Historiography of Canada - Wikipedia

10/5/21, 4:02 PM Historiography of Canada - Wikipedia
Historiography of Canada
The historiography of Canada deals with the manner in which historians have depicted, analyzed,
and debated the history of Canada. It also covers the popular memory of critical historical events,
ideas and leaders, as well as the depiction of those events in museums, monuments, reenactments,
pageants and historic sites.
Amateur historians dominated publications in the 19th century, and are still very widely read, and
pulling many tourists to museums and historic sites. They favored such themes as the colonial history,
exploration, and the great contest for control between the British and the French. Professional
historians emerged out of the academic institutions, and typically were trained in British universities.
Major themes in recent generations continue to be exploration and settlement, the British conquest of
1760, the independent emergence of a Quebec culture separate from both France and Britain,
involvement in wars with the United States (in 1776 and 1812), and Canadian roles in the two world
wars (WWI and WWII) of the 20th century. In political history, Confederation remains a major
theme, as do the political conflicts between ethnic, racial and religious coalitions. Nationalism has
replaced the earlier emphasis on the very close links to British culture. Diplomatic history starts in the
early 20th century, and for the post 1945 era emphasizes Canada's role as a middle power in world
affairs. Economic historians emphasize the role of the St. Lawrence transportation system, and the
export of staple commodities. Social historians have taken new perspectives on First Nations, women
and gender, and multiculturalism. Cultural historians have paid special attention to the dominance of
American influences, and efforts to sustain an independent Canadian perspective. Most recently
environmentalism has become a topic both for specialist, and for generalists who use the Canadian
experience as a model.
Contents
Amateur historians
Organizations of professional historians
Political history
The Conquest
Loyalists
War of 1812
First Nations
Economic history
Staples thesis
Core-periphery model
Keynesian version
Whig history: Political history with a definite goal
Confederation
Ethnic history
Historians change their perspective
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Historiography_of_Canada 1/21
Women
Québec
Environmental history
Publications
See also
Notes
Sources
Further reading
External links
Amateur historians
Amateur historians, self-taught in the knowledge of the sources but with limited attention to
historiography, dominated publications until the early 20th century.
The most influential of the amateur historians was François-Xavier Garneau (1809–1866), a self-
educated poor boy who defined the essence of Quebec nationalistic history for a century with his
Histoire du Canada depuis sa découverte jusqu’ à nos jours (3 vol., multiple editions from 1845
onward).[1] The first edition came under attack from Catholic Church officials for its touch of
liberalism; after he revised the work the Church gave its blessing.[2] He taught the profound linkage of
language, laws, and customs, and how the Catholic faith was essential to the French Canadian
nationality. His ideas became dogma across Québec, and were continued deep into the 20th century
by Abbe Lionel Groulx (1878–1967), the first full-time university professor of Québec history.[3]
In Anglophone Canada the most prominent amateur of his day was William Kingsford (1819–1898),
whose History of Canada (1887–1898) was widely read by the upper middle class, as well as
Anglophone teachers, despite its poor organization and pedestrian writing style. Kingsford believed
that the Conquest guaranteed victory for British constitutional liberty and that it ensured material
progress. He assumed the assimilation of French Canadians into a superior British culture was
inevitable and desirable, for he envisioned Canada as one nation with one anglophone population.[4]
Lovers of the past set up local historical societies and museums preserve the documents and artifacts.
Amateurs are still quite important, especially as journalists write biographies of politicians and
studies of major political developments.
By far the most popular of the amateurs was the Harvard-based American Francis Parkman (1823–
1893), whose nine volumes on France and England in North America (Boston, 1865–92) are still
widely read as literary masterpieces.[5]
Organizations of professional historians

Professionalism emerged after 1890 with the founding of academic history departments at
universities, and the practice of sending graduate students to Britain for advanced training in
preparation for a university professorship. In 1896, George McKinnon Wrong, an Anglican clergyman,
introduced modern Canadian history to the University of Toronto. He launched the Review of
Historical Publications Relating to Canada,[6] which was the forerunner of the Canadian Historical
Review.[7] Professionalization climaxed with the 1922 founding of the Canadian Historical
Association (CHA).[8] The language became technical, and scientific, with an emphasis on gathering
facts from primary sources, and avoiding grandiose patriotic claims. Women, who had been quite
active in historical societies and museums, were largely excluded from professional history.[9]
The CHA has a journal and an annual convention, and gives out numerous awards For the best
publications. Much of the work is done by specialized committees. For example, the Canadian
Committee on Labour History, publishes its own journal Labour/Le Travail and holds an annual
conference as part of the Congress of the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences
(the "Learneds").
Other topical interest committees include:[10]
ActiveHistory (http://activehistory.ca/)
Canadian Business History Association
Canadian Committee for Digital History (http://www.chashcacommittees-comitesa.ca/cchc-cchi/)
Canadian Committee on the History of Sexuality (http://www.cha-shc.ca/cchs/)
Canadian Committee on Labour History (http://cclh.ca/)
Canadian Committee on Migration, Ethnicity and Transnationalism (http://chashcacommittees-co
mitesa.ca/ccmet/)
Canadian Committee on Military History
Canadian Committee on Women's History (http://www.cha-shc.ca/ccwh-cchf/)
Canadian International History Committee (https://cihhic.ca/)
Canadian Network for Economic History (http://www.economichistory.ca/)
Canadian Network on Humanitarian History (http://aidhistory.ca/)
Canadian Urban History Caucus
Committee on the Second World War
Environmental History Group
Graduate Students' Committee (http://www.cha-shc.ca/gsc-ced/)
History of Children and Youth Group (http://www.hcyg.ca/)
Indigenous History Group (https://aboriginalhistorygroup.wordpress.com/)
International Committee of Historical Sciences (http://www.cish.org/index.php/en/)
Media And Communication History Committee (http://mchc-chmc.journalism.ryerson.ca/)
Oral History Group/ Oral History Forum (https://web.archive.org/web/20100117191848/http://www.
canoha.ca/)
Political History Group (http://chashcacommittees-comitesa.ca/phg-ghp/)
Public History Group (http://www.cha-shc.ca/public_history/index.html)
Political history
Much of the teaching and writing of the first generation of professional historians dealt with Canadian
political history, or more exactly constitutional history. Donald Wright says:
Neither sophisticated nor particularly interesting, English-Canadian historical writing was

what it was: traditional, political, constitutional, at times sentimental, and too focused on
the story of self-government, its development over time, and its ultimate achievement.... If
it wasn't dry-as-dust constitutional history, it was after-dinner expressions of loyalty to

Great Britain, heroic accounts of great men, and patriotic renderings of the Plains of
Abraham and General Wolfe or of Queenston Heights and General Brock.[11]
The Conquest
The Conquest of New France has always been a central and contested theme of Canadian memory—as
exemplified by an episode in 2009 when re-enactors were prevented from restaging the decisive 1759
battles in Québec.[12] Cornelius Jaenen argues:
The Conquest has remained a difficult subject for French-Canadian historians because it
can be viewed either as economically and ideologically disastrous or as a providential
intervention to enable Canadians to maintain their language and religion under British
rule. For virtually all Anglophone historians it was a victory for British military, political,
and economic superiority which would eventually only benefit the conquered.[13]
Historians of the 1950s tried to explain the economic inferiority of the French-Canadians by arguing
that the Conquest:
destroyed an integral society and decapitated the commercial class; leadership of the
conquered people fell to the Church; and, because commercial activity came to be
monopolized by British merchants, national survival concentrated on agriculture.[14]
At the other pole, are those Francophone historians who see the positive benefit of enabling the
preservation of language, and religion and traditional customs under British rule.[13] Scholars such as
Donald Fyson have pointed to the legal system as a success, with the continuation of French civil law
and the introduction of liberal modernity.[15] French Canadian debates have escalated since the
1960s, as the Conquest is seen as a pivotal moment in the history of Québec's nationalism. Historian
Jocelyn Létourneau suggested in the 21st century, "1759 does not belong primarily to a past that we
might wish to study and understand, but, rather, to a present and a future that we might wish to
shape and control."[16]
"The Monument des Braves," begun in Québec in 1863, commemorated the Battle of Sainte-Foy the
last victory won by the French in Canada during the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War). It
began a wave Of commemorations that took place across Canada between 1850 and 1930. They were
designed to create memories and left out the harshness of the British conquest and bring
Anglophones and Francophones closer together.[17]
Anglophone historians, in sharp contrast, typically celebrated the Conquest as a victory for British
military, political, and economic superiority that was a permanent benefit to the French.[13]
Loyalists
The Loyalists paid attention to their history, developing an image of themselves that they took great
pride in. In 1898, Henry Coyne provided a glowing depiction:
The Loyalists, to a considerable extent, were the very cream of the population of the
Thirteen Colonies. They represented in very large measure the learning, the piety, the
gentle birth, the wealth and good citizenship of the British race in America, as well its
devotion to law and order, British institutions, and the unity of the Empire. This was the
leaven they brought to Canada, which has leavened the entire Dominion of this day.[18]
According to Margaret Conrad and Alvin Finkel, Coyne's memorial expresses essential themes that
have often been incorporated into patriotic celebrations. The Loyalist tradition, as explicated by
Murray Barkley and Norman Knowles, includes:
The elite origins of the refugees, their loyalty to the British Crown, their suffering and
sacrifice in the face of hostile conditions, their consistent anti-Americanism, and their
divinely inspired sense of mission.[19]
Conrad and Finkel point up some exaggerations. They note that a few Loyalists were part of the
colonial elite, and most were loyal to all things British. A few suffered violence and hardship. However
about 20 percent returned to the United States, and other Loyalists supported the United States in the
War of 1812. Conrad and Finkel conclude:
in using their history to justify claims to superiority, descendants of the Loyalists abuse the
truth and actually diminish their status in the eyes of their non-Loyalists neighbours....The
scholars who argue that the Loyalists planted the seeds of Canadian liberalism or
conservatism in British North America usually fail to take into account not only the larger
context of political discussion that prevailed throughout the North Atlantic world, but also
the political values brought to British North America by other immigrants in the second
half of the 18th century.[20]
War of 1812
Canadian historian C.P. Stacey famously remarked that memories of the War of 1812 makes
everybody happy. The Americans think they whipped the British.
Canadians think of it equally pridefully as a war of defense in which their brave fathers,
side-by-side, turned back the massed might of the United States and saved the country
from conquest. And the English are the happiest of all, because they don't even know it
happened.[21]
Since the bicentennial in 2012, a steady stream of American and Canadian studies have appeared, and
even a few from Britain. Old themes are covered in more depth. There is much more concern with
French, Spanish, Native American, and African American sides of the story. New approaches centred
on gender and race have appeared.[22]
In a 2012 poll, 25% of all Canadians ranked their victory in the War of 1812 as the second most
important part of their identity after free health care (53 per cent).[22]
The Canadian government spent $28 million on three years of bicentennial events, exhibits, historic
sites, re-enactments, and a new national monument.[22] The official goal was to make Canadians
aware that 1) Canada would not exist had the American invasion of 1812–15 been successful; 2) the
end of the war laid the foundation for Confederation and the emergence of Canada as a free and
independent nation; and 3) under the Crown, Canada’s society retained its linguistic and ethnic
diversity, in contrast to the greater conformity demanded by the American Republic.[23]
In Toronto the "1812 Great Canadian Victory Party will bring the War of 1812...to life," promised the
sponsors of a festival in November 2009.[24] More specifically, Ontario celebrates the war, and
Québec largely ignores it. Nationwide in 2009, 37% of Canadians thought Canada won the war, 15%
thought it was a tie. But 39% know too little about it to say, including 63% in Québec.[25]
The memory of the war of 1812 was not especially important in the decades that followed it. A
powerful oligarchy closely tied to Britain controlled Upper Canada (Ontario), and their criteria for
legitimacy was loyalty to London, rather than heroic episodes in the war of 1812. As result they did not
promote the memory of the war.[26]
First Nations
The War of 1812 is often celebrated in Ontario as a British victory for what would become Canada in
1867, but Canadian historians in recent decades look at it as a defeat for the First Nations of Canada,
and also for the merchants of Montreal (who lost the fur trade of the Michigan-Minnesota area).[27]
The British had a long-standing goal of building a "neutral" but pro-British Indian buffer state in the
American Midwest.[28] They demanded a neutral Indian state at the peace conference in 1814 but
failed to gain any of it because they had lost control of the region in the Battle of Lake Erie and the
Battle of the Thames in 1813, where Tecumseh was killed. The British then abandoned the Indians
south of the lakes. The royal elite of (what is now) Ontario gained much more power in the aftermath
and used that power to repel American ideas such as democracy and republicanism, especially in
those areas of Ontario settled primarily by Americans. Many of those settlers returned to the states
and were replaced by immigrants from Britain who were imperial-minded.[29] W. L. Morton says the
war was a "stalemate" but the Americans "did win the peace negotiations."[30] Arthur Ray says the
war made "matters worse for the native people" as they lost military and political power.[31] J.M.
Bumsted says the war was a stalemate but regarding the Indians "was a victory for the American
expansionists."[32] John Herd Thompson and Stephen Randall say "the War of 1812's real losers were
the Native peoples who had fought as Britain's ally."[33]
Economic history
Economic history was central to the new interpretations developing after 1900, in part because the
economists and historians were collaborating using evidence from Canadian history.
Staples thesis
Harold Innis (1894–1952), based in the history department at the University of Toronto,[34] and
William Archibald Mackintosh (1895–1970), based in the economics department at Queen's
University developed the Staples thesis. They argued that the Canadian Economy (beyond the level of
subsistence farming) was primarily based on exports of a series of staples—fish, fur, timber, wheat—
that shipped to Britain and the British Empire. Industrialization came much later. The thesis explains
Canadian economic development as a lateral, east-west conception of trade. Innis argued that Canada
developed as it did because of the nature of its staple commodities: raw materials, such as fish, fur,
lumber, agricultural products, and minerals. This trading link cemented Canada's cultural links to
Britain. The search for and exploitation of these staples led to the creation of institutions that defined
the political culture of the nation and its regions. Innis, Influenced by the Frontier thesis of American
historian Frederick Jackson Turner,[35] added a sociological dimension. Innis argued that different
staples led to the emergence of regional economies (and societies) within Canada. For instance, the
staple commodity in Atlantic Canada was cod fishing. This industry was very decentralized, but also
very co-operative. In western Canada the central staple was wheat. Wheat farming was a very
independent venture, which led to a history of distrust of government and corporations in that part of
the country. (Also important, however, were the shocks caused by volatility in the market for wheat
and by the weather itself on the growing season.) In central Canada, the main staple was fur, and the
fur trade dominated the economy for many years. This fur trade was controlled by large firms, such as
the Hudson's Bay Company and thus produced the much more centralized, business-oriented society
that today characterizes Montreal and Toronto.
Donald Creighton (1902–1979) was a leading historian who built upon the Staples thesis in his The
Commercial Empire of the St-Lawrence: 1760–1850 (1937).[36] His Laurentian thesis showed how
the English merchant class came to dominate Canadian business through their control of the export of
staples via the St-Lawrence River. They made Montreal economic, business and financial capital of
Canada.[37][38] In his enormously influential biography of John A. McDonald, Creighton argued that
McDonald had built upon and extended the Laurentian model by his creation of the transcontinental
railway. More than that, Creighton transformed Canadian political history. For years scholars had
complained about the old-fashioned, narrow, constitutional approach. They hoped Creighton could
modernize the field and he came through, by adding not just biography, but also social, cultural, and
especially long-term economic patterns as the matrix on which Canadian politics was played out.[39]
Core-periphery model
Innis depicted the relationship between regions of Canada as one of "heartland" to "hinterland": The
periphery, or hinterland, is dominated by the core, or heartland. Because the heartland was
dependent upon the search for and accumulation of staples (which were located in the hinterland) to
perpetuate the economy, it sought to gain economic and political power by exploiting the
hinterland.[40] Historians continue to use elements of the Innis model, applying it for example to
British Columbia. That province's economic structure exemplifies the "core-periphery" structure of
intra-regional relationships. The core is metropolitan Vancouver, with its concentration of corporate
management and transportation functions and manufacturing growth. It dominates an
underdeveloped periphery that depends on production and export of staple commodities.[41]
However, the use of the core-hinterland model to describe the relationship of the Maritime Provinces
to Ontario and Québec has been critiqued by maritime historian Ian McKay, who suggested that the
economic input of Central Canada is lesser than would be expected with such a model.[42]
Keynesian version
In the 1950s, Mackintosh revised the staples theory to position it inside the framework of Keynesian
analysis. He argued that government expenditures on infrastructure for staple exports were a special
case of Keynesian counter cyclical fiscal policy. It amounted to priming of the economic pump to
induce private sector investment. At the University of Saskatchewan, a team of economists led by
George Britnell, Mabel Timlin, Kenneth Buckley and Vernon Fowke, were followers of Innis and
developed this approach into a "Saskatchewan school" of economic history. Fowke's Canadian
Agricultural Policy: The Historical Pattern (1946),[43] showed that agriculture was promoted as an
"investment frontier," the profits from which were to go to interests other than agriculture. Canadian
policy was never to develop agriculture so as to improve the conditions of those who cultivated the soil
but to aid imperial military and political goals and provide profits for commercial interests.[44]
Whig history: Political history with a definite goal

Historian Allan Greer argues that Whig history was once the dominant style of scholarship. He says
the:
interpretive schemes that dominated Canadian historical writing through the middle
decades of the twentieth century were built on the assumption that history had a
discernible direction and flow. Canada was moving towards a goal in the nineteenth
century; whether this endpoint was the construction of a transcontinental, commercial,
and political union, the development of parliamentary government, or the preservation
and resurrection of French Canada, it was certainly a Good Thing. Thus the rebels of 1837
were quite literally on the wrong track. They lost because they had to lose; they were not
simply overwhelmed by superior force, they were justly chastised by the God of
History.[45]
With the decline of Whig history, Canadian scholarship since the late 20th century has avoided
overarching themes and concentrated on specialized research topics. No longer do they minimize
conflict and violence. Military historians map troop movements in 1837–38.[46] Imperial specialists
explain how London approached the crisis.[47] Economic historians measure the depth of financial
and agrarian distress that soured the mood.[48] Social historians reveal how ordinary people were
caught up in the Rebellion.[49] Greer concludes that:
The result has been a great advance in empirical knowledge: myths have been punctured,
generalizations of the and qualified, and a wealth of factual data has been accumulated.[45]
The downside in this minute particularism has been a loss of a broad overview or a sense of what it all
meant, such as the Whig approach offered.
Confederation
There is extensive scholarly debate on the role of political ideas in Canadian Confederation.
Traditionally, historians regarded Canadian Confederation an exercise in political pragmatism that
was essentially non-ideological. In the 1960s, historian P.B. Waite derided the references to political
philosophers in the legislative debates on Confederation as "hot air". In Waite's view, Confederation
was driven by pragmatic brokerage politics and competing interest groups.[50]
In 1987, political scientist Peter J. Smith challenged the view that Canadian Confederation was non-
ideological. Smith argued that Confederation was motivated by new political ideologies as much as the
American and French Revolutions and that Canadian Confederation was driven by a Court Party
ideology. Smith traces the origins of this ideology to eighteenth and nineteenth-century Britain, where
political life was polarized between defenders of classical republican values of the Country Party and
proponents of a new pro-capitalist ideology of the Court Party, which believed in centralizing political
power. In British North America in the 1860s, the

Court Party tradition was represented by the
supporters of Confederation, whereas the anti-
capitalist and agrarian Country Party tradition was
embodied by the Anti-Confederates.[51]
In a 2000 journal article, historian Ian McKay argued

that Canadian Confederation was motivated by the
ideology of liberalism and the belief in the supremacy
of individual rights. McKay described Confederation
as part of the classical liberal project of creating a
"liberal order" in northern North America.[52] Many
Canadian historians have adopted McKay's liberal
order framework as a paradigm for understanding
Map of the Eastern British Provinces in North
Canadian history.[53]
America at the time of Canadian Confederation,
1867.
In 2008, historian Andrew Smith advanced a very
different view of Confederation's ideological origins.
He argues that in the four original Canadian
provinces, the politics of taxation were a central issue in the debate about Confederation. Taxation
was also central to the debate in Newfoundland, the tax-averse colony that rejected it. Smith argued
Confederation was supported by many colonists who were sympathetic to a relatively interventionist,
or statist, approach to capitalist development. Most classical liberals, who believed in free trade and
low taxes, opposed Confederation because they feared that it would result in Big Government. The
struggle over Confederation involved a battle between a staunchly individualist economic philosophy
and a comparatively collectivist view of the state's proper role in the economy. According to Smith,
the victory of the statist supporters of Confederation over their anti-statist opponents prepared the
way for Sir John A. Macdonald's government to enact the protectionist National Policy and to
subsidize major infrastructure projects such the Intercolonial and Pacific Railways.[54]
In 2007, political scientist Janet Ajzenstat connected Canadian Confederation to the individualist
ideology of John Locke. She argued that the union of the British North American colonies was
motivated by a desire to protect individual rights, especially the rights to life, liberty, and property.
She contends that the Fathers of Confederation were motivated by the values of the Enlightenment of
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. She argues that their intellectual debts to Locke are most
evident when one looks at the 1865 debates in the Province of Canada's legislature on whether or not
union with the other British North American colonies would be desirable.[55]
Ethnic history
Roberto Perin looks at the historiography of Canadian ethnic history and finds two alternative
methodologies. One is more static and emphasizes how closely immigrant cultures replicate the Old
World. This approach tends to be filiopietistic.[56] The alternative approach has been influenced by
the recent historiography on labor, urban, and family history. It sees the immigrant community as an
essentially North American phenomenon and integrates it into the mainstream of Canadian
culture.[57]
Historians change their perspective
Since the 1980s, historians have sharply revised their approach to Canadian history. Political history
had been the dominant mode. The flagship Canadian Historical Review was heavily weighted toward
political history, giving priority to macro themes such as elite politicians and statesmen, public
institutions, and national issues. By 2000, however, the same journal gave two-thirds of its space to
social history. Furthermore, micro topics with a narrow geographical and chronological focus have
largely replaced wide-lens macro themes. Glassford argues that:
The Big Questions are now seen to be societally based, and emanate from a cultural
interpretation of such fundamental concepts as social class, gender, ethnicity, race,
religion, and sexual orientation. Micro-analysis has at least as much validity in the new
model as macro.[58]
A backlash erupted from conservative historians, typified by political and military specialist Jack
Granatstein who charged that social historians had "killed" Canadian history by displacing the
traditional Whig narrative of upward political, diplomatic, and military progress with microscopic
studies of the underclass, the trivial, and the inconsequential.".[59] Granatstein recalls the backlash:
As the old white males rallied themselves and fought back, the resulting war produced
heavy casualties, much bloodshed, and vast expenditures of time and effort. The political
historians believed that narrative was important, that chronology mattered, and that the
study of the past could not neglect the personalities of the leaders and the nations they
lead. The social historians had no interest in the history of the "elites" and almost none in
political history, except to denounce repressiveness of Canadian governments and
business....Blame had to be allocated. Canada was guilty of genocide against the Indians,
the bombing of Germany, the ecological rape of the landscape, and so on. Their aim was to
use history, or their version of it, to cure white males of their sense of superiority.[60]
Women
The woman's history movement began in the 1970s and grew rapidly across Canadian universities,
attracting support from history departments and other disciplines as well. The Canadian Committee
on Women's History (CCWH) was founded in 1975.[61] Franca Iacovetta reported in 2007:
Although the most prestigious awards and endowed chairs still go mostly to men, and men
still outnumber women at the full professor rank, the greater influence of feminist
historians within the wider profession is evident in their increased presence as journal and
book series editors, the many scholarly prizes, the strong presence of women's and gender
history on conference programs, and the growing number of their students who are in full-
time positions.[62]
Québec
The history of women in Québec was generally neglected before 1980.[63] The advent of the feminist
movement, combined with the "New social history" that featured the study of ordinary people, created
a new demand for a historiography of women. The first studies, emerged from a feminist perspective,
and stressed their role as the terms who had been reduced to inferiority in a world controlled by men.
Feminists sought the family itself as the centrepiece of the patriarchal system where fathers and
husbands oppressed and alienated women. The second stage came when historians presented a more
positive and balanced view.[64] Research has often been interdisciplinary, using insights from feminist
theory, literature, anthropology and sociology to study gender relations, socialization, reproduction,
sexuality, and unpaid work. Labour and family history have proved particularly open to these
themes.[65]
Environmental history
Canadian historians have always paid close attention to geography, but until the 1980s they largely
ignored the Canadian environment, except to point how cold the northerly nation is. More recently,
explorers have ventured into new areas, but no overarching or major reinterpretation has swept the
field. Two of the most widely noted books are Tina Loo, States of Nature: Conserving Canada’s
Wildlife in the Twentieth Century (2006),[66] and John Sandlos, Hunters at the Margin: Native
People and Wildlife Conservation in the Northwest Territories (2007).[67]
Publications
Scholarly articles and in-depth reviews of new historical studies appear in these journals:[68]
Acadiensis – Covers Atlantic Canada

Alberta History[69]
American Review of Canadian Studies[70][71]
British Columbia History[72]
Bulletin d’histoire politique politics in Quebec[73]
Canadian Bulletin of Medical History
Canada's History – Formerly The Beaver (1920–2010), short popular essays.
Canadian Historical Review – Major scholarly journal.
Histoire sociale/Social History – Focus on Canada.[74]
Journal of the Canadian Historical Association / Revue de la Société historique du Canada[75]
Labour/Le Travail
London Journal of Canadian Studies – Annual since 1984.[76]
Manitoba History[77]
Ontario History[78]
Québec Studies[79]
Queen's Quarterly cultural studies; established in 1893
Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française on French Wikipedia – Focus on Québec.
Saskatchewan History
Urban History Review – Revue d'histoire urbaine – Published 1972-2016.[80]
See also
Bibliography of Canadian history
Canada Vignettes
Canadian identity
Heritage Minutes
List of Canadian historians
List of museums in Canada
National Historic Sites of Canada
War of 1812 Bicentennial
Notes
1. Wilson, J. G.; Fiske, J., eds. (1900). "Garneau, François Xavier" (https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Ap
pletons%27_Cyclop%C3%A6dia_of_American_Biography/Garneau,_Fran%C3%A7ois_Xavier).
Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography. New York: D. Appleton. p. 606.
2. Saint-Martin, Louis-Ph. (1954). "L'histoire du Canada de F.-X. Garneau et la critique" (https://doi.o
rg/10.7202%2F301665ar). Revue d'Histoire de l'Amérique Française. 8 (3): 380–394.
doi:10.7202/301665ar (https://doi.org/10.7202%2F301665ar).
3. Taylor, M. Brook; Owram, Doug (1994). Canadian History: Beginnings to Confederation (https://bo
oks.google.com/books?id=FamJrJEvymIC&pg=PA117). p. 117. ISBN 9780802068262.
• Savard, Pierre; Wyczynski, Paul (1976). "Garneau, François-Xavier" (http://www.biographi.ca/en/

bio/garneau_francois_xavier_9E.html). In Halpenny, Francess G (ed.). Dictionary of Canadian
Biography. IX (1861–1870) (online ed.). University of Toronto Press.
• Gagnon, Serge (1982). Québec and Its Historians, 1840 to 1920 (https://books.google.com/book
s?id=x_IUAAAAYAAJ&pg=PP1). Harvest House. ISBN 978-0-88772-213-4.
• The influence of Garneau and Groulx extends well into the 21st century in Québec's school
textbooks: Lemieux, Olivier; Côté, Catherine (28 March 2014). "Étude des programmes et des
manuels d'histoire du Québec de 1967 à 2012" (https://doi.org/10.7202%2F1024152ar). Bulletin
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Further reading
Artibise, Alan F.J., ed. (1990). Interdisciplinary Approaches to Canadian Society: A Guide to the
Literature (https://books.google.com/books?id=ONW6RrfalUYC&pg=PP1). McGill-Queen's
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Bell, C. Elizabeth (2015). "A Historiography of Canadian Aboriginal Activism in the 20th Century"
(http://openjournals.uwaterloo.ca/index.php/whr/article/view/27/23). Waterloo Historical Review. 7.
doi:10.15353/whr.v7.27 (https://doi.org/10.15353%2Fwhr.v7.27).. Also at Research Gate (https://w
ww.researchgate.net/publication/283799738_A_Historiography_of_Canadian_Aboriginal_Activism
_in_the_20th_Century)
Berger, Carl, ed. (1987) Contemporary Approaches to Canadian Writing
Bliss, Michael (Winter 1991). "Privatizing the Mind: The Sundering of Canadian History, the
Sundering of Canada" (https://muse.jhu.edu/article/674034/pdf). Journal of Canadian Studies. 26
(4): 5–17. doi:10.3138/jcs.26.4.5 (https://doi.org/10.3138%2Fjcs.26.4.5). S2CID 151721939 (http
s://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:151721939).. Also at Research Gate (https://www.researchg
ate.net/publication/312276266_Privatizing_the_Mind_The_Sundering_of_Canadian_History_the_
Sundering_of_Canada)
Brandt, Gail Cuthbert (1992). "National Unity and the Politics of Political History" (https://www.erud
it.org/en/journals/jcha/1992-v3-n1-jcha999/031041ar.pdf) (PDF). Journal of the Canadian
Historical Association. 3 (1): 3–11. doi:10.7202/031041ar (https://doi.org/10.7202%2F031041ar).
Campbell, Lara; Myers, Tamara; Perry, Adele (2016). Rethinking Canada: The Promise of
Women's History (https://books.google.com/books?id=LQ3XjgEACAAJ&pg=PP1) (seventh ed.).
Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-901108-7. Previous editions contain different essays from
different writers: Sixth edition (https://books.google.com/books?id=0W18SQAACAAJ) at Google
Books (2011) ISBN 978-0-19-543172-8; Fifth edition (https://books.google.com/books?id=BuvtAA
AAMAAJ) at Google Books (2006) ISBN 978-0-1954-2350-1; Third edition (https://books.google.c
om/books?id=ehW2AAAAIAAJ) at Google Books (1997) ISBN 978-0-19-541291-8; Second
edition (https://books.google.com/books?id=EkIqAAAAYAAJ) at Google Books (1991) ISBN 978-
0-7730-5097-6; First edition (https://books.google.com/books?id=a14qAAAAYAAJ) at Google
Books (1986) ISBN 978-0-7730-4601-6.
Careless, J.M.S. (1954). "Canadian Nationalism — Immature or Obsolete?" (https://doi.org/10.720
2%2F300357ar). Report of the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Historical Association. 33 (1): 12–
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Kealey, Gregory S. (Summer 1992). "Class in English-Canadian Historical Writing: Neither
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McKercher, Asa, and Philip Van Huizen, eds. Undiplomatic History: The New Study of Canada
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a/HistofCan.htm). Québec History. Marianopolis College. 1948.
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Historiography (https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/article/historiography). 4 March
2015.
Mckillop, A. Brian (4 March 2015). Historiography in English (https://www.thecanadianencyclop
edia.ca/en/article/historiography-in-english).
Roy, Fernande; Savard, Pierre (4 March 2015). Historiography in French (https://www.thecana
dianencyclopedia.ca/article/historiography-in-french).
Mcdowall, Duncan (4 March 2015). Business History (https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.c
a/en/article/oral-history).
Drummond, Ian M.; Mcintosh, Gord (7 March 2018). Economic History of Canada (https://ww
w.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/economic-history).
Drummond, Ian M.; Mcintosh, Gord (7 March 2018). Economic History of Atlantic Canada (http
s://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/economic-history-of-atlantic-canada).
Drummond, Ian M.; Mcintosh, Gord (6 March 2018). Economic History of Central Canada (http
s://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/economic-history-of-central-canada).
Drummond, Ian M.; Mcintosh, Gord (7 March 2018). Economic History of Western Canada (htt
ps://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/economic-history-of-western-canada).
Stursberg, Peter (23 June 2015). Oral History (https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/arti
cle/oral-history).
Marsh, James H.; Marshall, Tabitha (4 March 2015). Railway History (https://www.thecanadian
encyclopedia.ca/en/article/railway-history).
Cross, Michael S.; Skikavich, Julia (4 March 2015). Social History (https://www.thecanadianen
cyclopedia.ca/en/article/social-history).
Watkins, Mel (16 December 2013). Staple Thesis (https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/e
n/article/oral-history).
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10/5/21, 4:02 PM Historiography of Canada - Wikipedia

Organizations of professional historians

Other topical interest committees include:[10]

Neither sophisticated nor particularly interesting, English-Canadian historical writing was

it wasn't dry-as-dust constitutional history, it was after-dinner expressions of loyalty to

Whig history: Political history with a definite goal

power. In British North America in the 1860s, the

In a 2000 journal article, historian Ian McKay argued

Historians change their perspective

Acadiensis – Covers Atlantic Canada

• Savard, Pierre; Wyczynski, Paul (1976). "Garneau, François-Xavier" (http://www.biographi.ca/en/

10. "Affiliated Committees" (https://cha-shc.ca/english/what-we-do/affiliated-committees.html).

• Iacovetta, Franca (Spring 2007). "Gendering Trans/National Historiographies: Feminists

• Dumont-Johnson, Micheline; Clio Collective (1987). Québec Women: A History (https://books.go

• Sörlin, Sverker (2014). "The Historiography of the Enigmatic North" (https://muse.jhu.edu/article/

• "Alberta Historical Review = Alberta History" (http://peel.library.ualberta.ca/bibliography/9021.ht

70. "American Review of Canadian Studies" (https://canam.wwu.edu/american-review-of-canadian-st

Also at Research Gate (https://www.researchgate.net/publication/254931122_National_Transnatio

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Historiography_of_Canada&oldid=1024075319"

This page was last edited on 19 May 2021, at 23:54 (UTC).

Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License;

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