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Article 1

According to Hyeyoung Kang and Kristy Shih, why is it important for scholars of

children and young adults' development to take into consideration the immigration and

cultural contexts of Asian American families?

According to Chao, 2009 Asian American youth have adopted how American parents

raise their children. This exposure has changed their perception and they expect their parents

to raise them in the same way. Asian American parents should understand their youths have

grown and assimilated the Parental practice culture (Pyke, 2000). This will foster positive

behavior outcomes when their families conform to the immigrated culture. Additionally, the

youth need to understand their parents’ practice is a result of culturally shared immigrated

hardship and the sacrifice they have on behalf of their betterment (Kang & Larson, 2014).

Put another way, why do immigration and culture matter when considering family

dynamics? How would these considerations help us to better understand Asian

American family dynamics, particularly the parent-child relationship?

In Asian families’ dynamics exist in facets of society, family, religious orientation,

and cultural practices among the different groups (Choi, He, & Harachi, 2008). These

differences have a significant impact on the family dynamics of immigrants. Asin parents

value a strong family expectation in education, respect for hierarchy, and good behavior from

their children. This culture is pertinent in most Asian countries where the parents have

immigrated. Social class plays a role in some parenting behaviors since different families are

in different socio-economic classes (Lamborn et al., 2013). Additionally, globalization has

influenced the Asian families’ beliefs and practices before arrival to the United States (Lan,

2014;)
How do these factors influence the way parents communicate and interact with their

children?

These factors have enabled Asian parents to promote optimum child development

(Cheah, Leung, & Zhou, 2013). Parents are more loving, supportive and communicate openly

with their children regardless of their social status. Moreover, these factors have instilled the

values of high expectations of friendship and achievement. Parents have been seen to express

more affection in their children as considered to their previous generations (Way et al., 2013).

What are the different ways that Asian Americans, as adolescents and children,

interpreted these communication styles and interactions?

The Children and youth living in the United States cultural context may interpret their

parental behavior control differently. A US-born Korean may interpret affection as a sign of

parental acceptance and warmth while a Korean youth may think the parent has low

acceptance (Kim, 2005). Similarly, college youth perceive their parental relationship as better

when their parents are less involved in parenting them because they prefer autonomy (Chao,

2009). The different communication styles the Asian parent incorporate can have a positive

or negative impact on Asian adolescents and children (Dinh & Nguyen, 2006).

Are there any takeaway lessons from the findings of this research?

From the findings, parenting corresponds directly with parental features such as being

strict and expressing little concern on affection, reciprocates to their children having little

affection to their parents. Children and youth who grow up in a different socio-cultural

context usually compare how other parents treat their children and how they are treated. If

there is any preferable difference, they will likely influence their parent to adopt such

practices. Children and youth have different expectations in the instrumental aspect of

finance, time, and effort their parents have invested in them.


Reference:

Chao, R. K. (2009). Interpretations of parental control by Asian immigrant and European

youth. Journal of Family Psychology, 23, 342-354

Cheah, C. S. L., Leung, C. Y. Y., & Zhou, N. (2013). Understanding “tiger parenting”

through the perceptions of Chinese immigrant mothers: Can Chinese and U.S.

parenting coexist? Asian American Journal of Psychology, 4, 30-40.

Choi, Y., He, M., & Harachi, T. W. (2008). Intergenerational cultural dissonance, family

conflicts, parent-child bonding, and youth antisocial behaviors among Vietnamese

and Cambodian immigrant families. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 37, 85-96.

Dinh, K. T., & Nguyen, H. H. (2006). The effects of acculturative variables on Asian

American parent–children.

Hyeyoung K. & Kristy S. (2018). “Actions Speak Louder Than Words”: Korean American

Emerging Adults’ Perceptions and Meaning Making of Their Parents’ Instrumental

Aspects of Parenting. Journal of Family Issues 2018, Vol. 39(3) 644–667

Kang, H., & Larson, R. (2014). Sense of indebtedness toward parents: Korean American

young adults’ narratives of parental sacrifice. Journal of Adolescent Research, 29,

561-581.

Kim, E. (2005). Korean American parental control: Acceptance or rejection? Ethos, 33, 347-

366.

Lamborn, S. D., Nguyen, J., & Bocanegra, J. O. (2013). Hmong American adolescents’

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agreement. Asian American Journal of Psychology, 4, 50-60


Lan, P. C. (2014). Compressed modernity and glocal entanglement: The contested

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Pyke, K. (2000). “The normal American family” as an interpretive structure of family life

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Way, N., Okazaki, S., Zhao, J., Kim, J. J., Chen, X., Yoshikawa, H., Yueming, J., & Deng, H.

(2013). Social and emotional parenting: Mothering in a changing Chinese society.

Asian American Journal of Psychology, 4, 61-70.

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