ 91 1
'x
/
\ 1
Yod K af Lamme^ Mem '\ Noun v ^ Sammekh Ayn Pay Tsadde
Khaf Y \, NN Phay
1
10 30
90 \ 4°
.... \ 70 ®i°
\ \ 1
Z * //
/
P 1 0 r
*?
Chart showing gematrial values
Qor Raysh Seen Tav final' final final final final
of the Hebrew letters (Aryeh Sheen Khaf Mem Noun “Phay Tsadde
Kaplan, Sefir Yetzirah) JOO 900 300 400 500 600 700 800 900
5*frpn> 56*»td5 56*77) 56**7i> ; »7)i)D56*di* 56*»7 56*7)5 56'7Dd 56"»»id 5*6»7S>56»p7556*:>5»56*j»7:>56»7i< 56b«i u ,^ , u>m
56’md 56»7«> 56*>1>56»P7?56»7 56»»3i>567,756*#7;>56*»n S6*do*>56*)3t156»:>5)>56o65 56*;d 56*n656*p7356»*:>:jb56>c7r 4 » rn
0715 56)7 o»71dr56)'d-56»o»d o»7>56nii>» 56‘tod 56»)d56*»n 56*dd7 0*13771dodjd ; 56*kp7 56*pdu> p‘j7 ij 56m ta.j sw ,,
. 56*)o6 56»7356n> 56*3756»7i>i 56*73156»)*d o’onuo 56n* ood? own 56wd 56»tji> o’d*dd )n
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(Cabbalistic figures from The 65d Tf)7d»j ynuro) n6) ^D»3d» »)600o*3)*»d omm»i onww p5 onwd 6p*p »»5d65i i»D7p»i -]*ddr»» n&665) or>6ip*m
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Book ofRaziel : yonwi ynwpj) nftr-iifep# ’>6>56o56o oiwodpi owpo pm :dp*7») opppi o*cpi m6» p5m 65i 00*736ojippi
Rabbi G insburg’s w ork, The A le f-B a it, expresses the awe and w onder
w hich a ll believers experience in the presence o f the letters. He cites a
famous te x t by Ba’al Shem Tov, who exhorts the p ra cticing Jew to make o f
d a ily life a continual practice o f devotion, one in w hich ‘Your way shall
ever be in the presence o f G -d.’ In such a co n d itio n , each o f the letters
w hich pass one’s lips are ascendant and unite w ith each other, carrying
w ith them the fu ll g lo ry o f th e ir three powers: the power o f W orld, o f
Souls and o f D ivin ity. The letters live th e ir own independent existence,
connecting to become words and then jo in in g ‘in true u n ifica tio n w ith the
D iv in ity .’ Thus every attem pt should be made to jo in one’s soul to the le t
ters at every utterance so th a t it too m ight rise to jo in w ith the D ivine
God. T hrough such practices, one could inten sify one’s awareness o f
the power o f God and D ivine presence in every m om ent o f thought, 155
speech o r action, and thus increase one’s w isdom through fa ith and sp iri- —
tu a l practice.
M ore specifically, the H assidim id e n tify three creative powers fo r each
le tte r o f the alphabet: energy, life and lig h t. The letters are thus building
blocks in both a cosmic and alm ost lite ra l, physical sense o f a ll reality.
They are, as G insburg says, ‘the inner life-pulse perm eating the universe as
a whole and each o f its in d ivid u a l creatures (“ pulsing” every created being,
instantaneously, in to and out o f existence); and as the channels which
direct the in flu x o f D ivine revelation in to created consciousness.’ 17 Letters
form w ords, but are above a ll, L ig h t, the very state and co nd itio n o f jo in
ing w ith the D ivine as em anation from and return to th a t source. The
H assidim stress th a t the w ord fo r letter in H ebrew ‘also means “ sign” or
“ w onder.” ’ A nd th a t the term ‘w onder’ m ust always be granted the value
o f D ivine lig h t, than which nothing is greater. As a cosm ological system,
belief in the letters as the fundam ental elements allows th a t the m ost m un
dane transactions o f quotidian existence are themselves permeated w ith
The Kabbalah
The concept o f the golem evolved d ire ctly o u t o f the teachings o f the
Sefir Yetzirah. The w ord means ‘shapeless m atter,’ but specifically indi
cates a hum an figure form ed from clay and brought to life through the
incantation o f m agical, kabbalistic perm utations. Interpretations o f the
lite ra l o r sym bolic value o f the golem vary, w ith many authorities w illin g
The Kabbalah
IN THE RENAISSANCE
The invention o f p rin tin g in the m iddle o f the 15th century had profound
effects on both the visual appearance o f w ritte n form s and on the social
functions w hich differentiated applications o f w ritin g . But the attitudes
towards the alphabet w hich emerged between the firs t publications o f
Johann Gutenberg around 1454 and the establishm ent o f the French and
B ritish Academies in the 1660s prefiguring the Enlightenm ent are n ot lim
ited to the effects o f p rin tin g .
In the 15th century, the pub lica tion o f the H erm etic corpus had rein
forced the a u th o rity o f alchemy, grounding it in the supposed a n tiq u ity o f
these w orks. The a d d itio na l influences o f the kabbalistic doctrine o f ema
nation and the N eo-P latonist concept o f transcendence, a ll com bined in
the early Renaissance to produce a cosm ological view o f the w orld. H ig h ly
structured, rig id ly hierarchical, and considered the m anifestation o f divine
m ystery and power, the cosm ological m odel was m odified considerably in
the 16th and 17th centuries. By the early 1600s the Corpus H erm eticum
had been reevaluated and its origins dated to the 3rd and 4th centuries o f
the C hristian era. The h isto rica l perspective provided by this realization
was in tu rn p a rt o f a larger set o f intellectual changes prefiguring the end
o f the Renaissance era: events in hum an h isto ry began to be placed w ith in
a chronologically linear fram ew ork and the disciplines o f science and the
ology in th e ir more m odern fo rm displaced the cosm ological and alchem i
cal models w hich had held sway earlier. By the late 17th century, the con
ceptual basis o f knowledge had been transform ed from the A risto te lia n
logic w hich had prevailed among medieval scholastics to a m ethodology
grounded in an unquestioned fa ith in hum an reason. Though traces o f
H erm eticism , kabbalistic thought and m ysticism persisted they no longer
determ ined the m ainstream o f intellectu al o r religious activity.
iD u o tr tu a u & if it t ir a m f c & f c m im m
Johann Gutenberg, a line from A lphabetic w ritin g particip a ted in many aspects o f Renaissance
the 42-line bible, Mainz, 1454 thought, and in areas as diverse as philosophy, linguistics, and occult
sciences as w ell as in penmanship, p rin tin g and design, the alphabet
functioned as an index to the various changes in intellectu al currents
which occurred in the Renaissance.
the Jews through false accusations o r deceptive misdeeds: the powers of
the golem are carefully subordinated to the aim o f preserving the Jewish
com m unity.
M ost kabbalists, even one as involved w ith ecstatic practice as
A bulafia, refrained fro m endorsing b elief in the golem as a lite ra l creation
The practices he described were more clearly focused on the kabbalist’s
own body, and on fo rm in g a clear m ental image o f a body w hich existed as
a sp iritu a l double and was created through a m editation on the sequence
o f the alphabet w hich replayed the process o f creation. Though he also
provided recipes fo r the m aking o f a creature, A bulafia considered the
golem a sym bolic creation w hich was the cu lm ina tion o f m editative expe
rience. In the m aking o f a golem , as in a ll kabbalistic practices, the funda
m ental role o f the alphabet was as a p ro o f o f the existence o f God.
VII
RATIONALIZING THE ALPHABET: CONSTRUCTION,
REAL CHARACTER AN D PHILOSOPHICAL LANGUAGES
IN THE RENAISSANCE
The invention o f p rin tin g in the m iddle o f the 15th century had profound
effects on both the visual appearance o f w ritte n form s and on the social
functions w hich d ifferentiated applications o f w ritin g . But the attitudes
towards the alphabet which emerged between the firs t publications o f
Johann Gutenberg around 1454 and the establishm ent o f the French and
B ritish Academies in the 1660s prefiguring the Enlightenm ent are n o t lim
ited to the effects o f p rin tin g .
In the 15th century, the pub lica tion o f the H erm etic corpus had rein
forced the a u th o rity o f alchemy, grounding it in the supposed a n tiq u ity o f
these works. The a d d itio na l influences o f the kabbalistic doctrine o f ema
nation and the N eo-P latonist concept o f transcendence; a ll com bined in
the early Renaissance to produce a cosm ological view o f the w orld. H ig h ly
structured, rig id ly hierarchical, and considered the m anifestation o f divine
m ystery and power, the cosm ological m odel was m odified considerably in
the 16th and 17th centuries. By the early 1600s the Corpus H erm eticum
had been reevaluated and its origins dated to the 3rd and 4th centuries o f
the C hristian era. The h isto rica l perspective provided by this realization
was in tu rn p a rt o f a larger set o f intellectu al changes prefiguring the end
o f the Renaissance era: events in human h isto ry began to be placed w ith in
a chronologically linear fram ew ork and the disciplines o f science and the
ology in th e ir more m odern fo rm displaced the cosm ological and alchem i
cal models w hich had held sway earlier. By the late 17th century, the con
ceptual basis o f knowledge had been transform ed from the A risto te lia n
logic w hich had prevailed among medieval scholastics to a m ethodology
grounded in an unquestioned fa ith in hum an reason. Though traces o f
H erm eticism , kabbalistic thought and m ysticism persisted they no longer
determ ined the m ainstream o f intellectu al o r religious activity.
iD u o u tu a u in f lt t f c a u t e t t f c m im i n
Johann Gutenberg, a line from A lphabetic w ritin g p articipated in many aspects o f Renaissance
the 42-line bible, Mainz, 1454 thought, and in areas as diverse as philosophy, linguistics, and occult
sciences as w ell as in penmanship, p rin tin g and design, the alphabet
functioned as an index to the various changes in intellectu al currents
w hich occurred in the Renaissance.
Rationalizing the Alphabet: Construction, Real Character and Philosophical Languages in the Renaissance
form as its functions became specialized. The p rin te d w ord was o nly one
area o f the w ider spectrum o f w ritte n form s produced in the Renaissance
period. Just as in the M id d le Ages the tra d itio n s o f in scrip tio n a l letters
based on stone carving had persisted alongside the developm ent o f highly
d ifferentiated hands fo r the production o f m anuscript texts, o r fo r use in
w ritte n documents w ith in the arena o f secular activity, so in the
Renaissance these tra d itio n s were reinterpreted according to the needs o f
Leonardo da Vinci and Fra Luca the various areas o f hum an a ctivity served by w ritte n language.
de Pacioli's constructed alpha G enerally speaking, the production o f books through the new process
bet, about 1500 (Les Plus Beaux o f p rin tin g displaced the a ctivity o f m anuscript copying and the firs t type
Types desLettres, Paris) faces designed fo r this purpose were, by and large, based on scripts devel
oped in m anuscript form . The long tra d itio n o f reinterpreting the Roman
square capitals fro m Im perial inscriptions was also given a unique revival
in the Renaissance m ania fo r constructed alphabets, the subm ission o f
alphabetic form to elaborately systematic ra tio n a liza tio n . These designs
sometimes returned to the m edium o f the stone carver and sometimes
serving as the basis o f p rin tin g types o r decorative in itia l blocks.
M eanw hile, the a ctivity o f han dw ritin g per se became the specialized
dom ain o f w ritin g masters whose v irtu o s ity was displayed in published
manuals advertising the skills required fo r production o f charters, co urt
documents, legal, financial and business records - a ll o f w hich were p ro
duced by hand w ell in to the 19th century.
Typefaces based on late medieval script form s were cut in the firs t fifty
years o f p rin tin g ’s existence in Germany, France, Ita ly and England, the
Palatino's constructed alphabet, period know n as the incunabula era o f p rin t. Some o f these firs t efforts in
Llbro Nuovo, 1540 (Les Plus the new m edium became the basis o f typeform s s till in use in the late 20 th
Beaux Types des Lettres, Paris) century, though m odified to suit later technologies such as photom echani
cal reproduction o r electronic typesetting. The blackletter designs cut by
Gutenberg, fo r instance, were employed u n til the 19th century in
Germany. B ut other early typefaces reflected a late medieval sensibility
w hich subsequently fe ll fro m fashion and there are several early type styles
which are as rem ote and u n fa m ilia r to m odern eyes as are the ^manuscript
letters on w hich they were based. For instance W illia m C axton’s types, the
firs t cut in England, were based on an English blackletter w hich had a
cruder visual fo rm than the hum anistic book scripts w hich u ltim a te ly
determ ined the aesthetic standards o f p rin tin g types. The d iffic u lty and
laboriousness o f producing typefaces worked against the p ro life ra tio n o f a
w ide variety o f sizes and styles, though as the num ber o f trained punch-
cutters, printers and designers grew the range o f available faces m u ltip lie d
in p ro p o rtio n to th e ir numbers. It is estimated th a t between 8 and 10 m il
Albrecht Durer's construction of lio n volumes were produced by 1500, less than fifty years after the firs t use
majuscules 1525, Nuremberg o f moveable type to p rin t a b oo k .1
The firs t types were designed in M ainz, Germany, by Johann
Gutenberg and used in his in itia l p u b lica tion , referred to as the 42-line
bible, w hich was com pleted around 1456. In p o in t o f fa ct, Gutenberg’s
‘invention’ consisted in large p a rt o f the design o f a device fo r casting in d i-
Rationalizing the Alphabet: Construction, Real Character and Philosophical Languages in the Renaissance
tra d itio n s in new Renaissance form : the sym bol o f the ‘Y ’ long associated
w ith Pythagoreanism, appeared in tw o form s in T o ry’s w ork. In both cases
the sym bolic opposition o f good and e vil, v irtu e versus te m ptation, were
visually projected onto the le tte r - at firs t em blem atically through a set o f
symbols tied to the branches o f the letter, m aking it in to an em blem atic
image, and in the other case by using it as the basis o f a visual narrative.
T o ry’s collection o f in fo rm a tio n on letters d id n o t end here; in the fin a l
section o f the C ham pfleury he published various alphabets: a set o f letters
used fo r Papal documents, a utopian alphabet he a ttrib u te d to Thom as
M ore and Chaldean, Persian and Greek letters among others. Com pendia
including the fantastic and the h isto rica l systems on equal term s featured
in the w orks o f both earlier and later historians, though T ory’s visual pre
Geoffrey Tory's Pythagorean 'Y', sentation was more elegant than most.
Champfleury, 1529
165
Though the conviction th a t ra tio n a l design was the best design would
persist, especially in France, w ell in to the 18th century and serve as a con
spicuous influence on the developm ent o f the so-called m odern typefaces
o f Bodoni, G randjean, Le Be and others, G iovanni Cresci, who served as
the o ffic ia l Vatican scribe between 1566 and 1572, rejected the m yth o f the
circle and square, straig ht edge and compass, as the basic elements and
instrum ents o f le tter design. Cresci had a sensitive eye, and his observation
o f the inscribed form s on the Roman m onum ents aropnd him led to a far
Italian woodcut initial used in more nuanced p roduction than th a t o f his more rigorously theory-bound
printing, by Paulini, 1570 predecessors in the fie ld o f le tte r design. Though less m ystical and cosmo
logical than T o ry’s w o rk, Cresci’s subtle com bination o f hand and eye
w ith systematic m ethod seems, in retrospect, m ore fu lly hum anistic than
the earlier application o f systematic ra tio n a liza tio n to the alphabet.
W hile p rin tin g became the prevalent m ethod by w hich books were pro
duced by the end o f the 15th century, the documents used in business, legal
and financial transactions continued to be handw ritten. The h istorian o f
calligraphy D onald Anderson has noted th a t as the medieval scribe disap
peared, the w ritin g m aster and m anual o f penmanship emerged as i f to fill
the vo id .3 W hile the letters o f the alphabet were n ot accorded sym bolic
value w ith in these w ritte n displays o f virtuo so s k ill, these documents
occupied a d is tin c t social niche by v irtu e o f th e ir visual fo rm . The first
w ritin g manuals (as opposed to pattern books o r specimen sheets) were
published in the early 16th century, w ith Ludovico V icentino degli
Woodcut initial used in printing, A rrig h i’s w ork o f 1522 q u ickly follow ed by th a t o f G iovannantonio
Italian, early 16th century Tagliente in 1524 and G iovam battista Palatino in 1540. These three are
Rationalizing the Alphabet: Construction, Real Character and Philosophical Languages in the Renaissance
Sm ith’s C opybook (1651) from alm ost a century later, were straightfor
ward com pendia o f scrip t styles w ith only modest am ounts o f decorative
display. Styles in w ritin g changed w ith styles in other visual and decorative
arts however, and the regular, rhythm o f chancery hands w hich predom i
nated in the 15th and 16th centuries gave way to the play o f ‘contradictory
movements’ in the M annerist p erio d .4
By the 18th century, the w ork o f w ritin g masters was so elaborately
decorative th at its m ain m otivation seemed to be to indulge in complex
dem onstrations o f dazzling and alm ost ille gib le s k ill. M any historians
consider this the period o f decay, rather than the supreme achievement, o f
the w ritin g masters, whose technical a bilitie s com bined w ith the achieve
ments o f the engravers to render th e ir w ork m echanical and inhum an
rather than the epitom e o f sensitive touch w hich some considered the basis
Palatino's first published book o f calligraphic perfection. O n the ipore mundane level, however, the most
on penmanship-, Libro Nuovo, p ractical o f manuals s till served as the source and standard fo r legible
1540 hands considered essential fo r business and legal transactions. Thus, into
the 18th century, a w ork like R ichard W are’s The Young C lerk's Assistant
(1733) displayed its modest goals in its title as w ell as in its models o f basic
scripts.
(CimwpL^Ci'iiibatltw
c.aurlm.(As,iAuiM
H^r(jitcflL^v^ti^cetpe.,
Ail no|torto<&o£,
T !<fe.&{^fa mHiOmoPtffofetaf<\ttoi^
f^factll
jo^RfOnfon^i«(ttocioKn^i’bBt^^qiicjtn^&McTA^ua^
<Jf|u«^kteiriM<\a(2iina; (t)
ftinajp nbft^Poflw;
confine,|k&mcft,n<>&Sfofl^ctn^’teaW ^,'catfto&Ge'
c.et.<*.Mint,jtj
ufi^tiW^ftxooL
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{Sbrojcti'Hf fittest jijnnnoa&unj
‘t ^ i u g c ^ n ^ n w u c c ff^ J ir f jc ’ ✓
170
C J ' f g b i k I m n o p cj r f t u x j z n
Q l l * 7 *8 19 *3* 24 3 1 0 1 1 1 2 1 3 14 i f
18 < 122 24 910 f 16
L r L2 1
19 223 I ro 1 1 12 n r i T frd * 7
T r9 2 0 2 I 2 3 2 4 X 1j 9/ii ro r 1 *2 L i i f 16 17 18
r *
2 0 2 .1 2 2 3 *4 3 7 10 1 I 12 lJ L4 i f 16 L7L? i j
Grid used to produce alphabetic 2 1 2 2 23 4 1 9 1 1 ,1 ^ *3 *4 1 f x-6 *7 20
code, Trithemius's version, 22 2 324 * 3 J lO j f 161 1819 2p XI
Steganographia, 1499 (1721 *3 1 1011 i 2 1617 20 2t 2 2
,<$ S T S e jX Q G R M t r u ;
Cam has vel quaslibet alias aeceperir Iiteras princeps ant alrer
cui m ittunttir, in arte perirus figno Dorothielis cognito fe vertat ad
Chorum (ubi iple fpiritus cum ducibus & fervitoribus fuis moratur)
faciensomnia&fingulaquasars ipfarequirit. Deinde (piritum voce
fubmifla facile vocet ut liovit.
Conjuratio 2.
Dorothiel onear chameron vlyfeor madufynpeony
oriel nayr drufe mouayr Pamerfon etro dumefon da-
voricaho. Casmiel hayrno fabelronthon.
Clavis <5? Settjus.
oNeArVlYfEoRpEoNyNaYrMoVaYrEtRoDaVo
RiCaHoHaYrNo. S m fis. 9uU)icmt Him r if f bill’d) bin,
Completo carmine ifto fi moram fecerit fpiritus in veniendo;
iterum legat usque tertio: & fine omni dubio vifibilis apparebit,& re*
Spells used to call upon 'angels* velabit ad aurem commiflk.
Tenor arcani.
of Trithemius's code,
3$ bfom utvtr ©nabc tvotle mime ©ruber 3dcobbae ?(ltar
Steganographia, 1499 (1721 fifben«
edition, Nuremberg)
W hile no systematic study o f the relations between diplom acy, cryp
tography and specific p o litic a l circumstances exists, there is sufficient evi
dence to suggest th a t the m ajor role o f secret w ritin g was in the realm o f
struggles over power, m ilita ry manoevers o r behind the scenes p o litica l
intrigues and conspiracies .5 These w orks have a very d ifferen t aim and
sensibility from those o f the alchem ical texts w hich used ciphers to protect
arcane knowledge from the vulgar and u n in itia te d . The cryptographic
texts universally fu n ctio n as guides to the production and use o f secret
w ritin g , though, as in the case o f T rithem ius’s w ork, they are sometimes
so coded themselves th a t they require unravelling before providing useful
tools fo r the novice.
T rithem ius’s m ajor w orks on cryptography were the peculiar and much
m isunderstood Steganographia, w hich firs t appeared in p rin t in 1499, and
Polygraphia, a m ore straightforw ard m anual published in 1506. In the first
w ork Trithem ius stated th a t messages to be transm itted secretly could be
carried by sp irits w hich had themselves to be called* "upon by means of
u n in te llig ib le conjurations. He then provided an exhaustive record o f the
various spells to be used to bring fo rth sp irits - who had names which
resembled those o f the H ebrew angels. One such phrase read: ‘Parmersiel
A noyr M adrisel Ebrasothean Abrulges Itra sbiel Nadres Orm enu Itules
Rablon H am orp hiel.’ These invocations are themselves in code: taking
every other le tte r results in the production o f a German phrase instructing
the reader to ‘take the firs t le tte r o f every w o rd .’ T his process was then to
be applied to the sentences w hich follow ed to reveal the substantive mes
sage. The messages Trithem ius used fo r his examples were generally suited
to m ilita ry situations and involve calls to arms, assignations fo r flig h t and
struggle.
Rationalizing the Alphabet: Construction, Real Character and Philosophical Languages in the Renaissance
x b c d e f g f a i l m j t o p q r f t u x y z
a b c d e f g h Ur n o op q *
|\/V - W V - r f t U X
S.
i
com pletely obfuscating, and the phrases invoking sp irits led to his being
accused of co njuring and tra ffic k in g w ith demons. Somewhat
chastened by harsh c riticism , T rithem ius’s Polygraphia presented the
procedures fo r coding in less arcane language, but his image as a conjurer
persisted fo r generations .6 M any o f his contem poraries actually refused to
read Steganographia fo r fear o f its m aleficent influence and copies o f the
book were b u rn t by church officials leading the Spanish in q u isitio n .
A a .h k C c 'D c k J L e .T J .g g .jt k
J fi. K k »jClMUtiMti*Oo.Tj>,
Cipher disk attributed to
Giambattista Porta, late 16th
century
^JsSft'S Tv.vW wXr..Jy.’Z * . *
JhzJeconbjifrA&idb.
John Wilkins's 'double'
jfa .3 A C c .fD & .& s .g f.< fe M
alphabets, a code distinguished
by using two types of letters In
JO0 .T j> .S ir.
the same message; The Secret
and Swift Messenger, 1642
O ther cryptographers were m ore visua lly im aginative than Trithem ius,
who lim ite d him self to alphabetic substitutions, though not more sophisti
cated in the actual mechanics o f code production. O f the many texts pro
duced on cryptography in the 16th and 17th centuries, those of
G iam battista della Porta and Gustavus Selenus are among the most
renowned. P orta’s p u b lica tio n o f 1563, De fu rtiv is literaru m notis vulgo
zypheris lib r i quinque (Five Books on Secret L etter Signs - in the
Vernacular, Ciphers) contained several novel innovations. Am ong these
were ciphers w hich substituted an a rb itra ry but system atic set o f symbols
fo r the letters o f the alphabet. Messages produced in this code had the
bizarre fo rm o f unknow n w ritin g , and obviously the recipient had to have
the key to the code to fa c ilita te decipherm ent. De fu rtiv is also contained
codes made by a process o f dislocating the letters in a message from their
linear sequence, so th a t the'Spatial attributes o f a g rid p articipated in the
code, sometimes through such elaborate d istrib u tio n s th a t both encipher
m ent and decipherm ent were frau gh t w ith errors even in P orta’s examples.
Porta made use o f other inventions, among them a cipher disk whose
ro ta tin g wheels could be used to determ ine the substitutions o f letters or
fo r efficient deciphering. C ryptom enytices et C ryptographiae published in
Rationalizing the Alphabet: Construction Real Character and Philosophical Languages in the Renaissance
W ilkin s, the realm o f cryptographic studies verged on the lin g u istic inves
tig a tio n which in tu rn inspired the production o f several schemes fo r a
universal language.
A ll o f these involved codes in the transform ation o f lin g u istic inform a
tio n in to a schematic structure, but the enterprise was conceived on stark
ly differen t intellectu al premises than were the cryptographic methods
used to construct secret messages.
177
is j is j ( s i is f r s / The various projects w hich arose from these several observations were
JLT. 1^ . JS. JZ. J t.
f ^ j r ^ i r ^ J r ^ j; is * not always clearly d ifferentiated from each other - o r from the various
20. 19. 18. i?. i(T ..
IHJ efforts to recover the o rig in a l language. But alm ost a ll o f the schemes for
<W 50. * 0. .“10. 25.
I S ' R2J IS J f£>J f^ J w ritin g . These w ritin g schemes varied in accord w ith the conceptual
700. <>00. S00. }<X>. 300.
premises they were invented to fa c ilita te , but the thread w hich united them
fo rii i ^h i n s j fa iz i la b
■J001*. 2000. _|000. 900. • 80 0.
came fro m the Renaissance fascination w ith hieroglyphics and the deeply
ra £ j r a o fW J fi£ J
8000. 7000. (Tooo. fo oo. joo o.
rooted m isconception th a t these w ritte n form s could ‘signify directly to
raEJ r a fs ? j f s j f a
JOOS. I S 90 . if 000. J 1)000. j>OO0. the eye.’
IS f f^ J f^ J fS J i S f
The force o f this hieroglyphic im agination was intensified by the con
e j. is j rs i fej- riif v ic tio n th a t knowledge could be schematized in a single philosophical sys
Johannes Becher, Pro Notitia tem. The attem pts to realize such a system culm inated in the w ork o f
Linguarum Universal!, 1661 George D algarno and John W ilkin s in the 1660s. T h e ir w ork represented a
clear break w ith the systems o f A risto te lia n scholasticism . T his change
had originated in large p a rt from the im petus o f Petrus Ramus (1515-
1572), who rejected the rig id teaching techniques and fixed categorization
OO o f form s w hich had characterized medieval pedagogy and philosophy
fftre m itt folio# aUthe RaUcaI and replaced them w ith a descriptive structure determ ined fro m observa
Chtrttttrs of Vtrbt And
MountsfHAdeufoof tio n . The w ork o f Ramus, along w ith the w ork o f Francis Bacon, heralded
in this Work. the onset o f the em pirical m ethod on w hich m odern science is based.
Strains o f H erm etic philosophy and N eo-P latonic thought s till interwove
a to be
a to make th e ir arcane sym bology through these universalizing systems, and the rep
resentation o f knowledge in the fo rm o f com plex visual emblems o r signs
a to fpeake
often com bined the Renaissance fascination w ith w hat was considered
% to driuke
ancient w isdom and a ra tio n a l structure fo r the presentation o f universal
e to love
knowledge.
K toklcanfe
For the firft, l we
K to come
to begin Sing* ye plur.
10
e to create he. they -M -
Their place in conjunction with a Verb or Noune, is
to light the left fide thereof, as
& toihine
I drink we drink my r0 =
<} to live 'd
thou drinkeft, ye drink thy
todarkeQ J/d *0
tocomprehend he drinketh. they drink their ^
It
to fend But joyned with cither Advers,Prepofitions,or Con-
a jun&ions, their place is on the right hand, as
toname
1L V from me,
T J iB BNB. from thee,
IV//
Francis Lodwick, A Common
from them.
It# -
W riting, 1647 The demonftrsuive Characters are thefe,
Rationalizing the Alphabet: Construction, Real Character and Philosophical Languages in the Renaissance
IV #
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Athanasius Kircher's Chaldean
&S’B-
letters and interpretation,
Oedipus Aegyptiacus, Rome, y . T h o m # Obectni N ouar 'tenfis autbenticum huius
1652 fcripturae teflim onium .
Rationalizing the Alphabet: Construction, Real Character and Philosophical Languages in the Renaissance
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I II in IV V VI
Aegyptiacus, Rome, 1652 O i M o-
The mechanics o f the Area G lotto tactica were relatively sim ple. The
system proposed the use o f physical structure ‘whereby tablets various lan
guages ought to be set in order fo r the purpose o f com posing letters.*
Rather than relying on the usual lexicon in book fo rm , K irche r’s system
perm itted placem ent o f m arkers in a physical place to indicate the use o f a
w ord o r phrase. The wooden ark, sketched o ut in an illu stra tive plate, was
divided in to boxes, each o f w hich corresponded to a p a rtic u la r category o f
term s used in correspondence, the epistoliographia pentaglossa. By using
strips placed in to the requisite boxes o f the a rk’s g rid (each ide ntifie d by
Rationalizing the Alphabet: Construction, Real Character and Philosophical Languages in the Renaissance
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John Wilkins's Visible Speech, An 2( TU n n T QI T TQ M T 2E T T a
V Ka j j J a j a A kN cf \ > a 3 J L i j
and Philosophical Language, 3c ng u 13 u uJ ! u u Ni IF iF UJ l> u
London, 1668 31 bnt I ) IT lo io p jfliM F F
s ^ r o iu in F
Rationalizing the Alphabet: Construction, Real Character and Philosophical Languages in the Renaissance
M e th o d s .
mapped the ten positions taken by the tongue in relatio n to the ro o f o f the
m outh, assigning a glyphic sign to each. These he used in tu rn in notation
w hich had no dependent relatio n to the L a tin alphabet and which func
tioned as a self-sufficient system. One o f the more daring and remarkable
propositions fo r reform came fro m the same John W ilkin s who had invent
ed the ‘real character.’ He proposed a fo rm o f ‘visible language? which
schem atically m im icked the organs o f speech in sm all glyphs. H is analysis
o f a rtic u la tio n was published in a fu ll visual chart w hich sho^ys the
sources o f the glyphic form s he proposed fo r a n o ta tio n system. W hile
W ilk in s ’s proposal was no m ore successful than th a t o f his predecessors,
the proposal fo r such a ‘visible speech’ w ould be another recurrent theme
in later centuries.
Shorthand systems had n o t been much im proved since the invention of
T iro n ia n notes. Though medieval m anuscripts were fille d w ith abbreviated
messages, comm entaries and notes, these were largely idiosyncratic inven
tions o f an in d ivid u a l scribe. The transform ation o f shorthand in to a sys
tem atic m ethod o f transcribing speech had the im petus o f a varied clien
tele. On the one hand, shorthand had the appearance o f a cryptographic
m ethod, which len t it a certain m ystique and use value; on the other hand,
because shorthand was in m ost cases an abbreviation o f spoken language,
it could be based on an analysis o f orthographic peculiarities sim ilar to
those w hich m otivated spelling reform . Later there were form s o f short
hand w hich attem pted to notate a rtic u la to ry processes, m apping the activ
ity pronunciation, but these proved to be to o com plicated to become pop
ular, and the concept o f an abbreviated orthography remained the most
popular basis fo r shorthand systems.
T im o th y B rig h t’s C baracterie (1588) is considered the firs t systematic
shorthand m ethod o f the English Renaissance, and is was reputedly put
in to service in the co u rt o f Elizabeth I. A published proposal fo r short
hand w ritin g appeared in 1628 w ith John W illis ’s A rt o f Stenographie:
Teaching the Way o f Com pendious W ritin g . W illis had been the author o f
a treatise on the a rt o f memory, and his shorthand extends mnemonic
operations to w ritin g . Basically W illis suggested a series o f contractions
in w hich the skeletal form s o f words are made to serve for* later recall o f
fu ll speech. By e lim in a ting the vowels, W illis fe lt he had arrived at an effi
cient means o f speeding up the recording process, but the m ethod was s till
fa r too slow to fu n ctio n as a real shorthand. Samuel B otley’s M axim o
in M in im o or M r. Jeremiah Rich's pens d exte rity (1674), had certain
charm ing features: he used visual means to condense meaning: thus a
scrip t m ajuscule ‘A’ indicated an angel, w hile one tipped to the side in d i
cated a fallen angel. A series o f lowercase ‘b’s’ was supposed to indicate
b rotherly kindness, w hile an arrow looped in to a circle w ith a sharp
inw ard tu rn in g p o in t was to stand fo r ‘the devil goeth about.’ The lim ita
tions o f such a system - th a t it w ould require a d ifferen t visual sign for
every w ord o r concept - are as clear as are its sources o f in sp ira tio n - the
m yth o f the visual directness o f Chinese characters and E gyptian hiero-
Rationalizing the Alphabet: Construction, Real Character and Philosophical Languages in the Renaissance
M ystica l, occult and in tellectu al tra d itio n s were blended in the early
Renaissance, but the w rite rs whose conviction th a t divine mysteries were
behind a ll knowledge perpetuated in a d is tin c t m etaphysical tra d itio n .
W ith M eric Casaubon’s realization, published in 1615, th a t the H erm etic
texts had been the product o f the early C hristian era, the basis fo r one
m ajor element o f Renaissance m ysticism was discredited as ancient (and
thus irrefutable) w isdom . But the d istin ctio n between ra tio n a l and m ysti
cal approaches to knowledge was more a m atter o f in d ivid u a l disposition
than h isto rica l developm ent, and inquiries in to the value o f the alphabet
fram ed in term s o f occult practices remained a flo u rish in g intellectu al
practice in to the 17th century. The com bined strains o f H erm etic, Neo-
Pythagorean, N eo-P latonic and kabbalistic tra d itio n s blended in th e ir own
peculiar hybrids o f thought. The activities o f the C hristian kabbalists was
treated in the previous chapter, but the kabbalistic strain o f m ystical
thought w hich engaged w ith the letters o f the alphabet influenced w riters
who were n o t defined e ntirely as kabbalists. Several outstanding figures
who were involved in a serious pursuit o f occult knowledge in the
Renaissance, C ornelius A grippa von N ettesheim , John Dee, and
G uillaum e Postel, made unique contributions to alphabet history.
i nr ci 2 i
A B O D E T G H I I M
U I~ IT I m i x X
Zide Pe Aiit Smecb Nm Mem LMed Ciph lod
ccLXxinr. D E O C C V L T A P H IL O S O P H IA .
m tt
UJMem LM ed
6
Cdph
6
lo i Thfth Cheth
'i H tJ D J . ,
Res Kwjf Zdde Pc Aitt Smech Sdtnech Shift TdU
Alphabet of Kings; from
Cornelius Agrippa, De Occulta
Philosophia, 1529 v iu ix u r ^ m
Scriptura traniitus fluuii.
Cheth Z ik VdU He V ilrth GimeI Beth Aleph
1 < - e =I J
Smech Nutt M en Lim ed Cdph 1(4 Theth
3
Tm
7
Sch'm
ZH Res
1
Kuph
1
Xdde
H Pc Am
Alphabet of Crossing the River;
from Cornelius Agrippa, De
Occulta Philosophia, 1529
Rationalizing the Alphabet: Construction, Real Character and Philosophical Languages in the Renaissance
Postel was also the a uthor o f a theory supporting the p roposition that
the o rig in a l settlers o f Europe had been the G a llic people. He stated that it
was Janus (or Nachus), the father o f Japhet, who had brought the
Phoenician characters to the West.12 He suggested th a t these letters were
later ruined by the Greeks, and th a t an A rcadian wom an, Carm enta, had
actually discovered the L a tin le tte r form s. Postel held Cadmus responsible
fo r ‘ butchering’ the Phoenician characters so th a t they appeared to have
been a Greek m od ifica tio n, thus losing a ll trace o f th e ir G a llic origins.
Postel’s themes, w ith th e ir anti-classical and a n ti-L a tin bias, were revived
in the 18th-century theories lin k in g the alphabet to natural origins.
Adam ,* since he was made in the o rig in a l image o f G od’s w ord. The cu ri
ous collapse o f O ld Testament concepts and C hristian belief in the Logos
are typ ica l o f the synthetic tendencies o f m ystical Renaissance thought. In
his fu rth e r discussion Webster revealed his N eo-P latonist o rien ta tion in
his description o f the divine source o f a ll being as a generative force.
D escribing the angelical o r paradisical language he stated th a t it was
‘brought to lig h t by peripheral expansion and evolution o f the serviceable
w ord.’ G oing on he elaborated: ‘The w orld is the great book, every crea
ture a character liv in g and speaking sym bols, n o t dead letters.’ Webster
subscribed to the concept o f Adam ic language o r nam ing, in which it was
assumed th a t Adam had know n this o rig in a l language o f N ature, and that
the names he had given to the creatures and creations had corresponded
precisely to th e ir fo rm and identity. W hile sim ila r in its belief th a t there
could be a rig h t relatio n between name and th ing , w ord and referent,
Jacob Boehme, frontispiece from w hich characterized the philosophical language o f W ilkin s, Webster and
Complete Theosophical Works, the m ystics are differentiated by th e ir b elief in the power o f revelation and
Amsterdam, 1682 transcendent approach to G od, rather than the power o f ra tio n a l thought
to apprehend divine order through scientific inquiry. W hile W ilkins was
m oving tow ard a ra tio n a l belief in m ental a c tiv ity as the basis o f human
thought, com m unication, and representation, the mystics o f the
Renaissance functioned w ith the conviction th a t the D ivine Essence could
appear to the hum an m ind through m ediative exercise and devotional
practice. Webster is only one o f the many w rite rs o f the period to use this
m etaphor o f the Book o f N ature and the term letters as a term inter
changeable w ith sym bol, hieroglyph o r emblem. Jacob Boehme was per
haps the best know n and m ost p ro lific among these, his m onum ental
M ysterium M agnum tracing o ut a detailed h isto ry o f the process by which
the tongues o f hum an speech had become d ifferentiated in the course of
the d iffu sio n o f the descendants o f N oah. T his h isto ry w ould serve as the
basis o f many 18th-century historians’ w ork, but as it appears in Boehme
it has little in it specific to the alphabet.
A nother Germ an m ystic involved in the theoretical investigation o f the
alphabet was Franciscus M ercurius (Baron) Van H elm ont (1618-1695),
who published a treatise title d A lp ba be ti Vere (1667). In this sm all text,
Van H elm ont, largely through means o f a series o f engraved plates,
showed the precise correspondence between Hebrew letters, Chaldean
originals and the a rtic u la to ry organs o f the m outh. In his w ork he pro
posed th a t the divine o rig in o f the alphabet was thus demonstrated
through these evident correlations and th a t the ‘holiest scrip t o f the
Hebrews’ was based on ‘resemblance to the m otions o f the human
tongue.’ For H elm ont, these correspondences made Hebrew the most ‘nat
u ra l’ k in d o f w ritin g , by w hich he meant both the earliest and m ost o rig i
nal and also the m ost tru th fu l fo rm o f the letters. I f ‘speech could be
described in painting,* he asserted, th a t w ould best be achieved ‘by the
various m otions and form ations o f the tongue its e lf.’ H elm ont was a mys
tic , n o t a lin g u ist o r phoneticist, and fo r him these conclusions had the
Rationalizing the Alphabet: Construction, Real Character and Philosophical Languages in the Renaissance
Fludd’s enorm ous reputation and influence were com prom ised to some
extent even in his own life tim e by his public apologies o f Rosicrucianism .
Published in 1616 and sh o rtly thereafter, these were tracts w ritte n in
defense o f an organization w hich may n ot even have existed at the tim e.
Rationalizing the Alphabet: Construction, Real Character and Philosophical Languages in the Renaissance
o f language emphasized the concept o f its a rb itra ry and social basis for
language.
The social forces at w ork to m otivate these conceptual changes includ
ed an increased contact w ith cultures beyond the lim its o f Western
Europe, p a rtic u la rly in those areas where co lonization had follow ed the
paths m ade'by the explorations o f the previous centuries. Settlements
under co lo nia l rule were grounded on a hierarchy whose legitim acy was
justifie d by assumptions o f the inherent supe rio rity o f European form s o f
government, science and belief. M eanw hile, w ith in Western Europe, the
rise o f the nation state as an entity, its consolidation w ith in principles o f
law and in stitu tio n s o f government along national lines, prom oted con
cepts o f id e n tity in n a tio n a listic terms. The theory o f the o rig in and iden
tity o f the alphabet and language also became bound up in these emerging
identities. The claim s fo r a C eltic, Anglo-Saxon o r G aulish o rig in o f w rit
ing gave evidence o f the force o f this m ythic invention. W ritin g was
assigned a privileged place as both key to and means fo r the production o f
h isto ry as w ell as o f the uses to w hich such claim s m ight be p u t in the con
te xt o f struggles fo r consolidation o f new te rrito ria l boundaries.
A S P E C I M E N
BT J O H N B AS K E R V I L L E
Of B I R M I N G H A M L E T T E R- F O U N D E R <mi P R I N T E R .
language study side by side w ith o u t evident co n flict. N o r was there any to
the 18th-century m ind in w hich the ongoing interest in the h isto rica l
developm ent o f w ritin g was s till largely nourished from textu al sources,
though the study o f ancient sites and monuments was p u ttin g an increased
pressure on received tra d itio n to accommodate the m aterial evidence o f a
vastly differen t chronology - th a t suggested by p h ilo lo g ica l and archaeo
logical investigations.
•^nX>46
T esto Pa l e s t in a
A t the opening o f the 18th century p rin tin g , was an ind ustry w ith tw o
hundred and fifty years’ established tra d itio n ; the specialization o f the
trade had become such th a t printers were no longer required to possess
every s k ill in the trade. Punchcutting, type-casting, m arketing and d is trib
u tio n o f types had become the province o f dealers and foundries selling
th e ir wares to a m arket o f printers who in tu rn supplied the service o f
p rin t p roduction to th e ir clients. The specimen sheet as a p rin te d form
p ro liferated in the 18th century as a means fo r foundries to advertise th e ir
stock to printers, and there was a significant increase in typographic styles
- both the num ber o f faces and the range o f available sizes. The extrava
gantly elaborate form s o f display faces w ould be a product o f the 19th
century when the in d u stria l revolution created new markets fo r advertising
and com m ercial p rin tin g . Though there was an increase in decorative
titlin g types in the 18th century, the period was distinguished in p rin tin g
h isto ry by the invention o f the so-called m odern type faces.
The Social Contract, Primitivism, and Nationalism: The Alphabet in the 18th Century
ODE I.
AD VENEREM.
In te rm is s a , V enus, d iu
Rursus b e lla moves. Parce, p re c o r, preeor!
N on sum qualis eram bonae
Sub regno Cinarae. D esine, d u lc iu m
M ate r saeva C u p id in u m ,
Closeup of Bodoni's modern
C irca lu s tra decern flectere m o llib u s
type in the 18th century edition
of Horace, Parma la m d u ru m im p e riis . A b i
M odern type faces were differentiated from the oldstyle rom an and
blackletter faces by an increased contrast between th e ir th ic k and thin
strokes and an overall greater delicacy o f fo rm . T his was made possible in
p a rt by im provements in paper production since the newer, more regular
surfaces could accommodate a m ore sensitive im pression. The types o f the
English p rin te r John Baskerville showed the effects o f these changes while
preserving many o f the design features o f earlier faces. Baskerville’s
designs were sometimes referred to as vernacular faces, and th e ir subtle
form s are considered by typographic historians to have a ‘sparkling’
appearance on the page.1 B ut the m ost distinctive m odern types were a
radical departure fro m earlier rom an faces and were designed w ith o u t
regard fo r earlier models o f either calligraphed o r in scrip tio n a l form s.
These faces were made in accordance w ith s tric tly m athem atical programs
o f p roportions and form . There were several versions o f such types devel
oped through the course o f the 18th century, p a rtic u la rly in France in the
w ork o f the D id o t and Fournier fam ilies. B ut perhaps the best known
examples in current use are those w hich were invented ju st at the tu rn o f
the 19th century by G iam battista Bodoni in Parma, Italy .2 However, o f a ll
the various proposals fo r type constructed in accord w ith ra tio n a l p rin
ciples none more com pletely embodies features o f the early 18th century
associated w ith the French Enlightenm ent than the designs fo r the Royal
Type o f Louis XIV.
The project was actually begun in the 1660s, as p a rt o f the in itia l
Designs by committee of the attem pts to lin k the new ly established Academie des Sciences w ith the
Academie des Sciences for the technical professions in order to forge m odern innovations in industry .3
Romains du Roi; copperplate The Im prim erie Royale had been established in France in the 1640s, and
engraving by Louis Simmoneau the new project was supervised n o t by p rinters, but by a com m ittee o f rep
from 1702 resentatives o f the Academie. The so-called Romains du R oi were to be
The Social Contract, Primitivism, and Nationalism: The Alphabet in the 18th Century
fu ll sets o f both rom an and ita lic faces, upper and low er case and the title
TYPES was used to distinguish them from the bea utifu l Greques du R oi produced
4UtI»
EARGRANDJEANETALEXANDRE. earlier. These designs - w hich were never cut as faces in th e ir o rig in a l form
1093.» - differed sign ifican tly from the constructed faces o f such type designers as
RO
U&IN. ITAUQ
OE. D iire r and T ory by the fa ct th a t they were n ot m odified by an experienced
p rin te r’s eye but were produced in s tric t accord w ith program m atic m athe
A a A a
m atical form ulae. The copper engravings w hich were to be the basis o f
B b B b
these types were produced in large p a rt by Louis Simmoneau from designs
C c C c
by Jacques Jaugeon, Pere Sebastien Truchet and G.F. des B illettes at the
D d D d
end o f the 1690s. One s trik in g p ecu lia rity o f the face was th a t its ita lic
E e E e form s were in fact m erely sloped rom an letters, and in this sense resem
F f F f bled the transform ations effected in early d ig ita l m utation o f le tte r form s
G g G g more than they resembled older models o f calligraphic o r inscribed alpha
H h H h bets. These designs remained unpublished u n til 1965, though they were
1 i I i adapted by Philippe Granjean fo r his cu ttin g o f the eighty-tw o fonts
J j J ) know n as the Romains du R oi9 a massive undertaking only com pleted by
K k K k G ranjean’s pupils in 1745.4
L i L I G ranjean’s adaptations m odified the origin als, ta kin g in to account the
M m JVl m variations required fo r le g ib ility at differen t p o in t sizes and fo r softening
N n N n the otherw ise relentlessly ‘perfect’ designs. These designs came in fo r seri
o o 0 o ous criticism , even in the m id-18th century. The h ig hly esteemed p rin te r
P P P P Sim on-Pierre Fournier, fo r instance, disparaged the o rig in a l designs,
Q q Q. though he a ttrib u te d the defects o f design to the absence o f a sufficien tly
R r R r w ell-q u alified engraver to achieve the w ork. In fa ct, the designs in the o rig
S sf S in a l copper plates were w ell-realized on th e ir own term s, though ill-su ite d
T t T t to the aesthetic requirem ents o f p rin tin g . Fournier, like G ranjean, realized
U u U u th a t the effect o f these types on the page, had they been produced in
V v V v accord w ith the o rig in a l designs, w ould have been one o f deadening stabil
ity. Fournier possibly lacked the h isto rica l perspective to realize th a t these
X X X x
le tte r form s, by th e ir very harm ony and regularity, embodied both the
Y y y y intellectu al principles held in high esteem as a theoretical ideal and also
Z z z l the w orldview o f the m onarch by whom they had been com m issioned. The
compass and the square, used to divide the spaces from w hich the le tter
Granjean's cutting of Romains form s emerged, were appropriate tools fo r designing type w hich was to lay
duRoi, 1693 claim to universality, transcendence and im m u ta b ility in the same manner
as Louis X IV ’s unshakable egocentrism shaped his claim s to absolute
monarchy. The extrem ely fo rm a l characteristics o f these le tte r form s —
w hich were sharply criticised by later designers - were precisely those
which made them so indicative o f the p o litic a l sym bolism o f th e ir aesth
etic fo rm . W hile the Royal types remained the exclusive pro pe rty o f the
Im prim erie Royale, the u ltra -ra tio n a l aesthetic w hich had inspired th e ir
design was shared by the so-called m odern faces o f Fournier and the D id o t
fam ily, whose w idely im ita te d w ork set the tone fo r much o f Western
Simon Fournier, titlepage of European p rin tin g in the 18th century. F ournier’s designs were published
1742 Module des Charact&res in 1742, in the M odule des Charact&res. These faces were characterized by
th in , unbracketed serifs, extreme va riatio n o f th ic k and th in strokes and a
The Social Contract, Primitivism, and Nationalism: The Alphabet in the 18th Century
A l p h a b e t s O iu e n t A u x A k c ie n s
,, SJIUJ4QLW Ustra/tphtlc
M ilatr Mom JP/yurc
phtnhlo il
? pu/ud ^L]
mrfM.UnJK
7r r ?
( A
0 Km. 00 0 a a 0 a 0
RaoJto C 1 r Z.IM vf 1 k 1 I* } 1
204
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JUL n U ftrd km*** lu U*. M JO >k ik
Z«yg/S /
C °'
£> Hup/, T / a q ik i
( ? h. Louta/A V X. i x i
( 0 ±£> to
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o v t J ^ > 1
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ltu Suillmliiut Fiilri.*M fn/1“
SmTAfiw. I f J£ I> oils.
/.> .lib l ’ ,/t;<uAA.-' j n l___irtT _— m _ U q im
ftijirc fclttCilnvn^*m**M*tui*giMHi'uitrmfe.iuanof.ml
p fti.r
rw P »
£#»•>/»«y«v/l /** tfAArttoyr •• 4/Mn
' /rtfa tiort 1 (V.U n ld n x ^ i rd c y H ii
P la te o f 'A n c ie n t O rie n ta l Jf ).iTn%Qvy / • r d X ^ it 'n a
yUru /•' MMtfa
A lp h a b e ts ' fro m D id e ro t a n d
/ / I n h a b e ts ,
D 'A le m b e rt's E n c y d o p G d ie //a,'tens Jhufi'rni'y*.
The Social Contract, Primitivism, and Nationalism: The Alphabet in the 18th Century
m a j w edL,
ty /le n r/a n r/o y e o o /^ S & o o /^ /r/f^ rj o ji J e m -m l O c c a fio n j;o c c ff/n te tJyw Y M rtY n u i^
205
c ^ t/ie (9 /v ^ n tn /^ ^ /^ n n y e j, a /tY /^ /y t/n /n /'if on a ////u ’J ffio n d d ? io /o y o m c fto tt^
f c m t t jjlm t u n e t lip £ o f jf a m e ,
t\)t of a tifiitJ j^ a m c .
(X fa ^ L P H A B E T M .S /u ’
.S q u a r e H a n d s .
%
/eore/tny.
Jcoreiary.*-
Qiaa c^aci OXn 0/1 m\
o<x> 0
<£ccc C.tn Vvv Pp-fp
£c\c\
Cccc £ u y OXtv OKvr
m \ m $ 0f$ $$>OJ
m me
Xxxy 3 vm. opt# OH)vo
m M f X xx X xg
Richard Ware, The Young Clerk's m Vvv
Assistant, London, 1733, title Qttm h '* -
page and chart of 'square' hands
207
Decorative devices and elaborate in itia ls were also created to serve the
p rin tin g trades in the fo rm o f w ood o r m etal in itia l letters designed fo r use
w ith cast m etal type. Once again, themes fro m the Renaissance persisted,
such as th a t o f p la yfu l naked p u tti or flo ra l patterns, w hile newer themes
made th e ir appearance as w ell. A gain, an increased a ttention to n aturalis
tic deta il in the depiction o f plants and anim als was evident, and the use
o f exotic seeming creatures and foreign views were a ll popular m aterial fo r
new designs reflecting an interest in cultures beyond the borders o f
W estern Europe.
A L P H A B E T IC W R IT IN G . 87
g a
Betawas a delineation o f the lips in
profile, in the natural fituation o f the
head.
B E B ,
m W M i<
Pi was their inverted profile.
v j r i *
^ $ cjb
Z N
Zeta (the found o f w hich feems to be
compounded o f the founds o f 9 and <r * ) is
Charles Davy's tiny diagrams.
Conjectural Observations,
pronounced by railing the tip o f the
London, 1772 tongue
Davy invoked h isto rica l themes w hich were quite typ ica l o f the 18th
century, p a rtic u la rly in his attem pt to reconcile his insights w ith contra
d ictin g b ib lica l and classical texts. For instance, Davy argued against the
The Social Contract Primitivism, and Nationalism: The Alphabet in the 18th Century
CARACTERES P A R T IC U LA R S ,
/■epn/idmetphmeiavfou 7'epetesdms le corns de / Onvrape,
FOYELLES.
A -U .A 0 -0 . □ .
rta. • it OUil . U -U .XF.
E -c .e .a .a E .
I —I ponctue. Oll-^ j/rex. y . ^ capfujue .
CONSONNES.
B--}. 3. B . Q -9-
c -n .u .o .e .^ ,. R- fc. * .
D - 3 . A yaw. (d)/S>.S/> . vD—0 fieiraiyue. S. ^ . 2 y/wyue.
F -a .a . 2. * £ 2 C * 3 . XA.X.
cedUfe-. iX!... S . co.oo .
H -H . I i . T -H . | V - <1 .
J-'t“D. ‘"DC"1. J L . X-OC.'OC . I . D C.
K - M . E . W.IC. . 4 f . ^y-.
L-[_, j . <%-X. T .
M - ^ . k . ^ . c / E c - U . <dt'tv/iAi v a, i, o .
N -S • t/'an rttMiteatt .
P-.tf. cf . V yinyk.
Moussaud: chart of letter values,
from L‘Alphabet RaisonnGe,
1803
'■____—
--- :--------- --------- ----
The Social Contract, Primitivism, and Nationalism: The Alphabet in the 18th Century
P /a /tc A e -Z T P o n t. I . /? . j S o .
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p- t. m. f. u .
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51^ ^ gokgeO 0 O
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S| c. g K. t.q u X e tfrp d Z )o u c e d ,
g JMcn/e^.jDaeia>.Rude. V - Q U
S^^.ADjBNT U LI U
b d. t& . t.
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go Jkfqye/i'Fauco. Jlude.
^ ^ e a la is ^ t ^ X P s P y r- B .
y z. cJi. Z e ttre A P o rA e A
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d ffo y e a . R ude.
x / O t J
M ^ ^ -^ L A N G C B . -
81 !■ n. r.
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w
L L L
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H a n a lo g u e , a u b . a n a lo g u e ru t- t.
9
Pi
F ig . jo . O -d s p ir e g u ttu ra l a na lo gu e a n lc ,
CO
F ta .jj. fotde dupcdais v—^ Cottle la h a l
8
a n a lo g u e a ic z . ou. S t^d e z /im tbed douoc
H
M F ? * J2 " ^3 F ra p e d e la /ig u e a n a lo g u e a 1.
CO
F tp . j 3 . i >Fold d
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P la n e he T o ffid p .id i.
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LE V B E . G-ORGE . DENT . K E 21
" V / p . O c . U d . C * s '
o oK. u t i . ^ . st
X ^ J V t. 0 K .Q U . ^ T * /
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diagrams for his organic alpha
F R A N C O IS
bet, Traite de ta Formation i ; 1 1 1
Mechanique des Lettres (Paris, ii ^ ;V d U \{ \\ X *> 1 1- X
P tv r nosire. yreo ; eS en c t’enor s a n c it/ie s o rt io n /10/n m e /t/tc io /j-
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1765)
founding lin k between social theory and alphabet h isto ry was Lord
M onboddo. In The O rig in and Progress o f Language (1772) M onboddo
insisted th a t n o t only w ritin g but language depended on the existence o f
the state since w ith o u t a basis fo r regulation hum an relations w ould n o t
have been able to evolve in to ra tio n a l fo rm and exchange. By contrast,
C o u rt de G ebelin fe lt th a t language was more properly to be considered
the instrum ent o f the state and its fa c ilita tin g m edium , seeing in the a ctivi
ty o f w ritin g an effective technology fo r realizing the aims o f a ra tio n a l
and scientific government. Thom as A stle, along w ith W illia m Massey,
James H erries, James W illiam s, and a host o f other lesser know n figures
concurred on the p o in t th a t language was ‘the firs t and m ost adm irable o f
hum an inventions* w hich had been ‘enlarged as hum an affairs and circum
stances* rendered necessary* and th a t if there were any divine intervention
in the invention it was only in the sense th a t a ll hum an a c tiv ity was
inspired by divine models o r Ideas. W ritin g , even more than language, was
evidence o f the hum an character o f social systems and the to o l o f law, rea
son, science and em otions.
The idea o f divine invention d id not lack fo r supporters, however.
D aniel Defoe w ritin g in 1726 and an anonymous French auth or responsi
ble fo r the D issertation H istoriqu e sur VInvention des Lettres published in
1772 dem onstrated the tenacity o f the n o tio n o f w ritin g as a d irect g ift
from God. Defoe m aintained th a t it was an indisputable h isto rica l fact
th a t the firs t alphabetic characters had been w ritte n by God on tablets o f
stone, and to support his arguments gave detailed chronological accounts
o f events leading up to the m om ent at w hich the o rig in a l letters had been
inscribed in the year 2515 o f b ib lica l history. Defoe’s essay was subtitled
A n In q u iry in to the A n tiq u ity and O rig in o f Letters proving th a t the tw o
Tables w ritte n by the Linger o f God on M o u n t Sinai was the firs t W ritin g
in the W orld and th at a ll other Alphabets derive from H ebrew . Defoe
absolutely dismissed hieroglyphic w ritin g , stating th a t it could n o t have
had any relatio n whatsoever to the form s o r principles o f the alphabet. He
also dismissed the p o ssib ility o f an antediluvian w ritin g , 'th e b ib lica l
a u th o rity fo r the M osaic Tablets bearing such strong w eight in his argu
ments, but the a uthor o f the D issertation was convinced th a t the firs t w rit
ing had been on tw o colum ns o f b rick and stone, know n as the colum ns o f
Seth, w hich had existed before the Deluge. Like Defoe, this a uthor relied
exclusively on textual sources, but was less interested in reconciling them
to a single narrative than in enum erating th e ir various co ntribu tion s to the
h isto ry o f w ritin g . This practice o f giving equal w eight to m ythica l, b ib li
cal and h isto rica l sources continued u n til the force o f archaeological evi
dence contradicted the tra d itio n a l accounts, but attem pts to accommo
date a divine o rig in fo r w ritin g w ith in a h isto rica l fram ew ork w ould per
sist w ell beyond the 18th century.
W illia m W arburton’s m ajor co n trib u tio n to the study o f the h isto ry o f
w ritin g was in the area o f hieroglyphics; to W arburton goes credit fo r
fin a lly dem ystifying the E gyptian w ritin g system and placing it w ith in a
The Social Contract Primitivism, and Nationalism: The Alphabet in the 18th Century
lin g u istic context, w ell in advance o f the decipherm ent by Thom as Young
and Jean Francois C ham pollion. W hile W arburton d id n ot and could not
supply the meaning o f hieroglyphic characters, he recognized th a t they
had served a w ide range o f mundane and p ractical purposes in th e ir o rig i
nal fu nctio n and had o nly become a more arcane and secret system in
th e ir later use. N ow accepted as the standard h isto rica l account,
W arburton’s proclam ations on this p o in t were revolutionary in an 18th-
century context in w hich the em blejnatic and enigm atic character o f the
hieroglyph was s till taken fo r granted and the term its e lf p ra ctica lly equiv
alent to esotericism . But W arburton’s w ork had other im plica tio ns, and
the m ulti-volum e D ivin e Legation o f Moses, published in ra p id ly succeed
ing editions w ell in to the 19th century, was a w ork w hich participated in
the p o litics o f contem porary life as much as in h isto rica l discussion. On
the one hand, the w ork was an encyclopedic co lle ction o f m ost o f what
was contem porary knowledge about the ancient w o rld .6 W arburton m ain
tained th a t w hile Adam and Eve had lived in a co nd itio n o f natural re li
gion, one in w hich humans realized by v irtu e o f th e ir ‘Reason and
Freedom o f W ill’ th a t they were m oral agents accountable fo r th e ir con
duct to th e ir M aker. W hile W arburton m aintained, in keeping w ith Locke,
th a t hum an reason was universal, he argued the D eist b elief in nature as
the only source o f knowledge about G od, and in favor o f supernatural rev
elation. Such a D ivine Revelation had been made o nly to the Jews, and it
was through Moses th a t knowledge had been passed dow n, though it was
through C hrist th a t certain aspects o f this Revelation were later intensified
and restored. W arburton argued passionately fo r the m utual benefit
derived from relations between the state and re lig io n , and th a t the con
tra c t w hich united them was o f the same variety as th a t w hich united the
state and its people. W arburton’s thesis was th a t religio n had lost its hold
on the m ind o f the people who now, he com plained, cared only fo r what
they term ed c iv il lib e rty and denounced the value o f the C hristian fa ith .
R eligion had served a social fu n ctio n , as laws had served a s p iritu a l func
tio n , in tam ing the more selfish instincts o f hum ankind, but a ll this was to
be lost i f the in stitu tio n a lize d structure o f state religio n were eroded.
W arburton’s w ork was intended as propaganda to b ring the wayward
back in line w ith organized religio n and obedience to the C row n.
W arburton’s w ork, firs t published in the 1740s, supported the idea that
certain early cultures o f hum ankind were o rig in a lly p rim itiv e , barbarous,
uncivilized and th a t the earliest form s o f w ritin g , hieroglyphics, were evi
dence o f this. A lphabetic w ritin g represented an advance on this condi
tio n , and the increasing degree o f abstraction possible in w ritin g as it
moved from the lite ra l representation o f things to the suggestive represen
ta tio n o f concepts was evidence o f increasing social sophistication in his
eyes. W arburton to o k up the earlier classifications o f hieroglyphics w ith in
the descriptive sem iotic analysis o f Clem ent o f A lexandria. He made use
o f the term s cu riolo gica l, tro p ic a l and allegorical, but linked them to an
evolutionary hierarchy bolstered by the n o tio n o f progress.
The Social Contract Primitivism, and Nationalism: The Alphabet in the 18th Century
i. U J
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William Warburton's diagrams
showing evolution of letters
‘• W H r>. i k A
from hieroglyphics, based on the ■ 1 1 6. ^
Count de Caylus's diagrams (The > X .
V
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4
Divine Legation o f Moses,
London, 1765)
1 A v i
to slight the Jews and disparage the continual cred it granted to the
Hebrew language as o rig in a l, was an astute th eo rist o f culture. The thrust
o f his analysis was to examine the fu nctio n o f religio n and in p a rticu la r
the social uses o f the m ythic concept o f a D ivine Revelation. The desire to
receive a ‘revealed W ill fo r the rule o f th e ir actions,’ he said, was o f para
m ount im portance in rendering religious law effective as a means o f social
co ntrol. It is this argum ent w hich he turned upon the purported divine
o rig in o f letters, underm ining its c re d ib ility by asserting th a t there w ould
have been no better ‘sanction to recommend th e ir use’ than this fact, or
‘security against return to the idolatrous practice o f hieroglyphic w ritin g
to w hich this people [the Jews], so fond o f E gyptian manners, were vio
le n tly incline d.’
C O M P A R IS O N O F M A S S E Y , H U G O and H E L M O N T ’s V A L U E S F O R
T H E LETTERS OF T H E HEBR EW A LP H A B E T
222
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hieroglyphics and Chinese char !1 ’ S
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acters (Histoire Naturelle de la
Parole, Paris edition of 1816)
been the first, the earliest w ritin g , and had like a ll human inventions,
been based on im itation. Using the popular notion o f hieroglyphic w rit
ing, Gebelin considered it a form o f pictorial denotation which ranged
from lite ra l to more abstract. By the logic o f his own circular reasoning,
he further asserted that since all w ritin g was sim ilar, alphabetic w ritin g
must also be a form o f painting, and thus should be interpreted as an
The Social Contract, Primitivism, and Nationalism: The Alphabet in the 18th Century
discovered (and be descended from ) the o rig in a l people and the one true
language. M ost prevalent were theories asserting the p rio rity o f one or
another o f the C eltic, G aulish, o r Anglo-Saxon groups in the settlem ent o f
Europe. These texts revealed strong partisan sentim ents, supporting the
rig h t o f the Iris h to rem ain independent o f B ritish rule, a conflicted area in
18th-century p o litics, o r o f the Anglo-Saxons to be defined as distinct
from th e ir N orm an conquerors, and the English language as a form whose
o rig in a l p u rity had been violated. On the continent such a theory had
been proposed by G uillaum e Postel as early as the 16th century when he
p u t fo rth the claim th a t the Celts had been the o rig in a l settlers o f France.
Posters n a tio n a listic m ythology was p a rt o f a widespread movement in
French lite ra tu re w hich was conceived as a reaction to the claims o f
Classicism and the legacy o f Greek and Roman culture as it was being
reinvented in the Renaissance.9 The 18th-century w rite rs who to o k up this
theme made little reference to Postel, however, often m aking use o f highly
o rig in a l analyses o f both the letters and language in the fo rm o f new,
unorthodox etym ologies.
O f the authors who used the letters o f the alphabet as evidence o f early
hum an history, Rowland Jones was one o f the m ost p ro lific and o riginal.
He w rote fo u r books w hich explored his premises: th a t the original
Europeans were Celts, th a t a ll the letters o f the alphabet were based on the
com bination o f tw o elements, the I and the O, and th a t the C eltic o rig in o f
the English language could be discerned through an etym ological investi
gation w hich made use o f the sym bolism concealed in letters and words.
In H ieroglyfic o r A G ram m atical In tro d u ctio n to A n U niversal H ieroglyfic
Language (1763) and The O rig in o f Language (1764) Jones expounded the
fundam ental principles w hich he explored fu rth e r in The Io Triads and
The Circles o f Corner.
Jones’s stated m otivation was to restore the o rig in a l language and thus
recover w hat he called ‘p rim itive know ledge.’ By this he meant the condi
tio n o f hum ankind before the confusion o f tongues at Babel. Themes o f
The Social Contract, Primitivism, and Nationalism: The Alphabet In the 18th Century
racial p u rity rather than the innocence o f hum ankind were evident in the
w ork o f Jones, N elm e, Vallancey and other w rite rs concerned w ith the
origins o f language in term s o f national id e n tity : none o f them attem pted
to recover the language o f Adam , fo r instance, o r o f Abraham , but instead
focused on the d iffu sio n and d iffe re n tia tio n o f languages among the sons
o f N oah. As fa r as Jones was concerned, the o rig in a l pre-Babel language
had been th a t o f the a people he identified as the C um bri, equivalent to
the G a lli-C e ltic group. Since a ll liv in g hum an beings were necessarily
descended from N oah, a ll others having perished in the deluge, the a ctivi
ties o f the sons o f N oah to o k on considerable value in Jones’s w ork. It was
G od, n o t N oah, who had determ ined the d is trib u tio n o f the earth to
Japhet, Shem and H am , and it was thus by divine in te n tio n th a t the sons
o f Japhet, Gom er and M agog, had settled the lands o f Europe, w hile the
Shemites (or Semites) had rem ained in the East and the H am ites had
m igrated in to A frica . Jones focused on Gomer, the oldest son o f Japhet, as
the p rim a ry settler and o rig in a l C elt. He fu rth e r asserted th a t it was on
account o f Japhet’s virtuo us character, superior in a ll respects to th a t o f
his brothers, th a t he had been the only one o f N oah’s descendants p e rm it
ted to retain the unspoiled, o rig in a l language.
J t - i 0 3 “ • 2 £ § : 3 M<3: : > 3 g . i - o
4 p 3 g s 3 - C O 5 5 - -n 1 -•*
1 . T h e date o f man previous to the form ation o f Eve and his efTcntial modes.
<z. H is compound date or the nonellential modes and d ivifio n in to parts and
a&ions. 3. Emblems o f concupifcible appetites, innate parental traces, ener
gies and paflions acquired by the fa ll. 4, T h e date o f man and woman after the
fa ll, as enchanted and confined to place or matter. 5. T h e Serpent, an emblem
o f fpeech. 6. A theta inftead o f the Coptic ke i, an emblem o f man's p rim itiv e
Jones's page of 'sacred hiero
ftate, & c. 7. Birds j but the round u is made ufe fo r the Coptic c. 8. Beads
glyphs,' which he stated could and B ulls. 9. Fifties, 10. T w ig s and trees. B ut more o f this hereafter.
not be adequately represented A n d as a ll letters are thus deriveable from the parts o f man, refem bling all
other things, Adam m ig h t be very w ell in ftru& ed in th e ir ufc in paradife;— A n d
using printing types.
the divifions o f tim e appear to have been made from the days o f the creation. See
(Hieroglyfic, London, 1763) the form er treatife.
were the sm allest elements o f w ritin g and had the same effect upon the
sight as vibrations had upon the ear. Adam had been instructed in their
use, and these o rig in a l form s had been in existence u n til Babel, but they
were s till in possession o f the Celts by way o f Gom er - whom Jones equat
ed w ith Hermes and M ercury and ‘other dru id s.’ In analysing the letter
form s, Jones derived a sim ple and incom plete cosm ology o f w hich the let
ters ‘o ’ and ‘1’ were the p rim a ry elements. ‘O ’ was an indefinite
circle, sign ifying the universe w hile ‘ 1’ was an ind efin ite line signifying
‘man in his state o f innocence.’ The ‘o ’ and ‘1’ together o r ‘ol* was equiv
alent to ‘a ll’ o f the hum an and cosmic universe. Jones saw in the sequence
o f the vowels o r voices (w hich, oddly, he enumerated as the Greek vowels)
a series o f sexual sym bols o f male and female posteriors, member, clito ris,
and so fo rth w hich he characterized as ‘the im pulse and springs o f genera
tio n .’ The num ber o f letters in Jones’s system was sm all, and he associated
th e ir basic sym bolism w ith a p a rt o f speech he term ed ‘particles,’ by which
was meant a radical o r fundam ental element o r sim ple, articu la te sound.
The ‘T ,’ ‘M ,’ ‘N ,’ and ‘L ’ were associated w ith images o f a man’s body
u p rig h t, w ith arms o r w ings, thighs, in various postures, but there is no
apparent system to his discussion - fo r instance, he indicated th a t ‘R ’ was
the image o f anim als and th e ir parts - but he had no values fo r any letters
beyond these few nor any in d ica tio n o f how these sym bols had come into
being.
In a dd itio n to particles, Jones’s gram m ar included nouns, pronouns,
and prepositions. These la tte r were a ll contained w ith in the ‘o ’ w hich was
the universal expression fo r the circle o f m otio n and extension and the ‘i ’
he sim ply presented w ith p u t com m ent. The ‘T ’ was an ‘i ’ w ith a trans
verse line and capable o f bearing a ll d irectio n al prepositions in its glyphic
fo rm o r com binations, as Jones indicated in a sm all diagram . Jones ended
his H ieroglyfic w ith a table o f ‘sketches o f creation,* o r versions o f the
‘sacred hieroglyphs,’ made up out o f p rin tin g types. These he claimed
were ‘drawn from sacred characters made use o f by Priests and D ruids to
preserve o rig in a l, ancient and secret know ledge.’
Each o f Jones’s books contained a version o f this cosmology, and the
lin ks he suggested between his claim s fo r an o rig in a l C eltic language and
the analysis o f letters o r words were supported m ainly by his assertions
rather than by sustained argum ent, le t alone convincing evidence. In The
O rig in o f Language he elaborated a reduced creation m yth in geographic
term s: ‘a’ and ‘e’ recorded the division o f the earth in to land and water
and so fo rth . He then a rticulated detailed discussions o f a little more than
a dozen letters w hich len t themselves to his p o sitio n , occasionally inter
jecting etym ological interpretations. The radical ‘a r’ fo r instance he
claim ed was equivalent to the C eltic w ord fo r earth and the basis o f the
w ord ‘A ra ra t’ w hich, in the language o f N oah, signified ‘returned upon
earth.’
The same m ethodology employed by Jones to dem onstrate the C eltic
o rig in o f language was used by L.D . Nelm e to prove its English-Saxon
The Social Contract, Primitivism, and Nationalism: The Alphabet in the 18th Century
o rig in . Nelm e stated th a t his aims in m aking this dem onstration were to
return to a pure language w hich w ould enable the spread o f the Gospel.
Like Jones, Nelm e saw the ‘o ’ and ‘1* as the ‘o l’ o r ‘all* o f English-Saxon
radicals, the ra d ix o f a ll bodies and letters from w hich could be derived
ten more radical symbols. To these symbols values were assigned which
Nelm e term ed unifo rm and unchangeable, values w hich he claim ed ‘never
fa ile d ’ in the interpretive process know n as ‘decom position.’ N elm e’s b ib
lic a l h isto ry was essentially the same as th a t o f Jones: he claim ed Japhet as
the o rig in a l settler o f Europe and the B ritish Isles, his language was the
only one not confused at Babel, and the ‘poisoning’ o f the English-Saxon
tongue had occurred through the invasion o f the N orm ans w ith th e ir
L a tin based language.
Sac-fon o r letters
1 symbol o f altitude, a rod or staff in natural state, sceptre, river, branch or tree
0 circle, symbol of horizon, rod or staff bent around, boundary o f sight
dislocated orb, serpent hissing, radical ideas o f similitude
A dislocated line, mountain, Ararat, chevron
b line to circle, cut from the West, as a fixed place, East, possessed by sons of Shem, most glorious part o f the world
c chasm o f circle, left after (b) was cut off, West as inheritance o fJaphet
Nelme's List of Radicals and their union o f (I) to (C) to (E) to (M ) = increase, compound as in (ma) or (man)
Values r the last radical, priority, gives life and spirit to the whole system, in Saxon Rod-icals res - thing
N elm e also had his chart o f radicals and his analysis o f th e ir com bi
nations. The ‘I* was the rod , o r sta ff in a n atu ra l state, the ‘ O ’ the rod o r
s ta ff bent around to fo rm the horizon o r boundary o f sight, a figure
whose use he said had been p ro h ib ite d among the Jews by the second
com m andm ent and as to be considered a sign o f the G entiles. M any o f
the other radicals were glyphs depicting geographical divisions o r d is trib
u tio n , and from these com binations an entire lexicon o f English-Saxon
was derived, w hich he elaborated in the d ictio n a ry fo llo w in g his in tro d u c
to ry te xt. N elm e also linked the Ogham tree alphabet know n fro m Welsh
inscriptio ns to the basic form s o f the English-Saxon ‘ O l,’ though the fu ll
developm ent o f discussion o f Ogham was made by another author,
Charles Vallancey.
Vallancey, in his Prospectus o f a D ic tio n a ry o f the Language o f the
A ire C o ti o r A ncient Iris h , claim ed th a t the Iris h had lo st th e ir ancient
alphabet, w hich had consisted o f 18 letters (or 16, depending on whether
certain repetitive sym bols were counted independently), a ll o f w hich had
been named fo r trees. The Ogham alphabet, w hich he claim ed had been 231
invented by T h o th at the tim e th a t the Israelites came in to Egypt, ” ”
retained some o f these letters, th e ir names and th e ir form s.' The resem
blance between these letters and those o f the Hebrews was apparent,
Vallancey fe lt, and he stressed th is connection by em phasizing the many
tree m etaphors associated w ith w ritin g in the O ld Testam ent: the
‘branchy’ vine, the three vineyards o f the learned, the blossom o f a
branch sign ifying a letter, the th o rn as a sym bol o f offence, and the image
o f orderly p ru nin g as a sym bol fo r the com position o f verses. H aving thus
connected the image o f w ritin g and the sym bolism o f trees, Vallancey
cited the recently found m anuscript published by Joseph H am m er
Purgstall in w hich an early medieval A rabic scholar had included a ver
sion o f the Ogham tree alphabet.10 The o n ly explanation fo r this,
Vallancey fe lt, was th a t there had been early contact and a com m on
source fo r O gham , A rabic, and H ebrew - a p o in t he fu rth e r dem onstrat
ed through p o in tin g o u t the s im ila rity o f Hebrew letters and Iris h tree
names in an a rtfu l piece o f p h ilo lo g ica l co nto rtio n ism .
The Social Contract Primitivism, and Nationalism: The Alphabet in the 18th Century
to 5 s & in r 1 n 1 4 3 C h a ld : j
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1k
A H -J u A ? f fed m E g y p t:
1 1 I ¥ ¥ $ % r ¥ T re e
C ha ld:
6 6 A ra b :
* E g ypt:
Charles Vallancey's chart show &
f * f Tree
ing the tree alphabet from
Joseph Hammer PurgstaN's
newly published manuscript and
* If t T ! 1-1 1 1 t \ = F r I r if li
correspondences with Chaldean • t P * * % ¥ f f t Ogham
[Hebrew], Arabic and Egyptian,
1802
A nother w rite r determ ined the dispel any connection between the
alphabet and culture o f the Greeks and the Hebrew alphabet o f the Jews
was P h ilip A llw oo d. A llw o o d ’s version o f the lineage o f the H elladians, or
people who settled H ellas, was th a t they had originated on the p la in o f
Shinar, m igrated in to Egypt (where th e ir language and customs became
slig h tly m odified through contact w ith the M iz ra im ), and thence in to
Greece. A llw oo d called these people Am m onian, and linked them to the
C uthite shepherds who had m igrated in to ancient Egypt to an area near
Thebes. These were the people who had possessed the firs t language o f
hum ankind, a p rim itive , expressive language. The figure o f Palamedes,
who figured in classical accounts as either inventor o r im p o rte r o f the 16
letters o f the Phoenician alphabet adapted to the Greek language, was
described by A llw o o d as ‘P’A l’Am -Hades,’ a figure who com bined the
m ythic id e n tity o f Ulysses elements o f b ib lic a l tales o f H am . H is elevation
to the status o f a deity in ancient accounts was p ro o f o f the value placed
upon w ritin g ‘whose discovery was considered the highest e ffo rt o f the
hum an in te lle c t.’
The Social Contract, Primitivism, and Nationalism: The Alphabet in the 18th Century
ritu a l signs and arcane sym bols in th e ir c u lt practices, in itia tio n cere
monies and publications.
As the d istinctions between em pirical science and alchemy had already
displaced the occult tra d itio n fro m its claim s to supreme a uthority, so the
increasing understanding o f ancient cultures intensified the d istin ctio n
between the scholarly ‘orien ta lists’ and the m asonic cu ltists’ version o f
esoteric knowledge. Nonetheless, the boundaries were n o t so d is tin c tly
drawn th a t a well-respected scholar, such as Gebelin, could n o t particip a te
in the Freemasons and s till retain the highest respect among his contem
poraries. In fact, an incident involving Gebelin and the Ita lia n occultist
Giuseppe Balsamo, C ount C agliostro, demonstrates th a t the conflicts
U,V B D 0 D A acted o u t were less frequently to differentiate scholarly from esoteric prac
tices than they were to preserve c re d ib ility and power in the w ider
*K >
1‘ C
s p y - v
1,J,Y Th II %
sphere.11
W hen C agliostro arrived in Paris in the early 1780s he created a sensa
rF.P,PI»
t Uo T P N VM tio n . H is reputation fo r possessing powers derived fro m knowledge o f
X
Egyptian a n tiq u ity brought him tremendous success. H is p o p u la rity pene
T ? w ~ v 'd '\ j trated as fa r as the royal C o u rt, as he gained the special atte ntio n o f a
T ft H K ,0 Ts la d y-in -w a itin g to M arie A ntoinette. He established a ‘tem ple’ in Paris
Cagliostro's magic alphabet (P. under the name H athir-Schatha, Prince o f Sages, and entertained his select
Christian, Histoire de la Magie, circle (which included women ‘by the special perm ission o f Isis’) w ith fan
Paris, 1872) tastic tales o f enchanted, m agical lands.
A rguably the single event m ost significant fo r the h isto ry o f w ritin g in the
19th century occurred at its very beginning: the decipherm ent o f Egyptian
hieroglyphics in the years im m ediately fo llo w in g the discovery o f the
Rosetta Stone in 1799. Though credit fo r this w ork is generally granted to
Jean-Fran^ois C ham pollion, his success was n o t by any means the result
o f mere in d ivid u a l e ffo rt. The decipherm ent was based on decades o f
developments w ith in the scholarly com m unity concerned w ith a study
then know n as ‘o rien ta l languages’ and the contributions o f Thom as
Young and Silvestre de Sacy were p a rtic u la rly im p o rta n t to the project.
T h e ir decipherm ent o f hieroglyphics p u t the m yth o f the enigm atic visual
image to rest once and fo r a ll w ith in the scholarly com m unity, though the
popular image o f the hieroglyph remained associated w ith the qualities o f
m ystery and esotericism .
But the significance o f C ham pollion’s much acclaimed achievement fo r
historians o f w ritin g lay in the fa ct th a t the visual features o f hierogly
phics, so long considered the essential key to th e ir m eaning, were now
subordinated to th e ir role as surrogates fo r sound values and words. This
realization, th a t even th a t m ost in trig u in g ly visual o f a ll w ritin g systems,
hieroglyphics, conveyed m eaning by representing the sounds o f a spoken
language had a profound im pact on the status o f the visual characteristics
o f other w ritte n languages. I f hieroglyphics d id n o t produce m eaning by
direct appeal to the eye, then the fa r less glam orous form s o f w ritin g , such
as cuneiform o r Cretan scripts, were th a t much less lik e ly to be granted
im portance as visible images. The fa ith th a t the m eaning o f ancient w rit
ing could be understood sim ply through visual means was greatly d im
inished as a result o f these developments. In general, the p hilolog ists and
linguists o f the 19th century concentrated th e ir research on structures
in te rn a l to in d ivid u a l languages o r language groups, analyzing th e ir gram
m atical structure and th e ir developm ent over tim e.
C uriously, however, the 19th century was also the period w hich w it
nessed the fullscale adoption o f the theory o f p ic to ria l origins o f the
alphabetic form s - either linked to hieroglyphic precedents o r to the
objects associated w ith the letternam es. T his theory dom inated narratives
used to explain the h isto ry o f the alphabet and its integral relatio n to the
ancient Sem itic culture in w hich it had originated. The increase in archae
ological a ctivity by European teams in the N ear East, M id d le East and
areas o f Crete, Greece and Asia M in o r provided massive am ounts o f new
m aterial fo r constructing the chronology o f ancient history, a situ atio n
w hich continued in the 20th century as w ell. Im proved methods o f dating
The Social Contract, Primitivism, and Nationalism: The Alphabet in the 18th Century
A rguably the single event m ost significant fo r the h istory o f w ritin g in the
19th century occurred at its very beginning: the decipherm ent o f E gyptian
hieroglyphics in the years im m ediately fo llo w in g the discovery o f the
Rosetta Stone in 1799. Though credit fo r this w ork is generally granted to
Jean-Fran^ois C ham pollion, his success was n o t by any means the result
o f mere in d ivid u a l e ffo rt. The decipherm ent was based on decades o f
developments w ith in the scholarly com m unity concerned w ith a study
then know n as ‘o rien ta l languages’ and the co ntribu tion s o f Thom as
Young and Silvestre de Sacy were p a rtic u la rly im p o rta n t to the project.
T h e ir decipherm ent o f hieroglyphics p u t the m yth o f the enigm atic visual
image to rest once and fo r a ll w ith in the scholarly com m unity, though the
popular image o f the hieroglyph remained associated w ith the qualities o f
m ystery and esotericism .
But the significance o f C ham pollion’s much acclaimed achievement fo r
historians o f w ritin g lay in the fa ct th a t the visual features o f hierogly
phics, so long considered the essential key to th e ir m eaning, were now
subordinated to th e ir role as surrogates fo r sound values and words. This
realization, th a t even th a t m ost in trig u in g ly visual o f a ll w ritin g systems,
hieroglyphics, conveyed m eaning by representing the sounds o f a spoken
language had a profound im pact on the status o f the visual characteristics
o f other w ritte n languages. If hieroglyphics d id n o t produce m eaning by
direct appeal to the eye, then the fa r less glam orous form s o f w ritin g , such
as cuneiform o r Cretan scripts, were th a t much less lik e ly to be granted
im portance as visible images. The fa ith th a t the m eaning o f ancient w rit
ing could be understood sim ply through visual means was gteatly dim
inished as a result o f these developments. In general, the p hilolog ists and
linguists o f the 19th century concentrated th e ir research on structures
interna l to in d ivid u a l languages o r language groups, analyzing th e ir gram
m atical structure and th e ir developm ent over tim e.
C uriously, however, the 19th century was also the period w hich w it
nessed the fullscale adoption o f the theory o f p ic to ria l origins o f the
alphabetic form s - either linked to hieroglyphic precedents o r to the
objects associated w ith the letternam es. This theory dom inated narratives
used to explain the h isto ry o f the alphabet and its integral re la tio n to the
ancient Sem itic culture in w hich it had originated. The increase in archae
ological a c tiv ity by European teams in the N ear East, M id d le East and
areas o f Crete, Greece and Asia M in o r provided massive am ounts o f new
m aterial fo r constructing the chronology o f ancient history, a situation
w hich continued in the 20th century as w ell. Im proved methods o f dating
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
The problem s faced were thus to fin d a means o f rapid casting, rapid set
tin g , and a substitute fo r the fla t form s o f tra d itio n a l type.
The firs t improvements came in the area o f casting, w ith power used to
force the h o t m olten lead in to the m oulds, replacing the ancient m ethod o f
using a hard shake o f the w ris t to throw the m etal in to the m a trix. D avid
Bruce, responsible fo r th is innovation, devised a continuous casting
machine. By 1834 he could produce a row o f the same le tte r through
mechanized processes. B ut w hile this casting machine produced a q u a n tity
o f type fo r replacement purposes, it d id nothing to speed up the processes
o f setting and d is trib u tio n w hich were s till done by hand, le tte r by letter.
These problem s were resolved o nly afte r invention o f the typ e w rite r in the
1860s and early 1870s, w hich provided the firs t means o f keyboarding a
rapid sequence o f letters. By lin k in g the keyboard mechanism to a casting
machine, tw o means o f fa bricatin g composed type were devised: O tto
M erganthaler’s Linotype machine and T olb ert Lanston’s M onotype
machine. M erganthaler’s m achine, in p roduction and use by the 1880s,
cast one line o f type after another using brass m atrices .2 These were auto
m atica lly redistributed in to storage magazines afte r each line was set,
m aking possible continuous production o f cast type w hich was already
composed. D is trib u tio n was no longer an issue - the slugs o f m etal were
sim ply m elted down when the jo b had been p rin te d , and then recast.
Lanston’s machine, also in production by the late 1880s, cast one le tte r at
a tim e, but had certain aesthetic advantages over linotype.
Though lino type and m onotype were capable o f fu lfillin g the casting
and com posing needs o f p rinters, in p a rt by tu rn in g the p rintsho p back
in to a foundry, they could n o t provide a so lu tion to the m ore fundam ental
problem : the need fo r a supply o f steel punches. A ll o f these casting
devices relied upon brass m atrices w hich were themselves produced w ith
the use o f steel punches - the handcarved m etal instrum ents on w hich the
form o f the letters was carved as the firs t stage o f the design and casting
process. These punches were also fragile, and frequently had to be
replaced. T h e ir p roduction remained the province o f hig hly skille d crafts
people and the hand process could n o t keep up w ith the demand. L in n
Boyd Benton’s invention o f the pantographic punch cu ttin g machine in
1884 thus provided the last piece o f technology necessary fo r rapid
production o f high q u a lity type. Benton’s m achine was also applicable to
production o f w ood type, generally used fo r larger display sizes and elabo
rate, decorative w ork.
A nother invention w hich contributed to highspeed pro du ction was the
stereotype, a means o f d u p lica tin g whole pages o f set type so th a t they
could be curved onto the cylinder o f a high speed press. Stereotyping, firs t
experim ented w ith by Lord Earl Stanhope around 1799, was developed in
the 1840s and perfected some years later as a casting m ethod .3 O rig in a lly
using papier mache, and la te r a resinous w ax m aterial, stereotyping was a
m ould casting process. The soft m aterial was poured onto a standing form
o f type, le t harden, and then used as the m a trix fo r casting ia flexible m etal
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
sheet o f an entire page. These flexible sheets could be wrapped around the
cylinders o f w hat was term ed a ‘perfecting press/ one w hich p rinted both
fro n t and back o f a ro ll o f paper simultaneously. Stereotypes, and the
related electrotypes, were also used to make duplicates o f form s which
could be shipped to geographically dispersed plants fo r p rin tin g . T his was
a m ethod especially popular w ith advertisers, who preferred n o t to have
th e ir designs either recast o r reset fo r each p ub lica tion .
The im pact o f these com bined inventions was a rapid escalation in the
q ua ntity o f m aterials in p rin t. But these m echanical innovations had an
effect upon the design o f le tte r form s as w ell. Linotype faces had to be
recut to adapt to the fit o f the brass m atrices used to cast type in lines.
Letters had to fill o u t the fu ll w id th o f the m a trix in order to align w ith
each other properly. Such designs at firs t lacked some o f the subtlety asso
ciated w ith th a t o f type set by hand, but gradually lino type faces acquired
th e ir own aesthetic sophistication. The use o f the pantographic cutter to
replicate the steel punches at the basis o f type production made fo r more
regular results than those achieved through tra d itio n a l handcutting. Here
again the technological means o f production came to be,an aspect o f the
aesthetics o f le tter form s, an integral feature o f th e ir identity, reflecting
and em bodying the m echanization characteristic o f the period.
[OINTMENT, cal processes, was used to produce huge posters w hich papered the walls,
kiosks and other surfaces o f the m odern urban environm ent w hile the tech
AGUE IN FACEi SWELLED BREASTS,
SOREKlinBIOHCBITU,BOIE THMM, QH1HBT,GEODT,
Felon*, R lng-w oni*, Bonn, niques o f display advertising made th e ir im pact in the pages o f m ost jo u r
SCALDS, 11UHN3, SHINGLES, ERYSIPELAS, SALT RHEUM,
nals and newspapers.
I tmio/m7iDn cr ?m ixzs atib Bom®, sAinsas, In an a d d itio na l boost to aesthetic invention, the fle x ib ility o f lith o
FretliCul Woiiuds,lllllouiCliolIc.Sci-ofiil.o.noil S
Sm il i- leo sores, inflammatory rheumatism a gout. I graphic reproduction, used in mass production cylinder presses by m id
I N*oilierOI1VTJIEXTInc\l»lcnccore
qua
lpowern
m lI
iIiiIiiIiikInllnmiunllunn m l iibIb. “
' onto, ntid In ruo, century, freed professional le tte rin g and calligraphy artists from the
re cfTecleil, 11
[ PRINCIPAL DEPOT, NO. 38 C0U1TLANDT ST, REV TOIL restraints imposed by m etal type. The im agination o f designers expanded
AIIM STIIOKU & IIU IIII, Proprietor., {
by quantum leaps in ever more dazzling displays o f visual ingenuity and
Advertising showing use of invention. In m etal type as w ell the shaded, expanded, condensed, bejew
varied display faces elled and decorated form s o f display types offered by the average jo b shop
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
outstripped the modest offerings available in the past, p e rm ittin g the m ost
ynbllc Meeting
?V-; GLOUCESTER, WORCESTER, mundane o f advertising circulars to be typeset w ith gaudy abandon.
ilddermlnfter, Stourbridge, Dndley,
' V : B IR M IN G H A M ■
V isual language overflowed the lim its o f in tim a te space, fro m the page
o f the book to the poster placard, and the engagement o f p ub lic space and
gB A JLW A T .
p u b lic readership thro ug h the seductive dynam ics o f display typography
IF
played a sig n ifica n t role in tra n sfo rm in g the experience o f language from
th a t o f a lite ra ry , leg al o r business tra n s a c tio n to one o f overblo w n
M . w ll n. ll»l J tfUDJby
com m ercial persuasion succeeding through tactics o f rh e to ric a l in fla tio n .
:^;vV;;:.
)BIUooco^
tio»ToS'*”“*’*«“•« In v is u a l term s the re su lts were an a lm o s t lim itle s s p ro life ra tio n o f
fa n ta stica lly decorated faces. Typographic specimen sheets fro m the 19th
ce n tu ry com bined the richness o f these new o ffe rin g s w ith an eclectic
vernacular vocabulary the end resu lt o f w hich were sheets w hich resonate
across the space o f more than a century w ith p a rtic u la r poetic and cu ltu ra l
Advertising showing use of suggestivity.
varied display faces Im provem ents in p rin tin g technology made specific co ntribu tion s to
the historiography o f w ritin g through the p u b lica tio n o f elaborate black-
and-w hite o r co lo r reproductions o f examples o f u n fa m ilia r scripts fo r
both scholar and amateur. The w orks o f H enry Shaw, w ith th e ir detailed
K « lil redraw ing o f m anuscript le tte rin g from the M id d le Ages, were produced in
THE the m id-19th century, as were the m agnificent volumes o f Joseph Balthazar
Silvestre. H is 1841 Paleographie Universelle was unrivalled fo r its exquisite
facsim iles o f ancient and foreign p apyri, cuneiform tablets, illu m in ated
HER m anuscripts o r calligraphed documents from Egypt, In dia , the East and
the Am ericas. Silvestre’s w ork, produced w ith the co lla bo ra tion o f
Mount
C ham pollion-Figeac, brother o f the E gyptologist, was a testam ent to both
the possibilities w hich p rin tin g offered to the scholar and to the existence
o f an audience fo r deluxe editions o f significant scale concerned w ith the
h isto ry o f w ritin g .
Form A t the end o f the 19th century another d irection was defined in the
dom ain o f fine arts p rin tin g - w hich u ltim a te ly had an effect upon com
m ercial design w ork as w ell. T his was the revival o f interest in older form s
o f le tte r and page design. M o st marked in the w ork o f designer, and p rin t
Type specimen sheet shoWing er W illia m M o rris , these nostalgic reinventions o f the tra d itio n o f the illu
display faces m inated m anuscript o r Renaissance p rin tin g , w ith its com plicated a rti
sanal decorative borders, black le tte r type, and elaborate in itia l letters,
became the distinctive style o f the A rts and C rafts movements in England,
Europe and the U nited States. T his fine a rt im ita tio n o f older form s and
the fantastic range o f new display types used in advertising had in com
mon a keen attention to the visual aspects o f le tter design and a conviction
th a t the s tylistic choices had some im pact on m eaning pro du ction . N o t
coincidentally, theories o f synaesthesia - the in te rre la tio n o f the senses in
the varieties o f aesthetic experience - developed in late 19th-century
Sym bolist a rt, literature and music. There were m any w rite rs and artists
o f the period who w rote o f the ‘color* o f vowels, the ‘power* o f letters or
th e ir sym bolic value. Texts by V icto r H ugo and A rth u r R im baud are
among the m ost w ell-know n instances o f such a rtis tic e xplora tion , but the
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
w ork o f Paul C laudel and others also reflected this interest in to the early
20 th century .4
XH E^VAN JD ER ER S
C E R T A IN G E N T L E M E N A N D
M A R IN E R S O F N O R W AY, H A V IN G
C O N S ID E R E D A L L T H A T T H E Y
H AD HEARD OF T H E E A R TH LY
P A R A D IS E , S E T S A IL T O F IN D IT ,
A N D S O A F T E R M A N Y TR O U BLES
& T H E LAPSE O F M A N Y YEAR S
C A M E O LD M E N T O SOM E W ESTx
E R N L A N D ,O F W H IC H T H E Y H A D
N E V E R B E FO R E H E A R D : T H E R E
T H E Y D IE D , W H E N T H E Y H A D
Page from William Morris's, The D W E L T T H E R E C E R T A IN YEA R S ,
IN E X C E E D IN G H O N O U R O F T H E
Earthly Paradise, 1888, showing
244
___ S T R A N G E P E O P LE .
19th century printed version of
manuscript book
staff; ‘S’ was a snake; T * was a hammer; ‘U ’ was an urn ; ‘V* a vase; ‘X ’
crossed swords; and ‘Z ’ was G od, though no visual image was invoked to
explain this. H ugo’s hieroglyphic alphabet had no system atic logic, nor
d id it expand in to a code fo r in terpretin g words as com binations o f these
elements. It was purely a subjective exercise, a p rojection o f images
through a process o f personal association, onto the graphic form s.
Schematic in the extrem e, the letters o f the alphabet len t themselves to any
num ber o f such projections.
The Sym bolist poet Stephane M allarm e, proposed an equally idiosyn
cratic and im aginative reading o f the letters in his te xt title d Les M ots
A nglais, a m etaphysical study o f the powers o f English words. M allarm e,
w ritin g in the last decades o f the 19th century, was best know n to later
generations fo r his typographically com plex w o rk, Un Coup de Des (A
T hrow o f the Dice)> but to his contem poraries the fu lle r dim ensions o f his
w ork on m usic, language, and his dram atic texts were a ll in flu e n tia l and
fa m ilia r. M a lla rm e ’s interpretations o f the alphabetic letters had in com
m on w ith H ugo’s th a t they derived from no source but his own im agina
tio n and yet purported to provide an insight in to the sym bolic value o f the
letters and th e ir significant fu n ctio n w ith in words. M any o f his values
have apparent origins in the form o f the letters he was analyzing: the ‘W ’
in s tills a sense o f o scilla tio n in the double wave o f the le tte r; the ‘F’ com
m unicated a sense o f flyin g , a p rojectile s trik in g space, transposed by
rh e to ric in to the record o f this sensation in the very w ord fo r flig h t; ‘J ’
expressed a quick, direct action; ‘K ’ was the image o f knottiness o r jo in
ing, k n ittin g together. Through a com bination o f associations, M allarm e
blended the iconographic value he perceived in the le tte r w ith English
words in w hich it was the firs t letter. M allarm e believed th a t the letters
were the ‘ bones and tendons’ o f language, and th a t his interpretive prac
tice had recovered o rig in a l, Anglo-Saxon roots w hich were the substrata o f
the o rd in a ry life o f words. In p o in t o f fact, M allarm e had made an assess- 245
m ent very typ ica l o f the late 19th-century Sym bolist sensibility, rather
than a scholarly discovery o f etym ological radicals, and was synthesizing
the visual characteristics o f the letter in its graphic fo rm w ith associations
invoked by the specific English vocabulary he had selected.6
param ount. B ut one has o nly to compare the plates in th a t w o rk w ith the
m anuals o f one o f the p rin c ip le w ritin g masters o f the 19th century, P la tt
R. Spencer, to see the changes in m ainstream attitudes towards penmanship.
Spencer was interested above a ll in w hat he term ed ‘p ractical w ritin g .’
T his was the developm ent o f skills useful to anyone entering the w orld o f
business, education, law, jou rn a lism or other arena o f a c tiv ity dependent
Proper writing posture for hand upon literacy. Spencer firs t developed his methods o f teaching handw riting
and pen at the age o f 15, in K ingsville, O hio. B ut it wasn’t u n til 1852 th a t he set up
an in s titu tio n a l basis from w hich to im plem ent his pedagogic program , the
firs t Spencerian C om m ercial College. A few years later he established the
‘Spencerian Log Sem inary’ housed in a log cabin near his home in Pittsburg,
w hich served as a summer school fo r w ritin g , w hile other branches o f the
‘In te rn a tio n a l C hain’ o f Spencerian in stitu tio n s p ro life rate d, accompanied
by a corresponding increase in publications dissem inating his m ethod.
Beginning in 1848 he produced a trem endously successful series o f manuals
Good and bad postures for on Spencerian or ‘Sem i-Angular Penmanship.’ W ith th e ir elaborate instruc
writing tions on the correct posture, gestures and m aterials fo r w ritin g , as w ell as
th e ir systematic developm ent o f skills in fo rm in g and spacing letters, these
were a m ajor fixtu re in business colleges and cu rricula throughout the la t
te r h a lf o f the century.
For Spencer, as fo r other teachers o f h an dw ritin g, the d iscip lin in g o f
the hand in the developm ent o f good habits fo r w ritin g was tantam ount to
a course in m oral righteousness, and the rh e to ric w hich wove through his
manuals made clear th a t slovenliness o f h an dw ritin g was no less a sin than
any other m ajor fa u lt o f character. But the benefits he prom ised from vhis
m ethod were more rooted in the m aterial w orld. The in tro d u ctio n to his
N ew Com pendium o f Spencerian Penmanship, published posthum ously
by his children in 1887, listed among the motives fo r learning penmanship
th a t it led to ‘pro m o tion and advancement’ in the w orld o f business from
the very firs t well-penned le tte r to the establishm ent o f a place w ith in the
business hierarchy. Spencer hinted th a t ‘a legible, rap id , elegant han dw rit
Measured analysis of letters in g ’ w ould net a w orker greater recompense w ith in a pay scale and lead to
other ‘pecuniary advantages’ by p ro viding a com petitive edge. Good pen
All from Platt R. Spencer, New m anship was no longer the singular privilege o f the wealthy, but the neces
Compendium o f Spencerian sary to o l fo r office workers at every level o f the business w orld. Spencer
Penmanship was n o t alone in pro m o ting a course in p ra ctical penmanship, the names
and numbers o f his rivals were many, inclu ding one George Eastman o f
Rochester, who asserted th a t it was he who was the inventor o f Spencer’s
‘sem i-angular hand.’ Penmanship was n o t m erely an aid to business, but
was big business itse lf, w ith the numbers o f students enrolled in
Spencerian program s alone numbered at more than 12,000 a year in the
1860s7 - a figure w hich does n o t reflect the to ta l num ber o f school ch ild
ren involved in learning scrip t form s o f penmanship through various
methods.
Decorative calligraphy continued to fin d its practitioners as w ell, and
the b e a u tifu lly achieved flourishes o f handdrawn lettering , produced fo r
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
1 a 5 4 6 6 j r i & 9
1602 1648 46io 46*8 1685 164-t 4650 46V5 1&69 465A- 4658 \65<1 4W 4681 4^01 \GV* 46T4 46T8 4691 v m m 6 nvr
T A "7 " A A A A A / C a <y C / / / < A A « / c . i \ /
b n 1 1 A A 1 An < 1 n 1 A 1 r\ In AS 1 n 1 1 P9 /
c ( T r r* > c C 1o c Cl c c c - L i. c c c C c
n~ 3 __ n n > N > 3 > 3 3 \ \ \ > n 3 / D> N 1 \
A
e O^ g e e d' o * 0- fr O / e e € . * c o o / V
£ u 7 u L n L. L “1 n L, 1 1 9 i- T L L. n ~1 7
g -J J L _ q -J J q A JL - q n 9 A A r r A M -J 1 r J r i f
h o h Z s < O o h h <r h V L L o P a O —
i - \<JT L
i cx 1 IS 9 L. r 1 • L. 1 / . <-— • » 1- 1 • •— ♦\ 1 /
T > 'T q •1 r L A 4 9 1 A 1 J r 1 1 7 j _LL —
r AN r\ < 3 an C r\ r\ JL_ r\ C r\ c c c An < AN H Z r \ A A~\ c c
T 3 V7 o vy — yy \y v> V yj vy - yy c V/ v V 1 0 o
m u \ \ w \ \ 3 N — C \ \ —■ > 3 \ u \ 3 \ \ \ AN
IX \ H— — \ C — 7 — — \ < — - — — 7 . \ — — / ~A ' —
o c oc c c / C n6~~ V w /) 0 0 7 o w c r /N <_/ g "ZT"
/ per C -=><r M cr* P p°” <y — “1 /?o- /A AN /> cr* /Q o 0-Q_ ^ T i / A»
J L ?
9 0 ~ _9_ w _9_ 9 9 —3 9 ? 9 < ~rC 9 9 q 7 c
r — T y — y r V 1 p Y V r r r r K r — r r 3 Y
_L±_
8 1 /> 1 1 P 1 g~ 9 t r O PC 1 r / o l o cr- r 1 cr \. n / f J / o"
t c / C / 1 / / / / / 1 i l / / / / / i i 1
u X __ _*__ ■ . V V V \ / LX \ <_ L— • . . u i—
V V v V V V V V V \ V X? L. N A V V V V n \ A
Vs 3 > 9 3 P C 7 L. —> 7 d- A T 1 L ? V Av X x 1/ — A~
X <x ■\ >o X X X X? 4 S c< cK /-V& An X X t X _x_ X ’+ x X j s X
y y Y y c< y V * y 9 J ~ y y 7 y y M 9 ' y ] ~
z X g z z 2 z z Z z z Z 1 z / z. z z s f r r /
1 c \ 9d t— \ / \ c_ Sh j Z' I n \ 9 ?
l f> 9
i . 1. 5 ( o . • • • — - / 1 3 » • » • %J » 7Z
— D r -7 j■ o- *7 3 0 • 0 C“
i T ) 1 r C 9 3 i 3
~kL — C \ C c ■Q-. \ c A n c c C AS 1 an N r C 0 n An A
z O 1 / — / rj o s 6 — o — S _/ /
z /»
T
1 John Willis, 1602 11 Job Everardt, 1658 21 Philip Gibbs, 1736 31 Holdsworth and Wm. 39 Samuel Taylor, 1786
2 Edmond Willis, 1618 12 Noah Bridges, 1659 22 Aulay Macaulay, 1747 Aldridge, 1768 40 W illiam Graham, 1787
3 W itt, 1630 13 W illiam Mason, 1672 23 Peter Annet, 1750 32 R. Graves and S. Ashton, 41 W illiam Mavor, 1789
4 Henry Dlx, 1633 14 William Mason, 1682 24 Thomas Gurney, 1753 1775 42 Thomas Rees. 1795
5 Mawd, 1635 15 William Mason, 1707 25 Henry Taplin, 1760 33 Wm. Williamson, 1775 43 John Crome, 1801
6 Thomas Shelton, 1641 16 Elisha Coles, 1674 26 Thomas Stackhouse, 1760 34 Thomas Hervey, 1779 44 Richard Roe, 1802
7 Thomas Shelton, 1650 17 W illiam Hopkins, 1674 27 David Lyle, 1762 35 W J. Blanchard, 1779 45 Archlsden, 1632
8 Theophilus Metcalf, 1645 18 Lawrence Steel, 1678 28 Alphabet o f Reason, 1736 36 W .J. Blanchard, 1786 46 Ralph Fogg (Salem), 1636
9 Jeremiah Rich, 1669 19 Abraham Nichols, 1692 29 Mark Antony Meilan, 1764 37 John Mitchell,1782 47 (Printed at Boston), 1809
10 John Farthing. 1654 20 Francis Tanner, 1712 30 John Byrom, 1767 38 Michael Nash, 1783 48 Thomas Towndrow, 1837
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
Pitm an’s system, like Spencer’s in his arena, was a tremendous com
m ercial success. Pitm an sold many copies and m any editions o f his works.
The firs t o f these, title d Stenographic Sound-H and (1837), was p rinted in
an edition o f 3000 copies whose production was closely supervised at
every stage from the p rin tin g to binding by Pitm an him self.9 W ith in a few
years, having made improvements on his system and renamed it
Phonography, Pitm an opened the ‘F irst Phonographic In s titu te ,’ in Bath.
By the tim e o f the publications in 1839 and 1840 o f the single sheet ‘Penny
Plate’ versions o f his ‘new and natural system o f shorthand,’ his system
was w ell-w orked out. Pitm an established a jo u rn a l and a series o f manuals
designed to in stru ct a student in the gradual acquisition o f a system which
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
P \ po R a£o Pomo
P \ p> P* V pn \ p£
B \ bo R oto fio to bn bl \>
B \ bl v br X \
T 1 to
do
Ba/o
Lerfo
Tono
T 1 tl r tr 1 tn J tr I
D 1 Dorao
D 1 dl r dr 1 dn J df I
f t
6
/
/
to
fio
Snfo
K ttfo
(Sno
deno
ft / I r «r ; to J tr /
1 fio /
— ko Kufto /fa fo
ft / fir ; J fif
K
K _ kl C_ kr = - kn kr _3
Pago Ga’.o I
(
G — go
fo B u/o Foko !
G _ gl C_ gr e— go —3 g£ —»
F V. fl fr ^T\ (n
F
V V VO Lavo F ilo
V vl vr vn ^3
C ( CO Paco Colo i
i
s ) so Kiso Sato i c ( cr *) cn C
s sn )
z zo Ntuo Zono : )
3 )
z zr zn )
$ J So F i/o .falo i ) )
Jr in J
I ) J Jo AJo > 0 | ii J 11 < J J )
updovro
J
M mo L i mo M ono j
J
M
J
ml C ''
Jr
mr
T Jo J
mn
N no Patio N apo 1
i i N w nl nr nn 251
11
L f up to K ilo lo k o L r in r
ro Maro fiad o j
• liI R
/ up R .— up rn rt
a
^ up Fo/o R m
f jf J jo 7«go
u tkcn J < r" J" J£
I °
i 0
3 ho M irto H oko
1 H i H /« - hn hi
fio E lo
A r
i I ^ r duwn J io to
Pitman's system adapted for In a dd itio n to receiving an im petus from advocates o f spelling reform ,
Esperanto, around 1840 (George the p roduction o f new phonetic n ota tion systems had been in p a rt stim u
Ledger, London, 1890) lated by m issionaries, p o liticia n s and those involved in extensive contact
w ith non-European lin g u istic groups. The interests o f these various groups
overlapped in th e ir recognized need fo r a n o ta tio n system w hich, like
Phonography, w ould be based on a clear relatio n between sound and
graphic sign, but based on more sophisticated phonetic insights. The
advocates o f spelling reform realized th at in order to be practical, th e ir
proposals m ust alm ost o f necessity be based upon the existing contents o f
the p rin te r’s case - or at the very least be able to be accommodated w ith
very little m odification o f these means by the use o f d ia c ritic a l m arks o r a
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
M u te s . L 1 fa U .........
rope........ p i R r ra re ....
p p
B b robe . . . . Coalescents.
T t fa te . . . . W w w e t ........ >v e
D d fa d e . . . . . d i Y y y e t.....
e q OfcA • • »* QB A s p ira te .
J j edge . . . . j e H h hay....
K k le e k . . . . VOWELS.
0- league.. • ge G u ttu ra l.
C on tinu an ts ,» A a a m .........
P f B ttfe ..., A a a lm s . . . .
V ▼ s a v e .... B e e l l .........
£ 4 w re a th .,. . i t 6 e a le .. . . .
a d "wreathe. . d i I i i l l ........... . i t
*
S 8 h is * .... b i e e l.........
Z z h ip......... L a b ia l.
2 J vicio u s. . . i / 0 o on...........
v irio n . • . * i <D o a ll ...........
N a sa ls . 8 v « p ......... .
Mm 8eem. • . . . em CF cr ope.........
N a seen. • • . U u f a ll........... u t
z in g . . . . TU m fo o d .-.. .
Pitman's Phonetic alphabet with D ip h t h o n g s : * 1 . XI u , O U ouj 0 1 oi.
a t heard in by. new, now, "boy.
types cast according to his
A lib . parcel o f Traots explanatory o f Phonetic Shorthand and Phonetto
specifications Printing, may bo had from I , r it man, Phonetio Institute, B ath; postpaid, M .
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
VOWELS. CONSONANTS.
0 Short hand,. Longhand. Type. Eits
xasm
Short hand. Longhand. Type Eits
xamsopule
ndo
.f 1 opledof
un .
c|
A 1
N .l H feet i
\ Pp pay pi
1 of* Ii fit it
\ Bb bay bi
2 •1 8c mate 0
ti
1 Tt toe
•1 c Ee met ct
1 0 0 cl D d doe di
n >1 v& sa M te mare JC /->
chew
/ 4 9 ®5 9s
3 •I c & tjs A a psalm f l
/ jew
co Rg Sam at / / U
c Cc call cc
4 © e caaght e
— G g 4*11 ge
C /o’ 0 o cot ot f?
-| •J y Pf few ef
5 °l/u o U u car* u
XJu carry Xlt °0 'v ' V v view Vf
iJ hew J
r L I •ley el
COALESCICNTS.
{ fit O' f i r ray re
«| y , Y y yea y*
«| n 'w . W w way WE
s~\ Mm SUWi am
Phonographic and Phonotypic BREATHING. iA T/n, N n su n en
alphabets (models for handwrit
C(•) J (jfv H li /iay he fir ij sung
ing and types), 1840s f t
W eary o f half-w ay measures, Pitm an and E llis w orked together to
design a system they dubbed Fonotypy. F irst issued in 1844, the system was
m odified considerably in its graphic fo rm (as w ell as in the nuances o f
sound/sign relations) in succeeding editions. The Phonotypic [sic] alpha
bet was the typographic equivalent o f the Phonographic shorthand charac
ters, and consisted o f a fu ll set o f typographic letters designed, carved,
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
PS
HE
&
k ov
OBDJEKTS.
r
iz onrold a Member ov de Fonctik Scrsoieti, Kla9 -X-. jj
Sckrctari.
punched and cast. Though Pitm an prom ised in 1846 th a t he w ould make
no more changes to the system, thus p e rm ittin g it to be adopted in p u b li
cations intended fo r teaching purposes, he continued to refine the system
u n til he had had seventy-two versions o f the alphabet designed, many o f
them cut at his own expense. E llis became disgusted w ith this continual
m od ifica tio n, seeing in it the d ow nfall o f the system since the endless
m utations made the very standardization fo r w hich it aimed im possible. In
spite o f th is, Fonotypy was adopted in succeeding decades by m issionaries
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
in C hina, India and A fric a , as w ell being used to record the language o f
the M icm ac tribes in Nova Scotia, a ll testim onial to its usefulness in the
field.
Pitm an prom oted his w ork through the establishm ent o f a ‘Fonetik
Soseieti’, p ub lica tion o f the Phonographic Journal and then the Fonetik
N u z . B ut the success o f Fonotypy remained modest by contrast to the
adaptation o f his shorthand. Pitm an’s system was in p a rt incorporated
in to the In te rn a tio n a l Phonetic Alphabet, along w ith elements o f E llis ’s
Glossic, developed in the 1870s, and the Rom ic characters o f the renowned
phoneticist H enry Sweet (whose character inspired Shaw’s fic tio n a l H enry
H iggins). Founded in 1886, the In te rn a tio n a l Phonetic Association had as
its m ajor aim the developm ent, p rom otion and standardization o f an
in te rn a tio n a lly useful phonetic alphabet. Here again the h isto ry o f sim ilar
proposals could be traced in fine d etail, but the themes w hich weave
through this h isto ry include the desire fo r a universal language system
w hich w ould transcend lin g u istic boundaries. The IPA had no such am bi
tions, but such systems as Joseph M a im ie u x’s Pasigraphie (1797) or
Ferdinand Schutz’s S im plificatio n de PEtude des Langues (1855) conflated
the concept o f universal n o ta tio n w ith universal language - as had Bishop
Front page of a journal of an John W ilkin s a century before that. The Universal Language movement
American spelling reform society gained considerable m om entum as w ell in the course o f the 19th and early
inspired by Pitman's work and 20 th centuries, but as these proposals have little to do w ith alphabet histo
using his Phonographic and ry and more do to w ith lexical systems (and the p o litic a l tem per o f the
Phonotypic models; 1849 times) they w ill n ot be dealt w ith here.
ae tonetic nuz .
CONDUCTED B* 3C PRQPR'I'ETUR, A.LECSANDER J. ELIS. B.A.
NR 1.] S A T E R D A , 6 JA N X JE R I, 1849.
<THE ENGLISH PHONETIC ALPHABET. Adifunal leterzfor foren ssad: hwi( dtu not oeur in igglif.
(FACTS FOR SPELLERS OF THE The loiter The letter ii always at Ictcr it sltets He leter is olwt
OLD SCHOOL. written, prntd written, prntd tpunded tc ril'n, prntd i ssuded as rit’n, print!,
HEADER! Do you ask why wc propose to change the S 6 It ee in ed <?> fa , PP P in pole I -a a fremj W y&M •HI bl wel/ {11}
English orthography ? We reply : A it Ha a . . ale Bb h .. Aowl y f: 4 , ! ‘A 1 treng (£} •Hr hr wcl/ (rA)
1. 12? IS A FACT, that no one oan tell the sound of # 4 An a . . alms r t Tt t .. lo t 'l l 40 j "Uu freng {,1} & 4 L jl, italyan {g l}
on English-word from its spelling.
Proof.—To read tho book he has read; to present apresent, (be
O'co- OA a ..a ll 25 d Dd d ..doc O’ & j "O S freng (,‘u} N| nj italyan (gn)
slough of a.snake found in a slough ; lead mo to the lead mine; GTsor QQ o a. ope 9. 6 %g ch .. eAccr 2? £ •E e freng H
refuse' tho refuse, tic.. Sic. ; the tforda in ilolics ore pronounced IW ,au U7ui oo ,, io oi Jj
S .. ;'eer $6 £ j Kk jerman (eh}
differently, that is, euro different spoken words, according to (heir
meaning alone; and there arc 201 words of this kind in our lan*
Ce 6 rC e .. rstnie jfc yd •A.a fr. /ort & ^ ! Qq dug (g)
guqso, which are pronounced in 406 different ways;—2. The same f I t . >1) £ P
6 S 9 .. yame & & Oo fr. /ort (0}
-combination of letters has very different significations in different
words: compare hear, heard, heart; here, where; hoe, shoe; noto,
€ * e . . ell % 40 U <i fr. /ort N J9 Arabic sqitt
know; loverK clover; lumber, plumber; laughter, slaughter; doe,
j f 40 a ..am & f / . ./car & y& •O 6 fr. /ort <eu} *43 poli/ (rs)
don («;.), doeth ; eyed, keyed, conveyed, journeyed; and so on, in (T o- o .. olive a . . teer
nn infinite number of cases.—3. There is' a very large number of % 40 u .. »p z * th .. /Aigh 4071 an freng (in) •It slroQli prondnit drabie leters
words concerning the pronunciation of which even orthoepists arc Or Indicated in rJtLr|. b[ subserjhig,
not agreed: as, knowledge, (nol-lcdgc, no-ledge); leisure, Qcc-zhur,
%L u 00 .. loot & cd th •• ^'.v y07t Oil j reng (an) and in print lij przltcsin, a d ot: dus,
MuMmmmt s.ilc { M e l croc L Ah).
lezh-nr); inimical, inimical, and so on.—4. No one can be sure of
the pronunciation of anyword be lias not previously been taught: let
a . y s ..zeal yOH oh j freng (on} For fur.'lcr parlicitlcrz, and sim-
luilz fur internirdiet srudz, sc dc
tho render try the unusual words, batman, bcaufin, rowlock, hour- 1 .. isle %* s .. coal 4 on UD l freng (uu) EstnJitU oe Fonttics, b| JJecsaader
Jon'EUs, D.A.
geoise (type); and the names of places and persons, Beaulieu,
A—'hir.leek, Jlochelaga, and so on. Turn the page and read
oi .. oil %^ . . VICIOUS
3 o t Ignorant or foren lnggncjcz n r advftd lui pronlns
y 019 . . Old .. virion
•y vC yvfyto jj 'c fS ffy '» i ofsnq ‘o n jfn j ‘ujffig 'u puunvg <J, i, t, a, o, n, k, q, zj,
2. IT IS A FACT, that no one con tell the spelling %■ if .. mnle asa, q. v, a, o, p, y, e, g, $,
of an English word from its sound. Ol r respeettrli, tui omit a, and (w .dlsrrydrd de mure or stroi) Ictcr*. nntO da coa
lent dr trui irndz. In frene 8, u nm be prontnst nz or, Vi and d, a az «, i ;
Proof.—1. There are 405 spoken words, spelled in 857 ways , but € . lu ll in jerman 6, 6nia be ipoe'nljp », t, nod u, u lie r. t. , _
the variations of (he spelling never depend on the sound, and cannot
he learned from it.-—2. There arc upwards of 1500 words, about
frZ , mum •It t|n O iz jdasf over de rsel in di aejfoicil silakT, or at itz do*, nwen
it to not printed, iteword: miof berednr if it ttud
I) on dr Iqst sllab'l but won or ol wurdz o r tui silob'lz, and o* ol wnrdz
the spelling of which authors are not agreed.—3. Thl style of spelling endin In fe or iff, nud or ol' ivurdr harii) o n /, n j , ur n y b ito r dor last reel,
cannot even be predicted from a knowledge of etymology: compare & a A .. Aay ng .. sing and o r ol wurdz haviy un r, s, q, o, t>, to, |, o, or > In ilar Iqsl sUab I but irun:
.fancy pAantom, concede succeed, island buy, Awband bouse, r/iymc,
gAost, city, flyi flies, buryess hourgeoise burgher, &c., &e.—4. No The sign (’) to prefixed (o I, m, m. to show that they form syllables by 2) on dc Iqsl sDob’l but tmor ol uller wurdz.
sound in the language is uniformly represented by the conic sign.— tbcroselres; thus, lit‘1.» n r ‘ni.op'a —-little.spasm,©pen. Tho pireuthetesO Wurdz holli printed in capita)*, and front «ri»rdz, (hwlt bar no rdcuIerB
Indicate the! the inclosed words arc not spelled phonetically.) acslntcd silub’b ,) form dt null etseofim tui <k obur rails.
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
TABLE X
a z : c jx : OT:o;;crxa:at: c :x :: n:x:o;;:
3 e:::::a::.se:ae‘ ie z n o rz d ::::c x h i o x jx
a.u z 3o ai ^lu cl ts [a : p:::pp:
( h x d im 3 * .V-.'F - f:± ± r:::e x ;;:
c € ;r :::c r::^ ::; #1 _4 L' tb-t+i g xsq g : s IS Z
ie :x t::e ::fe :: J liv o tito ib v . h : ± : ix
•
t z tz tz
u e :g ::o ;t& g £ : i ; c; UZTJO_
oe;;D:::ce::_ce::: \Vh M N i:N s h ::. |i __i__i__i
-4 4 - _ V 3 X
Pencil movementswhenforming x ::x :: w :m ~
initial teaching alphabet a : : : x : 3 ;:a :: 1 ± y :s iy r :
characters oa;n;n';;ao::nQZ m ;n;o:ra: z zzz
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
Pitm an’s pedagogic goals were perhaps best realized by his own grand
son, Sir James Pitm an, whose IT A , o r In itia l Teaching Alphabet, was firs t
published in the m iddle o f the 20th century. Used as a to o l fo r teaching
young readers the intricacies o f English pronunciation in a system atic and
logical n o ta tio n system, it had been adapted fo r the firs t years o f p rim ary
teaching in a num ber o f successful experim ents. B ut the needs o f profes
sional linguists and phoneticists was better served by the developm ent o f
the IPA.
Before E llis and Pitm an parted ways over th e ir disagreements on the
fin a l fo rm o f Fonotypy, E llis had already proposed his own phonetic
alphabet, w hich he term ed ‘The Alphabet o f N ature.’ Published in 1845,
his book surveyed the existing phonetic n ota tion systems and proposed
th a t his co n trib u tio n w ould notate the ‘m echanical conditions requisite
fo r the p roduction o f sensations term ed spoken sounds.’ T his was a vastly
d ifferen t project than th a t o f Pitm an, who wished merely to notate the
acoustic effects, i.e., audible sounds, rather than notate the means o f th eir
p roduction. Feeling th a t the production o f this alphabet was outside the
scope o f his skills at the tim e, E llis proposed a ‘T ransition A lphabet’ pre
sented in a chart w hich listed labials, palatals and gutturals classed
VOWKI.s.
according to whether they were explosive, sib ila n t, trille d , nasal o r other
wise m odified and indicated th e ir nota tion w ith the use o f adapted and
Alexander Bell's diagrams of the augmented conventional letters. H is next com prom ise so lu tion was the
organs of speech and their rela Phonotypic alphabet he developed w ith Pitm an, about w hich he had many
tion to the letters of his Visible reservations, n o t the least o f w hich was th a t it d id n o t embody any physio
Speech, 1867 logical in fo rm a tio n .
O f the many other stages along the way to the developm ent o f the
In te rn a tio n a l Phonetic A lphabet, such as the co ntribu tion s made by
R ichard Lepsius’s ‘Standard A lphabet,’ (made o f d ia c ritic a l marks
appended to the conventional letters), none was more innovative o r o rig i
nal than th a t o f Alexander M e lv ille Bell. B ell’s Visible Speech, published in 25 7
1867, retained no remnants o f the tra d itio n a l alphabet. Instead it used an
e ntirely new symbology, a set o f schematic signs based on the organs o f
a rtic u la tio n . Though based on the same kin d o f analysis w hich had
inspired both Van H elm ont and W ilkins, B ell’s system was linked to a
sophisticated phonetic analysis o f hum an language. S im ilar kinds o f
sounds were indicated w ith sim ila r sym bols, d iffe re n tly oriented to in d i
cate th e ir place in the m outh. Though n o t im m ediately and obviously
readable, this system could be readily learned and provided, again, a fle x i
b ility adaptable to the study o f foreign languages. The advantage o f B ell’s
types and system over th a t o f Pitm an derived largely from his m ore devel
oped understanding o f the a rtic u la to ry basis o f phonetics.
W hen H enry Sweet, considered the forem ost English phonetician o f
his day, began to search fo r suitable n ota tion systems w ith w hich to im ple
m ent his own phonetic w ork, he vacillated on the usefulness o f B ell’s
types. He had already rejected Pitm an’s phonographic system w ith such
disdain th a t he nicknam ed it the ‘P itfa ll system,’ m aintaining th a t it was
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
CO M PLE TE T A B L E OK R A D IC A L SY M B O LS .
The fundamental principle o f Visible Speech is, that all Relations o f
Sound are symbolized by Relations of Form. Each organ and each mode of
organic action concerned in the production or modification of sound, has its
appropriate S y m b o l; and all Sounds o f the same nature produced at different
parts o f the mouth, arc represented by a Single Symbol turned in a direction
corresponding to the organic position.
The following are all the Radical Symbols :—
I 0 The Throat open. [Aspirate.]
2* 0 ” *' contracted. [Whisper.]
3 X " “ ' closed. [G lottal Catch.]
4* I " *' sounding. [Voice.] The Stems of all
5* I 11 " " and the lips ‘ rounded. Vowels.
6* c Part o f the M outh contracted. ] '
a .. , J-Thc Stems <
7* 0 " divided. )
8* 1 The Nasal Valve open. [Soft Palate,]
9* • Vowel Dcfiner. )
IO* n W ide Vowel Dcfiner. J ^ ° 'nc to 4 $•
11* 1 Shutter. Joined to 6.
12* ty
<K M ixer. Joined to 6 and 7.
*3 \ Consonant Dcfiner.
»4 Y Force Director.
•5 > Breath Director.
16 c Tongue Director.
1/ Stopper.
18 I Divider.
'9 * Vibrator.
20 1 Holder, or Long.
21 . Abrupt.
22 > Hiatus.
23 0 Link-.
24 ' Accent.
1
25
26
!
} Modulators.
27
28 ■r 1
inlii-il * Innkn 1I|. nil lliu V.i’
CO M PLETE T A B L E O F L E T T E R S ,— W IT H T H E IR NAMES.
Consonants. . Vowc/s.
i
u 1 I ll i 1 i t I M& u
Aspirate, 0 H igh, 1 1 1 I 1L t
Throat, 0 X M id, ] 3 X I I c
T hroat Voice, 0 Low, I J 1 I I 1
Back, C GC B a a H ig h Round, I 1 1 I I f
i !h 1
Back Voice, G S 8 8 0 0 M id Round, i X 1 : c
Front, O n CO W a 0 Low Round, J f I i
F ro n t Voice, 0 a © 93 Q CD
Point, O u <0 W D 0 Glides.
P oint Voice, O w CD 03 0 0
L ip , 0 D 3 S3 D D 1 I 1 SI I 4 i I I i
L ip Voice, 3 » l 19 19 O B
F IX1E D r m [ T p m L L E O X m
M odifiers and Tones.
Phonological diagrams by
Andrew Comstock, A Treatise on
Phonology, Philadelphia, 1846
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
Bi-labial Labio Dentaland Retroflex Palato- Alveolo- Palatal Velar Uvular Pbaryngal Qlottal
dental Alveolar alveolar palatal
Plosive , pb td U cI kg qo ? ~
to
H Nasal m n 1 Jl Q N
LateralFricative . Mi
3
o LateralNon-fricative . 1 I A
s Rolled . . . r R
8 Flapped • . r r R
Fricative . . . f v 9 9 |s z |i Si o xy IS h fl
FruitonlcssContmuants
andSani-wweh w |q V I H u) (w ) V
Front Central Back
to Close . . . . iy iu mu
I
The International Phonetic Half-close . . 00 VO
I
£
g
Half-open . . . (ffl D) ece AO
Alphabet, early 20th century 'a V
Open . 0>) a ao
261
B E N JA M IN ’S cup was found, it is true, C A IN was a man o f w ild passions, 'tis said;
I n the mouth o f his sack, and the gold w ith it, too; Abel was gentle ns the lambs that he le d :
But poor little Ben, though in very great grief They were brothers; but Cain very envious grew
lln d this jo y to sustain him —he wnns't a thief. O f his dcargcntlo brother, w hom he wickedly
slew.
Adan (he first man, full plainly we | B Was young Benjamin, happy and Is fo r Cain, w ho his brother did k ill,
A • v ie ,
Praying to Cd, as good men ought to do.
JL ® • free,
T ill the cup was discovered, as thus we
W h o bore him the kindest o f broth-
erly w ill.
m a y see.
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
Narratives o f History
NAM E V A LU E
aleph power, stability, unity
Sm ith’s fin a l conclusion was th a t the alphabet had been perfect in its
o rig in a l fo rm and com m unicated d ire ctly fro m God. It was through the
e fforts o f T ho th to restore learning ‘a fter the Flood’ th a t the less perfect,
more barbarous and p rim itive hieroglyphic w ritin g had appeared.
H ieroglyphs represented a deteriorated co nd itio n fo r w ritin g rather than
its o rig in a l state. Sm ith was typ ica l o f his contem poraries in his scrupu
lous atte ntio n to the scholarship w hich preceded his, but his cita tion s were
lim ite d to the w ork o f those theologically inclined authors whose sources
were textual rather than to w rite rs in the emerging field o f ancient lan
guages. H e w ould, however, have found little support there fo r the version
o f this h isto ry he was proposing.
O f the authors whose w ork was considered significant by th e ir contem
poraries, Charles Forster stands out fo r his com bination o f archaeological
and b ib lic a l approaches to the study o f the developm ent o f the alphabet
and the in te rp re ta tio n o f other early w ritin g systems, notably cuneiform .
Forster’s w ork faded more q u ickly than th a t o f earlier, m ore clear headed
w rite rs such as Thom as A stle. Forster’s w ork was given c re d ib ility because
he actually visited a num ber o f im p o rta n t sites in the A ncient N ear East
and based his observations on evidence he collected him self, such as his
exam ination o f the famous Behistan m onum ent. One area in w hich he
Charles Forster's view of the expended considerable e ffo rt was the Sinai, and The One Prim eval
Wadi Mokatteb in which he Language traced E xperim entally through A ncient Inscrip tion s in
found the Sinai inscriptions (The A lphabetic Characters o f Lost Power From the Four C ontinents inclu ding
One Primeval Language, 1852) the Voice o f Israel from the Rocks o f Sinai and the vestiges o f Patriarchal
T ra d itio n fro m the M onum ents o f Egypt, E tru ria and S. A ra b ia , published
in 1852, was based on this experience.
iy y 6 f 2 UM
/( " J
The book had a great deal o f va lid ity, but, like m ost o f Forster’s w ork,
was on rather shaky scholarly ground. Forster had a tendency to rely on
im agination where evidence was lacking, and to convince him self o f rela
tions among languages, cultures and scripts largely on the basis o f visual
sim ilarities among form s. It is an axiom o f the discipline th a t this is n ot a
solid basis on w hich to make connections, and even in the 19th century
this caveat was su fficien tly w ell-know n th a t Forster pushed his interpreta
tio n o f the inscriptions he found in the Sinai region through an analysis o f
the ‘powers’ o r sound values associated w ith the visual form s. I t was in
fa ct this extra step w hich moved his scholarship tow ard the m ainstream
fro m w hich Emmanuel De Rouge’s w ork emerged, using sim ila r bases fo r
com parison o f E gyptian hieroglyphics and early alphabetic form s.
E G Y P 1 1 A N P H C E N IC IA N C n E E K L A T 1 r1
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7
th e ir d iffu sio n and d iffe re n tia tio n were a rem arkable achievement and
rem ain undim inished in spite o f the co ntribu tion s o f other scholars to the
field. In spite o f the soundness o f T aylo r’s and other scholars’ w ork, many
o f th e ir contem poraries continued either unaware o r uninfluenced by it in
th e ir own idiosyncratic w ritin g . A year after De Rouge’s w ork was pub
lished, D aniel Sm ith produced a tom e in w hich he traced the letters o f the
alphabet to th e ir origins in basic tria n g u la r form s and a year after publica
tio n o f T aylo r’s The A lphabet, George W ood had such a poor grasp o f the
h isto rica l w ork available to him th a t he could o nly suggest general p rin c i
ples fo r the origins o f the letters and none o f the specifics detailed exten
sively in the w ork o f other authorities.
W ood’s w o rk, published in 1883, w ith the te llta le title A Popular
Treatise on the H is to ry o f the O rig in and Developm ent o f W ritten
Language, hardly bears investigation. Suffice to say he accepted the idea o f
the Egyptian hieroglyphics as the basis o f the alphabetic letters, but in
com ing up w ith visual images w hich he believed to have been the basis o f
this transform ation he sim ply allowed his im agination free rein. W ith no
regard whatsoever fo r cu ltu ra l o r lin g u istic differences, he proposed th at
the o rig in o f the ‘A ’ had been an axe, o f the ‘B’ a bow, o f the ‘C ’ a crescent,
the ‘E’ an eel, the ‘S’ a serpent and the ‘T ’ a tree o f the variety best know n
outside the T ig ris and Euphrates valley.
A xe . Bow. C rescent.
Above and right: The hiero
glyphic principle as the basis of
letter derivation, according to
Wood (George Wood, A Popular AA A a . ) B b
Treatise, Hartford, Connecticut,
1883) Eel. S erpent. T ree
270
e
form s o f m onum ental Greek inscriptions and cuneiform . He also clung to
the belief th a t a ll the early nations had had the same language and alpha
bet: the fa ct th a t Abraham had fled from U r o f the Chaldeans in to Canaan
V w |HJEaiES| and thence to Egypt was p ro o f th a t there had been no language b arrie r to
this movement. Sm ith’s w ork was published posthum ously w ith extensive
Derivation of letters 'A / *B/ and notes by an editor, H.W . H em sw orth. H em sw orth’s running com m entary
'W' from triangles (Daniel Smith, provided some useful perspective. For instance, as Sm ith finished his
Cuneorum Clavis, or The ancient account o f the ease o f com m unication among b ib lica l people and kin g
ones o f the Earth, London, 1875) doms, the e d ito r interjected th a t if the w ork had come to him earlier, d u r
ing Sm ith’s life tim e , he w ould have asked h im to expunge the b ib lica l
F iji. FnmAtoM»3280.
m aterials because they were ‘unscientific.’ T his was a unique instance in
p rin t o f the perceived contrad iction between the tra d itio n s o f text-based
1> < % | Y > |
scholarship and th a t o f archaeologically-based scholarship, w hich was
F iy.2 .
generally resolved by authors sim ply adhering to one or the other o f the
fitutxA.U.25iIh>m 7.
Prim itive. Cadmean. Etrufcan. Pelafgic. Bardic. Samaritan. Phoenician. Palmyrene. H °lvew . Roman A * 1,
Cuneiform originals, giving
dates of the process (Daniel
Axvleph, nn
ox or leader. A h n A A A
ox goad. 2 V \ L 2 L .A y V L
Smith's full chart of the Mem, water. w v W III YA W £ M
evolution of the alphabet, Nun, filh.
w. N V\ Y\ v\ ■J ^1 A / ] N
showing some values for letter
Samech,
prop. I i 'V X Y S O S
Ain, eye.
0 0 U-o 0 u y V 0
names; note that He, Cheth, and
Yod, typically, lack iconic value
Tfade, filh-
hooks.
_ £ j
/ * AAA/ ttCN(V 2 TS
(Daniel Smith, Cuneorum Clavis,
Refh, head.
A. AA 2 y 1-M <\ A A y 3 R
Shin, tooth. •W w M/ V •m SH
or The ancient ones o f the
Earth, London, 1875)
Tauv, crofs.
+ A T x.+ *+.t n T
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
There are tw o themes through w hich these h isto rica l narratives may be
summ arized. Firstly, the concept o f the p rim itive w hich was used in the
w ork o f G ebelin, W arburton and others a century earlier to focus discus
sion on the inherent character o f hum an nature and society was used in
the discussions o f George Sm ith, Charles Forster, and th e ir contem po
raries in contrasting models o f developm ent: creationist and evolutionary.
C onsiderations o f the o rig in a l co nd itio n o f hum ankind were n ot pressed
in to the service o f reflections upon the nature o f the state, social contract,
o r p ote ntia l fo r c iv iliz a tio n among d ifferen t hum an groups in this la tte r
w ork. Instead, the arguments w hich proceed from id e n tify in g the early
stages o f alphabet fo rm a tio n served to distinguish between those who
believed in its early, o rig in a l p e rfe ctio n - either as a divine revelation o r as
a hum an invention under divine in sp ira tio n , both assim ilable in to the
same creationist m ythology - and those who believed in slow develop
m ent, organic m uta tion , transform ation, in short, a description based on
evolutionary theory. O rganic m etaphors, tree diagram s, and other figura
tive representations o f this m odel found th e ir way in to alphabet literature
at the same period in w hich alphabetology was becoming legitim ized
through the scientific m ethods. By m aking use o f archaeology, linguistics,
decipherm ent and ancient h isto rica l study, historians o f the alphabet par
ticipated in the general intellectu al tenor o f the late 19th-century in fa tu a
tio n w ith the a u th o rity o f em piricism and m aterialism .
ox ox
B box, house any container beth = house, place, box receptacle, enclosure
G neck, throat passage gim el» camel top, head, neck
D door, entry door to a house daleth » door door, hatchet, knife, cleaver
N product, fru it knot nun = fish, smoke air, vapor, long journey
OU ear ear
systems for deriving the alpha T roof, shelter cover, shelter tau - (meaning doubtful) cutting or piercing
The second theme w hich arises in sum m arizing the w ork o f these 19th-
century authors is th e ir co ntribu tion s to the developm ent and acceptance
o f a p ic to ria l basis fo r the letters. The relationship between the words
w hich give the letters th e ir H ebrew names and the form s o f the letters
became consolidated in th is period, stabilizin g in to a code in w hich there
were both fixed and m utable term s. In other w ords, the idea th a t the ‘A’
had derived from the image o f the ox-head linked to the w ord ‘aleph’ fit
ted so easily in to a logic o f p ic to ria l derivation th at it was rarely ques
tioned, but certain letters whose names were less figuratively specific, such
as ‘H ’ and ‘he* continued to acquire values w hich varied from author to
author. Archaeological evidence o f early form s o f the letters produced
only schematic models. The p ic to ria l hieroglyphs linked by sound to cer
ta in early alphabetic form s, such as those w hich De Rouge used to demon
strate his theory o f th e ir relations, are alm ost never the same as those used
in the standard m ythologized A =aleph fo rm . The m nem onic device o f
acrophony, the use o f a w ord beginning w ith the le tte r as its name, was so
suggestive th a t the projected p ic to ria l values came to be seen as a factual
basis fo r the o rig in o f the letters. The contents o f these schemes varied, in
some cases, as w ith Fabre d ’ O live t’s adaptation o f G ebelin, they were
based on a cosm ology o f the hum an anatom y and n o t necessarily pushed
tow ard a visual co rrela tion ; in other cases, such as th a t o f Sm ith o r Taylor,
the iconography embodied the a rtifa cts o f a nom adic desert culture, w ith
its tents, camels, rods and staffs. The desire to see in the schematic form s
o f the letters o rig in a l images from which they were derived is no d iffe re n t
from seeing the images o f m ythological characters in the configurations o f
the stars w hich fo rm the constellations, and the sequence o f events by
w hich names, images, and schematic form s came in to being was roughly
equivalent. The names had a genuine history, but the images on w hich
they were supposedly derived were n ot supported by any visual evidence.
N o t every h istoria n o f the alphabet whose w ork was published in the
19th century w rote in com pliance w ith m ainstream sensibilities. The
search fo r the o rig in a l inventors o f the alphabet extended beyond the lim
its o f Hebrews, Phoenicians and Egyptians. Some o f these proposals
hinged on debates about the relative a n tiq u ity o f Chinese, Indian,
E gyptian o r other cultures. One was the modest co n trib u tio n by Charles
Schoebel, whose 1882 M em oire attem pted to weave insights in to the rela
tive perfection o f Sanskrit gram m ar in to a theory o f the In dia n, specifical
ly D ravidian, o rig in o f the alphabet. In other cases, such as the w ork o f
G odfrey H iggins, older speculations about natio na l id e n tity emerged.
G odfrey H iggins published tw o extensive w orks on the D ru id ic origins
o f the alphabet, The C eltic D ru ids, in 1829, and Anaclypsis a few years
later. H igg in s’s arguments th a t the D ruids o f the B ritish Isles were the
ancient C eltic nation were very close to those o f Charles Vallancey, whom
he acknowledged among his sources.16 C itin g Greek a uthorities who
asserted the early existence o f tw o alphabets, the Pelasgian and the Ionian
(or W estern and Eastern Greek alphabets according to more conventional
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Beith
SL B Boibel j B A A A A P i
_L L Loth L Luis 3 E 3 E ft
X F Foran N N uin * F 1 I 1
S Salia \ F Fearan H
N 3 K
N N eaigadon L S Suil l J
tf if L >1
D Daibhoith > D D u ir ) K M M \M
&
T Teilm on ( T Tinne NI L U N \A
C oll .
H. C Casi GS C A \ M A P $
£ M M oiria <5 . M M uin
M N q r A
i G Gath G
P
G ort
Poth
A P Z S *
P — q R f T X
a R Ruibe 7 \) R Ruis
z S V u V
A Acab \L Z A A ilim T
t
0 Ose A ')
0 On
x
Godfrey Higgins, Tree alphabet, r U Ura AV U Ux F ig. 12.
>—
3 E Esu E Eactha
yYy
names and forms {The Celtic
J Jaichim '7 J Jodha > 111r Y—
p—T11T H^ f fi FH-
f-
Druids, London, 1829) %
H iggins w ork, however, had its precedents, and was clearly w ith in a
n a tio n a listic tra d itio n . A nother p osition w hich waxed and waned in popu
la rity in texts on the origins o f w ritin g was the claim o f China and
Chinese characters to great antiquity. Pliny Earle Chase, in Remarks on
the A sia tic O rig in o f the A lphabet (1863), to o k up the theme proposed in
the earlier w ork o f G ebelin, Joseph Webb, and M . de Guignes, who had
suggested links between hieroglyphic symbols and Chinese characters.
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives of History
Chase d id not only see a connection, he granted p rio rity to the Chinese,
thus contradicting centuries’ earlier theories w hich had asserted th at
C hina had been settled a colony o f Egypt. Chase had been struck by the
etym ological coincidences among form s o f Chinese and English, even
extending to the s im ila rity o f le tte r form s. He firm ly believed th a t by
studying the Chinese radicals an o rig in a l alphabet m ight be discovered.
He noted the s im ila rity between the letters ‘O ’ and ‘U ’ and the shape o f
the m outh in pronouncing them w hich he in tu rn associated w ith the
Chinese form s w hich represented the m outh, eye, o r the idea o f ‘revolv
ing .5 O n such slim evidence he b u ilt his case, finishing his w ork w ith a
com parison o f Phoenician ‘ancient letters 5 and th e ir Chinese archetypes.
There was n o t a scrap o f h isto rica l evidence to support Chase’s propo
sitions, but he was not alone in asserting either the great a n tiq u ity o f
Chinese w ritin g o r in seeing connections w ith hieroglyphics based on a
perceived conceptual sim ilarity. Chinese characters have been dated in to
the second m illennium BC, m aking them more o r less contem porary w ith
certain cuneiform , hieroglyphic and early alphabetic form s, but evidence
fo r much older w ritin g is as scarce as evidence fo r early contact w ith the
Egyptians o r the use o f hieroglyphics as a source fo r Chinese w ritin g . The
c u lt o f C hinoiserie and the projection o f exoticism and m ystery onto the
Chinese culture no doubt had a p a rt in fu eling Chase’s im agination, and
by bestowing a remote and ancient h istory on Chinese w ritin g he fore
stalled objections w ith a cloud o f obscurity.
In another scheme w hich linked Chinese characters, hieroglyphics and
the letters o f the alphabet, M oreau de D am m artin had proposed a shared
astrological basis fo r a ll o f these w ritin g form s. Stating th a t he wished to
dem onstrate a ‘comm on source in astronom y fo r a ll form s o f w ritin g ,’
D am m artin set o ut an elegant i f farfetched scheme in his 1839 p u b lica tion ,
O rigine de la form e des Caracteres Alpkabetiques de toutes les N a tio n s...
S tarting from the calculation th a t there were th irty -s ix constellations in
a dd itio n to the zodiac, and th a t tw enty-tw o o f these were in the northern
hemisphere - where w ritin g had originated - D am m artin linked the fu n
dam ental tw enty-tw o letters o f the alphabet w ith an equal num ber o f
basic characters and hieroglyphics. Aleph was the firs t le tte r because
Taurus, the b u ll, had been the zodiacal sign in ascendency d urin g the p e ri
od in w hich w ritin g was invented, about 4,400 years earlier (around 2500
BC), thus casting a strong influence on the entire system. Letter by letter
D am m artin explored the sim ilarities between constellations w hich had
been the basis o f the alphabetic fo rm and the Chinese characters.
U ltim a te ly he linked these tw enty-tw o figures to the elements in the
Kabbalah, including the sym bolism o f T aro t, the greater Arcana and
num erical values as w ell.
The idea o f the constellations as the basis o f le tte r form s found at least
one other advocate in the 19th century, Lethierry-B arrois. H is proposal
was modest by contrast to th a t o f D am m artin, lim ite d to the observation
th a t there were lin ks established by the Hebrews themselves between the
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
276
Moreau de Dammartin's
cosmological derivation of all
writing from astrological sources
(Origine de la Forme des
Caracteres, Paris, 1839) (By cour
tesy of the New York Public
Library)
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
signs o f the zodiac and the letters o f the H ebrew alphabet. W hile m ost o f
the support fo r such associations points to the kabbalistic tra d itio n s which
are much later in date than the invention o f w ritin g , Leth ierry-B a rro is’s
cosm ological relations and equivalences served more as the basis o f a sp ir
itu a l te xt than as an explanation o f alphabet origins.
However, the so rt o f co nflation o f T arot, astrology, num erology and
kabbalistic sym bolism w hich was evident in both his w ork and th at o f
D am m artin led to the increasingly widespread pop ularizatio n o f occult
practices. The activities o f Eliaphas Levi (Adolphe C onstant), Adolphe
Desbarolles, and Gerard Encausse and others were only the h ig h ly visible
sign o f a rather large movement w hich was spreading fascination w ith
concepts of. magnetism, hypnotism , s p irit w ritin g , and occult diversions
through the lecture c irc u it, sm all societies, and private parlors. The occult
esotericism o f secret societies had become the basis o f entertainm ent, dis
tra c tio n , sp iritu a l quests and charlatanism among a ll classes, reaching a
w ider audience than ever before. M ystery and m ysticism continued to
haunt texts on the alphabet w ith im m odest and unprovable propositions
about the cosm ological and universal nature o f its sym bolic form s. The
w ork o f Em ile Soldi, published in 1900, was o f this nature. La Langue
Sacree, p a rt o f an extended series o f w orks on the s p iritu a l origins o f
hum an thought and cu lt practices, employed a curious blend o f archaeo
logical m aterial and single-m inded occult sensibility.
S oldi’s language was steeped in evolutionary m etaphors and the techni
cal jargon o f expeditions, excavations and anthropological relativism . He
stated th a t w ritin g went through three stages o f evolution, fro m divine
signs o r cosm oglyphie, to phonetic w ritin g in w hich cosmic ideograms
became syllabic signs (no doubt paralleling the emergence o f am phibians
from the p rim a l sea and th e ir adaptation to life on d ry land), and thence
perfected its e lf in the fo rm o f the alphabet. U nid ire ction al, m onogenetic,
and reductive, S oldi’s theory was bolstered in his te xt by a plethora o f
examples in w hich he could trace the universal use o f signs fro m one cu l
ture to another. T his com m onality established the cosm ological sig n ifi
cance o f the form : it was a self-evident fa ct o f the universe w hich had
become apparent to hum ankind and thus incorporated in sym bolism
w orldw ide. Soldi protested against reference to the term s ‘Japhetite,
Semite and C ham ite’ on the basis th a t they were anti-scie n tific, but he
happily subscribed to the concept o f a single prim eval language, nam ely
Egypto-Sum erian, from w hich a ll language and w ritin g had sprung. To
prove his p o in t, Soldi traced the origins o f the le tte r ‘S’ through images o f
a ‘dorsal spine,’ a stele, a tree, a tom b, a support and colum n, a sceptre
and so fo rth in a series o f m utations w hich moved between E gyptian,
Babylonian and b ib lica l sources. T his discussion o f the ‘S’ wove together
an elaborate system o f lin g u istic values lin k in g an ancient Sumerian ro o t,
Sam, w ith another ro o t, Tat, so th a t iconographic and graphic elements
became loaded w ith lexical value fin a lly residing in the Hebrew Samek.
The p rim o rd ia l u n ity o f a ll hum an tongues was once again the conceptual
The Alphabet in the 19th Century: Advertising, Visible Speech and Narratives o f History
fram ew ork w ith w hich a ll the various strains o f thought and evidence
m ust be made to conform . S oldi’s w ork dem onstrated the chameleon qual
ity o f m ystical w rite rs as w ell as th a t o f scholars, since he found it useful
to adopt the term inology o f his auth orita tive contem poraries in the elabo
ra tio n o f his own idiosyncratic scheme to recover the o rig in a l
‘Cosm oglyphs .’ 17
The alphabet fostered im aginative speculation in the realm o f occult or
cosm ological w rite rs long afte r its h isto rica l origins were being traced to
scratched surfaces in the Sinai peninsula. But there were also w rite rs who
found the practicality, efficiency and fu n ctio n a l character o f the alphabet
equally w orth y o f high praise - and equally m ysterious. L uther M arsh, a
w rite r whose sole c o n trib u tio n to the historiography o f alphabet sym bol
ism seems to be a short ta lk presented fo r the N ew York H is to ric a l Society
in November, 1885, praised both the dem ocratic character o f the alphabet
- ‘it was given to a ll’ - and its inexhaustible power. ‘H ow triv ia l these
sym bols lo o k and the sim plest things we show to childhood. But a sleep
ing force lies w ith in them w hich revolutionizes the w o rld .’ The power o f
the alphabet resided in its capacity to p u ll thoughts ‘flo a tin g in ether,
intangible s p iritu a l substances’ in to a fo rm w hich could be kept forever.
Was it a divine invention? M arsh refused to concede th a t hum an invention
was incapable o f so supreme an achievement, but he hedged his response,
stating th a t ‘if some o ld Cadmus o f a trilo b ite , or a toadstool, a radiate, a
beetle o r a m ollusk, had invented the alphabet aeons before the
Phoenicians arose’ , then at least a hum an being m ight know to w hich o f
the w ild creatures it w ould be appropriate to ‘lif t a hat, w ith filia l
respect...’ when w alking through the fields. M arsh’s hum or was tempered
w ith profound theological convictions. The highest task o f w ritin g was fo r
him to ‘g lo ry in the Sacred W ord.’ B ut the m ost m iraculous feature o f the
letters in his eyes was the fa ct th a t these few sym bols, w ith th e ir in fin ite
com binations, w ould never be exhausted, th a t knowledge o f a ll aspects o f
hum an endeavor could ‘find th e ir home, th e ir record, th e ir perpetuation in
and only in these few sym bols o f the ALPH AB ET.’ B ut even if the actual
monuments in w hich the alphabet was used disappeared, i f the documents
o f people anxious to ‘flo a t down the stream o f tim e some relic o f th e ir
doings,’ crum bled in to dust, s till th e ir existence and h isto ry w ould rem ain
‘in the grasp o f the A lphabet.’ N icely a rtic u la tin g the crucial stim ulus to
fascination w ith the h isto ry o f the alphabet, M arsh stressed th a t the
alphabet its e lf was the repository o f history, n o t only its instrum ent or
means.
20TH CENTURY: ECLECTICISM, TECHNOLOGY AN D
THE IDIOSYNCRATIC IM AG IN ATIO N
fram ew ork w ith w hich a ll the various strains o f thought and evidence
m ust be made to conform . S oldi’s w ork dem onstrated the chameleon qual
ity o f m ystical w rite rs as w ell as th a t o f scholars, since he found it useful
to adopt the term inology o f his a uthoritative contem poraries in the elabo
ra tio n o f his own idiosyncratic scheme to recover the o rig in a l
‘Cosm oglyphs.’ 17
The alphabet fostered im aginative speculation in the realm o f occult or
cosm ological w rite rs long a fter its h isto rica l origins were being traced to
scratched surfaces in the Sinai peninsula. But there were also w rite rs who
found the practicality, efficiency and fu n ctio n a l character o f the alphabet
equally w orth y o f high praise - and equally m ysterious. L uther M arsh, a
w rite r whose sole co n trib u tio n to the historiography o f alphabet sym bol
ism seems to be a short ta lk presented fo r the N ew York H is to ric a l Society
in November, 1885, praised both the dem ocratic character o f the alphabet
- ‘it was given to a ll’ — and its inexhaustible power. ‘H ow triv ia l these
symbols lo o k and the sim plest things we show to childhood. But a sleep
ing force lies w ith in them w hich revolutionizes the w o rld .’ The power o f
the alphabet resided in its capacity to p u ll thoughts ‘flo a tin g in ether,
intangible sp iritu a l substances’ in to a form w hich could be kept forever.
Was it a divine invention? M arsh refused to concede th a t hum an invention
was incapable o f so supreme an achievement, but he hedged his response,
stating th a t ‘if some o ld Cadmus o f a trilo b ite , or a toadstool, a radiate, a
beetle o r a m ollusk, had invented the alphabet aeons before the
Phoenicians arose’, then at least a hum an being m ig ht know to w hich o f
the w ild creatures it w ould be appropriate to ‘lif t a hat, w ith filia l
respect...’ when w alking through the fields. M arsh’s hum or was tempered
w ith profound theological convictions. The highest task o f w ritin g was fo r
him to ‘g lo ry in the Sacred W ord.’ But the m ost m iraculous feature o f the
letters in his eyes was the fa ct th a t these few sym bols, w ith th e ir in fin ite
com binations, w ould never be exhausted, th a t knowledge o f a ll aspects o f
hum an endeavor could ‘fin d th e ir home, th e ir record, th e ir perpetuation in
and only in these few sym bols o f the ALPH AB ET.’ B ut even if the actual
monuments in w hich the alphabet was used disappeared, i f the documents
o f people anxious to ‘flo a t down the stream o f tim e some relic o f th e ir
doings,’ crum bled in to dust, s till th e ir existence and h isto ry w ould rem ain
‘in the grasp o f the A lphabet.’ N icely a rticu la tin g the crucial stim ulus to
fascination w ith the h isto ry o f the alphabet, M arsh stressed th a t the
alphabet its e lf was the repository o f history, n ot only its instrum ent or
means.
20TH CENTURY: ECLECTICISM, TECHNOLOGY AN D
THE IDIOSYNCRATIC IM AG IN ATIO N
project an u n lim ite d num ber o f varied interpretations onto the schematic
form s o f the alphabet.
Finally, it was in the 20th century th a t Franz D o rn se iff published his
densely unique co n trib u tio n to alphabet historiography, Das A lphabet in
M y s tik und M agie. F irst drafted as a m aster’s thesis in 1916, D o rn s e iff’s
te xt was published in its fu ll fo rm in Leipzig in 1922. H is was the firs t
attem pt to chart the several tra d itio n s w ith in w hich the alphabet had been
interpreted as a sym bolic, rather than merely lin g u istic, form . U n til the
present p ub lica tion , it was alm ost the only te x t w hich had examined the
place o f the alphabet w ith in G nosticism , Pythagoreanism, the Kabbalah
and so fo rth in order to trace a h isto ry o f ideas across the field o f disci
plines in w hich the alphabet has been granted sym bolic value .3
We know not when, and we cannot c o f letters. The variety in type form s made possible through photography
there dawned upon some mind the £
which people uttered are expressed I included useful ranges in size, scale, and even slanting o r d is to rtin g o f
Hence, what better plan than to sel
from the big and confused mass ol letters. B ut these were frequently based on a single negative image and the
and all their kin, a certain number <
to denote, unvaryingly, certain soui variations were produced through o ptica l means. The lim its o f such trans
That was the birth of the alphabet, one o
and most momentous triumphs of the hu form ations were those imposed by the m echanical m anipulation o f the
We know not when, ana we canno
there dawned upon some mind thi negative w ith photographic techniques, such as the use o f an anam orphic
which people uttered are expresse
Hence,what better plan than to se lens. The letters were s till very much visual form s. M uch w ork went in to
from the big and confused mass o
and all their kin, a certain number of si( the designs o f such innovative typographers as A d ria n F rutiger and
to denote, unvaryingly, certain sounds?
That was the birth of the alphabet, one i H erm an Z a p f in adapting conventional letters to the peculiarities o f the
and most momentous triumphs of the hu
We know not when, and we cannc photographic process, but the problem s they faced were the same problems
there dawned upon some mind th<
which people uttered are expre o f adapting designs to sm all and large p o in t sizes, harm ony between ita lic
Hence, what better plan than tc
from the big and confused mas and rom an letters in a single face, and aesthetic solutions to problem s o f
and all their kin, a certain numl
le g ib ility w hich had been the concern o f type designers since the 15th
Univers, optical font designed by century - and calligraphers fo r centuries before th at.
Adrian Frutiger
itc Galliard c c y *
lines w hich make up the com plex positive and negative shapes o f le tte r
form s (such points can be m anipulated the way nails used to stretch an
elastic thread may be moved to reconfigure a form ed p attern). The contrast
between the attitudes o f teachers o f penmanship w ith th e ir emphasis on
the strokes form ed by m uscular movements and th a t o f designers m aking
patterned surfaces out o f m odular elements has been extended in the 20th -
century electronic vocabulary to include designs w hich im ita te pen move
ments (called ductal letters) and designs w hich m utate le tte r form s through
the illu s o ry dim ensions o f electronic space in accord only w ith the logic o f
electronic data processing.
in each o f its versions, rather than w orking from a single base design. The
end result is a le tter fo rm w hich is more adaptable to the electronic envi
ronm ent than those adopted fro m o ptica l or photographic models. The
possibilities fo r producing innovative and o rig in a l form s o f letters has
never been greater, o r accessible to m ore ind ivid ua ls, since the com puter
combines the freedom o f calligraphic draw ing w ith the reproductive
capabilities o f photography and the generative power o f electronic data
processing.
OO O O 0 0 0 0
O O O O 0 0 0 0
O O O O 0 0 0 0
O O O O 0 0 0 0
O O o O O 0 0 0 0
O O o 0 0 0 0 0 0
O O o 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0
284
O O 0 0 0 0
O O 0 0 0 0 0 0
AA 4 > - ^ O O 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0
< \
0 0 0 0 0 \ f\
0 0 0 0 0 0
Manipulated letter form to show n
electronic capabilities O O V / 0 0 0 0 0 0
20th Century: Eclecticism, Technology and the Idiosyncratic Imagination
Avant-Garde typography
insight in to the significant value o f the le tter form s. But other Russian
w rite rs, p a rtic u la rly those involved in creating w hat they called a ‘trans-
m ental* language, zaum , were m otivated by an investigation o f lin g u istic
structure. Ilia Zdanevich, fo r instance, made use o f typographic m anipula
tions to isolate units o f both visual and sound value in a suggestive pun
ning play o f verbal presentation. Zdanevich’s m ost accom plished piece in
this realm , a w ork title d Ledentu as Beacon, appeared in 1923, the same
year as the better know n and equally visually s trik in g For the Voice. T his
la tte r w ork was designed by the Russian C onstructivist typographer, Lazar
El Lissitzky, from a te xt by Mayakovsky, and dem onstrated many o f the
characteristics w hich became typ ica l o f Soviet design: use o f diagonals,
s trik in g black and red contrasts, changes o f scale, and a hard, geom etric
basis fo r the layout o f the pages.
The Dada artists whose activities were firs t in itia te d in Z u rich in the
m idst o f the F irst W orld W ar also made use o f typographic innovations to
give the 19th-century advertising (m ixed faces, sizes, and the use o f sm all
graphic elements such as p o in tin g hands, arrows and so fo rth ), they estab
lished a visible p ro file through p ub lica tion o f many ephemeral w orks.
H an db ills and posters were p a rtic u la rly useful as a means o f p rom oting
th e ir activities, and the graphic techniques used in the s trik in g designs o f
these pieces became incorporated in to the pages o f D ada, one o f the m ajor
publications o f the loosely associated group. Dada style was borrow ed,
m odified, and diffused among many avant-garde artists in Europe
throughout the late 1910s and in to the 1920s. Several o f the im p o rta n t
a rtists associated w ith these practices later became involved in teaching at
the Bauhaus, o r in other in s titu tio n s where th e ir w ork la id the foundation
fo r the m ainstream tra d itio n s o f 20th-century graphic design. One effect
o f the avant-garde artists was to incorporate elements o f self-conscious
experim ent, form erly more lim ite d to advertising w ork, in to the design o f
the e d ito ria l pages o f lite ra ry and jo u rn a listic publications. M ore funda
m entally, th e ir w ork called atte ntio n to the visual representation o f lan
guage as an element in the p roduction o f verbal m eaning .7
Sem itic thesis, W addell assigned values to the letters w hich dem onstrated
his com plete disregard fo r lin g u is tic scholarship on the relations o f w rit
ing, phonetics and speech. H is sym bolism was derived fro m a gratuitous
reading o f the signs as elements o f w hat he term ed the Sumerian language.
'~ r II 12 li IS IS
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The Sumerian scrip t was the oldest fo rm o f w ritin g in the
M esopotam ian region and its invention has been dated as early as 3100
BC .9 A form o f cuneiform , it had been one o f the scripts deciphered
through the efforts o f Georg G rotefend and H enry R aw linson, 19th-
20th Century: Eclecticism, Technology and the Idiosyncratic Imagination
i = wooden bar
1= balance (Sumerian “ t” )
n= cancelled out
k
fire - generation, fire-borer, property, livestock, to grow ,
fa, feh, feo wander, destroy; the p rim o rd ia l w ord; arising, being
h ur
eternity, prim a l fire prim al lig h t, p rim a l generation,
aurachs, resurrection
► thorr, thurs
thunder, thunderbolt, lig h tn in g flash, a threatening sign
but also thorn o f life (phallus)
A
m outh, arising, ash, ashes, the power o f speech, spiritual
os, as, ask, ast power w o rk in g through speech, bursting fetters
k
red, wheel, righ t, the solar-wheel, the p rim a l fire , God
r it, reith , rath itself, exalted introspective awareness o f the Aryans
X hagai
to enclose, the All-hedge, hail, to destroy; introspective
consciousness, to bear qualities o f God w ith in
* nuath, noth
need, compulsion o f fate, organic causality o f all phenom
ena; constraint o f clearly recognized way
t tyr, tar, tu rn
to tu rn , conceal, cap o f concealment, to generate, reborn
phoenix s p irit o f young sun-god
r man, mon
moon, to m other, to increase, empty or dead, sanctified
sign o f propagation o f human race; “ ma” as m o thering
a yr, eur ed man rune; m uta b ility o f the moon (fem inine essence)
AT
law , horse, court, marriage, the concept o f lasting love on
eh the basis o f marriage, tw o bound by the prim al law o f life
Values assigned to the Runes by fyrfos or hooked cross or the gea, geo, earth, given o f life;
fyrfos o r ge the first a sign o f nuptually bound dieties, dyad o f
Guido List, The Secret o f the
spiritual/physical power; second a prim a l root fo r life
Runes, 1908
20th Century: Eclecticism, Technology and the Idiosyncratic Imagination
as the various debates among Sem iticists and Classicists but then devel
oped its own independent arguments. He began his w ork by c itin g the dis
coveries made by French archaeologist Paul M o n te t, specifically the
A hiram tom b in scrip tio n (around 1923), and its contribu tion s to the theo
ry o f the invention o f the alphabet. But rather than conclude as M o n te t
had th a t it pointed to a Phoenician o rig in , Palaysi brought the force o f tra
d itio n and other h isto rica l evidence to support his argum ent fo r a Hebrew
invention. Palaysi’s interpretations o f the in d ivid u a l letters, however, were
created fro m w ith in a subjective m ystical tra d itio n , rather than an archae
ological one. He began w ith the statement th a t it was generally m ain
tained th a t the alphabet was an a rb itra ry series o f letters in an order fixed
by convention. A ccording to Palaysi, however, the letters were a m ore p ro
found cosm ological system whose sequence was significant and whose
meanings were governed by hidden laws o f sound associations.
Palaysi created a ‘gram m ar’ o f elem ental units w hich was n o t concep
tu a lly differen t from th a t o f other sound sym bolists - w hether o f the
C eltic, A ryan o r Saxon variety. Like many o f those authors, Palaysi p ro
ceeded fro m the peculiarly shortsighted pro po sition th a t the sym bolic val
ues based on the o rig in a l Hebrew alphabet could be found in the associa
tions suggested by words in the French language. Thus he granted ‘A’ the
value o f an ox, because it was a dom estic anim al essential fo r existence,
but claim ed the le tter had the philosophical value associated w ith
‘abstraction,’ ‘ acte,’ and ‘a tte n tio n .’ S im ilarly ‘B’ was associated w ith
‘besoin’ (need) ‘b u t’ (goal) ‘bete’ (beast) ‘balm e’ (balm ) and ‘b& ti’ (b u ilt);
‘ C’ was linked to the French words fo r consequence and knowledge (along
w ith the letters ‘G ,’ ‘K ,’ and ‘Q ’); ‘D ’ w ith determ inism , d irectio n and dis
tance; ‘E’ w ith space, hearing, evolutionism ; ‘F’ w ith figure, fin a lity, foun
dation and fo rm ; ‘H ’ w ith harm onize, hum anity and h isto ry; T ’/ ‘J’ w ith
idea, image and judgm ent; ‘L’ w ith language, law and lig h t; ‘M ’ w ith
m odality, measure and movement; ‘N ’ w ith b irth , nervousness and num - 293
ber; ‘O ’ w ith observation, operation, order; ‘P’ w ith p a rticu la rity, percep- —
tio n , perfection; ‘R ’ w ith ra p p o rt, research, reflexion; ‘S’ w ith science,
sagacity and sensation; ‘T ’ w ith tenacity, transform ation and trava il;
‘U ’/ ‘V ’/ ‘W ’ w ith unity, value and tru th . ‘X ’ was n ot a letter, Palaysi said,
but a Phoenician invention, w hile ‘Y ’ was the com bination o f ‘V ’ and ‘I ’
and thus the sum o f ve rity and intelligence; and ‘Z ’ was the crow ning o f ‘I ’
w ith intelligence, though he d id n o t make clear w hat the reason fo r this
last assessment m ight be.
Palaysi spelled out an extensive etym ology using this le tte r sym bolism ,
w hich he fe lt could be used as a key to the meaning o f words. As is
frequently the case in such idiosyncratic interpretations, Palaysi moved
freely between L a tin words, Hebrew roots, French term s and the associa
tions he had p u t onto his le tte r symbols. For instance, he interpreted the
w ord ‘dog’ according to its L a tin spelling C AN IS , but in accord w ith a
vocabulary o f French words as in ‘C = qui connait’ (who knows) ‘A = q u i est
a tte n tif’ (who is attentive) ‘N = q u i re p ro d u it’ (who reproduces), ‘I= q u i est
20th Century: Eclecticism, Technology and the Idiosyncratic Imagination
in te llig e n t’ (is in te llig e n t), and ‘S =qui est savant’ (is know ing). Palaysi’s
F
v
it-7 Creun.
&&&■ R *8 HiUtte.
4
Fig. 9 Proto-Elimiki system was exhaustive and self-contained: he had supplied both the asso
ciations on w hich it was based and the interpretations to w hich these asso
&
Fig. 10 K j^ y ^ ^ ^ n ^ breiih . Fig. II S iniiilc. ciations m ight lead. Palaysi’s w ork was n o t really a narrative o f the h isto ry
o f the alphabet, but a sym bolic inte rp re ta tio n grounded in certain h is to ri
vvuv cal associations, but it served as the basis fo r the w ork o f A lfre d K a llir in
his version o f the developm ent o f the alphabet.
A lfre d K a llir’s m ethod had som ething in com m on w ith 19th-century
n
"*244
rt
Fig. 245
B
Fig.246
scholar Soldi de Beaulieu who borrow ed from every conceivable archaeo
At AVI V
Hebrew Kjojre. OinaiU-PhocakUa logical source regardless o f chronological o r geographical obstacles, and
B N ^l 4 See 3 traced a single, synthetic narrative o f alphabet developm ent and sym bol
ICreun. II SouthSemitic A. I ll Phoenician A. IVUguKA. V North Scroll* A.
ism across this corpus o f documents. Though his interpretive fram ew ork
was K a llir’s ow n, he made reference to the w ork o f Fabre d ’O livet, as w ell
man raising his hands.
^03 <=553 as th a t o f Palaysi, in creating his study, Sign and Design: the Psychogenetic
Sources o f the A lphabet.15 Published in 1961, K a llir’s book proceeded
f V . & from the basic premise th a t the alphabet was a system o f ‘p rim o rd ia l signs
from the collective unconscious’ in w hich the ‘creation o f in d ivid u a l man
V Y m
3c* V as w ell as o f the hum an species’ was encoded in a sequence w hich was a
Fig. 291 Cretan.
dipthongs a i9 ao, au. W ords beginning w ith these dipthongs had procre
ative associations w ith predom inantly masculine imagery. K a llir proceed
ed to elaborate examples from Greek, Sem itic, and children’s firs t efforts
at language in the fu ll scope o f his argum ent lin k in g the alpha w ith the
phallus, and any lateral extension in graphem ic fo rm w ith the erect and
procreative male member.
He follow ed his exam ination o f the sym bolism o f the ‘a^lalephlalpha
in its m any lin g u istic variations w ith a sim ila rly detailed investigation o f
the sym bolism o f ‘B \ T his was the image o f the fem inine, the vessel o f
wom anhood, ready to receive the procreative force o f the aleph, in the
wom b sym bolized by the ‘C .’ The cross stoke in the ‘G ’ w hich follow ed
indicated the act o f penetration o f the fem inine cavity by the male mem
ber, w hile the sw elling curve o f the ‘D ’ was the grow ing wom b. ‘E’ was the
image o f the b irth process, w ith the ‘F’ as its com pletion and the ‘H ’ as
the icon o f rejoicing, w ith arms raised to heaven. These firs t eight letters
form ed a m icrocosm ic circle, follow ed by tw o others, composed o f the le t
ters T through ‘N ’ and then ‘O ’ through ‘Z ’, each w ith th e ir own elabo
rate sym bolic value.
K a llir believed th at the psyche was ‘timeless and eternal,’ and th a t the
use o f the alphabet in daily, pedestrian business guaranteed the circu la tio n
o f the basic in fo rm a tio n about hum an procreative cycles through the psy
che. H is beliefs gave hum an m etaphoric fo rm to cosm ological theories
about the alphabet w hich had generally been fram ed in m ore abstract sp ir
itu a l term s. R obert H o ffste in ’s book The English A lphabet (1973) returned
to this level o f abstraction in its imagery, and was close in s p irit to the
w ork o f Fabre d ’O livet and other w rite rs fo r whom the alphabet was the
em bodim ent o f the story o f C reation. H offste in was not a kabbalist, nor
was he concerned only w ith Jewish o r Hebrew sym bolism . H is approach
to the alphabet was to see in it the sym bology o f the W ord and to interpret
the letters as the seed, the lig h t, the fo undation, and s p irit o f hum anity
suffused w ith divine in sp ira tio n .
One aspect o f m ainstream interpretations o f the developm ent o f the
alphabet w hich acquired a new dim ension in the 20th century was the
reading o f the supposedly p ic to ria l images fro m w hich the schematic
form s o f the alphabet had originated. The names o f the letters had been
established in a n tiq u ity as a m nem onic device, according to the acrophon-
ic p rin cip le whereby a w ord beginning w ith th a t le tte r was used as its
name. The p ic to ria l im agery suggested by these words often led to the
confused b elief th a t the form s o f the letters had originated in more replete
p ic to ria l form s - a supposition fo r w hich there is no archaeological evi
dence. The classic version o f this confusion frequently arose from the
h ab it o f show ing the named image and the associated le tte r in publica
tions - such as the versions produced by Sir John Evans (father o f the
expert on pictographic scripts from Crete, A rth u r Evans) and A .C .
M oorhouse, in his more storybook version. T h e ir attem pts to make th e ir
own schematic drawings m atch the early Sem itic le tter was revealing -
20th Century: Eclecticism, Technology and the Idiosyncratic Imagination
296
Lotus*flower
X ft n n Heth
Coiled snake
r & isflw 2 & ID Jeth
W ater 'V W V
''W W ^ 5
AAA y y 6 Mem
Water*serpent Nun
V s ' s r J
Fish k S T z D Samekh
F
Eye
00 0 9 y Ay in
Mouth
'z y d ? J 7 S3 Pe
Face Sade
& r a
Chart showing 'original' Animal’s belly — O f f p ’
Koph
Wood w Shin
w ID
Development o f Our Alphabet) 346
Life
t I. “F M t n
Taw
scended the lim ita tio n s o f history. Thus he proposed interpretations o f the
letters w hich often wove together the elements o f w hat he im agined was
Phoenician life w ith the lives o f English-speaking people o f the early 20th
century.
Skinner began by stating th a t it was ‘natural* th a t the ‘A* should both
represent the ox and be the firs t letter, since the ox was ‘the earliest frie n d
o f man among brute creation.’ From ancient tim es, he asserted, the ox and
cow had been the com panion o f civilize d people, helping them to subdue
the wilderness, pro vid ing m ilk and sustenance, assistance in cu ltiva tio n ,
a ll facts which were as true in the present, he stressed, as they had been in
the days o f barbarism . Skinner’s rh e to ric was steeped in the beliefs th a t
agrarian life , cu ltiva tio n o f the earth, and c iv iliz a tio n were in tim a te ly con
nected, and th a t the images o f the letters w ould necessarily reveal this
because the alphabet was also an instrum ent o f c iv iliz a tio n . In this regard,
he echoed the 18th-century w rite rs who considered fa rm ing the basis o f
hum an culture, the m ost natu ra l and c iv il o f social conditions. Skinner’s
te xt moved through each o f the letters in tu rn , id e n tify in g th e ir iconogra
phy and in terpretin g its place in the social order as a w hole. ‘B’ was n o t
m erely a house, but carried the idea o f a home and Skinner commented
th at: ‘There is no race o f people in the w orld to whom the idea o f home is
dearer th a t it is to the English-speaking n a tio n s ...’ In its iconography the
H ebrew Beth conform ed to a fla t-ro ofe d dw elling, open to the air, whose
im agery he saw repeated in the w ord ‘b oo th.’ Skinner had more d iffic u lty
connecting the image o f the camel w ith 20th-century Chicago, in w hich he
was w ritin g , so he discussed the G im el w ith o u t m aking such a lin k , and
passed to the D aleth, the tria n g u la r opening to a tent, so readily perceived
in this role in the English w ord ‘D o o r.’
He went on: ‘As the alphabet m aker had now pictured a house and a
door, he turned his m ind n a tu ra lly to a w indow and a fence.’ These le t
ters, and the sounds they made, were so close (‘E’ and ‘H ’) th a t Skinner
grouped them together, and moved on to discuss the ‘F* w hich was a dag
ger hanging on a n a il between ‘the w indow and the fence’ o f the previous
tw o letters. N ext in sequence in the Hebrew alphabet (whose sequence
Skinner was in p rincip le fo llo w in g) was zayin, representing the handle o f a
dagger and p a rt o f its blade. It was just such a Phoenician kn ife w hich
Ju dith m ight have used in rescuing her people fro m H olofernes, Skinner
added, m aking use o f b ib lica l im agery to anchor his discussion in ancient
but fa m ilia r history. Skinner’s approach was distinguished by his insistence
on understanding the alphabet in relatio n to narrative - both th a t o f its
sequence le tter by letter, and o f its relatio n to this im agined Phoenician
past v iv id ly evoked through b ib lica l references and the means by w hich he
connected these to the lived experience o f his contem poraries. W hile such
an approach may be understood when it occurred in the w ork o f a person
n o t in te g ra lly involved w ith either archaeological investigation o r the
study o f ancient languages, it is less comprehensible in the w ork o f
M . D unand, a French scholar who was both.
20th Century: Eclecticism, Technology and the Idiosyncratic Imagination
he » man on knees, arms raised in joy E = w indow or fence he ■ (tree branch, maybe)
Y vau - from nail to small flame F- nail and dagger waw - hooks
z zayin = sword in its sheath I- handle, part o f blade zayin - branch, balance
u lamedh = cross, cane, then shepherd's crook L = w hip and fist lamed - needle, rod
y mem - water (but not Egyptian zig-zag) M = the sea mem » water
9 qoph = stomach w ith esophagus attached Q." back o f head w ith neck qof * monkey
Values assigned to the alphabet D unand’s book, B yblia Gram m atay published in 1945, was w ritte n to
by Bouuaert, 1949, Skinner, 1905 com m unicate developments in Phoenician studies. He began by stating
and Dunand, 1945 th a t scholars such as Francois Lenorm ant, W ilhelm Gesenius and Hans
Bauer had repeatedly pointed o u t th a t the le tte r names were n o t linked to
the origins o f the alphabet and th at the m nem onic device o f th e ir names
had often been m istakenly taken fo r a ‘h isto rica l cause o r source ro o t.’ 299
However, he continued, Lenorm ant had indicated th a t the Phoenicians “ “
themselves had been aware th a t they had lo st the o rig in a l sotfrces and tra
d itio n s o f the letters and thus resorted to a kin d o f ‘hieroglyphicization* in
order to transform the letters back in to form s closer to an o rig in a l image.
This convoluted logic len t Dunand the ju s tific a tio n he fe lt he needed to
in te rp re t the Phoenician letters systematically. A le f was the ox, Beth a
house w ith a double sloped roo f, a structure ‘well-docum ented in
Phoenicia in the early Bronze age.’ As D unand’s reading proceeded, he fe ll
in to the usual pattern, a llo w in g the letters whose m eaning was fixed in
th e ir name, such as the G im el = camel to stand, th e ir relatio n to ancient
N ear Eastern life self-evident, w hile other le tte r names received elaborate
explanation. W aw, fo r exam ple, he described as the supports by w hich the
beams o f the Tabernacle were suspended, an in te rp re ta tio n n o t w idely
repeated elsewhere, w hile there were other signs, such as H e, w hich could
n ot be read as images fo r the reason th a t he found n ot a single H ebrew o r
Phoenician w ord which began w ith this sound.
20th Century: Eclecticism, Technology and the Idiosyncratic Imagination
ticated thought w hich was supposedly never achieved w ith in com m unities
o f A rabic, Hebrew, Chinese or other language users who d id n o t make the
Greek alphabet the basis o f th e ir w ritin g .
spoken sound. The alphabet, ‘read in its proper order is a n atu ra l sym bol
o f C reation.’ T his C reation was described abstractly, in categories id e n ti
fied as the Beginning o f Form , D eterm ination, Specification, D e ta il and so
fo rth . U ltim ately, however, Peacey denied th a t these could be detected in
o r even linked to the visual form s o f the letters, w hich he believed had
been created in the m anner suggested by Flinders Petrie, as a shared sig
nary lo ca lly condensed in to an alphabetic system.
The w ork o f D. D u v ille , U A e thio pia O rientale ou A tla n tie (1936) was
one o f the many 20th-century texts which seriously to o k up the idea o f the
lo st continent o f A tla n tis and linked it to the invention o f the alphabet.
Theories o f A tla n tis can be traced to the w ritin g s o f Plato, who is general
ly given credit fo r the firs t fu ll account o f the m ythic lo st continent. But
the m odern version o f the A tla n tis m yth received its strongest advocate in
Ignatius D onnelly, whose A tla n tis : The A n te diluvia n W orld was firs t pub
lished in 1882. The m yth m et w ith p a rtic u la r favor among Germ an w rit
ers, and a w hole generation o f A tla n tis stories grew up in the early
decades o f the 20th century w hich to o k D on ne lly’s te xt as th e ir p o in t o f
departure. This was not surprising, since D onnelly had carefully combed
the h isto ry o f lite ra tu re fo r references to and discussions o f the lo st co n ti
nent, its h isto ry and culture. The A tla n tis m yth served as a new version o f
the idea o f an o rig in a l people, single language, and single source o f alpha
betic w ritin g , and had the advantage over earlier b ib lic a l accounts th a t its
verity depended on evidence w hich could n ot be easily recovered.
D onnelly had suggested th a t the alphabet had been invented on
A tla n tis , since by his account the continent had been the o rig in a l site o f a ll
hum an culture. Through detailed discussion, D onnelly argued th a t the
alphabet o f the Phoenicians, Egyptians and even the M aya m ust have had
a com m on source. T his was the antediluvian alphabet, and m em ory o f
this scrip t was preserved in Hebrew scriptures, where it was referred to as
Map of Atlantis, source of the w ritin g o f ‘the A d-am i, the people o f A d, o r A d la n tis.’ T his o rig in a l 303
original language and writing Eden had been the antediluvian w orld, and from it a ll hum an beings had
(Ignatius Donelly, Atlantis, the descended, bearing w ith them the ancient m em ory o f th e ir p&st in the le t
Antediluvian World, 1882) ters o f the alphabet.
D onnelly d id n ot elaborate the details o f the alphabet as a sym bolic
form , but D u ville did. H is A tla n tis, however, was the ancient A ethiopia in
w hich a m other tongue com m on to a ll had been spoken on the now sub
merged continent. The Atlanteans had had a hig hly developed, superior
culture w ith extensive colonies, and according to D u ville , these antedilu
vians had been the ‘red race,* identified by the term phoinos, w hich he
interpreted to mean red. In Genesis, he w ent on, only the three p o st-d ilu
vian ‘races’ were described: the ‘black’ H am ites, the ‘w hite ’ Japhites, and
the ‘yellow ’ Shemites. Cadmus, the pfeomician, had been one o f the o rig i
nal Atlanteans, and the Cadmean alphabet was obviously the o rig in a l
antediluvian script. T his scrip t was described in term s o f tw enty-tw o
hieroglyphic form s, however, rather than alphabetic ones. In the fin a l pas
sages o f his w o rk, D u ville suggested th a t there was an analogy between
20th Century: Eclecticism, Technology and the Idiosyncratic Imagination
the dynam ic organs o f the la ry n x and those o f the g enitalia, and th a t vocal
language had a sexual p arallel through these correspondences, though he
d id n o t develop th is discussion in deta il.
A nother in te rpretatio n o f the o rig in a l language w hich borrowed from
the A tla n tis m yth was p u t fo rth by G.F. Ennis in a 1923 p u b lica tio n , The
Fabric o f T hought. Ennis’s theory was relatively sim ple, but also, relatively
peculiar. He suggested th a t in the nonsense syllables o f a single nursery
rhym e were preserved the sounds and symbols o f an o rig in a l hum an lan
guage. T his rhym e, fu ll o f racist bias, he gave as: ‘Ena Dena D ina
D o/C atch a N igger by the T o e /If he hollers le t him go/ Ina M ena M in a
M o .’ Through elaborate charts arranging the letters in rows, squares, and
colum ns, Ennis dem onstrated th a t the nonsense syllables spelled out a p ri
m al code, each le tter o f w hich was the name o f a god o r king and fille d
w ith profound significance. As the English version o f the rhym e was so
close to the o rig in a l language it proved th a t England was very close - geo
graphically and s p iritu a lly - to the o ld A tla n tis. Language, Ennis conclud
ed, had o rig in a lly been European, n o t Asian o r M id d le Eastern. Like
D onnelly, Ennis provided a chart diagram m ing the structure o f the o rig i
nal A tla n tis , one w hich had its geographical details encoded in to the
num erical value and structure o f the alphabet. C hildren and rustics, he
concluded, were the true guardians o f culture, and thus the continual repe
titio n o f this rhym e in the m ouths o f schoolchildren perpetuated the ‘w on
der o f the code and the g lo ry o f life and death.’
APOLLO
BACCHVS
CERES
DIAN A
VESTA
FORTVNA
CE ( Gaia m Kh/a)
HERA-IVNO
IVPPITER (D iet! Manifest/ on “ F ill" )
HERA-KLES
LATONA
MERCVRIVS
NEPTVNVS
PLVTO
PALLAS
QVPIDO
MARS
SATVRNVS
Chart of names of gods and
THEMIS
goddesses, and diagram show U (la fem me)
ing relations among them as sig VENVS
nified in the alphabet (Francis VVLCANVS
Haab, Divination d e !'Alphabet X (Dieu Absoltt ou “ Phe ” )
Latin, 1948) HYM EN
Z (la Foudre ou** E sp rit” )
d ifferen t from texts produced on parchm ent, paper and stone whose histo
ry resides in th e ir m aterial as w ell as in the substance o f th e ir lin g u istic
expression.
E lectronic media also o ffe r possibilities fo r design experim entation
w hich do not have to conform to the line ar constraints w hich were devel
oped from the h ab it o f typographic p rin tin g . The next decades may w it
ness the reinvention o f ca lligra ph ic im agination in electronic form and
correspondingly innovative methods o f reading and processing language
visually. In spite o f outcries to the contrary, there is no evidence th a t lite ra
cy w ill disappear w ith the p ro life ra tio n o f electronic media. W hat seems
certain is th a t modes o f literacy w ill be transform ed in the next century. It
is im possible to predict the effect a ll this w ill have on the w ritin g system
w hich has fo r m illennia served as the object and instrum ent o f so much
h isto rica l knowledge, s p iritu a l investigation and im aginative speculation -
the alphabet.
NOTES 2 In fact this letter is called ‘ o* or *ou* in 26 Strubbe, J .H .M ., ‘Cursed be he that
the early stages o f adaptation; the name moves my bones,’ in Faraone/Obbink,
‘omicron* is attached later. See Powell, eds., p. 33-59.
H om er, p. 43. 27 Strubbe, p. 34.
I The Alphabet in context 3 The reader is referred to Powell, M a rtin 28 Kotansky, in Faraone/Obbink, eds.,
Bernal, The Cadmean Letters (Winona p.108.
1 Annemarie Schimmel, Calligraphy and Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1990), David 29 Faraone, C., ‘The Agonistic C ontext o f
Islamic C ulture (New Y ork: N ew Y o rk D iringer, The Alphabet (New Y o rk: Early Greek Binding Spells,’ in
University Press, 1984) is a good starting Funk and Wagnalls, 1948), and Ignace Faraone/Obbink eds., p. 3-32.
p oin t fo r study o f this tradition. Gelb, A Study o f W ritin g (Chicago: 30 Faraone, p. 13.
Chicago University Press 1944) fo r fulle r 31 Betz, p. 94.
discussion. 32 W in kle r, John J., ‘The Constraints o f
II Origins and Historians 4 Bernal, M ., The Cadmean Letters and Eros,’ in Faraone/Obbink, eds., p. 225.
Black Athena (New Brunswick: Rutgers (p. 214-243).
1 Herodotus, trans. A .D . Godley, Loeb University Press, 1987). 33 Kotansky, p. 109.
Classical L ibrary (Cambridge, Mass.: 5 D uville, D ., U A ethiopia Orientale ou 34 Kotansky, p. 114-5.
H arvard University Press, 1957), vol. 3, Atlantie (Paris: 1936). p. 212. 35 Betz, Hans Dieter, The Greek M agical
p. 63. 6 Sophocles, E.A., The H istory o f the Papyri (Chicago: 1986). See p. 3.
2 Full discussion o f this poin t is in Chapter Greek Alphabet (Cambridge: 1848). 36 H alliday, W. R., Greek D ivination
III. 7 H a ll, M anly Palmer, A n Encyclopedic (Chicago: 1967).
3 Robert K. Logan, The Alphabet Effect Outline o f Masonic, Hermetic, 37 Luck, George, Arcana M u n d i
(New Y ork: W illia m M o rro w & Co.) Qabbalistic and Rosicrucian Symbolical (Baltimore: 1985), p. 19,
pp. 85-87. Philosophy (San Francisco: 1928). 38 F lin t, V ., The Rise o f M agic in Early
4 Maurice Pope, The Story o f 8 Budge, E.A. W allis, Egyptian M agic M edieval Europe (Princeton: 1991), p.
Decipherment (London: Thames and (London: 1901). 218.
Hudson, 1973). 9 Pennick, N igel, Secret Lore o f Runes and
5 E rik Iversen, The M yth o f Egypt and its other Ancient Alphabets (London: 1991).
H ieroglyphics. (Copenhagen, 1961) 10 Powell, H om er, p. 233-6. IV Gnosticism, Hermeticism, Neo-
6 Pope, Decipherment. 11 Powell, H om er, p. 199. Platonism and Neo-Pythagoreanism:
7 Isaac Ta ylor, The Alphabet (London: 12 Pennick, Runes, p. 43 The Alphabet in the Hellenistic and
Edward A rn old , 1899) 13 Sophocles, E.A., Greek Alphabet, p. 11. Early Christian Eras
8 P. Kyle M cC arter, The A n tiq u ity o f the 14 Kotansky, Roy, ‘Incantations and
Greek Alphabet (Missoula, M O : Prayers fo r Salvation on Inscribed Greek 1 Stanley M orison, The Politics o f Script
Scholars Press fo r H arvard Semitic Amulets,* in Christopher Faraone and (O xford: Clarendon Press, 1972).
Monographs, 1975). D irk O bbink, eds., M agika Hiera. 2 M orison, p. 19.
9 John Healey, T he Early Alphabet (O xford and N ew Y o rk : 1991), p. 107- 3 M orison, p. 58.
(London: British Museum Publications, 137. 4 Jacques D errida, O f Grammatology
1990) and D avid D iringer, The Alphabet 15 A ll citations in this section are from (Baltimore, M D : Johns Hopkins
(New Y ork: Funk and Wagnalls, 1948) - Plato, C ratylus ,in The Dialogues o f University Press, 1976).
provide the sources fo r this brief sum Plato (B. Jowett, trans.) (O xford: 1953). 5 Hans Jonas, The Gnostic Religion
mary. 16 Obviously, the original words are Greek, (Boston: Beacon Press, 1958).
10 Wayne Senner, ed., The O rigins o f and the translator (Jowett) found 6 A. Dupont-Sommer, La D octrine
W ritin g (Lincoln and London: English equivalents o r substitutions to Gnostique de la Lettre *Waw* d ’Apres
University o f Nebraska Press, 1989). suggest sim ilar concepts. une lamelle AramSenne (Paris: Paul
11 Inform ation in the fo llo w in g sections 17 Plato, Thaetetus (B. Jowett, trans.) Geuthner, 1946).
synthesizes research recorded in (O xford: 1958). 7 Jonas op. cit.
Diringer, Alphabet, Senner, The O rigins , 18 Dionysius o f Halicarnassus, On Literary 8 Maryse Waegeman, Am ulet and
and Healey, Early Alphabet; other C om position (Rhys Roberts trans.) Alphabet (Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben,
sources as noted or in the bibliography (London: 1910). Publishers, 1987).
o f m ajor sources. 19 Philip, J.A., Pythagoras and Early 9 Jean Canteins, Phonemes and
12 M a rtin Bernal, The Cadmean Letters Pythagoreanism (Toronto: 1966). Archetypes (Paris: G.P.Maisonneuve et
(Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1990). 20 Seligmann, K u rt, M agic, Supernatural Larose, 1972).
13 For instance, Ron Stroud in Senner, ed., and Religion (New Y o rk: 1948). 10 Canteins op. cit.
The O rigins ‘W ritin g in Ancient Greece.* 21 Pennick, Runes, p.60-63. 11 E. A . W allis Budge, Egyptian M agic
22 Pennick, Runes, p.63-64. (London: Kegan, Paul, Trench, Trubner
23 Plutarch, Essay on the Letter 'E ’at & Co., 1901).
Ill Classical History, Philosophy and D elphi, in M o ralia (Frank C. Babbitt, 12 Plotinus lived between approxim ately
Divination trans.), (London: 1969). 204 A D and 270 A D .
24 These characterizations are directly from 13 Canteins, p. 54, citing Nicomachus,
1 Powell, Barry, H om er and the O rigin o f Plutarch. M anual o f H arm ony and Fragments.
the Greek Alphabet (Cambridge: 25 Parke, H .W ., Greek Oracles (London: 14 Ibid.
Cambridge University Press, 1991). 1967). 15 Dupont-Sommer op. cit.
Notes
16 St Jerome, Lettres, T .II (Paris: Soci6t6 21 Joseph M a rtin Feely, Roger Bacon’s 11 Johann Reuchlin, De arte cabbalistica
d’Edition ‘Les Belles Lettres,’ 1951). M y Cypher (Rochester, N Y : 1943). (New Y ork: Abaris Books, 1983) trans
translations. 22 The Hegira, date at which Mohammed lated by M a rtin and Sarah Goodman; p.
17 Adolphe Hebbelynck, Les Mystkres des fled Mecca, is 622 A D , taken as year 1 o f 315.
Lettres Greques d ’Apres un M anuscrit the Moslem calendar. 12 Perle Epstein, p. 87.
Copte-Arabe, (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 23 Michael H ow ard, The Runes and other 13 The number is arrived at by pairing
1902). M agical Alphabets (Wellingborough and each letter w ith the other, w itho u t
18 Hebbelynck, p. 14. Northamptonshire: Thorsons Publishers repetition, double letters, or
19 See M aurice Pope, The Story o f Ltd., 1978). combinations o f the same pair: Aleph
Decipherment (London: Thames and 24 Joseph Hammer Purgstall, Ancient Beth was considered equivalent to Beth
Hudson). Alphabets and H ieroglyphic Aleph.
Characters Explained w ith an 14 Cited in Nigel Pennick, The Secret Lore
account o f the Egyptian Priests, their o f Runes and O ther Ancient Alphabets
V Calligraphy, Alchemy and A rs classes, in itia tio n and sacrifices (London: (London: Rider, 1991), p. 24.
in the Medieval Period
C o m b in a t o r ia W . Bulmer, 1806). (The colophon states 15 Cited in Pennick, p,22.
that the text was based on a copy made 16 From Reuchlin, p. 299.
1 Donald M . Anderson, C alligraphy (New in 1166 o f the H ejira (approximately 17 Rabbi Yitzchak Ginsburgh, The A lef-
Y o rk: H o lt, R inehart and W inston, 1788) from an earlier copy 413 (1035) o f Bait (N orthvale, N ew Jersey: Jason
1969). the original. Aronson Ltd ., 1991) p. 3.^
2 M a rc D rogin, Medieval Calligraphy 25 M a rtin Gardner, Logic Machines and 18 Ben Shahn, The Alphabet o f
(M ontclair, NJ: Allanheld, Osmun and Diagrams (Chicago: University o f Creation, An A ncient Legend fro m the
Co., 1980) p. 8. Chicago Press, 1982), p. 4. Z ohar (New Y ork: Pantheon Books,
3 Anderson op. cit. 26 Paolo Rossi, cited by Anthony Bonner, 1954).
4 Anderson, p. 73. Selected W orks o f R< y m ond H u ll 19 Moshe Idel, “ The Golem in Jewish
5 Nicolete Gray, A H istory o f Lettering (Princeton: Princeton University Press, M agic and M ysticism ,” in G O LE M !, ed.
(Boston: David R. Godine, 1986) p. 43. 1985), p.70. by Em ily Bilski.
6 Gray, p. 52. 27 L lu ll had composed earlier w orks on the 20 Chayim Bloch, The Golem (1925)
7 Gray p. 67. Principles o f Law, Justice and Theology
8 D rogin, p. 12. as well.
9 D rogin, p. 17-20. 28 Bonner, p. 310 VII Rationalizing the Alphabet:
10 The dating o f this manuscript is gener Construction, Real Character and
ally considered to be no earlier than the Philosophical Languages in the
4th century, but has been dated as late VI Kabbalah Renaissance
as the 7th.
11 Jonathan Alexander, The Decorated 1 Jewish scholars avoid the use o f A D , and 1 M arc D rogin, M edieval Calligraphy
Letter (New Y o rk: George Braziller, use the form CE, fo r Common Era, (M ontclair, NJ: Allanheld 8c Schram,
1978). when not using the Jewish calendar. 1980).
12 Anderson, p. 61. 2 Gershem Scholem, The Kabbalah (New 2 Geoffrey T o ry , Champfleury, 1529.
13 Alexander is the m ajor source here and Y ork: Quadrangle, The New Y o rk 3 Donald Anderson, C alligraphy: The A rt
throughout this section. Times Book Co., 1974) is the m ajor o f W ritten Forms (New Y ork: H o lt,
14 Alison H arding, Ornamental Alphabets source used fo r this history. R inehart and W inston, 1969).
and In itials (London: Thames and 3 These divisions are from Aryeh Kaplan, 4 Nicolete Grey, A H istory o f Lettering
Hudson 1983), p. 19. Sefer Yetzirah (Y ork Beach, M aine: (Boston: David R. Godine, 1986) p. 139.
14 This is also the era in which the publica Samuel Weiser, 1991). 5 Lois Potter, Secret Rites and Secret
tion o f folios o f examples o f w ritin g 4 Scholem, Kabbalah, p.316, citing Jacob W ritin g (Cambridge: Cambridge
were fostered by collaborations o f p rin t b. Jacob ha-Kohen, a medieval Spanish University Press, 1989) provides a lim it
ers and historians - such as in the fabu kabbalist. ed case study on English Royalist litera
lous Balthazar Silvestre fo lio produced 5 H arold Bloom, Kabbalah and Criticism ture in the m id-17th century.
by the D id o t Fr£res brothers in Paris, or (Seabury, N Y : Seabury Press, 1975). 6 . Wayne Schumaker, Renaissance Curiosa
the laborious w o rk o f Henry Shaw or 6 Joseph Leon Blau, Christian (Binghampton, N Y : Center fo r Medieval
W illia m R. Tymms in England. Interpretation o f the Cabala in the and Early Renaissance Studies, 1982) p.
15 The scholarship on this poin t is sharply Renaissance (New Y ork: Columbia 112.
divided into those who claim Runes University Press, 1944) is the most 7 Schumaker, p. 112.
never had any magical associations and authoritative source, in spite o f the date 8 Potter, Secret Rites and Secret W ritin g .
those who assert that they did. o f publication, fo r inform ation on this 9 John Locke’s An Essay on Hum an
16 Rene Derolez, Runica manuscripta aspect o f the Kabbalah. Understanding was first published in
(Brugge, 1954); also see Chapter V II. 7 Perle Epstein, Kabbalah, The Way o f the 1689.
17 Ralph W . E llio tt, Runes, An Jewish M ystic (Garden C ity, N Y : 10 Barbara Shapiro, John W ilkins, An
Introduction (New Y ork: The Doubleday 8c Co., Inc., 1978). Intellectual Biography (Berkeley and Los
Philosophical Library, 1959), p. 45-61. 8 The longest version is barely twice that, Angeles: University o f C alifornia Press,
18 Theologiae Patriae o r about 2600 words. 1969).
19 T a ylor, F. Sherwood, The Alchemists, 9 Sources fo r this section include Aryeh 11 Schumaker, p. 146.
Founders o f M odern Chemistry (New Kaplan, Perle Epstein, Johann Reuchlin 12 Janus/Nachus must be N oah,
Y ork: Henry Schuman, 1949) p. 53-55. and Carlo Suares. since he is designated the father o f
20 N ew bold, Bacon, p. 25 10 Carlo Suares, p. 3.7 Japhet.
Notes
13 The Apocrypha is an addendum to the (New Y ork: Sterling Publishing Co., not attended to the developments, histo
O ld Testament, it consists o f 14 books, 1967) p. 52. ry, culture o r symbolic interpretations o f
not accepted as scripture by the Jews, 2 Thomas Dreier, The Power o f P rint - any o f the Arabic, C y rillic , Devenagari
who only take the 39 books o f the o rig i and M en (Brooklyn, N Y : M erganthaler or many other alphabets in use in the
nal O ld Testament as sacred; Catholics, Linotype Company, 1936). M idd le East, Asia and A frica.
however, accepted the Apocrypha and 3 From Xylographs to Lead M olds 3 Gerard Genette and Andr6 Massin’s
the New Testament, as well as the O ld; (C incinnati: The Rapid Electrotype Co., w orks made their own more recent con
Protestants also rejected the Apocrypha 1921). tributions in this area, though Genette’s
as scripture. (Rabbi Weiss) 4 Gerard Genette, M im ologiques (Paris: focus is on sound symbolism and poetics
14 M ichael H ow ard, The Runes and O ther Aux Editions du Seuil, 1976). and Massin’s w ork was largely pictorial
M agical Alphabets (W ellingborough and 5 Genette, p.336. reproduction not historical discussion.
N orthamptonshire: Thorsons Publishers 6 St6phane M allarm e, ‘Les M ots Anglais,’ O ther contributions to this field o f study
Ltd., 1978) p. 10. Oeuvres Completes (Paris: Gallim ard, exist, but generally w ith a narrow focus,
1956). such as Madeleine D avid’s w o rk on the
7 W arren P. Spencer, O rig in and H istory 16th to 18th centuries o r Jonathan
VIM The Social Contract, Primitivism o f the A rt o f W ritin g (New Y ork: Ivison, Goldberg’s w ork on Renaissance hand
and Nationalism: The Alphabet in Phinney, Blakeman and Co., 1869), p. w ritin g .
the 18th Century 36. 4 James H utchinson, Letters (New Y ork:
8 W illia m P. Upham, A B rie f H istory o f Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1983).
1 Daniel B. Updike, Printing Types the A rt o f Stenography (Salem, Mass.: 5 Patricia Leighton, Re-Ordering the
(Cambridge: H arvard University Press, Essex Institute, 1871). Universe (Princeton: Princeton
1937). 9 Alfred Baker, The Life o f Sir Isaac University Press, 1989).
2 Nicolete G ray, A H istory o f Letterings Pitman (London: Sir Isaac Pitman and 6 W illia m Seitz, The A rt o f Assemblage
(Boston: D avid R. Godine, 1986). Sons, L td., 1908). (New Y ork: Museum o f M odern A rt,
3 Andre Jammes, La Reforme de la 10 Andrew Carmichael, A n Essay on the 1961), M a rjo rie Perloff, The Futurist
Typographic Roy ale (Paris: Librairie Invention o f Alphabetic W ritin g M om ent (Chicago: University o f
Paul J ammes, 1961). (D ublin: 1815). Chicago Press, 1986).
4 Updike, Printing Types (Cambridge: 11 See sections in Chapter II and Chapter 7 H erbert Spencer, Pioneers o f M odern
H arvard University Press, 1937). III treating these debates. Typography (London: Lund Humphries,
Granjean died in 1714. 12 Alfred K a llir was one 20th-century 1969) and The Liberated Page ( London:
5 Alison H arding, Ornamental Alphabets author influenced by this w o rk ; see Lund Humphries, 1987) and my own,
and In itials (London: Thames and Chapter X . The Visible W ord (Chicago: University
Hudson, 1983). 13 See Chapter II. o f Chicago Press, 1994).
6 Robert M . Ryley, W illia m W arburton , 14 Charles W a ll, The Orthography o f the 8 See Chapter II fo r the discussion o f this
(Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1984). Jews (London: W hittaker and Co., archaeological and linguistic historio
7 One o f Massey’s sources was the scholar 1835). graphy.
Joseph Scaliger. 15 See Chapter II. 9 Ignace Gelb, A Study o f W ritin g
8 Thomas Astle, The O rigin and Progress 16 See Chapter V III. (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press,
o f W ritin g (London: 1784) p. 1. 17 Emile Soldi-Colbert de Beaulieu, La 1952), p. 60-61.
9 Claude-Gilbert Dubois, Celtes et Langue Sacrie, (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 10 Gelb, W riting.
Gaulois au X V Ie Siecle (Paris: Librairie 1900). 11 G uido List, The Secret o f the Runes ed.
Philosophique J.V rin , 1972). by Stephen Flowers (Rochester,
10 See the section in the Medieval chapter. Verm ont: Destiny Books, 1988).
11 Paul C hristian, H istoire de la Magie X Twentieth Century: Eclecticism, 12 Flowers* commentary in List, p. 26-31.
(Paris: 1892) is the source o f this story. Technology and the Idiosyncratic 13 See N igel Pennick, The Secret Lore o f
Imagination Runes and O ther Ancient Alphabets
(London: Rider, 1991) fo r a recent expo
IX The Nineteenth Century: 1 See Chapter II fo r complete discussion. sition on the topic by a believer.
Advertising, Visible Speech and 2 It should be clear by now that my discus 14 Robert Graves, The W hite Goddess
Narratives of History sions throughout this book have been (London and New Y o rk 1948).
focused on the branch o f the alphabet 15 See Chapter IX fo r discussion o f Fabre
1 J. Ben Lieberman, Types o f Typefaces which developed in the West, and have d’ O livet and Soldi.
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