TATTOOING: The Image Becomes the Self

Author(s): Paul Lippert

Source: ETC: A Review of General Semantics , Summer 1980, Vol. 37, No. 2 (Summer
1980), pp. 158-171
Published by: Institute of General Semantics

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/42575469

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 TATTOOING:
Paul Lippert* The Image Becomes the Self

whose
I whose ha veskin bearsskin
always thebears
indelible marking
been the known
strangely as tattoo.
indelible Like clo-
fascinated marking known by the as occasional tattoo. Like person clo-
thing without the benefit of warmth, jewelry or cosmetics without the
option of removability, these images imposed on the flesh bear a rela-
tionship to the wearer quite different from other media of expression.
In our society, the act of being tattooed is most often associated with
the camaraderie of life in the armed services, especially the navy, and
the bravado of adolescence. It is usually interpreted as an unforeseeing
binge of frivolity, the rewards of which soon fade, unlike the design
adopted. But the practice of tattooing is unique neither to our culture
nor to our historic era. Its sphere of incidence stretches from the
dynasties of ancient Egypt, and perhaps the prehistoric peoples that
preceded them, to a great number of the tribes of the New World;
from the Thracians, Picts, Gauls, and other early European tribes to
the throne of the British Empire; from the Hindus of Bengal and
southern India to the head-hunting Maori of New Zealand; from the
ancient Shan of northern Burma to the modern Japanese; from the
Polynesians to the Eskimos.
Among these and other cultures where tattooing has been practiced
it has been the province of varying sectors of society, and has had
many different purposes and meanings. Its functions have ranged
from such magico-religious uses as inducing fertility, insuring passage
to an afterlife, and granting protection from harmful sources, to uses
in defining personal, social, and spiritual identity and status, to appli-
cations which appear to be of a more ornamental nature, as commonly
found in our society.

* Paul Lippert is a New York City based writer and a graduate of the University of
Michigan.

158

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 Tattooing 159

This ubiquity
some charact
satisfying so m
tic of these ne
as a solution?
The characteristic which is unique to tattooing (and cicatrization,
which has similar social functions, but is not discussed here) is that it
is the permanent imposition of man-made images on the human body.
This much is simple enough to see. But to proceed in answering the
questions above it is necessary to examine why a person would want to
incorporate an image as a permanent part of himself. The answer to
this sub-question lies, I believe, in how the tattooee feels about the
image adopted, or, for that matter, about images in general.
The history of tattooing in its numerous manifestations the world
over seems to indicate that its practice is associated, in varying de-
grees, with what Cassirer calls "mythical consciousness." Mythical
consciousness, in relation to images, is characterized by the idea that
an image has a greater function than the mere conveyance of informa-
tion; that rather than being a symbol of an entity, it is connected di-
rectly with the entity itself. In Cassirer' s own words:
For mythical thinking . . . the image like the word is endowed with real forces.
It not only represents the thing for the subjective reflection of a third party, an
observer; it is a part of its reality and efficacy. (1)

Mythical consciousness manifests itself most clearly in the uses of

tattooing that I have categorized as "magico-religious," partially in
those designated "status-identity," and almost subconsciously in
those uses which are ostensibly ornamental. But in all instances, with
the exception of such practices as tattooing soldiers with their blood
types, there seems to be an underlying motivation which implies more
than mere symbolic expression or decoration. It is the motivation to be
whatever quality it is that is associated with the image. This striving to
be through mythical consciousness is best elucidated by an explana-
tion of some of its varying manifestations in tattooing.

Magico-Religious Functions
Under this category fall those uses of tattooing in which the person
tattooed holds the overt belief that the tattoo has the power to effect
some physical or spiritual change in some aspect of his being. More
prevalent among these beliefs are those regarding fertility, passage to
an afterlife, protection from disease and malicious forces, the assump-
tion of unusual powers, and membership in a totemic clan. It is in
these uses that mythical consciousness functions unrestrained.
The most significant use of tattooing as a reflection of mythical con-
sciousness is in the inducement of fertility. The tattooing of women at

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160 Et cetera • SUMMER 1980

puberty is by far the most

practices within the body-m
For the Motu Koita of New
place in religious ceremonie
ment of the female body. A
develop they are each tattooed
intended to complete, contin
opment. At about the age of f
tooed. Between five and te
abdomen and inner thighs are
pearance and gain greater de
and the ripening of the breas
marked. At the outset of mar
final patterns are placed. Th
mediately by the tattooing
neck, and the lower legs. W
final markings are placed be
the Motus' ceremonial belief
panies the maturation process,
cause it. (3)
Another example comes fro
the tattooing of women at pu
voted to the most potent for
deify day and night as the ma
At the height of the sun- w
puberty is the subject of cer
She is tattooed with a disc rep
night. Four points on the st
The two marks together rep
woman yielding to man. The
and fertility to the developin
process do not soon heal, as
against bacterial infection is n
spirits who have so acted beca
only the ability to bear childr
womanhood appears to be ti
Societies where both sexes ar
include the Atagals of Formos
tooing act with offerings to t
Fiji no man may be present
girls, and the act is seen as a
Islands a young girl may no
Among the Pima of North
immediately after their mar
inhabitants of Japan, tattoo
women of the Chukchee of ea
age of ten years or younger,

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Tattooing 161

faces as a char
But these inst
ity are all on
studied by me
evidence whic
rites of the a
tion.
Body markin
changes in th
with the prac
red, like blood
possibly an ag
among prehi
France, Port
showing traces
flints and "nee
of bone, as w
suggests the e
of these figur
The use of red
the civilizatio
world were con
parting life. B
keeping the b
cultural value
from their pr
Another of th
tattooing. The
in time is the
Ballas on the
lennium B.C.
This interpret
discovery of t
B.C., whose st
period were al
kepsut temple,
on figurines
those found b
In nearby Liby
1330 B.C. bear
known by the
First. She was
is sometimes
found tattooe

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 162 Et cetera • SUMMER 1980

female figures, and the Petri

that body marking was associa
the Egyptian civilization fro
It is also significant that ma
tombs. For another of the m
passport to and an aid within
Warriors of the Sioux of No
wrists, and chins with design
the "Path to Many Lodges." O
woman who would let only tho
Those who had died untattoo
wandering and unrest. (12)
Mohaves of southern Colorado, who tattooed both sexes to this
end. (13)
The Hindus of Bengal also tattooed, at one time, for passage into
heaven, but also for two other heaven-related purposes: the tattoo
would make one recognizable to one's parents in heaven, and would
serve as proof to Parameshwar of one's former life on Earth. ( 14) This
practice is similar to that of the Dravidians, who tattooed for accep-
tance and recognition in heaven. (15)
The Maero Islanders believed that their tattoos would provide them
with food in heaven. The Fijians believe theirs will afford them pro-
tection in the afterlife. Certain Eskimo tribes believed that their tattoo
marks would stand as a sign of former goodness on Earth. And the
people of Long Glat tattoo in order to be wealthy in the land
beyond. (16)
An unusual application of tattooing for use in the spiritual world
existed in ancient Japan. During the reign of the emperor Ritzu in the
fifth century B.C., condemned men were tattooed by their
executioner to make them recognizable to the devils who received
their souls. (17)
In addition to these uses of tattooing to solve problems of death and
reproduction are those which serve to afford protection. These appli-
cations include tattooing to ward off disease, to guard against outside
forces, to preserve youth, and to assume the powers of another being.
The Sarawak Kayans of Borneo believe that sickness is caused by
the soul leaving the body. When a person is ill the Dayong, or spiritual
healer, is called to help. At the end of a ceremony including dancing
and incantations the Dayong calls to the soul of the sick person to re-
turn to its body. When he is convinced that the soul has returned, he
will tattoo an emblem on the patient which is designed to keep it from
leaving again.
Scattered around the Middle East, the Bedouins are a last strong-
hold of magical tattooing in the Arab world. Their practice is to place

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 Tattooing 163

the tattoo dire

bone fracture
Yet another u
society. The b
were largely r
Western world
prophylactic a
demand among
cure such prote
Lords claimed p
eral years in
tiveness. (19)
All of the uses
numerous to m
old Persia a par
evil eye. For D
shell provided
Jeypur tattooe
In Burma the
up to the calf
American Pacific coast tattooed women's faces with a halibut with
their chiefs face inscribed on the tail as a charm against drowning.
The Koita of New Guinea tattoo to ward off the avenging spirit of a
person the tattooee has killed. (20) And in Greek mythology, Paris
was tattooed with a magical sacred sign in the Temple of Hercules so
the arrow of Menalaus could not harm him. (21)
There are many instances of tattooing for protection which come
from our own society. American sailors originated the practice of tat-
tooing a rooster or a pig on the bottom of one's foot for protection
against drowning. Herman Melville refers to a similar practice in the
novel White Jacket: ". . .if you have that mark tattooed upon all four
limbs, you might fall overboard among 775,000 white sharks, all
dinnerless, and not one of them would as much as smell your little
finger." (22)
Another type of tattoo worn by sailors achieved this effect in a more
ambiguous way. It was fairly common to find a sailor, especially a
Roman Catholic one, to be tattooed with a religious emblem, ostensi-
bly for devotional purposes or to receive a decent burial in a foreign
land should his dead body be lost at sea and washed ashore. But a large
version of Christ on the Cross or of the Virgin Mary was often tattooed
on the back as an unusual means of protection. When the men were
ordered down from aloft the masts, the last man on deck was often
flogged. These religious tattoos were aimed to move the beater to
mercy. (23)

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 164 Et cetera • SUMMER 1980

But the most spectacular We

tion involves a more comm
Ferdinand had a serpent tatt
against gunshot. He later had t
similar creature over his heart. The Archduke was alarmed when he
discovered that the head of the Prince's snake was inclined in the
wrong direction, claiming that this was done deliberately. The tongue
of his own serpent was also slightly misdirected, but since it was not on
a vital area, this did not worry him. The post-mortem after his assassi-
nation revealed that the fatal bullet had gone right through the middle
of his serpent.
Rasputin is said to have urged Nicholas II to have his son tattooed
for protection, too. The Czar declined on the grounds that the risk
posed by the family's history of haemophilia was too great. It is inter-
esting in this contest that President Kennedy had an old war-era tattoo
removed shortly before his assasination. (24)
Tattooing has also been used as a means of retaining youth. The
women of the Maori of New Zealand tattoo to preserve their youthful
appearance. The Ainu women of Japan re-tattoo their mouths and
hands in old age to preserve their eyesight. The Pima tribeswomen
tattoo their faces to preserve youth itself. (25)
Wide application exists of tattooing as a means of conferring un-
usual powers. In Burma the tattooed design of a cat or a tiger was
believed to give the wearer additional powers of cunning and agility.
On the islands of the Torres Strait the Sam people tattoo the foot of a
cassowary bird to run faster and kick harder, and members of the
Kodal clan tattoo themselves with the image of a crocodile to become
cruel and relentless. The men of New Georgia tattoo their thighs with
a porpoise, and their shoulders with a frigate bird, to impart speed and
agility to those limbs. The warriors of the Osages of North America
used to tattoo representations of the skulls of slain enemies in order to
obtain their strength and unexpended years of life. (26)
A number of such practices also developed among European and
American sailors. The letters H-O-L-D-F-A-S-T were tattooed across
the knuckles of the eight fingers (excluding the thumbs) in order to
provide strength in staying aloft. Hinges were often tattooed on the
insides of elbows and other joints to bring more swing and strength. A
ship's propellors were placed on the buttocks to make the wearer
quicker and more agile in getting around on deck. And eyes were tat-
tooed on a sailor's eyelids or nipples to make him more watchful. (27)
This last device is the same as one discovered by the ancient Japan-
ese. In the oldest Japanese national history, the Kosiki, a story re-
counts how Jimmu, the first Japanese ruler, went on a punitive exped-
ition to the eastern side of the island during the sixth century B.C.

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Tattooing 165

There he met
image of open
A truly bizarr
power comes f
the power of th
tempt by Jeh
name inscribed
organ to comm
A very signific
In this form of
an alliance wit
qualities are em
Haida of Que
Behring Strait
A tattooing pr
certain Roman
peasantry and
their religious
Tattoos of som
sacred symbol
relationship wi
worshipped. (
On the opposi
meant to bring
ings as a rabbi
and to form a

Identity-Statu
In the uses of
oriented, the p
than the diffe
labeling device
whatever it is t
role which his
emblem is an
Examples of th
rank in primit
mobility in the
what he is than
tion of social fu
tinctions of k
than anything
and perceptual
ties, possessing

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166 Et cetera • SUMMER 1980

these reasons primitive people

bluntly apparent indicators of
In Western Samoa a special pa
ity, while in Eastern Samoa the
was the wearer's status. In Ha
class were tattooed on the fore
legiance to a particular king. T
proportionately to the extend
practices were once used by t
An example of this type of m
from Nazi Germany. The markin
identification marks is often c
humanization of these peopl
marked in this fashion. It seems
to materialize certain distinctio
wise not be so apparent to san
Other examples of identity-stat
wardly visible register of the
achievements. These markings
ment of past status-conferring
Among the Koita of New Gu
and some of the tribes of the lo
the homicide would be tattooed as a manifestation of his new status.
The Omaha tattooed as a sign of past success in hunting. The Chuck-
chee place a tattoo at the joint of each limb of a man who has killed
his first polar bear or whale, while the Point Barrow Eskimos tattooed
an emblem for each whale killed. (36) These practices are echoed
among those modern sailors and marines who tattoo reproductions or
other registers of foreign battles in which they fought. (37)
Instances of this external registration of experience with altogether
different connotations come from the times of early Christianity.
Coptic and other religious pilgrims have maintained a tradition of re-
cording their visits to the Holy Land in tattoo. This may take the form
of the word "Jerusalem," with the date(s) of visit(s) below, or a stan-
dardized religious emblem. For these highly religious people, it has
been stated, the pilgrimage is not valid without the accompanying
mark. (38) Such tattoos were frequently brought back by participants
in the Crusades. (39)
This type of marking also played a role in the process of becoming a
"real sailor." A bluebird or swallow was placed at the base of the
thumb of the neophite who had spent his first 5000 miles at sea. After
10,000 miles a heart design was added. (40)
French convicts adopted specific emblems indicating the type of
punishment which had scarred their lives. Subjection to solitary con-

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 Tattooing 167

finement was
imprisonment
forced labor
"T.P." (41) Im
they represen
ings by which
wearer's idea
with prisons
ior, and devo
An unusual fo
to enhance th
fierceness. Th
warrior were
tattoo slaves t
tooed, as well.
of tattooing o
signs before g
designs origin
States Navy o
which represe
the enemy w
bility." (44)
Yet another type of identity-status marking is that aimed at binding
a social group together, and setting it apart from outsiders. The
clearest example of this is tribal markings, which probably originate in
a society at that stage of development when mother rights and
descent are universal, and children are distinguished solely as group
members, rather than as individuals distinguished by personal
names. (45) In such cultures, the tattoo makes one a member.
Such markings can also have the opposite effect. To maintain group
cohesion and distinction, leaders may seek to prevent group members
from adopting signs associated with other cultures. Such seems to be
the nature of the prohibition for the Jews in Leviticus: "Ye shall not
make any cuttings in your flesh for the dead, nor print any marks upon
you; I am the Lord." (46)
Although this passage is taken as an absolute ban on tattooing
within the Jewish religion, according to Thompson it does not include
markings for God, as opposed to heathen markings. He claims that
Moses made use of some such practice for religious purposes. He
refers to a passage in Exodus: "And thou shall show thy son in that
day, saying, 'This is done because of what the Lord did unto me when
I came forth from Egypt; and it shall be a sign unto thee upon thy
hand, and for a memorial between thy eyes.' " (47) This "sign" and
"memorial" to be handed down to one's son would seem to be aimed at

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 168 Et cetera • SUMMER 1980

binding members of the grou

This use of tattooing was al
tells that an escaped slave
Hercules would be tattooed there with its emblem. The slave would
then belong to the Temple, and could not be re- taken by his mas-
ter. (48) And among the members of the Thracian cult of Dionysius
women are said to have been tattooed with a cylix, and men with an ivy
leaf. (49)
But perhaps the best example of how peoples have derived their
identity from these tattooed markings comes from the tribes of
Europe. In many of these groups, including the Iberians, Britons,
Gauls, Goths, Picts, Teutons, and Scots, tattooing constituted an im-
portant part of the culture. In fact, the name "Briton" derives from
"Breizard," a Breton word meaning "painted with various colors."
And St. Isadore of Seville (560P-636) writes: "... the Scots derive
their name in their own language from their painted bodies, because
these are marked with various designs by being pricked with iron
needles with ink on them . . . and the Picts are also so named because
of the absurd marks produced on their bodies by craftsmen with tiny
pinpricks and juice extracted from their local grasses." (50)

Ornamental Functions

Tattooing in our present society is considered primarily a form of

body decoration. But these designs adopted for life must have more
significance for the wearer than a mere garment or piece of jewelry, for
they become a part of him as much as any natural aspect of his appear-
ance.

The primary motive for getting tattooed seems to be

formity. (51) Groups of younger men, usually in gangs, s
zations, or the military, get tattooed with similar or the
as a form of bonding, with the desire to make their unit
to make them "all of the same flesh," so to speak.
The designs chosen by the members of these groups
reference to some concept or entity of importance to or
the members. In this respect the practice is similar to
For whatever the design represents, it must be somethin
enough esteem for the wearer to want to make it a pa
Members of that sector of our society that is most tatt
men and sometimes women who belong to some marginal
stitution - have been observed to share certain common characteris-
tics. Often they have been stripped of identity, are in transition from
one status to another, have been deprived in some way of the ability to
display the usual and socially desirable symbols of self, and/or are

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 Tattooing 169

reacting again
seen as a clutc
The desperation
at the root of
problem is that
of one who h
exuberance and
albatross.
But this youthful, marginal, pack-oriented section of society does
not by any means include everyone who has been tattooed in our cul-
ture, and it is not the only group to suffer from this problem. Around
the turn of the century, being tattooed was quite the rage among
European nobility. The fad being started by two English princes, one
of whom later became King Edward VII, the roster of tattooed royalty
immediately grew to a size too great to be numbered. (Suffice it to say,
it was more than impressive.) On his deathbed, King Charles IV of
Sweden, a known tattoo enthusiast and collector, was asked by his
doctor to roll up his sleeve for an injection. After first refusing, he
agreed on the condition that all persons leave the room, except for the
doctor himself. To the doctor's astonishment, the King's arm bore the
inscription, faded with age, "Mort aux rois." (54)
This inscription may be seen as indicative of more than the former
radicalism of an aging monarch. The phenomenon by which relatively
massive numbers of members of a decaying nobility from all over
Europe adopted a most low class and certainly eccentric custom may
be interpreted as a reaching down to the masses for vitality. (55)
Feudal notions of class distinctions definitely being on the out, the de-
clining nobility sought a new social identity. Tattooing is a technology
which well reflects this desire for identity change.
★ ★ ★

Throughout humanity,
desires. They constitute
the things they represe
ages seem to be as real
their effect on our perc
tooing is a medium suite
they become a part of

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms, Volume Two: M

Thought, translated by Ralph Manheim (New Haven: Yale University
1955), pp. 42.

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 170 Et cetera • SUMMER 1980

2. Wilfred Dyson Hambly, The His

H.F. & G. Witherby, 1925), p. 30
3. Ibid., p. 32.
4. Ibid., pp. 83-4.
5. Ibid., pp. 42-3; 211-17, and
Margaret Mead, An Inquiry Into the Question of Cultural Stability in Polynesia
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1928), pp. 77-8.
6. Hambly, op. cit., pp. 309-10.
7. Ron W.B. Scutt and Christopher Gotch, Art , Sex and Symbol ; The Mystery of
Tattooing , (South Brunswick: A.S. Barnes, 1974), p. 22.
8. Ibid., p. 323.
9. Ibid., p. 326.
10. Scutt, op. cit., pp. 22-4.
11. Hambly, op. cit., pp. 106; 321; 324.
12. Ibid., p. 51.
13. Scutt, op. cit., p. 63.
14. Hambly, op. cit., pp. 53-4.
15. Ibid., pp. 290; 314.
16. Ibid., pp. 50-60.
17. H. Ebensten, Pierced Hearts and True Love , an Illustrated History of the Origin
and Development of European Tattooing and a Survey of Its Present State (Lon-
don: Verschoyle, 1953), p. 74.
18. Hambly, op. cit., pp. 119-20; 287.
19. Scutt, op. cit., pp. 67; 91.
20. Hambly, op. cit., pp. 66; 94-5; 286; 290.
21. Scutt, op. cit., p. 25.
22 . Albert Parry, Tattoo ; Secrets of a Strange Art As Practised Among the Natives of the
United States (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1933), p. 39, and
Scutt, op. cit., p. 66.
23. Ibid., pp. 24-5.
24. Ibid., p. 66.
25. Hambly, op. cit., pp. 130-1.
26. Ibid., pp. 95; 98-9; 100; 122; 222.
27. Parry, op. cit., p. 136.
28. Ebensten, op. cit., p. 79.
29. R.C. Rubenstein, The Religious Imagination (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1968),
p. 109, cited in Scutt, op. cit., p. 64.
30. Hambly, op. cit., pp. 89-92.
31. Ibid., pp. 77; 79-80.
32. Ibid., p. 45.
33. Mead, op. cit., pp. 71-4; 79-80.
34. Hambly, op. cit., pp. 209-10.
35. Scutt, op. cit., p. 163.
36. Hambly, op. cit., pp. 141; 207-8; 219; 221-2; 224-5.
37. Parry, op. ciť., p. 80.
38. John Carswell, Coptic Tattoo Designs , 2d edition (Beirut: Faculty of Arts and
Sciences, American University of Beirut, 1958), pp. XII-XIX.
39. Scutt, op. cit., pp. 165.

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 Tattooing 171

40. Ibid., pp. 105-6.

41. Ibid., p. 110.
42. Ibid., p. 181.
43. Mead, op. cit., p. 76.
44. Parry, op. cit., p. 82.
45. Hambly, op. cit., pp. 182-3.
46. Leviticus, 19, v. 28.
47. William Thompson, The Land and the Book (London: Nelson, 1888), pp. 64-7,
cited in Scutt, op. cit., p. 64.
48. Hambly, op. cit., p. 209.
49. Ibid., p. 104.
50. Scutt, op. cit., p. 26.
51. Ibid., p. 74.
52. Ibid., p. 68.
53. Scutt, op. cit., p. 116.
54. Scutt, op. cit., pp. 180- 1 .
55. Parry, op. cit., pp. 91-2.

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