The Journal of Sex Research

ISSN: 0022-4499 (Print) 1559-8519 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hjsr20

Heterosexual Women’s Anal Sex Attitudes and

Motivations: A Focus Group Study

Kimberly R. McBride

To cite this article: Kimberly R. McBride (2017): Heterosexual Women’s Anal Sex
Attitudes and Motivations: A Focus Group Study, The Journal of Sex Research, DOI:
10.1080/00224499.2017.1355437

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2017.1355437

Published online: 10 Aug 2017.

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Download by: [University of Rochester] Date: 11 August 2017, At: 09:47

 THE JOURNAL OF SEX RESEARCH, 00(00), 1–11, 2017
Copyright © The Society for the Scientific Study of Sexuality
ISSN: 0022-4499 print/1559-8519 online
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2017.1355437

Heterosexual Women’s Anal Sex Attitudes and Motivations: A

Focus Group Study
Kimberly R. McBride
School of Population Health, University of Toledo, Health Disparities Research Collaborative,
University of Toledo and Department of Women’s and Gender Studies, University of Toledo

Focus group methods were used to explore heterosexual women’s receptive anal sex attitudes
and motivations. Behaviors under investigation included penile–anal intercourse (PAI), manual–
anal stimulation, oral–anal contact, and the use of sex toys. A total of 33 self-identified
heterosexual women ages 18 to 30 recruited from two metropolitan areas in the Midwestern
United States participated in one of six focus groups. The findings suggest that women viewed
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heterosexual anal sex as an emerging norm. Attitudes and motivations were complex and varied
by behavior. Dominant themes included curiosity, pain, pleasure, and stigma. Relational factors,
including acquiescence, coercion, and consent, were also salient among participants. Factors
that influence anal sexual behaviors may not be entirely distinct from those that influence other
sexual behaviors; however, factors that influence anal intercourse may be distinct from those
that influence nonintercourse anal sex. Improved understanding will allow scientists to better
understand the integration of anal sex behaviors into the broader sexual repertoire.

Heterosexual anal intercourse is receiving increased attention in
the sexual health research literature. In the United States, the
prevalence of receptive penile–anal intercourse (PAI) among
heterosexual women is well documented, with studies reporting
lifetime rates of up to 42% (Benson, Micks, & Prager, 2016;
Chandra, Mosher, Copen, & Sionean, 2011; Copen, Chandra, &
Febo-Vasquez, 2016; Herbenick, Reece, Schick, et al., 2010;
Hess, DiNenno, Sionean, Ivy, & Paz-Bailey, 2016; Satterwhite
et al., 2007) and past month rates of up to 8% (Herbenick, Reece,
Sanders, et al., 2010). Prevalence rates suggest that receptive PAI
is increasingly part of heterosexual women’s sexual repertoire
and warrants further investigation by the scientific community.
Much of the research literature to date has conceptualized
heterosexual receptive PAI as a risky substitution for vaginal
intercourse, with inquiry being focused on the documentation
of negative sexual health outcomes (McBride & Fortenberry,
2010). Based on prevalence, it is unlikely that risk taking alone
adequately explains behavioral occurrence among all women
who practice receptive PAI. Sexual health research has been
responsive to the need to expand inquiry beyond the historical
focus on risk for disease. As a result, recent studies have
explored several aspects of receptive PAI among women,
including contextual factors (Stahlman et al., 2015), behavioral
correlates (Benson, Martins, & Whittaker, 2015; Hess et al.,
2016; Reynolds, Fisher, Laurenceau, & Fortenberry, 2015;
Correspondence should be addressed to Kimberly R. McBride, 2801 W.
Bancroft Street, MS 119, University of Toledo, Toledo, OH 43606. E-mail:
Kimberly.mcbride@utoledo.edu
Villar-Loubet et al., 2015), motivations (Reynolds, Fisher, &
Rogala, 2015; Roye, Tolman, & Snowden, 2013; Stahlman
et al., 2015), pain and pleasure (Herbenick, Schick, Sanders,
Reece, & Fortenberry, 2015; Stulhofer & Ajduković, 2013),
and subjective experiences (Fahs & Gonzalez, 2014). While
these studies make important contributions to scientific under-
standing, gaps in the literature remain.
To our knowledge, there has been no recent assessment of
women’s attitudes toward PAI, although research has demon-
strated the association between attitudes and sexual behaviors
(Crosby, Milhausen, Yarber, Sanders, & Graham, 2008;
Higgins & Wang, 2015; Hill, Amick, & Sanders, 2011).
While understanding attitudes alone is not likely to provide
an adequate explanation of heterosexual anal intercourse, the
examination of attitudes combined with research assessing
motivations and salient contextual factors will be a starting
point for improved phenomenological understanding.
Studies assessing women’s motivations for engaging in PAI
have identified common factors, including pleasing a male
partner; desire, pleasure, and curiosity; increased intimacy or
trust; and coercion (Fahs & Gonzalez, 2014; Reynolds, Fisher,
& Rogala, 2015; Roye et al., 2013; Stahlman et al., 2015).
Reynolds, Fisher, and Rogala (2015) and Stahlman et al.
(2015) found that being under the influence of substances was
a common motivational theme among their samples, which
were recruited from either a substance abuse treatment program
(Reynolds, Fisher, & Rogala, 2015) or a community-based
HIV/STI testing clinic (Stahlman et al., 2015). While the con-
sistency of results suggest some commonalities in women’s
 MCBRIDE
experiences, the applicability of results to the general population
of women may be limited by the fact that three (Reynolds,
Fisher, & Rogala, 2015; Roye et al., 2013; Stahlman et al.,
2015) of the four studies were conducted among groups with
sociodemographic characteristics (i.e., adolescent age, sub-
stance use, STI clinic attendance) that distinguish them from
the general population.
There is an absence of research examining nonintercourse
anal sex behaviors, such as manual–anal stimulation/penetration
and oral–anal contact. The results of research conducted by
McBride and Sanders (2010), which examined lifetime preva-
lence of anal sex behaviors among a sample of adults who
reported anal sex experience, found that 83% of women
reported lifetime receptive manual–anal stimulation and 50.8%
reported receptive oral–anal contact. The most common beha-
vioral pattern was experience with PAI, manual–anal stimula-
tion, and oral–anal contact. However, roughly one-quarter of
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participants with nonintercourse anal sex experience had never
engaged in PAI. Additional assessment of nonintercourse anal
sex behaviors, including attitudinal and motivational factors, is
needed. For example, women’s motivations for engaging in PAI
may be distinct from their reasons for engaging in other anal sex
behaviors and thus deserve focused investigation.
The substantial prevalence of heterosexual receptive PAI
implies that anal sexual behavior may be seated within a broad
and varied sexual repertoire. The extent to which noninter-
course anal sex behaviors are part of the sexual repertoire
remains understudied. Because anal sexual behaviors have
implications for sexual health outcomes and, more broadly,
for understanding human sexuality, it is important that the
scientific community make a concerted effort to understand
the factors that influence behavioral occurrence.
In response to the lack of data documenting heterosexual
women’s attitudes toward anal sex behaviors, the primary aim
of the current study was to describe attitudes toward receptive
PAI and nonintercourse anal sex behaviors among a sample of
women ages 18 to 30 years recruited from the general popula-
tion. A secondary aim was to describe motivational factors
influencing both PAI and nonintercourse anal sex behaviors.
Anal sexual health knowledge and product use were also
explored; however, those findings will be reported elsewhere.
Method
A primary strength of focus groups is the ability of the
interactive group process to draw out latent attitudes and reveal
salient affective and cognitive factors that may not emerge
through other methodological approaches (Krueger, 1994;
Montell, 1999; Morgan, 1996). Focus groups can uncover
ideas that may be taken for granted by requiring subjects to
clarify or elaborate on their thoughts to other group members,
and are well suited for generating rich data that reflect varied
perspectives as well as points of consensus (Krueger, 1994;
Montell, 1999; Morgan, 1996). These methodological
strengths were relevant to the current research for the follow-
ing reasons: (a) the relative rarity of heterosexual anal sex
2
created the possibility that some women would not be entirely
aware of their attitudes and would have difficulty clearly
articulating them without exposure to a range of other experi-
ences and perspectives; (b) the existing literature suggests that
anal sex motivations and behaviors are complex and the ability
of the interactive group process to reveal taken-for-granted
ideas had the potential to provide important insights into the
origins of motivations and behaviors; and (c) improved phe-
nomenological understanding would require understanding
points of consensus and divergence. In addition, focus groups
have the ability to reproduce results derived from other stan-
dard methods (Morgan, 1996). Given that much of the existing
literature addressing motivational factors has come from sam-
ples with sociodemographic characteristics that distinguish
them from the general population, any replication of findings
in the current sample might help identify factors which are
influenced by unique sociodemographic characteristics and
those which are not.
Further, focus group methodology has been successfully
utilized in previous sexuality research, including studies of
heterosexual anal sex (Reynolds, Fisher, & Rogala, 2015;
Shayo et al., 2017) and other sensitive topics such as pregnancy
ambivalence and the use of long-acting reversible contracep-
tives (Higgins, 2017); alcohol use and risky sexual behaviors
among men who have sex with men (MSM) and transgender
women (Vagenas et al., 2017); barriers and facilitators to HIV
testing among young MSM and transgender women (Logie
et al., 2017); and the health care experiences of kink-oriented
patients (Waldura, Arora, Randall, Farala, & Sprott, 2016).
The limitations associated with the use of focus group
methodology were carefully considered during study design.
These included the potential for social desirability to bias study
findings, the possibility that some women may feel uncomfor-
table or embarrassed discussing the research topic, and that
concerns about confidentiality may be salient among partici-
pants. During study design, attempts were made to minimize
the potential for discomfort, embarrassment, loss of confiden-
tiality, and bias through the procedures described next.
Participants and Procedures
English-speaking, self-identified heterosexual women
between the ages of 18 and 30 years old were eligible for
participation. Past history of anal sex behavior was not included
in the eligibility criteria, because understanding the perceptions
of women with and without anal sex experience may add
information that helps explain the relative rarity of PAI when
compared to vaginal intercourse (Fahs & Gonzalez, 2014;
McBride & Fortenberry, 2010). Participants were recruited via
flyers posted on a midsized university campus in the
Midwestern United States, in one midsized and one large metro-
politan area in the Midwestern United States, and social media.
Recruitment materials described the research as a focus group
study where volunteers would “join other women to talk about
women’s sexuality, sexual health, and sexual well-being.”
Women who were interested in participating were directed to
call or e-mail the study principal investigator (PI). Potential
 WOMEN’S ANAL SEX ATTITUDES AND MOTIVATIONS

participants were scheduled to complete a telephone eligibility Table 1. Participant Demographic Characteristics (N = 33)
screening conducted by a trained graduate research assistant.
Characteristics % (n)
In an effort to minimize the possibility of enrolling partici-
pants who would feel uncomfortable or embarrassed discussing Age
the research topic, the screening script included descriptions of 18 to 23 52 (17)
the nature of the research, the study purpose, the procedures, and 24 and above 48 (16)
Race
expectations regarding confidentiality. Potential participants American Indian/Alaska Native 6 (2)
were told that the study was investigating heterosexual women’s African American/Black 42 (14)
anal sex behavior and that the purpose was to “gain a better Asian 3 (1)
understanding of women’s attitudes toward anal sexual beha- Native Hawaiian/other Pacific Islander 3 (1)
viors and practices.” Potential participants were informed that White/Caucasian 45 (15)
Ethnicity: Hispanic/Latina
they would not be asked to disclose whether they had experi- Yes 9 (3)
enced any of the behaviors that would be discussed in the group, No 91 (30)
but the moderator would ask them to “talk about their attitudes Education
toward a variety of things that have to do with anal sex.” They High school graduate/GED 12 (4)
were also informed that approximately seven other participants Some college 45 (15)
College undergraduate degree 21 (7)
would be present during the group session and that it would be Some postgraduate work 6 (2)
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recorded. Expectations for privacy and confidentiality were
reviewed, and women were informed that they could leave the
group if they knew another participant. They were also notified
that they would have the option to use a pseudonym during the
session and were given the opportunity to ask questions about
the information covered prior to enrollment.
Seven women who were screened declined participation
citing scheduling conflicts. Those who met the eligibility cri-
teria and agreed to participate were scheduled for a specific
date, time, and location and were e-mailed or mailed, based on
preference, an informed consent document to review prior to
attending the focus group session. All scheduled participants
received e-mail, text message, and telephone reminders a few
days prior to each session as well as on the day of the session.
Nine women who were scheduled canceled or did not attend
their group session. A research assistant contacted all of these
women by phone or e-mail and offered them the option of
rescheduling. Three women were unable to participate in a
different session due to scheduling conflicts; three asked to be
rescheduled and participated in different groups; and three did
not respond to phone call or e-mail enquiries.
The final sample consisted of 33 self-identified hetero-
sexual women between the ages of 18 and 30 (mean
age = 23.18) who participated in one of six focus group
sessions lasting approximately two hours (Table 1). A total
of 11 participants disclosed anal sex behavioral experience
as measured by “I” statements made in reference to experi-
ence during the focus group sessions.
Focus groups were conducted at one of two locations: a
private conference room located at a university or a private
meeting room at a public library. The PI moderated each
group, and two doctoral-level research assistants served as
notetakers. Sessions were digitally recorded and transcribed
for analysis. Notes were used as additional sources of data.
No identifying information was collected, and recordings
were destroyed after transcription.
Upon arrival, participants were greeted by the moderator
and directed to complete a brief demographic questionnaire
and informed consent. Participants were given name cards
Postgraduate degree 12 (4)
Trade/technical/vocational training 3 (1)
Relationship status
Married 3 (1)
In a relationship with a single person for more than six months 57 (19)
In a relationship with a single person for fewer than six months 9 (3)
Currently dating several people 9 (3)
Not currently dating anyone 23 (7)
and told that they could choose to write their own name or a
pseudonym. The moderator introduced herself and the note-
takers at the beginning of each session. Introductions were
followed by a description of the research, and participants
were told that the purpose of the study was “to share ideas
to help us develop a better understanding of various anal
sexual behaviors.” Participants were notified that the aim
was not to build consensus but “to understand many differ-
ent perspectives.” Participants were reminded that they did
not have to disclose their own behaviors but could talk
about their own experiences by saying “a friend” if they
wished to do so. Ground rules, including expectations for
privacy and confidentiality, were reviewed and participants
were asked not to share any information about the discus-
sion with others outside the group. Finally, participants were
invited to ask questions about the information covered in the
introduction. Refreshments were provided, and participants
received a $10 gift card at the end of the session.
Study approval was gained from the Social, Behavioral,
and Education—Human Subjects Institutional Review Board
at the university where the PI is employed. All groups were
conducted between the September 2015 and February 2016.
Measures
The PI developed a semistructured moderator guide (see
appendix) that assessed the following: (a) attitudes toward
heterosexual PAI, (b) attitudes toward “other” anal sexual
behaviors, including oral–anal contact and manual–anal stimu-
lation (i.e., rubbing, fingering, insertion of a sex toy such as a

3
 MCBRIDE
dildo, vibrator, or butt plug), and (c) motivations for PAI and
nonintercourse anal sex behaviors. Based on the descriptive
and exploratory nature of the research, the decision not to
apply a theoretical framework was purposeful.
Data Analysis
The PI and a trained graduate research assistant per-
formed data analysis using a thematic technique drawn
from Morgan (1997), which has been applied in other qua-
litative studies of human sexuality (Graham, Sanders,
Milhausen, & McBride, 2004; Janssen, McBride, Yarber,
Hill, & Butler, 2008). The technique acknowledges the
interplay between individual and group and recognizes that
neither constitutes an entirely separate unit of analysis.
Using a “grid” approach (Knodel, 1993; Morgan, 1997),
data were coded at three levels: by noting all mentions of a
given code, whether an individual participant mentioned a
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given code, and whether each group’s discussion included
mention of a code. This approach allowed for comparisons
within and between respondents and groups. During the
initial stage of analysis, each transcript was independently
analyzed and broad thematic categories and coding labels
were developed based on reoccurring themes and quotes
within each thematic category. As part of aiterative analytic
process, the researchers met to compare themes and identify
discrepancies in categorization and labeling. The researchers
discussed all divergences until 100% agreement was
reached. Themes were then organized into a broad catego-
rical framework and further refinements to categories and
coding labels were made. The final analytic step consisted
of applying the framework to all data by annotating codes
that indexed thematic categories and illustrative quotes.
Results
Results revealed a complex and varied range of attitudi-
nal and motivational themes. In general, participants viewed
anal sex as an emerging norm. Largely, PAI was constructed
as a prevalent but highly stigmatized, painful act motivated
by relational factors. However, themes related to a woman’s
own sexual pleasure, desire, and curiosity also emerged
across groups. Nonintercourse behaviors were more com-
monly described in favorable terms, although attitudes and
motivations varied by behavior. In general, attitudes toward
manual–anal behaviors and the use of sex toys were posi-
tive, and motivational themes centered on curiosity and
pleasure. Attitudes toward oral–anal contact were primarily
negative. The experiences and perspectives of female
friends and acquaintances were salient, and appeared to
influence participants’ attitudes, motivations, and behaviors.
The findings presented are organized by theme, and sample
quotes supporting each theme are provided.
Relational Factors
All groups identified relational factors as primary beha-
vioral motivators, and acquiescence emerged as a salient
4
theme. The most commonly cited reason for acquiescence
was the desire to please a sexual partner. A 24-year-old
African American woman provided the following example:
“For me, it wasn’t because I wanted to … it was because he
asked … and from there it is just something you do … I wasn’t
trying to please my own self.” Participants also described
instances where the desire to please a sexual partner took
precedence over their own physical pain. A 27-year-old
White participant who described PAI as a painful experience
explained that she persevered through the pain because “I can
tell he enjoyed it. See, that’s another thing about sex; you do
stuff because your partner enjoys it.”
A number of group members suggested that some women
use acquiescence as a strategy to secure a relationship, with a
27-year-old African American participant stating that many
women engage in anal sex because “they goin’ [sic] do what
they feel they need to do to keep that man. If he wants the
booty, that’s what they are going to give him.” However, this
perspective was openly challenged by other participants across
groups, as illustrated by the statement of a 28-year-old White
participant: “A lot of people aim to please because most gen-
eral guys like to do it… . I’ve done it for myself and other than
to pleasure my partner.”
Three groups described occasional acquiescence as being a
reward or special “treat” for partners. A 19-year-old White
participant provided an example citing a conversation she had
with her friend’s mother: “She made mention about how her
boyfriend wasn’t getting anything tonight, but on their anniver-
sary he was getting anal because you leave that for special
occasions.” A 25-year-old African American woman indicated
that she was willing to “reward” her partner “maybe once, twice
a year,” but that she was “not about to make this a habit.”
Sexual coercion was a commonly cited motivational factor,
but none of the participants labeled their own experiences, or the
experiences of women that they knew, as “rape.” However,
participants consistently reported believing that “pressure”
from a male partner was a primary reason that women
participate in anal sex. As described by a 23-year-old White
participant, “Normally, when I hear people talk about it, it’s
about their partner pressuring them into it … normally, the guy
pressuring the girl.” A 27-year-old African American participant
stated, “I don’t think any of the females that I know did it
because they wanted to do it … even in my own personal
experience.” However, with two groups, participants described
instances when women coerced male partners. A quote from a
22-year-old White participant provides an example: “My best
friend was the one who pressured her boyfriend into trying it.”
Communication and consent also emerged as salient
relational themes. The majority of participants viewed expli-
cit consent as necessary, and many believed that women
needed time to “mentally prepare” for anal sex. As summar-
ized by an 18-year-old African American participant: “I
think if you talk it out beforehand, you could better prepare
yourself psychologically.” None of the participants reported
believing that anal sex should “just happen” spontaneously,
and a 23-year-old White participant’s statement illustrates
this perspective: “I think when you hear horror stories, a lot
 WOMEN’S ANAL SEX ATTITUDES AND MOTIVATIONS
of women are talking about her partner just doing it without
her consent.” Two groups conceptualized consent as an
ongoing process wherein women should have the right to
change their mind at any time. A 22-year-old White female
gave the following example: “And they should know [refer-
ring to male partners], like, women can change their mind in
the middle.”
Within and between groups, participants provided exam-
ples of instances when men attempted to obtain anal sex by
using deceptive tactics such as claiming that their penis
“slipped.” The use of deception was attributed to the belief
that many men perceive women to be completely disinterested
in anal sex and assume they would refuse requests if directly
asked. A 20-year-old White participant provided the following
example of this perspective: “I know it is a dream for a lot of
guys. Specifically, the ones that—your girlfriend doesn’t like it
or doesn’t let them do it.” Two groups also suggested that men
use deceptive tactics as a way to “test” women’s reactions to
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anal sex without direct communication. A 22-year-old African
American participant suggested that the strategy was used to
“test your freak level,” and in response a 25-year-old African
American group member agreed: “They trying to see if you
like it.” Across groups, women perceived nonconsensual anal
sex to be “confusing” and “humiliating.”
Participants within and between groups described closeness,
comfort, intimacy, and trust as factors that would influence their
willingness to engage in anal sex. For example, a 26-year-old
African American participant stated, “It’s something that you
have to build trust to be willing to try.” In two groups, partici-
pants believed that trust was independent of past experience,
meaning that they would need to trust their current partner to
engage in anal sex with him regardless of whether they had done
so with past partners. This point was illustrated by a 23-year-old
White participant: “Whether I’ve done it before or not, I would
need to trust you and feel comfortable enough to, you know, get
to that point with someone.” For many participants, trust
included knowing that a partner would be discreet and not
“brag” to others.
A number of behaviorally experienced women also noted
that trusting and feeling comfortable with a partner facili-
tated physical relaxation, which was deemed a necessary
component of anal sex. A 24-year-old African American
participant provided the following example: “I have to be
comfortable with you, ’cause you have to relax. I just can’t
relax for everybody.” A 24-year-old White woman from the
same group agreed: “It has to be with the right person.”
Curiosity
Curiosity emerged as a salient motivational theme across
groups. A White 25-year-old participant noted, “Overall, I
just think that deep down everyone wants to try it. I do.” For
many participants, curiosity centered on how anal sex felt and
whether it was pleasurable. Several participants cited female
friends as important sources of information who influenced
behavioral decision making. A 23-year-old White participant
who was interested in trying PAI said that her decision would
be based on “knowing that it can be pleasurable . . and you
can enjoy it, and its not hurtful and painful,” and that she
would look to experienced friends to provide that informa-
tion. Further, participants commonly reported that women
turn to female friends to both validate curiosity as well as
reduce anxiety. For example, a 24-year-old African American
participant decided to try PAI after consulting her friends
about their experiences: “They were like, ‘Well, it’s really
not that bad,’ so I was like, ‘Okay, I’ll give it a shot.’”
However, a handful of participants across groups cited inher-
ent interest and curiosity, independent of friends’ perspectives
and experiences, as motivation for experimentation. For exam-
ple, a 22-year-old Asian participant described using anal mas-
turbation to satisfy her curiosity and explore her anal sexuality.
She stated, “The thing with toys is that it offers you an oppor-
tunity to, maybe, see how you personally feel about things… . I
mean, you can be by yourself and just try things.” While a 27-
year-old White participant said that she became interested in
experimenting with PAI when she grew more comfortable with
herself and her sexuality: “I grew into myself and sexuality, and
it became something that I do… . I was curious.”
Pain
All groups associated pain with PAI but not other anal sex
behaviors. A 23-year-old Latina simply described her experience
as “Pain … pain.” A 26-year-old African American participant
summed up her experience by saying, “That shit is terrible. I’ve
tried it. I’ve tried a lot of stuff, … but that is just—no.” However,
several participants did acknowledge the possibly that pain was
not a universal experience and that individual differences exist.
For example, a 25-year-old African American participant
reminded her group that “We are thinking of our own experi-
ences, but I think that we should be open to the fact that maybe
for everyone it might not be that painful,” and a 22-year-old
White participant noted: “I think that it is also, like, a big
preference thing. I have a friend and she has told me she really
enjoys it, and that she prefers that rather than vaginally. And like,
me, on the other hand, I’ve tried it, and I’m just like—even like
toys and stuff … no, thank you.”
While all 11 participants who disclosed PAI experience
indicated that they felt pain during the act, the impact on
their attitudes and future behavioral intentions varied. Four
women explicitly stated their intentions to continue practi-
cing receptive PAI despite pain, with a 24-year-old White
female noting, “My personal experience with it was painful.
I didn’t like it, but I will still try it again.” Three participants
described becoming accustomed to pain over time, with a
26-year-old White participant describing her experiences as
“I don’t think I’m going to die. I think it’s pretty fine. I think
it’s painful, but you get used to it after a while.”
None of the groups categorized nonintercourse behaviors as
painful, and “size” emerged as a salient factor. Within all
groups, participants noted that fingers, tongues, and sex toys
are, or can be, smaller than an average erect penis. According
to a 19-year-old White participant, “Well, just the thickness of
a finger and the thickness of a penis … it just seems like a
5
 MCBRIDE
finger wouldn’t hurt as much … the pain factor doesn’t seem to
be there when you’re using a finger over a penis.” An 18-year-
old African American participant described the use of sex toys
as “easier to digest … it can be less uncomfortable because it’s
not as harsh … and they have flexibility, the toys … they come
in sizes … it’s not something that you just have to take it”
[referring to a partner’s penis]. A 23-year-old White participant
added, “But for toys and, you know, fingers, it’s different …
it’s going to be less uncomfortable and can be enjoyable.”
Three groups discussed women using sex toys and manual–
anal penetration as strategies to prepare for PAI. Within this
theme, a trajectory of anal sex was described and noninter-
course behaviors were viewed as a starting point. Participants
reported that these behaviors allowed women to become com-
fortable with the sensations of anal penetration while minimiz-
ing the likelihood of pain. In reference to a friend’s experience,
a 20-year-old White participant explained, “One of my friends
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really wants to have anal with her husband, but she is afraid of
the uncomfortableness [sic] of it. She wants to go to a sex shop
and get toys to, like, help her ease her into it.” A 24-year-old
White participant described nonintercourse behaviors as “a
gateway … eventually work your way up.”
Further, nonintercourse behaviors were described by
some participants as a way to “test” enjoyment prior to
PAI. A 23-year-old White participant’s quote illustrates
this perspective: “I feel like sometimes there are steps for
people. They will try the less intimidating things, which
would be like fingering and toys, to see how that goes.
Then the next step would be the penis.”
Pleasure
Sexual pleasure emerged as a salient motivational theme
across groups. Within each group, participants described
instances when they or someone they knew derived physical
pleasure from PAI and/or nonintercourse anal sex. A 19-
year-old American Indian/Alaska Native provided the fol-
lowing example: “I have a friend and she is into anal sex
[referring to PAI], and she says she has orgasms from it.” A
26-year-old White participant described anal stimulation as
something she enjoyed because it enhanced the pleasure of
vaginal intercourse: “So we will have sex doggy style or
something, and he will use a finger or some type of vibrator,
and that is actually very pleasurable … just kind of barely
having something there, having that vibration there, for me,
personally, it is a nice sensation in addition to us having
sex.”
Two groups suggested that a partner’s approach was an
important determinant of pleasure and that attempts needed to
be gentle and allow time for relaxation. As a 23-year-old
White participant noted, “But they [women] have to make
sure their partner knows what they are doing … that they
have to be gentle, they have to be respectful.” A 24-year-old
White participant provided a similar perspective: “It has to be
something gentle so the muscles can relax.” In agreement, a
23-year-old Latina from the same group added, “I agree with
her … it’s a gentle process.”
6
Participants across groups described women deriving plea-
sure from psychological components of anal sex. For example, a
20-year-old White participant discussed a friend who preferred
PAI to vaginal intercourse, but noted that her pleasure derived
from the novelty and violation of social norms: “I know that
another friend of mine said that when she first started having
anal sex she liked it better than regular vaginal sex because it
was, like, different and new and taboo … she still likes the
novelty of it.” The same participant described a different friend
who enjoyed oral–anal stimulation because “she felt like a
goddess, like she was being was being worshipped,” and
noted that her friend interpreted her partner’s willingness to
violate a social taboo as a sign of love and devotion: “If he’s
gonna [sic] lick my butthole, he totally loves me.”
Stigma
All groups described PAI as a highly stigmatized, socially
proscribed behavior that people feel uncomfortable discussing.
A 27-year-old African American participant stated, “I feel like
it’s something that a lot of people try, but no one really talks
about … a lot of people talk openly about vaginal sex, but it’s a
taboo thing to talk about that.” Several participants suggested
that disclosing behavioral experience would lead to negative
social judgment and labeling. According to a White 24-year-
old, “I think people don’t want to admit if they have had anal
sex … because you would get judged.” A 20-year-old White
participant added, “People think it’s dirty or gross or some-
thing that only slutty or kinky girls do.”
Two groups described a sexual double standard and
believed that women who participate in anal sex are judged
more harshly than men. A 24-year-old White participant
summed up this perspective: “If a guy speaks about anal
sex, everyone is, like, ‘Oh man, it’s so great.’ Whereas if a
girl says, ‘Oh I’ve had anal sex’ and is proud about it, she
gets labeled a slut.” In some cases, fear of judgment and
labeling were so profound that participants described
women making active efforts to conceal behavior from
others. As noted by a 28-year-old White participant, “It is
just something, like, a secret. This is my little secret.”
Three groups believed that stigma restricted women’s ability
to admit desire and/or enjoyment, as discussed by a 22-year-old
White participant: “There are different stigmas that come with
hearing an individual say, ‘I do anal sex” … So I think it is
totally understandable why someone would feel shameful about
it, because some people might think, ‘That’s not something I’m
supposed to be enjoying.’” A 19-year-old White participant who
agreed provided the following example: “I think a lot of people
claim that they don’t do it [referring to PAI] or don’t like it, but
they really do, because it’s still like a taboo.”
Participants did not consistently associate stigma with
manual-anal behaviors or the use of sex toys; however,
oral-anal contact was viewed as socially proscribed despite
its presence on social media and in popular culture. A 20-
year-old White woman said, “Rimming, I think, is even more
taboo than, you know, just penis–anus sex … People are like,
‘Oh, that’s so gross! How could you do that’” Largely,
 WOMEN’S ANAL SEX ATTITUDES AND MOTIVATIONS
negative attitudes associated with oral–anal sex were attrib-
uted to concerns about the health implications of oral–fecal
contact. For example, a 25-year-old White participant sug-
gested that “it’s not sanitary, you know, your feces come out
of there, so your mouth probably shouldn’t be there.”
Whereas, manual–anal sex and the use of sex toys were not
associated with the same concerns. As a 22-year-old White
participant stated, “The fingers—I think that’s something
people are probably more comfortable with.”
Within and between groups, stigma surrounding PAI and
oral–anal contact was often attributed to sociocultural represen-
tations of the anus as a “dirty” organ that’s sole function is
defecation, the vagina as the “natural” or “normal” place for
sex, and PAI as a strictly “homosexual” behavior. A 26-year-old
African American participant described the anus as “exit only”
and stated, “I shit out of that … I mean, granted, you bleed out of
your vagina, but that’s what it is for; it is for a penis; your behind
is not.” Within the same group, a 19-year-old Latina added, “It
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seems like more of a homosexual behavior, I think.” A 28-year-
old African American woman from a different group stated, “It’s
not natural. It’s not a natural form of sex, in my opinion.”
Despite the salience of stigma, participants in all groups
reported a recent shift in social norms that was attributed to
frequent representations of anal sex in social media and popular
culture. For example, a 24-year-old White participant noted,
“Celebrities are talking about it and music is talking about it,
so now it’s becoming a little bit opener.” An 18-year-old African
American participant stated, “The finger thing, a lot—a lot of
that was going around on social media.” Participants also sug-
gested that social media and popular culture were motivating
behavior, as reflected in a statement made by a 26-year-old
White participant: “I think social media, of course, has a huge
impact on what we are talking about, because eating anus is
becoming popular.”
Heterosexual Men as Receptive Partners
While attitudes toward men as receptive heterosexual anal
sex partners were not directly assessed, the topic was intro-
duced in three of the six groups, and the unexpected finding
deserves attention. Six women reported that they knew hetero-
sexual men who enjoyed manual–anal and/or oral–anal stimu-
lation, and several others mentioned that they had heard the
same from friends or media. A 20-year-old White participant
said, “I also have a couple of male friends who identify as
heterosexual, but they like the girl to do it to them with their
fingers.” A 19-year-old African American woman simply sta-
ted, “A lot of guys like the rimming.”
Most of the participants in the groups that discussed men as
receptive partners believed that anal stimulation could be a
source of physical pleasure and attributed it to the fact that
some men are sexually aroused by, and derive pleasure from,
prostate stimulation. A 20-year-old White participant com-
mented, “I’ve heard that, like, men have a G-spot, and if you
stimulate that spot it’s more pleasurable or you get to orgasm
quicker. And, like, I’ve heard that they have that in their anus
and that’s why they really like it.”
The majority of participants in these groups did not appear
to interpret a man enjoying receptive anal sex as him being
gay or bisexual; however, two did say that a male partner
requesting anal stimulation would cause them to question his
masculinity or create feelings of discomfort. For example, a
28-year-old White participant related, “I think if I was to do it
to him, it would make me feel like he was less than a man.” A
24-year-old White participant said, “If he asked me to do it to
him, I think it would be a little uncomfortable for me.” In
contrast, a 26-year-old White woman who reported that she
had manually stimulated her male partner’s anus described
her own experience as very positive:
I have done it once, and it was, like, they enjoyed it, and I
was as much into it because I was turned on that they were
enjoying it… . I don’t look at them as less masculine. I
almost respect them more because it’s, like, you trust me,
you know, it brings us closer. I think men when they let their
guard down, it makes me respect them more.
Discussion
Several themes that emerged were consistent with findings
from other studies (Fahs & Gonzalez, 2014, Reynolds, Fisher,
Laurenceau, & Fortenberry, 2015; Reynolds, Fisher, &
Rogala, 2015; Herbenick et al., 2015; Roye et al., 2013;
Stahlman et al., 2015; Stulhofer & Ajduković, 2013) and
provide additional evidence that heterosexual women’s anal
sex attitudes and motivations are complicated and varied but
not entirely distinct from those influencing other sexual beha-
viors. The importance of the current study, therefore, does not
rest solely on the novelty of results but that the findings
confirm and extend existing knowledge.
A few points of divergence in results from the current
study and those reported previously should be noted. First,
study participants did not identify substance use as a moti-
vating factor, and it is possible that that these differences
can be explained by the fact that the current sample was
recruited from the general population. Second, technical
virginity was not a salient motivational theme, although
some participants did believe that it might have relevance
among adolescents. This finding suggests that age-related
developmental factors may influence behavioral motivations
and could help explain the differences between current
results and those reported in existing research. Finally, por-
nography did not emerge as a primary theme. None of the
participants said that pornography motivated their own
behavior, but the majority did acknowledge PAI as a nor-
mative component of contemporary pornography. Further,
many believed that pornography was a primary driver of
most men’s and, to a lesser extent, some women’s interests
in anal intercourse. The noted differences in results from the
current study and those from previous research suggest that
sociodemographic and developmental factors may play a
role in shaping attitudes and motivations and should be
further explored.
7
 MCBRIDE
Consistent with findings reported by Fahs and Gonzalez
(2014), study participants described anal sex as an increasingly
normative aspect of the sexual repertoire. While stigma was
attached to both PAI and oral–anal contact, none of the partici-
pants associated stigma or pain with manual–anal stimulation or
the use of sex toys, and attitudes toward both were generally
favorable. Several participants noted that nonintercourse anal
sex behaviors are frequently represented in media and popular
culture as normative, and it is probable that this had some
influence on attitudes. Research examining lifetime prevalence
rates of vibrator use among a sample of heterosexual women age
18 to 60 found that 45% reported solo use, 39% reported use
with a partner during foreplay, and 36% reported use with a
partner during vaginal intercourse (Herbenick, Reece, Sanders,
et al., 2010). The study participants commonly cited “curiosity”
and “fun” as reasons for use. The prevalence and acceptability of
sex toy use may provide further evidence of broadening sexual
norms and could help explain the positive attitudes toward “anal
Downloaded by [University of Rochester] at 09:47 11 August 2017
play” expressed by participants in the current study.
Stigma, pain, coercion, nonconsent, and poor communica-
tion between partners were commonly associated with PAI and
likely explain the predominantly negative attitudinal themes
that emerged. Cultural representations of the anus as “dirty”
and concerns about oral–fecal contact leading to illness may
help account for participants’ unfavorable attitudes toward
oral–anal contact. In part, stigma surrounding anal sex may
reflect heterosexual scripts that depict vaginal sex as “natural”
or “normal,” PAI as “homosexual,” and defecation as the sole
purpose and function of the anus. Further examination of
women’s perceptions of the anus, including beliefs about
purpose and function, could help clarify the extent to which
these factors contribute to attitudes.
Participants described stigma as limiting women’s ability to
openly discuss PAI and oral–anal contact, although several
reported discussing these and other anal sex behaviors with
close female friends and sexual partners. The fear of social
judgment and labeling were commonly cited as outcomes that
discouraged disclosure and likely influenced women’s attempts
to conceal anal sex experiences as well as deny curiosity and
enjoyment. Research examining the sexual double standard and
“slut-shaming” indicates that women and men are judged dif-
ferently for the same sexual behaviors (Papp et al., 2015) and
that women often feel that they receive harsher judgment than
their male counterparts (Kettrey, 2016).
To some extent, stigma may also reflect sexual scripts that
restrict women’s abilities to express sexual interest and desire for
any type of sex. While Roye et al. (2013) suggested that there is
no cultural script for heterosexual anal sex, existing research that
has examined vaginal sex indicates that ambivalence can emerge
from simultaneous curiosity and desire tempered by fears of
developing a “reputation” (Graham et al., 2004; Tolman,
2005). The fact that participants commonly reported looking to
female friends for validation and permission to explore their
curiosities and desires implies that social factors had relevance.
The lack of an “anal sex” script may also help explain why many
participants attempted to contextualize and normalize their
experiences by comparing them to those of female friends.
8
However, it is important to note that some participants identified
the violation of social norms as a reason that some women view
anal sex as desirable. In essence, breaking taboos was exciting
and arousing. When considered together, the results indicate that
motivational factors vary and that anal eroticism should not be
discounted as a factor that shapes women’s desires.
Stigma is a known threat to sexual health, and Kettrey
(2016) found that feeling judged predicts power disadvan-
tages that might further increase risk for negative sexual
health outcomes. Continued investigation of the factors that
contribute to stigma will provide information that enhances
the ability to identify individuals at higher risk for adverse
outcomes and may have relevance for clinical and educa-
tional encounters.
Regardless of their own attitudes and experiences, none of
the participants openly dismissed the idea that some women
might find PAI pleasurable. However, the fact that PAI was
more commonly associated with pain than pleasure was unsur-
prising given findings from existing qualitative and quantitative
research (Fahs & Gonzalez, 2014; Herbenick et al., 2015;
Reynolds, Fisher, & Rogala, 2015; Stulhofer & Ajduković,
2011, 2013). Herbenick et al. (2015) noted that roughly 72%
of their sample reported experiencing pain during receptive PAI,
with women most often rating the intensity as either moderate or
severe. Stulhofer and Ajduković (2011) found that approxi-
mately 49% of women in their sample had to stop receptive
PAI on their first attempt because the pain was too intense to
continue, which was consistent with experiences described by
some of the participants in the current study. However,
Herbenick et al. (2015) also noted that 63% of subjects reported
pain lasting five or fewer minutes, and Stulhofer and Ajduković
(2013) found that continued receptive PAI practice was asso-
ciated with reduced intensity and duration of pain over time.
Further, Stulhofer and Ajduković (2013) found that pain was not
a good indicator of subsequent behavior, and Fahs and Gonzalez
(2014) reported that the importance of relational and emotional
aspects of anal sex often took precedence over pain in their
sample of women. The results of these studies may help explain
the group of women in the current sample who described pain as
“not that bad,” “fine,” or something “you get used to,” as well as
intentions to continue practicing PAI despite pain.
The association between PAI and pain is likely one
explanation for its relative infrequence when compared to
other sexual behaviors. Because pain can be an indicator of
local trauma (e.g., abrasions, tearing) that allows for more
efficient HIV/STI transmission, additional assessments of
pain, associated behavioral practices (e.g., lubricant use)
that may have implications for differential risk, and sexual
health outcomes are warranted.
Pain did not emerge as a salient theme related to manual–anal
behaviors and the use of sex toys. This finding can likely be
attributed to the fact that most participants viewed these beha-
viors as less “intimidating” because sex toys come in a range of
sizes and fingers are usually smaller than an erect penis.
Experimentation with nonintercourse behaviors was described
as a both a mechanism for women to gauge their interest in
attempting PAI and a preparation strategy that allowed women
 WOMEN’S ANAL SEX ATTITUDES AND MOTIVATIONS
to develop comfort and familiarity with the sensations of anal
penetration prior to intercourse. These findings indicate that
there may be a trajectory in which PAI is the end goal after a
period of experimentation that allows women to adjust to the
sensations of anal penetration. The fact that participants
described women needing time to determine if PAI is wanted
implies a process of active decision making in which sexual
pleasure, desire, and curiosity are important considerations and
may help explain why some women engage in nonintercourse
behaviors (e.g., pleasure) but not PAI (e.g., pain/discomfort).
Additional research that examines trajectories will be necessary
to better understand the integration of anal sex behaviors into the
sexual repertoire of heterosexual women. Attention should
given to the fact that anal sexuality extends beyond PAI and
that PAI may not ever be included in the repertoire.
Acquiescence to unwanted anal sex emerged as a salient
motivational theme, with some participants framing PAI as
“something you just do” as part of relationship maintenance.
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Previous research has found that desires to please a partner,
maintain a relationship, or enhance intimacy and emotional
closeness were common reasons that women reported engaging
in anal sex (Reynolds, Fisher, & Rogala, 2015; Stahlman et al.,
2015); the same themes emerged in the current study.
Underlying sexual scripts, broader relational schemas, and
beliefs about sexual agency, gender roles, power, and control
have been linked to sexual acquiescence. A study examining
gender, power, and contraceptive use found that anal sex
occurred more frequently in relationships where men were the
sexual and contraceptive decision makers (Wiebe, 2012).
Conroy, Krishnakumar, and Leone (2015) examined heterosex-
ual women’s experiences of sexual acquiescence and noted that
64% of the women who reported PAI experience admitted to
acquiescence on at least one occasion, and roughly one-third of
those did so one-quarter of the time. Participants most often
cited partner pleasure or enhanced intimacy as reasons for
acquiescence to PAI, which was not distinct from their reasons
for engaging in unwanted vaginal intercourse, oral sex, and
manual stimulation. Recent research that examined women’s
and men’s event-level motivations for intercourse and noninter-
course sexual behaviors found that perceiving a partner wanted
sex was a significant predictor of sexual events and associated
with a greater number of sexual behaviors occurring during an
event (Hensel, He, Harezlak, & Fortenberry, 2017). The current
study findings combined with those from Conroy et al. (2015)
and Hensel et al. (2017) suggest that women’s reasons for
acquiescing to unwanted anal sex may not be entirely distin-
guishable from other forms of unwanted sex, and that percep-
tions of partners’ desires are one reason that sex is chosen on any
given occasion. This point is critical given that much of the
existing literature has attempted to distinguish motivations for
anal sex from those influencing vaginal sex behaviors rather
than considering the similarities. It may be necessary for scien-
tists and clinicians to reconceptualize anal sex as an extension of
the broader sexual repertoire rather than assume that it is an
entirely unique set of sexual behaviors. Further, that some
participants described anal sex as a commodity that they used
as an occasional reward or “treat” for partners indicates that it
may be viewed as both a source of power and control and a
strategy for achieving broader relational goals.
While none of the participants used the word “rape” when
describing experiences, coercion and nonconsent were salient
themes that emerged, and the results are consistent with findings
reported by other investigators (Fahs & Gonzalez, 2014;
Jozkowski & Peterson, 2013; Reynolds, Fisher, & Rogala,
2015; Stahlman et al., 2015). Many participants described “pres-
sure” from a partner, most commonly in the form of repeated
requests, as a common reason that women engage in anal sex.
Further, participants reported that men employ a variety of
strategies to obtain anal sex, ranging from the use of deception
(e.g., claiming their penis slipped) to simply inserting their finger
or penis into their partner’s anus/rectum during sex without prior
communication or consent, and this is similar to findings
reported by Reynolds, Fisher, and Rogala (2015) and
Jozkowski and Peterson (2013). While men’s reasons for using
coercion and deception can only be adequately answered by men
themselves, results from a study conducted by Jozkowski and
Peterson (2013) may offer one explanation. When examining
men’s narratives, the researchers found that some men believed
“most women hate it” (i.e., anal sex) and concluded that decep-
tive tactics were one way that men avoided refusal. It was
hypothesized that a proportion of men may believe that the
best way to obtain sex is through simply engaging in the act.
The beliefs described by Jozkowski and Peterson (2013) are
at direct odds with narratives that emerged during this study,
wherein participants emphasized the importance of mental readi-
ness for anal sex of any kind and cited communication and
consent as necessary components. In fact, some participants
expressed that they would be willing to engage in anal sex
with the “right” partner, who was described as someone that
was gentle, trustworthy, and close. Within that context, it was
suggested that anal sex could conceivably be pleasurable, com-
fortable, and a facilitator of intimacy and trust. These findings
suggest that contextual and relational factors play an important
role in women’s framing of anal sex experiences. Further, the
results indicate that, for some women, anal sex behaviors cannot
be considered pleasurable if they are spontaneous acts initiated
in the moment without prior communication and consent, but
can be if they are planned, thoughtful acts that are negotiated in
advance. The cumulative findings make clear that gender differ-
ences in motivations cannot be ignored. Additional investigation
of contextual and relational factors that influence anal sex events,
and how those factors are influenced by gender, may provide
insight.
Women’s attitudes toward heterosexual men as receptive anal
sex partners have received little attention in scientific literature.
A study examining the sexual behaviors and experiences of
behaviorally bisexual men found that 4% of the sample reported
a woman inserting “something” (e.g., dildo) into their anus
during their most recent sexual event, suggesting that receptive
behaviors do occur outside of same-sex contexts (Dodge et al.,
2013). However, similar research has not been conducted among
men with exclusive heterosexual experience. Among the three
groups who raised the topic in the current study, only two
women openly expressed negative attitudes. One woman noted
9
 MCBRIDE
that she would feel uncomfortable if a male partner requested
anal stimulation and another reported that she would view her
partner as less masculine. Largely, participants attributed men’s
desires for anal stimulation to enhanced pleasure associated with
the prostate or male “G-spot.” Men as receptive heterosexual
anal sex partners remain an understudied topic in the sexual
health research literature that deserves attention.
Limitations and Future Directions
The study findings have several limitations. First, the qua-
litative nature of the data and the small sample size do not
allow for causal inferences. Second, data were collected in two
cities in the Midwestern United States, and participation was
limited to women between the ages of 18 and 30 years; thus
attitudes and motivations may not be representative of women
in other geographic locations or age groups. It is possible that
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volunteers were, generally, more comfortable discussing sexu-
ality and that some proportion of dropouts were due to the
nature of the research rather than scheduling conflicts. Further,
some participants’ responses may have been influenced by
social desirability, their own embarrassment, and/or other psy-
chosocial factors, which is a limitation inherent to focus group
research methods. Significant attempts were made to mitigate
biased response through careful screening, the provision of
information about the study’s purpose in advance, emphasiz-
ing the importance of multiple perspectives, and creating a safe
environment during data collection. However, it is possible
that bias still exists. Future research that employs quantitative
or mixed methods approaches to further explore the various
aspects of women’s experiences uncovered both in the current
study and in past research may provide sexual scientists the
ability to make more robust and definitive statements regard-
ing attitudes and motivations. Investigators should aim to
recruit larger and more demographically diverse samples.
Conclusion
The study findings confirm and extend what is known about
heterosexual women’s perspectives on, and experiences with,
anal sex. What emerges is a complex picture that includes a
range of emotions, cognitions, and behaviors shaped by curios-
ity, desire, pleasure, pain, sociocultural norms, and relational
factors. Within this, sexual scripts, gender roles, power, control,
and agency play a central role in women’s experiences.
What becomes clear is that significant variation exists
and that sexual risk taking alone is not an adequate explana-
tion for women’s participation in anal sex. Further, the
findings suggest that motivations for anal sex may not be
entirely distinct from vaginal sexual behaviors; however,
motivations for PAI may be distinct from those that drive
nonintercourse behaviors. Given the lack of attention to
nonintercourse anal sex behaviors in the scientific literature,
additional investigation is warranted. In particular, attention
should be paid to understanding nonintercourse behaviors as
part of a trajectory where PAI is the end goal, as well as
repertoires that do not, and may not ever, include PAI.
10
The current study findings, combined with those from
existing research, are a starting point for improved phenom-
enological understanding. When compared to other hetero-
sexual sexual behaviors, scientific understanding of anal sex
is still in its infancy. However, the documented prevalence
indicates that it is part of the heterosexual repertoire.
Continued investigation of heterosexual anal sexuality, and
its place within the broader sexual repertoire, will be neces-
sary to answer many of the questions that remain.
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Appendix. Focus Group Moderator Guide
First, we’re going to ask you about your attitudes toward
certain sexual behaviors. When we say “attitudes,” we mean
your ideas or thoughts about the behaviors and any values
or feelings that you might have about these behaviors. Does
anyone have questions about this?
1. Okay, we’ll start with heterosexual anal intercourse
(i.e., a man putting his penis in a woman’s anus).
What are your thoughts about that?
2. Now we’d like to hear about other sexual behaviors
that involve the anus, including both anilingus (oral/
anal contact or “rimming”) and the insertion of fingers
or other objects like sex toys (e.g., butt plugs, dildos,
vibrators)? What are your thoughts about women
engaging in other forms of anal sexual behavior?
3. Now we’d like to hear a little bit about things that
might motivate women to engage in anal sexual
behaviors. Motivations can be anything. What do
you think motivates women to have anal sex?
4. Are motivators for anal intercourse different from other
anal sex behaviors like fingering? What do you think?
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