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Criminology is a discipline which analyses and gathers the data of crime and
criminal behaviour. The word, ‘ology’ in criminology stands for study. The
basic aim of criminology is to assess the very nature of the crime, statistics of
crime, criminal behaviour that motivates the person to commit a crime and
prevention of crimes. Criminology is a very fascinating subject that includes the
scientific principles to assess criminal behaviour and psychology behind it. It
also deals with the sociological aspects of crime and also explains the reason
behind the occurrence of crimes in our society.
The very basic principles on which any criminal statute works is the evidence.
Evidence is the source for proving any criminal offence. It is the very basic
foundation to establish any criminal offence. Each state has its own criminal
code and procedure in the United States of America.
As I have already depicted in the former part of my article that criminal law and
criminology both play a crucial role in the detection and investigation of crimes.
Both are connected and heavily depend on each other to complete each others’
meanings. Criminal law is the study of already established, formulated legal sets
of legal principles. These formulated principles are formed upon the basis of
studies and statistics which have been gathered by the criminologists over a
period of time. The criminal justice system has been heavily influenced by
criminology. It has played a major role in advancing many principles of
criminal laws.
Definition of criminology
The term ―criminology‖ is used both in a general and special sense. In its
broadest sense criminology is the study (not yet the complete science) which
includes all the subject matter necessary to the understanding and prevention of
crime and to the development of law, together with the punishment or treatment
of delinquents and criminals. In its narrower sense criminology is simply the
study which attempts to explain crime, to find our ―how they get that away.‖ If
this latter narrower definition is adopted, one must recognize related fields,
including penology, concerned with the treatment of adult criminals, crime
detection, the treatment of juvenile delinquents, and the prevention of crime.
The treatment of delinquency and crime cannot be wholly separated from their
explanation, since one of the reasons for crime and for its continuance into adult
life is the damage done by ineffective treatment both of juveniles and adults.
Ultimately we shall hope to show that both crime and the treatment of crime are
parts of dynamic processes of social relations, crime evoking punishment and
other reactions and these reactions in turn cooking reactions of criminals as they
are deterred, ―reformed,‖ or stimulated to further crime. If any science is to
explain any kind of phenomena consistently, these phenomena must be
reasonably homogenous. Criminology as a behavioral science or study faces an
almost unsolvable difficultly because of the extreme diversity of types of
behavior our legislators have seen fit to make punishable as crimes. To mention
but a few of these types, does it seem logical that we should be able to explain
in terms of a common theory behavior as diverse as the running of stop lights,
the raping of women, robbery, huge racketeering syndicates, treason, murder,
and the white-collar crimes of some businessmen? Not all of these crimes
express the same attitudes of mind, not even a universal consciously antisocial
attitude. Not all are conflict behavior, or exploitative behavior, or either wholly
rational or wholly emotional behavior. Facing this dilemma, criminologists have
attempted various solutions. Valuable research has concentrated its attention on
particular kinds of crime, such as professional thieving, embezzlement, murder,
sex crime and white-collar crime. Cressey has gone further and believes he has
arrived at sociologically meaningful subdivisions by isolating types of
embezzlement. Cressery‘s plan would seem to lead us to theories as to the
causes of specific crimes, rather than to any general theory of crime. Other
criminologists, such as E. H. Sutherland, have tried to discover processes or
relationships which will explain all crime, in spite of its great variety. Thus we
have theories of social disorganization and differential association, theories of
delayed maturation, theories of economic exploitation, theories of anomie or
normlessness, theories of subgroup influence, and so forth.. But we shall find
that it seems that not all crime can be explained in terms of any given social
process or relationship. Very many criminologists have given much of the effort
to find a single theory explaining crime without having abandoned the effort to
discover why men commit crime. Starting with evidence derived from case
studies and many other sources, they list factors found in the life processes of
criminals. They are able to determine fairly well the interrelationship of these
factors in individual cases. They then find particular factors which often repeat
themselves in many cases, such, for example, as gang membership, lack of
status in constructive groups, tensions in homes, and sense of failure in
competition. Discovery of such single repeating factors does not prove them
causes of crime, since the meaning of any life experience may be different for
one criminal than for another. This is because one factor or experience is, in
different cases, combined with different accompanying factors which give the
total gestalt and meaning which express themselves in criminal behavior.
However, it is very significant when we find clusters of factors repeating
themselves in many cases. The multifactor approach does seem to meet the
dilemma of the criminologist in considerable measure. A large proportion of
children in our type of society whose fathers have deserted the home, who have
lived in city slums, who have experienced a sense of failure in competitive
relations, who have lost status in constructive groups and joined juvenile gangs,
who have come to believe that everyone has a racket, and whose early
misbehavior has not been dealt with effectively either in the home or by schools
and other social agencies—a large proportion of such children seem to appear
continually in our juvenile courts, and many of them later in our adult courts.
The discovery of repeated incidents of such combinations of experiences
enables us to develop approximations to theories of crime. Such specific life
experiences may often be shown to be by-products of the culture of our society.
Note should also be taken of sentimental interest in the crime problem. Fear,
desire for revenge, a certain fascination, and a morbid interest either in the
victim or the perpetrator of crime, such emotions help explain the prominence
given to crime in the press and on television programs and even the large
registrations in some college courses in criminology. It has been somewhat
extravagantly said that morbid interest in crime express unconscious desire to
be criminals—a desire to throw off the restraints of civilized existence. It is
clear that sentimental interest in crime, whether taking the form of negative hate
or positive morbid sympathy, is not what is needed for the objective
understanding and prevention of crime, and that its prevalence may be listed as
a factor in the causation of crime.
This interest is enhanced by the discovery of the wide variety of human traits
which the criminal possesses and the wide variety of types of which the
criminal class is composed. Paradoxical though it sounds, one may hardly even
describe criminals as a class as antisocial. Their criminal acts are indeed by
definition antisocial, and no one would minimize the seriousness of some of
them. Yet their criminal behavior on investigation is often found to be but one
aspect of their total behavior. A typical prison population is largely made up of
defeated men, overcome with apathy. Uninformed people are often astonished
to discover that some prisoners love dogs, are fond of children, or will fight
bravely for a cause. One finds, of course, morose and sullen specimens so
soured by the consciousness that their behavior is despised, and by absence of
genuine friendships, that they seem to be devoid of every human or kindly trait.
But such are the exception. The senior writer once knew a forger with 35 years‘
experience who had served eight prison sentences but whom he would have
trusted with a loan of $1,000. Robbers may be generous, murderers kindly, and
prostitutes on occasion sympathetic. On the other hand, stress on the humanity
of criminals may well be exaggerated. (The fascination of the criminal
personality for the student lies rather in the fact that study shows him to be even
in his most ugly characteristics a product of life‘s experiences.) As the student
in criminology turns back the pages of such a life, as he would turn back the
pages of a book, from the moment of the last terrible crime toward its
beginning, sooner or later, if his analysis is complete, he finds an unsoiled page.
The satisfaction of thus coming to understand life‘s failure is one of the
fascinating rewards of the criminologist.
There are many types of criminals, but there is no criminal type. The farm hand
of low intelligence who stumbles into delinquency literally not knowing how it
happened is a common type which rarely ―makes‖to the newspapers. The
young city gangster, who has graduated from a juvenile gang far more naturally
than he ever graduated from school, is a type differing radically from the farm
hand. The pampered child of the rich, the kidnapper, the drunken sot, the brains
of the underworld, the bank robber, the embezzler, the professional killer, the
drug addict, the young girl sex delinquent - none of these are true types, because
they vary so much within their groups. Moreover, more varied than the types of
crime they commit are the roads by which they have entered crime. An
understanding of the road to failure is of as great interest as is the story of the
road to fame.