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T
his article presents a review of research literature regarding the association
between marital conflict and child adjustment in intact families.
Factors such as the child temperament and gender, the relational
dynamics between parent/s and child, the child’s developmental stage
and cognitive appraisal of the conflict — including aspects of the
child’s physiological system, as well as parenting practices — are
explored to outline contributions to the understanding of issues asso-
ciated with this aspect of family process. Developmental psy-
chopathology is offered as a useful resource in terms of a process ori-
ented theoretical framework providing a multi-dimensional approach
to exploring and explaining the impact of marital conflict on children.
The focus of this review article is to explore the impact on offspring adjustment of
marital conflict in intact families. In any family with children interpersonal differ-
ences of opinion are likely to occur. Occasionally parents disagree with each other
and children disagree with each other, as well as with their parents. According to
Cummings and Davies, this aspect of family process is a primary predictor of mal-
adjustment in children (1994), an assertion corroborated by Emery (1982) who
found that marital discord is strongly associated with childhood behaviour prob-
lems. A critical review of the research regarding the association between marital
conflict and offspring adjustment may help in the development of preventive pro-
grams by identifying factors that contribute to enhanced child and adolescent men- 91
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Address for Correspondence: Dr John Barletta, School of Psychology, Australian Catholic University,
1100 Nudgee Road, Banyo QLD 4014, Australia. E-mail: john.barletta@acu.edu.au
▲
dren’s maladjustment (Bandura, 1973). This perspective posits that children inter-
nalise behaviour they often see being used by role models. Subsequently, the behav-
iours witnessed by the child are manifested in the child’s interactions with others.
Researchers have addressed the issue of the association between children observ-
ing conflict amid parents in the home environment and the subsequent use of vio-
lence in social interactions by children. Singer, Miller, Guo, Slovak and Frierson
(1998) in a study involving 2245 children and teenagers, reported findings indicat-
ing that one of the significant factors in predicting a child’s violent behaviour is wit-
nessing severe conflict in the home. Research suggests if a child witnesses a heated
marital exchange that results in escalation, physical aggression or perhaps covert
violence, the child may incorporate aggressive or violent behaviour in his or her own
repertoire of social interactions by way of modelling aggressive and/or violent
parental behaviour (Kelly, 2000).
Impact of Marital Conflict on Child Adjustment
Onyskiw and Hayduk (2001) conducted a study based on data from the National
Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth. The survey covered a 20-year period
and reported evidence to support the hypothesis that children who witness interfa-
milial aggression adopt physically aggressive maladaptations themselves. Although
the study did not include information on the intensity, recency and nature of the
aggression (e.g., verbal or non-verbal), the study did provide sound evidence to sup-
port the hypothesis that interfamily aggression is positively associated with off-
spring maladjustment.
In contrast to the Canadian study, Blanchard (1993) conducted a study involv-
ing a comparatively small group of Australian young people and service providers
in the Department for Community Services and other relevant community organi-
sations. In this study commissioned by the Office of the Family in Western
Australia, there were 56 respondents to an open-ended questionnaire. One of the
most frequent behavioural responses to marital conflict exhibited by children,
according to service providers, was aggression. Many children who witness mari-
tal conflict in the home environment begin to model that aggressive interaction in
extrafamilial social interaction.
The finding offers support for the observational learning hypothesis. It also
demonstrates the stability of the phenomena across cultures, specifically Canadian
and Australian cultures. From the observational learning perspective, children inter-
nalise and use behaviours exhibited by role models. From this perspective, children
may internalise and use violent, impulsive and angry maladaptations used by par-
ents in their own socialisation process. Offspring exposed to marital conflict are sus-
ceptible to a variety of emotional and behavioural problems, including those asso-
ciated with their ability to relate satisfactorily with peers and others outside the fam-
ily environment, according to Cummings and Davies (1994).
Examination of the psychological and behavioural impact on children of wit-
nessing marital conflict has resulted in research findings that indicate the multi-
dimensional complexity of that association, as outlined previously. The following
section offers variables that warrant consideration in relation to the effects of mar-
ital conflict on offspring adjustment.
93
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Child Temperament
The child’s temperament may to some extent determine emotional and/or behav-
ioural reactions to marital conflict (Cummings & Davies, 1994). For example, when
witnessing marital conflict one child may attempt to intervene thereby exhibiting
signs indicating concern. Another child in the same family environment may seem
ambivalent regarding the same marital conflict, whilst a third child with a different
temperament may not respond at all.
In a study involving 360 adolescents and their mothers, Davies and Windle
(2001) anticipated discovering intrapsychic attributes that serve to modify the asso-
ciation between marital conflict and children’s emotional and behavioural symp-
toms in middle adolescence. They examined the temperament of adolescents as a
factor influencing the association between marital conflict and depressive symptoms
and delinquency. Temperament was determined by measuring factors such as mood
quality, sleep and eating rhythmicity, task orientation and social adaptability.
Results indicate that a difficult temperament, characterised by dysrhythmicity and
poor task orientation, potentiated the risk of maladaptation to marital conflict. For
adolescents who exhibited erratic and/or disruptive sleeping patterns and/or irregu-
lar eating patterns as well as the inability to persist in activities for prolonged peri-
ods, with poor concentration, there was a greater risk their ability to cope satisfac-
torily with marital conflict. This ability was particularly diminished when compared
to adolescents who exhibited less erratic and/or disruptive sleeping patterns and/or
more regular eating patterns and the ability to persist in activities for prolonged
periods, with good concentration.
In addition, it was found that less temperamental attributes, such as good task
orientation, may serve as protective factors, offsetting the risk of depressive symp-
toms and delinquency associated with marital conflict. For adolescents whose dis-
position reflected an ability to maintain concentration despite some distractions,
and who were able to stay focused for prolonged periods, there was less likelihood
that they would develop depressive symptoms and anti-social behaviour as a result
of witnessing marital conflict.
Child Gender
Another variable to be considered in relation to the impact of marital conflict on
offspring adjustment is gender. Onyskiw and Hayduk (2001), in a study that tested
the hypothesis that witnessing aggression between parents has an adverse effect on
child adjustment, reported a stronger association for boys, in terms of externalisa-
tion (physical aggression) than for girls. This study suggests that boys are more like-
ly to express physical aggression than are girls who are exposed to the same con-
flict. According to Onyskiw and Hayduk there was no difference in terms of inter-
nalising behaviours for either gender. Reports of feeling sad, unhappy or depressed
were consistent for boys and girls exposed to the same marital conflict.
Formosa, Gonzales and Aiken (2000) conducted a study designed to identify and
test factors that might serve as buffers from the undesirable effects of conflictual
marital interactions. The emotional attachment that exists between mother and
94
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child, between father and child and between the child and his/her peers were
hypothesised as serving as protective factors. Formosa et al. reported girls from con-
flictual households exhibited lower levels of conduct problems when the girls also
reported a close relationship with their mother and closer monitoring by both par-
ents. By contrast, boys in the same familial environment exhibited higher levels of
conduct problems. It seems girls benefit, in terms of a buffering effect, from a close
relationship with their mothers and the knowledge that their parents are actively
involved in their supervision in a familial environment characterised by hostile mari-
tal interaction. For boys in the same familial environment, however, the close rela-
tionship with their mothers and the knowledge that both parents are actively involved
in their supervision served as a potentiating factor in terms of the development of
behaviour problems. One limitation of this study is the fact the measures were report-
ed by adolescents. Consequently, it is plausible that the adolescent reporters’ percep-
tion of the conflictual nature of marital interactions may be exaggerated. Secondly,
Impact of Marital Conflict on Child Adjustment
Parent–Child Relationship
The child’s perceptions regarding the quality of the parent/child relationship is
another variable to be considered when exploring the issue of marital conflict and
offspring adjustment. Cummings and Davies (1994) offered an emotional security
hypothesis exploring a relationship between the impact of exposure to marital con-
flict and maladjustment in children, depending on the perception of the child regard-
ing his or her emotional needs being met by a parent or parents. These findings sug-
gest that, even in a family environment characterised by spousal conflict, the child
may exhibit little or no deleterious effects of such a stressful familial environment if
95
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the child perceives his/her need to feel cared for and loved by primary caregivers will
continue to be met. According to this hypothesis, if the child perceives a strong emo-
tional bond between themselves and at least one parent, despite the presence of mar-
ital conflict in the home environment, then the child may not exhibit external
(behavioural problems) and/or internal (depressive symptoms) maladaptations.
Davies and Windle (2001) reported findings suggesting that when either male or
female adolescents perceive high levels of family support, even in a family environ-
ment characterised by marital conflict, the incidence of juvenile delinquency for
those adolescents is diminished. In this study, perceived family support was assessed
using the Perceived Social Support from the Family questionnaire. This instrument’s
reliability as a useful tool is well documented (e.g., Windle & Miller-Tutzauer,
1992). In the same study delinquent activity was assessed using a questionnaire con-
sisting of 27 items describing anti-social behaviour (e.g., destroying property, steal-
ing or physical aggression toward another person). Adolescent delinquency was
measured on a scale with response options indicating the frequency of the incident.
Despite the fact that these incidences were self-reported by adolescents, and there-
fore subject to exaggeration or underestimates, it appears that good quality par-
ent–child relationships, as reported by both male and female offspring, may serve as
a buffer in relation to the impact of marital conflict on child adjustment, specifical-
ly involvement in acts of delinquency. Similarly, for adolescents who live in familial
environments characterised by marital conflict, the potential negative affects of wit-
nessing marital conflict (e.g., engaging in acts of antisocial behaviour) may be coun-
teracted by the positive influences of parental support. Conversely, when lower lev-
els of family support were reported by either male or female adolescents the associ-
ation between marital conflict and delinquency was stronger. In other words, poor
parent–child relationships may constitute an additional risk factor in terms of
engaging in acts of delinquency. From this perspective, witnessing marital conflict
potentiates the risk of adolescents engaging in acts of delinquency.
From the same viewpoint, a family environment characterised by both marital
conflict and lack of emotional support from parents increases the risk of the child
engaging in acts of delinquency. Although these findings indicate no gender differ-
ence in terms of the buffering effect of high levels of family support, another study
(Kelly, 2000) reported findings suggesting that a child or adolescent perceiving a
sense of parental warmth may moderate the adverse effects of severe marital con-
flict for girls, but not for boys. Despite the indefinite conclusions reported regard-
ing the protective or potentiating effect of the child’s perception of the parent–child
relationship (e.g., gender-specific), the evidence does nonetheless support the
hypothesis that the child’s perception regarding the parent–child relationship does
impact on child outcomes.
There is robust evidence to suggest that, even in family environments not char-
acterised by marital conflict, children’s perceptions of the nature of parent–child
relationships are crucial in terms of their emotional and behavioural development.
For example, Field, Diego and Sanders (2001) examined various risk factors associ-
ated with adolescent depression. Relationships with parents and friends were
assessed using a 24-question instrument developed by Blyth and Foster-Clark
(1987). Depressive symptoms were assessed using the Centre for Epidemiological
96 Studies Depression Scale (Radloff, 1977), a reliable, consistent and valid instrument
▲
(Schoenbach, Kaplan, Wagner, Grimson, & Miller, 1983; Wells, Klerman, &
Deykin, 1987). Field et al. reported findings suggesting that poor relationships with
parents contribute to the development of adolescent depression. For adolescents
who reported experiencing a poor relationship with their parents, even in harmo-
nious family environments, there was an increased incidence of self-reported depres-
sive symptoms.
In sum, there is a body of literature supporting the hypothesis that the perception
of offspring in relation to the parent–child relationship plays a vital role in deter-
mining children’s psychological and behavioural outcomes, irrespective of the
nature of marital interactions, whether conflictual or not.
Impact of Marital Conflict on Child Adjustment
Child Appraisals
The child’s appraisals regarding the dynamics of marital conflict may impact their
adaptations/maladaptations to conflict. Marital conflict that does not result in a sat-
isfactory outcome, as reported by children, has been found to be associated with
greater emotional insecurity in offspring (Kelly, 2000). Conversely, symptoms of
emotional distress, fear and alarm are reduced in children who witness personally,
or are told by parents, that marital conflict has been resolved satisfactorily (Kelly).
It appears that a child’s sense of security is dependent upon their belief regarding
whether or not marital conflict has been resolved. Regardless of if they witness first-
hand or learn from parents that marital conflict has been resolved, it appears that
children feel more secure and less fearful as a result. Symptoms such as fear and
emotional distress for children are reduced when parents use conciliation and con-
cession in resolving marital conflict (Cummings & Davies, 1994). Kelly (2000)
reviewed a study by Vandewater and Lansford (1998) in which the incidence of
symptoms such as conduct disorders, antisocial behaviours depression and academ-
ic problems in children and adolescents were reported more frequently in house-
holds characterised by intense marital conflict, compared to the incidences of these
symptoms in family environments where less intense marital conflict occurred. High
intensity marital conflict was reported by Kelly (2000) to be associated with an
increase in anxiety in younger children, mediated through the parent–child rela-
tionship. According to these findings, continuing, severe marital discord contributes
to deterioration in the use of effective parenting practices. Some mothers involved
in intensely conflictual marriages use ineffective parenting skills such as harsh disci-
pline. Consequently, children of these mothers reported more anxiety than those
whose familial environment was characterised by low marital conflict.
In another study (Dadds, Atkinson, Turner, Blums, & Lendich, 1999) intense
marital conflict was found to be more strongly associated with maladaptive child
outcomes such as disobedience, aggression and acts of delinquency, as well as poor
self-esteem and anxiety than was less intense marital conflict. Amanto and Keith
(1991) reported findings that offer support for the hypothesis that intense marital
conflict has more deleterious long-term effects on children. This study found that
intense marital conflict experienced during early childhood was positively associat-
97
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the measure of adverse effects on children. Moderate or low frequency marital con-
flict was reported to be associated with less negative effects on children in terms of the
development of emotional and behavioural problems such as distress and aggression.
Conversely, high frequency conflict was reported to be associated with more negative
effects on children.
Grych and Fincham (1993) reported findings indicating if marital conflict focuses
on issues related to offspring, then the likelihood of the development of child behav-
iour problems is greater than if marital conflict is not child-centred. From this per-
spective, if the child believes that he/she is in some way responsible for the marital
conflict, the child is more likely to exhibit behavioural maladaptations than the
child who does not report attributions of self-blame in relation to marital conflict.
One of the theoretical models that presents a plausible explanation regarding the
intrapersonal processes by which offspring are adversely affected as a result of wit-
nessing marital conflict is the cognitive–contextual hypothesis (Grych & Fincham,
1990). This hypothesis places emphasis upon the cognitive component of the child’s
appraisal process regarding his/her exposure to marital conflict. According to this
perspective, children’s emotional and behavioural reactions to marital conflict are
determined by their cognitions regarding factors associated with that conflict. For
example, what the child believes regarding issues such as the personal threat that
may emanate from marital conflict, their own ability to cope with the conflict
and/or the cause of the conflict, are important factors contributing to the determi-
nation of child’s emotional and/or behavioural outcomes. According to this hypoth-
esis, if a child is exposed to marital conflict, yet believes that he/she can cope satis-
factorily in that familial environment, then the child is less likely to develop emo-
tional and/or behavioural problems compared to another child in the same familial
environment who reports an inability to cope satisfactorily with the same degree of
marital conflict.
Expanding on the cognitive–contextual framework, and in an investigation of the
processes that may explain precisely how conflict between parents affects offspring
adjustment in alternative sociodemographic samples of children exposed to varying
degrees of marital conflict, Grych, Fincham, Jouriles and McDonald (2000) carried
out a study which included children from a local community and those residing in
98 women’s shelters. These researchers reported that when children perceived a threat
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associated with frequent marital conflict, and felt unable to cope with this conflict,
they experienced persistent feelings of sadness and/or anxiety. The above findings
were reported by both genders in the community and in the women’s shelters.
According to this study (Grych et al., 2000), if children fear that marital conflict
that occurs on a regular basis may result in physical harm to a parent, then that
appraisal may lead to significant emotional distress for that child. For boys in both
groups, and for girls in the group from battered women’s shelters, attributions of self-
blame mediated the link between marital conflict and internalising problems. A medi-
ating factor is used to explain the causal link between marital conflict and a particu-
lar outcome (e.g., internalising problems) as outlined by Cummings et al. (2000).
According to Grych and associates (2000), children who believed they were in
some way responsible for parental conflict involving aggression suffered feelings of
guilt and experienced devalued self-worth. They found no moderating effect for
either self-blame or perceived threat in the association between marital conflict and
Impact of Marital Conflict on Child Adjustment
role that child appraisals play in the association between marital conflict and adjust-
ment is highlighted by the fact that studies reveal evidence in support of both
hypotheses — specifically that child appraisals serve as mediators in the association
between marital conflict and child adjustment and that child appraisals serve a mod-
erator of that association. For example, whilst Grych and Fincham (1990) and
Grych, Fincham, Jouriles and McDonald (2000) report findings that identify child
appraisals as mediators, Rossman and Rosenberg (1992) and Kerig (1998) report
findings in support of the hypothesis that child appraisals act as moderators in the
association between marital conflict and child adjustment.
between themselves and its effect on younger children underestimate that effect. In
other words, younger children may be more adversely affected by marital conflict
than older children and adolescents but this is not reported. It may be the result of
a combination of abovementioned factors.
Parenting Practices
An examination of research literature exposes the difficulty in attributing any pre-
dictable, consistent relationship between marital conflict and offspring adjust-
ment/maladjustment. Formosa, Gonzales and Aiken (2000) reported that, in house-
holds characterised by marital conflict, when adolescents perceived a close relation-
ship between themselves and their parents, and when parental supervision was con-
sistent, these factors moderated the harmful effects of witnessing their parents in con-
Impact of Marital Conflict on Child Adjustment
flict. In this example, the parenting practice (consistent monitoring of children) served
as a buffer against the harmful effects of marital conflict. For girls the effect was found
to be protective in terms of conduct problems. In households characterised by marital
conflict, girls who reported a close relationship with parents and consistent parental
supervision were less likely to exhibit conduct problems than boys who made similar
reports. However, in the same study, results indicated that parental attachment and
monitoring operated as additional risk factors for boys. According to these findings,
in households characterised by marital conflict, boys who reported a close relation-
ship with parents and consistent parental supervision were more likely to exhibit con-
duct problems than were girls who made similar reports.
Mothers in some high conflict marital dyads exhibit colder and less empathic dis-
positions towards children, according to Kelly (2000). Mothers interviewed in this
study tended to be harsher and less consistent in disciplining practices, compared to
mothers in lower conflict marriages. It appears mothers may feel so overwhelmed
by marital conflict that their parenting practices suffer as a result. Mental and phys-
ical exhaustion may lead to a lapse in consistent maternal supervision of children.
On the other hand, some fathers in conflictual relationships tend to place less
emphasis on their parental role, according to Kelly. The paternal reaction to spousal
conflict may be to withdraw from the parenting role. Some fathers, when asked to
assist in disciplining children exhibiting inappropriate behaviour, may choose to
ignore that behaviour instead. As a consequence of paternal withdrawal there may
be less paternal involvement and more interactions of a negative nature between
father and child.
It is hypothesised that marital conflict is positively associated with the develop-
ment of ineffective parenting practices, which are, in turn, positively associated with
children’s maladjustment; this process is referred to as ‘spillover’ (Buehler &
Gerard, p. 78). The spillover hypothesis was further explained by Krishnakumar and
Buehler (2000) who reported findings that indicated that the emotional arousal expe-
rienced by parents during negative marital interactions may impact on parent–child
interactions, specifically parenting practices such as discipline and supervision.
Other research (Fincham, 1994; Rogers & Holmbeck, 1997), which goes beyond
seeking to establish causal relations between marital conflict and child adjustment,
seeks to specify the conditions that intensify the risk posed by marital conflict. 101
▲
Buehler and Gerard (2002) examined marital conflict in conjunction with ineffec-
tive parenting practices in an attempt to explain how marital conflict and child
adjustment are associated. They reported marital conflict is positively associated
with more extensive use of severe discipline by parents, resulting in a reduction in
the levels of parental involvement in the lives of children, as well as an increased
incidence of conflict between adolescents and parents. In this study, the ineffective
parenting practices (severe discipline and withdrawal) were reported by both par-
ents to be positively associated with increased levels of maladjustment in offspring.
The spillover effect was found to apply equally to both male and female children. In
an earlier study, Onyskiw and Hayduk (2001) reported findings that supported the
hypothesis that interfamilial aggression reduces the degree of maternal responsive-
ness to children, thus disrupting effective parenting practices. Although this study
focused primarily on interfamilial aggression, it does provide empirical evidence to
support the hypothesis that parenting practices, adversely affected by interfamilial
aggression, in which marital conflict is involved, are positively associated with off-
spring adjustment.
In their meta-analysis, Krishnakumar and Buehler (2000) reported results indi-
cating that parents who experience conflict become so preoccupied with their mar-
ital conflict that most of the dimensions of their parenting practices become
impaired. The study did not rule out the possibility that the association between
marital hostility and harsh discipline was due in part to inadequate interpersonal
skills. Although the association between ineffective parenting skills and child adjust-
ment was established in this study, whether the ineffective parenting was caused by
marital conflict or under-developed interrelational skills or a combination of the
both was not determined.
However, according to Krishnakumar and Buehler (2000) the association
between marital hostility and two parenting practices in particular (harsh discipline
practices and low parental acceptance) was strong. This research supported the
hypothesis that some parents experiencing hostility in their relationship use more
harsh discipline and are less accepting of children. The hypothesis that parents who
live in extremely discordant relationships overcompensate for the possible negative
effects of the discordant marital relationship suffered by their children by becoming
more actively involved in their children’s lives was found to be without support.
Similarly, there was no evidence to support the hypothesis that two issues, marital
distress and parenting roles, are distinct and not interrelated.
In sum, parenting practices may have either a mediating or moderating effect on
the relation between marital conflict and offspring adjustment. Any positive par-
enting practice may serve to buffer the association. For example, more consistent,
caring supervision by the mother in a family environment characterised by paternal
physical aggression may counteract any deleterious effects of aggression. Other par-
enting practices may add additional risk factors. For example, a father who feels
exasperated by the persistent verbal abuse directed at him by his wife may utilise
harsh discipline with children as a result. The same parenting practice may vary in
terms of its effect on offspring. From the literature, two things are generally accept-
ed. First, marital conflict does impact on parenting practices. Second, the effects of
this conflict are as varied as are the personality differences among children.
102
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characteristics, over which the individual may exert some control, children who expe-
rience the positive effects (lowered heart rate) of a physiological mechanism (the vagus
nerve), over which they exert no control, are more resilient to the adverse effects of
marital conflict.
Conclusion
This article offers a review of research literature regarding factors associated with
how children are affected by witnessing conflictual interactions between their par-
ents. Factors such as child temperament, child gender, the specific dynamics of the
relationship that exists between the child and his/her parents, the offspring’s cogni-
tive appraisal regarding the nature of marital conflict, parenting practices, the devel-
opmental stage and individual physiology of the offspring are crucial in terms of
understanding the effects of marital conflict on adjustment. The present work
reflects aspects of the multi-dimensional approach known as developmental psy-
chopathology that is outlined by Cummings et al. (2001). The primary goal of
developmental psychopathology is to unravel the dynamic-process relations under-
lying pathways of normal development and the development of psychopathology
(Cummings et al., 2001). The preceding research review contributes to a more com-
prehensive understanding of those issues.
To move closer to the goal of developmental psychopathology, research must be
designed in such a way as to allow for multiple causalities involving multiple
processes and their dynamic interrelations with different contexts and particular
aspects of the relationship between parents and children. Offspring are influenced
through many pathways including the child’s perception of marital relations, par-
ent–child relationships and parenting practices. There are individual, familial, psy-
chological and environmental variables that must be incorporated in any theoretical
framework utilised in the pursuit of the extension of knowledge in this area. The
continual development of a conceptual framework for explaining and understand-
ing children’s adjustment/maladjustment is needed. Researchers and clinicians have
learned to use the multimethod approach, incorporating emotional, physiological
and cognitive aspects of human functioning (Gottman, 2002) in the demanding
103
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