Race, Racism, and Discrimination: Bridging Problems, Methods, and Theory in Social

Psychological Research
Author(s): Lawrence D. Bobo and Cybelle Fox
Source: Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 66, No. 4, Special Issue: Race, Racism, and
Discrimination (Dec., 2003), pp. 319-332
Published by: American Sociological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1519832 .
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 Social PsychologyQuarterly
2003,Vol. 66,No. 4,319-332

Race,Racism,andDiscrimination:
BridgingProblems,
Methods,andTheoryin SocialPsychological
Research*
LAWRENCE D. BOBO
CYBELLE FOX
HarvardUniversity

Scholarsspanningthesocialsciencesand They immediatelyentail the labeling and

humanitieswrestlewiththe complex and social learningof groupcategories,identity,
oftencontestedmeaningsofrace,racism,and feelings, beliefs,and relatedcognitivestruc-
discrimination.In all of thisenterprise, soci- tures.These factors, in turn,are expressedin
ologistsrightlyretaina specialclaimto illu- lines of interactionand behaviorthatflow
minating processes of group boundary from,reinforce and reconstitute, or come to
maintenance, systems ofracialinequalityand transformthose social categorizations.In
supporting ideologies,and attendant patterns addition,such categorizationshave direct
of intergroup behavior (Jackman 1994; implications forthestructure and basic con-
Lamont 2000). Mainstream sociological ditionsof social organization. That is,race,1
research,however, has focusedprincipally on racism,2and discrimination3 are also, and
thestructural manifestations of race,racism, perhaps most fundamentally, bases and
and discrimination,particularly as theychar- mechanismsof hierarchicaldifferentiation
acterizeblack-white relations(Wilson1978). thatshape theorderingof socialrelationsas
Sociologistshave made signalcontributions wellas theallocationof lifeexperiencesand
to the understanding of modernghettojob- lifechances(Zuberi2001a).
lessnessand poverty(Wilson1996),of racial
residentialsegregation(Masseyand Denton 1 We conceiveof race,or morebroadlyethnoracial

1993),andoffundamental disparitiesin accu- distinctions,

as historically
contingentsocial construc-
mulatedwealth(Oliverand Shapiro1995).In tions.These distinctionsor categorizationswillvaryin
configurationand salience over time (Collins 2001;
somecriticalrespectsthisworkhas expanded Omi 2001) as well as by important intersectionswith
to includemultiracialand multiethnic com- age, class, gender, and sexuality (Cohen 1999).
parisonswithrespectto bothkey economic Similarly,the practices and policies of government
(Lichter and Oliver 2000; Smith 2001; play a major role in the understandingand social
Waldinger1996) and residentialoutcomes effectsof these categories (Nobles 2000). Although
such categorization may invoke consideration of
(Charles 2001; Emerson,Yancey,and Chai physicaland biological markerssuch as hair texture,
2001). To a surprising degree,however,the skin tone and color, and other observable markers,
microsocialprocessesnecessarily embedded neithertheseindicianordeep primordialimperatives
in these structuralanalysesare stilllargely give ethnoracialcategoriestheirsocial significance.
2 We conceiveofracismas a set ofinstitutional
con-
unaddressed. ditionsof group inequalityand an ideologyof racial
Yet thebasicsocialprocessesinvokedby domination,in whichthe latteris characterizedby a
thetermsrace,racism,and discrimination are set ofbeliefsholdingthatthesubordinateracialgroup
quintessentiallysocial psychologicalphe- is biologicallyor culturallyinferiorto the dominant
nomena;sociologists ignoreor downplaythis racial group.These beliefs,in turn,are deployed to
prescribe and legitimize society's discriminatory
basic insightat the discipline'speril.These treatmentof the subordinate group and to justify
concepts concern the meanings of social theirlowerstatus(See and Wilson1989;Wilson1973).
groupingsand how thosemeaningscome to 3We thinkof discrimination as a "complex system
guidepatternsofrelationsamongindividuals of social relations"(Pettigrewand Taylor 1990:688)
actions,subtleor overt,"thatserve to limit
recognizedas membersof particulargroups. involving
the or economic
social,political, of
opportunities par-
ticular groups" (Fredricksonand Knobel 1982:31).
* Direct correspondence to Lawrence D. Bobo, Discriminationmay be eitherdirector indirect,and
Department of Sociology, Harvard University, may have both short-and long-termconsequences
Cambridge,MA 02138;bobo@wjh.harvard.edu. (Pettigrewand Taylor1990).
319

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320 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
For thesereasons,sociologistsand social To further advancethe impetustoward
psychologists of several stripes have devoted "bridging," thisspecialissuenowunitesthree
greatenergyto unraveling "the problemof goals in seekingto increasesocial psycholo-
race."4Yet broadand powerful generaltheo- gy's understandingof processes of race,
ries of race,racism,and discrimination still racism,and discrimination. One keygoal of
eludeus (See andWilson1989;Winant2000). thisvolumehas been to encouragebridges
Social psychologists, some argue,have been acrossmajorsubareas,methods, and theories.
slowto examinehowethnoracial distinctions The challengeofbuildingmoregeneraltheo-
mayinfluencewhathave been regardedas rywillbe metonlyinsofaras studiesacross
otherwise general social psychological an array of "middle range" theories are
processes(Huntet al. 2000).Certainly thelit- broughtintodirectdialogueon the various
eraturecontainsa numberof distinctand problems, questions,and methodsofanalysis
vital clustersof intellectualactivity:some
that typically distinguish and organize
focuson problems(e.g.,minority statusand
domainsofsocialresearch.
performancein school), some on method
A second goal has been to encourage
(e.g.,surveysof racialattitudes),and others
work of multiethnic scope. More and more
on theory(e.g.,statusexpectationstatesthe-
research is not only reachingbeyond the
ory).One consequenceis thatthefieldis not
so muchbalkanizedas composedof several black-white divide but also adoptinga strate-
disparate,mutuallyinsularintellectualcom- gy of simultaneous and richmultigroup com-
munities. parisons.
As a result,a keychallengeforscholar- Our thirdgoal is to highlight workthat
ship in this area is to reach beyond the adopts a target-groupor minority-group
boundaries of customary and specific frameof reference. For too long,social psy-
researchproblems, methodologies, and theo- chological researchhas tended to assume
ries.Theoreticaladvancesoftenemergefrom thattheviewsof thosein minority or disad-
methodological innovations, especiallythose vantaged positions were derived entirely
whichbridgedifferent methodsof investiga- from,or simplya maladaptiveresponseto,
tion.The domainofrace,racism,and discrim- perspectivesand impositionson the partof
ination,forexample,has taken important thedominantgroup.
stepsto addressthe influenceof contextual
variablessuch as groupsize and degree of SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL
economic inequality (Kinder and PROCESSES OF RACE IN MAJOR LIFE
Mendelberg 1995; Quillian 1995) and to DOMAINS
make use of hierarchical modeling(Quillian
1996; Taylor 1998), and of survey-based Even thoughwe lackbroad,generalthe-
experiments (Bobo andKluegel1993;Kinder ories specifying how race,racism,and dis-
and Sanders1990;Schumanand Bobo 1988; crimination operate,at least,fortunately, we
Snidermanand Carmines1977), as well as possessmajortheoretical approachesinvari-
linkingin-depthinterviewswith surveys ous domainsofsociallife.Strongresearchlit-
(Krysan1999).Each ofthesestepshas deep- eratures exist in these domains. The
ened ourknowledgesignificantly. contributions to thisspecialissue offercriti-
4 A numberof recentreviewsfromdistincttradi-
cal extensions ofideas on identity,schooling,
tions,coveringfargreaterterrainthanwe may hope and achievement processes; organizations,
to addresshere,deservenote.Criticalassessmentsof labormarkets, and workplaces; interpersonal
the survey-basedliteraturecan be found in Sears, interaction acrossthecolorline;socialstruc-
Hetts et al. (2000), Bobo (2001), and Krysan(2000).
Assessmentsofimportantstrandsin theexperimental
turaland psychological theoriesofprejudice;
literaturecan be foundin Banaji and Hardin (1996), and the social and political ofthenew
effects
Blair and Banaji (1996), Dovidio (2001), and Fazio immigration. We examine brieflyeach of
and Olson (2003). Relevant qualitative studies are these domains and discuss how the new
reviewedby Bonilla-Silva(2001), while Dawson and
Cohen (2002) provide a cogent assessment of researchreportedherehelpsto advanceour
researchon race in politicalscience. knowledge.

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 RACE, RACISM,AND DISCRIMINATION 321
Identity, andAchievement
Schooling, highand highschools,and PalestinianArab
Processes Israelihighschools),andwithmultiplemeth-
ods (open-endedsurveysand experimental
Extensiveresearchon schooling, perfor- manipulations).
mance,and achievement has shownthatneg-
ative culturalstereotypesabout racial and Organizations, Labor Markets, and
ethnic minorities can exert debilitating Workplaces
effects on minority youths' academic
achievement.A classic in the field,Ogbu's Anotherbodyof researchexaminesthe
(1986,1992) oppositionalculturetheory, sug- influenceof race,racism,and discrimination
geststhatlow expectations lead minoritystu- in labor markets,workplaces,and organiza-
dentsto feelambivalentaboutschooland to tions.Manystudieshavedocumented thedis-
disengageacademically, inthebeliefthataca- advantaged position of blacks and other
demic achievementis the sole purviewof racialand ethnicminorities in thecontempo-
whitesand thattheirownhardworkwillnot raryurban labor market(Waldinger1996;
deliverthe expectedrewards.Minoritystu- Wilson1996).The reasonforthisdisadvan-
dentsthendiscouragetheirpeers fromsuc- tage,especiallythe significance of race,has
ceeding academically,or "actingwhite,"a been contested intensely.William Julius
findingthat recentlyhas been called into Wilson (1978) argued famouslythat the
question (Ainsworth-Darnell and Downey importance ofraceindetermining blacks'life
1998; Carter2003; Cook and Ludwig 1997; chances was declining relative to class.
Gould 1999;Lovagliaet al 1998). Similarly,economistsand othersocial scien-
Other research helps to explain why tistshave predictedthatthedemandsof the
minority studentswho are alreadyengaged competitivelabor marketwould eliminate
stillunderperform in relationto theirmajori- racialdiscrimination intheworkplace(Evans
typeers.Steele's (1997) pioneeringworkon and Kelley 1991;Nee, Sanders,and Sernau
stereotype threathas foundthatwhennega- 1994).
tive stereotypesabout a group are made Despite theseassertions,
numerousstud-
salient,academic functioning amongmem- ies show thatcontemporary workplacedis-
bersof thatgroupis impaired.Studentswho criminationremainsa significant concern.
are alreadydisengagedare notsusceptibleto Employersoftenexpressstereotypical views
stereotypethreatbecause theyhave long ofblacks,rateblackworkersas havingweak-
since stopped trying.Indeed, Steele has er hard and softskillsthanwhiteworkers,
shownthattheeffectof thesestereotypes is and openly acknowledgetheirown use of
mostperniciousamongthose minority stu- discriminatory and screeningpro-
recruiting
dentswiththedeepestcommitment to acade- ceduresduringthehiringprocess(Kirschen-
micachievement and a strongmotivation to manandNeckerman1991;Wilson1996).As a
achieve. result,employershire blacks at far lower
In thisspecial issue,Oysermanand her ratesthanwhites,even withcontrolsfordif-
colleaguesbuildon theseworks,probingthe ferencesin levelsofeducation(Holzer 1996).
relationship betweenracialand ethnicidenti- Discrimination based on gendercompounds
ty schemas and academic disengagement. issuesof racialdiscrimination forwomenof
This paper, which covers importantnew color,whoreportexperiencing "doublejeop-
ground,helpsto explainwhichstudentsare ardy"(Suh 2000). Reportsof discrimination
bestable to overcometheharmful effectsof do not appear to varymuchby social class,
negativestereotyping and whichstudentsare althoughthefrequency ofsuchreportstends
mostlikelyto succumb.Usingthreeseparate to increase withrisinglevels of education
studies,Oysermanand colleagues test the (Bobo and Suh 2000).
theoryacross multiple racial and ethnic In thisvolume,Harlow concentrates on
groups (African Americans, Latinos, thefamiliarsettingof theuniversity, explor-
AmericanIndians,and PalestinianIsraelis), ingthewaysin whichrace influences profes-
in multiplesettings(a low-incomeminority sors' experiences in, and perceptions of,
middleschool,ruraland reservationjunior undergraduate classrooms.Her focusis not

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322 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
on the content or impact of employers' actuallevelsof prejudice(Bonilla-Silvaand
stereotypes,but ratheron how students' Forman2000).Furthermore, researchdating
stereotypesof theirprofessorsaffectthe back to the 1950shas demonstrated a race-
demands of the job. Using in-depthinter- of-interviewereffect:respondentsadjust
viewswithblackand whitefaculty members, theirresponseson questionsconcerning race
Harlow examineshow racial stigmaaffects accordingto the interviewer's race (Hyman
blackprofessors'"emotionwork."In particu- 1954).In partthismaybe the resultof con-
lar she considershow students'assumptions cerns about social desirability:individuals
about competencycan create the need for attemptto minimizetensionduringan inter-
additionalimpression management workor, action,and therebyavoidtopicsor responses
conversely, emotionallaborthatshieldspro- thatmightoffendanotherparty(Hatchett
fessors'self-concepts
fromnegativepercep- and Schuman1975). In day-to-dayinterac-
tionsbystudents. Harlowpushestheanalysis tions,Cose (1993) suggestedthatblackmid-
further, examiningthewaysin whichdouble dle-class professionals were not always
jeopardyinfluences blackfemaleprofessors' completelycandid withwhitesabout their
experiences and demands. Her research rage regardingracism and discrimination
pointsto dynamics thatmayoperatein many because theyunderstoodthatvoicingthose
organizationalsettingsor contextswhere feelingswouldangeror alienatewhites.
blacks(or membersof otherhistoricallydis- It is a mistake,however,to assumethat
advantagedminority groups)occupyhigher- the "truth" will be revealed only when
status positions than consumersor other respondents speakwitha personofthesame
employees who belong to the dominant race.Researchindicatesthatblacksmayface
group. opposingpressuresto declaregreaterattach-
mentto theirracial group or supportfor
Contactand Interpersonal Interactions race-based social policies when speaking
witha black interviewer (Anderson,Silver,
A thirdbodyof researchhas focusedon and Abramson 1988). Furthermore,the
the degree of contactand interpersonalor "merepresence"of a blackinterviewer may
intimaterelationsbetweendominant-and trigger theoppositeeffect, increasing whites'
subordinate-group members(Allport1954; reported racial resentmentor negative
Pettigrew 1998). Fertile and powerfully stereotypes(Devine 1989; Dovidio et al.
cumulativeworkhas examined,forinstance, 1997;Wittenbrink, Juddand Park1997).
theindividual-level(Meyer2000) and social In thisvolume,Krysanand Couper use
psychological processesinvolvedin creating innovative experimental simulations to
and maintaining patternsofracialresidential understandmore clearly the mechanisms
segregation (Bobo and Zubrinsky 1996; behindrace-of-interviewer effects.
Bymanip-
Charles2003;Farleyet al 1994;Quillianand ulatingan interviewer's race in botha "live"
Pager2001).Thisresearchis especiallynote- and a "virtual" interviewwith black and
worthyforits multiethnicscope (Charles whiterespondents,the authorscan distin-
2000),itsuse ofsystematic experiments with- guishbetween(on one hand)effects on racial
in surveys(Emerson et al 2001; Zubrinsky attitudesand social policypreferences that
and Bobo 1996), and its linkingof open- resultfromthe"merepresence"ofa member
ended responsesor qualitativeinterviewing ofa different racialgroupand (on theother)
withtraditionalsurveydata (Krysan2002a, thosewhichderivefromthe social interac-
2002b;Krysanand Farley2002). tionitself.
Much attentionhas been givento the
degreeto whichindividuals are candidabout TheoriesofWhites'RacialAttitudes
their opinions on racial matters.Recent
researchhas shownthatwhites'survey-based Despite whites'tendencyto avoid mak-
responsesto attitudesabout issues such as ingovertly raciststatements(especiallyinthe
intermarriage,affirmative action,or the sig- companyof AfricanAmericans),it would
nificanceof discriminationin blacks' life certainly be a mistaketo assumethatwhites'
chances sometimesmay understatetheir racialattitudeshave not changedin thelast

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 RACE, RACISM,AND DISCRIMINATION 323
half-century (Schuman et al. 1997). over immigration (McLaren 2003; Quillian
Nonetheless,despite a markedincrease in 1995), and of Native American treaties
their support for formal racial equality, (Bobo and Than forthcoming) have yielded
whitesremainquitereluctant to supportfed- strongempiricalsupportforthistheoretical
eral policies thatwould bringabout these reasoning.
goals.For morethanthreedecades,scholars Contributing to thisdebate,Hughesand
belongingto threemain schoolsof thought Tuch attemptin thisvolume to adjudicate
haveproposedcompeting theoriesto explain between social-psychologicaland social-
this paradox (Sears, Sidanius, and Bobo structural theoriesofracialattitudes
byusing
2000). repeated cross-sectionsof national survey
The firstset of theories,at heart,are data to evaluatetheincidenceof genderdif-
social-psychological; they all share the ferencesin whites'racialattitudesand policy
assumption thatold-fashioned racismhasnot preferences.If prejudice is learned, the
disappearedbutratherhas been replacedby authorsreason,andifitis inparta productof
a newand different brandofracism,various- gender-specific socialization,ratherthanof
lycalledsymbolic racismorracialresentment competinggroup interests,then we might
(Henryand Sears2002;Sears,van Laar,et al. find significantdifferencesin attitudes
1997), subtle versus blatant prejudice betweenwhitemen and whitewomen.To
(Pettigrewand Meertens 1995), or other addressthispossibility, HughesandTuchcon-
formsofracism(Feagin2000).Proponentsof duct an extensiveanalysisof high quality
these theoriescontendthatwhites'opposi- nationalsamplesurveydata.Whereitis rele-
tionto affirmative actionor to votingfora vantto do so, theyalso can directlytestthe
blackcandidateis due largelyto theirnega- distinct gendersocializationhypothesis.Their
tive stereotypes or affectregarding African resultsdifferin important waysfromthose
Americans. Despite some disagreement reportedin otherrecentwork(Johnsonand
about the exact contentof thisnew racism, Marini1998).
proponentsof these theoriestend to share Accordingto the thirdand finalmajor
thebeliefthatit,likeitsold-fashioned coun- theoreticalstance,sometimeslabeled princi-
terpart,is transmitted fromone generation to pled politics,whites' oppositionto liberal
the nextthroughearlychildhoodsocializa- racialpoliciesis rootednotin anynewracism
tion. norincompeting groupinterest,butratherin
A second set of theories,called social- race-neutralvalues and ideologies such as
structuraltheories,differsfromthe firstin fairnessor individualism(Snidermanand
thatit takescompetinggroupinterestsseri- Carmines1997). Althoughthese ideologies
ously.These theories,whichincluderealistic certainly playa role-indeed,thedebateusu-
groupconflicttheory(Key 1949;Levine and allycenterson thesignificance or meaningof
Campbell1972) and sense of groupposition thatrole-empiricaland experimental stud-
(Blumer1958;Bobo 1999),generallymain- ies have linked whites' racial attitudesto
tainthatindividualsidentify withtheirown oppositionto a widearrayofexplicitly racial
racial or ethnicgroup,that group conflict policiesincludingbusing(Bobo 1983),affir-
emergesfromcompetinginterests, and that mative action (Bobo 2000; Oliver and
dominantgroupsdevelopand propagateide- Mendelberg 2000), bilingual education
ologies thatmaintainand even legitimize (Houvouras 2001; Huddy and Sears 1995),
theirhighersocialstatus(Jackman and Muha federal aid to blacks (Kinder and
1984; Sears, Sidanius,and Bobo 2000). In Mendelberg1995), and residentialintegra-
these models,prejudiceis not an irrational tion(Bobo and Zubrinsky1996;Farleyet al.
psychological dispositionamenableto curing 1994;Schumanand Bobo 1988). Racial atti-
throughpropersocialization.Rather,preju- tudes also influenceevaluationsof political
dice emergesfromcompetition and struggle candidates in many contexts,not merely
over real or symbolicresourcesand privi- when candidates of differentracial back-
leges.Studiesof keylocal electoralcontests groundscompete(Callaghanand Terkildsen
(Kaufman1998),of theimpactof groupsize 2002). Racial attitudeseven taintwhites'
on racialattitudes(Taylor1998),ofstruggles preferencesforpolicies that appear to be

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324 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
raciallyneutralbut have become racially gistshave been hard at workstudying con-
tinged in public discourse (Valentino, temporary patternsofidentity formation and
Hutchings, and White 2002), including change,social adaptation,and the broader
approachesto fighting crime(Hurwitzand societaleffects ofthis"newimmigration."
Peffley1997; Johnson2001; Mendelberg Issues ofidentity(Alba 1990;Tuan 1999;
1997)as wellas welfare(Gilens1999;Peffley, Waters1990) and of the hostsociety'sreac-
Hurwitz, and Sniderman1997). tion to thisnew wave of immigrants have
For attitudesaboutwelfareand crimein been a matterof particularconcern.Studies
particular,negativestereotypesof African have documenteda rise in anti-immigrant
Americansas lazy,welfare-dependent, or sentiment(Sanchez 1997) and have linked
somehowculturally morepronethanwhites raciallymotivatedviolenceto the growthof
to violenceplaya prominent role in whites' the black, Asian, or Latino population
oppositionto these policies.Paradoxically, (Green, Strolovitch, and Wong 1997;
Brezinaand Winder'sarticlein thisvolume Pinderhughes 1993). Empiricalstudieshave
suggeststhatwhites'negativeculturalstereo- shownthatperceptionsof Asians', blacks',
types of blacks are reinforcedby blacks' Latinos',and whites'intergroup competition
lowersocioeconomicstatus,theverycircum- forvalued economicand politicalresources
stancethatmanyliberalracialpolicieswere existand arepolitically consequential,evenif
designedto redress.The authorsmoveon to the absolutestrength of suchperceptionsis
reveal the social-psychologicalprocesses generallyonlylow to moderate(Bobo and
behindsuchcircularreasoning, framing their Hutchings1996; Bobo and Johnson2000;
approach withRidgeway's (1991) "status Esses, Jackson,and Armstrong1998;Esses,
construction theory."Using nationalsurvey Jackson, et al. 1999; McLaren 2003).
data,theyfirstdemonstrate thelinkbetween Impressivecase studieshave emergeddis-
whites'perceptionof blacks' low socioeco- sectingandinterpreting instancesofintereth-
nomicstatusand whites'beliefthatblacks nic conflictincluding the 1992 Los Angeles
have a poor workethic;subsequentlythey riots(Baldassare 1994), the 1990Red Apple
howstatusgeneralization
illustrate processes boycott in Brooklyn (Kim 2000),and occur-
operateto influenceevenegalitarian-mindedrencesin variousothersettings(Morawska
In doingso,Brezinaand Winder 2001). The potentialforminoritycoalition
individuals.
extendan important lineof thinking on how formation and the obstaclesto such forma-
lay or popular ideas about broader social tion also have attractedrecent attention;
processesinfluencethedynam- someworksuggeststhatthesharedstatusas
stratification
ics of ethnoracial relations (Hunt 1996; minorities couldbridgedifferent ethnoracial
Kluegel 1990; Kluegel and Bobo 2001; groups (Garcia 2000).
Kluegeland Smith1986). Another line of researchhas focused
moreexplicitly on thenewimmigrants' expe-
TheEffects and DynamicsofImmigration riences and on the ways in which they are
being incorporatedintoAmericansociety.
American society is undergoingpro- Early theoriesof immigrantassimilation,
foundpopulationchangesdue to rapidimmi- based on theexperiencesofEuropeanimmi-
grationand differential rates(Zuberi grants,assumedfairlyrapidand concurrent
fertility
2001b).Researchon thedynamics andeffects processesof economic,political,and cultural
of immigration on Americansocietydates assimilation. This"straight line"assimilation
back,ofcourse,to theearliestefforts byU.S. model assumed that over time,the immi-
sociologists,
includingW.E.B.Du Bois's "The grants'childrenand grandchildrenwould
PhiladelphiaNegro" and muchof the early move up the economic ladder and would
ChicagoSchoolworkbyRobertParkand his become more similar to mainstream
peers. With Hispanics now the nation's Americans.The new immigrants'experi-
largestethnoracialminority, and in view of ences, however, belie these now-dated
continuedhighrates of immigration from assumptions.Research on currentsecond-
Asia,LatinAmerica,and manyotherpartsof generationimmigrants revealsa morecom-
the globe,sociologistsand social psycholo- plex process of "segmentedassimilation"

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 RACE, RACISM,AND DISCRIMINATION 325
(Portesand Rumbaut2001;Portesand Zhou probe the content,salience,determinants,
1993). More thanthe old immigrants, these and mutability ofAsian and Latinostudents'
new arrivalsdifferfromone anotherin a ethnoracialselfidentification. In thesepat-
varietyof ways including educational back- terns they search for indications about how
ground, skills, wealth, familystructure, thesegroupsultimately willbe incorporated
knowledgeof English,and skincolor.Also intoAmerica'sracialorder.
thereare differences in the ways in which
government policiestreatvariousgroups,in CONCLUSIONS
the native population's reactionsto their
and inthesizesoftheimmigrants'
arrival, co- Sociologistshave done muchto examine
ethniccommunities. All of these elements the material economicand politicalconse-
influence socioeconomic outcomes and quences of socially recognizedmembership
determinehow or even whetherimmigrants in particular ethnoracial categories.In them-
willbe integratedinto and acceptedby the selves, however, such differences do not
hostsociety(Portesand Rumbaut2001). explain how people develop such categoriza-
One componentofthisliterature on seg- tionsand identities, howtheyimbueethnora-
focuseson identity for- cial groups with meaning, or whenand how
mentedassimilation
they draw on salient identities, beliefs,and
mation and change, examining how the
feelings in anyparticularcontextor setting.
peculiarhistoryof Americanrace relations
Nor does theexistenceofa setofinstitution-
influencesethnoracial self-identification
when a
amongnew immigrants. MaryWaters(1999) al conditionsor outcomesexplain
pattern of racializedsocial interactionmay
showshowWestIndianimmigrants holdonto
be enacted routinely, challengedopenly,or
their ethnic national identityand resist
transformed profoundly. It is preciselyin
adoptinga black American identityin an
answerto these typesof questions and at
effortto avoida stigmatized socialstatusand
these points that the social psychologyof
to staveoffwhattheyperceiveto be down-
race,racism,and discrimination becomesan
wardmobility. Yetbecausetheyhavefewtan-
indispensable elementofanycompletesocio-
gible ties to the West Indies and are
logicalanalysis.
immersed in a culturethatis fixatedon racial
In themostgeneralsense,thearticlesin
categorizationand antiblack stereotypes,
this issue exemplifythe core ambitionof
theirchildren(especiallythosein poor and
social psychologicalresearchon race.They
low-income families)adoptblackracialiden-
explore how society and social structural
tities more readily.Portes and Rumbaut
conditionscreateindividualspossessingpar-
(2001) examine how second-generation
ticulartypesof ethnoracialidentities, beliefs,
immigrants in south Florida and southern
attitudes, value orientations, and thelike.At
Californiacome to self-identify; theyfind
the same time,theyshow how individuals
thatmanyresistthe pressuresto identify in
possessingracializedpsychological attributes
panethnicterms.Experiencesof discrimina-
and outlooks then interactand behave in
tion,theyfind,encouragetheseteensto cling
waysthatvariouslyinstantiate and reinforce,
to theirnationalidentity,whereaslivingin an
or challenge and transform, extantsocial
inner-cityarea encouragespanethnic identifi-
structures ofrace.5
cation.
For example,in Brezina and Winder's
In this volume, Sears and colleagues
workon perceivedeconomicdisadvantage
tacklethesedifficultissuesofidentity forma-
and howsuchperceptions translateintoneg-
tion and change among the "new immi-
grants,"witha focus on Latino and Asian
S In one of the more cogentdefinitions
of the core
youthsattendinga leadingpublicuniversity. problem for social psychology,Dorwin Carwright
These youths,the authorsargue,represent maintainedthatsocial psychologyis concernedwith
the futureelitesand therefore deservespe- "how society influencesthe cognition,motivation,
cial consideration.Using an impressivesix- development,and behaviorofindividualsand,in turn,
wave longitudinalsurveyof Asian, black, is influencedby them"(1979:91). This conceptualiza-
tion of the field is embraced effectivelyby James
Latino,and whitestudentsat theUniversity House (1977,1981), Melvin Kohn (1989), and Ralph
of Californiaat Los Angeles, the authors Turner(1988), amongmanyothers.

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326 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
ative personalitystereotypesabout blacks,
the authorsillustratethe flowfromsocial
structuralconditionsto individualpercep-
tions,and thento a patternofnegativeracial
attitudesand beliefs.Thatis,thisworkcan be
read as showingprincipally howsocialstruc-
ture shapes individualmakeup. Similarly,
Oysermanand colleaguesshowhowthepos-
sessionofmoreelaborateracialself-schemas
maymoreeffectively equip membersof dis-
advantagedgroupsto achievehighlevelsof
academic performance:theirworkcan be
read as showingprincipallyhow individual
makeupshapes social structure. The former
exampleillustrateshow individualpsycho-
logicalmakeupandprocessesreinforce racial
hierarchy and disadvantage; the latter
demonstrates how individualpsychological
makeupand processesmaytransform exist-
ingracialhierarchy and disadvantage.
The articlespresentedherealso exempli-
fythreesignificant linesof developmentfor
thefutureofresearchin thisarea.First,some
of theworkspringsfromor directly engages
a target-group or minority-group perspec-
tive.Studiesof the natureand dynamicsof
prejudice,longthecore of socialpsychologi-
cal researchon race,racism,and discrimina-
tion,have focusedoverwhelmingly on how
dominant-groupmembersview and treat
membersofa subordinate or minoritygroup.
Insofaras subordinate-group membersmat-
tered,it was largelyas personsdamagedby
theviewsandconditions createdbymembers
of thedominantgroup(hencetheClarkand
Clarkdollsstudiesandan abundanceofwork
seekingracialdifferences in self-esteem).6
Now,however,we increasingly see work
comingfromminority perspectivesthatpoint
to modes of adaptationand understanding
"frombelow." These perspectivesare not
merelyreactiveand indicativeof damage
inflictedbysystemsof racialhierarchy. Such
adaptationsinvolvethe potentiallypositive
and transforming effectsof the search for
positivesocialidentity and progressive social
6 For an excellenthistory
ofscholarshipin thisvein,
see Daryl Scott's importantassessmentof social sci-
entific and policy approaches to the African
Americanexperience(Scott 1997).In particular, Scott
shows how the assumptionof psychologicaldamage
has underminedantiracistthinkingand trulyequali-
tariansocial policy.
This content downloaded from 62.122.76.45 on Fri, 20 Jun 2014 21:29:12 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
change(Lee 2002).Harlow'sresearchon the
emotionalmanagement ofracein thecollege
classroomillustrates suchprocessesdirectly.
Oysermanandcolleagues'researchon racial-
ethnic self-schemasexplores even more
explicitlypatternsof creativetarget-group
responseto prevalentnegativeracialstereo-
types.
Second, some of the workincludedin
thisissuebuildsnewtypesoftheoretical and
methodologicalbridges;this encouraging
trendis long overdue.Thus,for example,
Harlow'sin-depthinterviews withwhiteand
blackfacultymembersis notmerelya prob-
lem-focused studyofraceinthecollegeclass-
room. It is also a theoretically rich
deployment of Goffmanian stigmatheory, of
Arlie Hochschild's ideas about emotional
labor,and especiallyof Strykerian symbolic
interactionismand identitytheory.Thus
Harlow'sworknotonlybuildson otherinno-
vativedescriptive and typologizing efforts to
understand processesof discrimination (e.g.,
Bobo and Suh 2000; Feagin 1991),but also
providesthe theoreticalconceptsand logic
necessaryforhigherlevelsof generalization.
The sametheoretical reachcan be seeninthe
workofBrezinaandWinder, whicheffective-
lylinkssurvey-based researchon thesources
ofracialstereotypes to theoriesofstatuscon-
struction(whichwere derivedlargelyfrom
laboratoryexperimentson task-oriented
smallgroups).These authorstake a further
step:theyspecify someoftheworkstillneed-
ed to moredirectlytestthe mechanismsof
statusgeneralization at workin movingfrom
perceivedeconomicdisadvantageto a belief
in stereotyped negativetraits.
Krysanand Couperofferinno-
Similarly,
vativemethodological and theoreticalinsight
inworkthattheymighthavepursuedmerely
as a narrowquestion:howto accurately mea-
sureracialattitudeswithnewcomputertech-
nologies.By treating thesurveyinterview as
theyshowmorethanthe
a socialinteraction,
advantagesand disadvantagesof different
technologiesforaskingrace-relatedques-
tions.Theyalso simulateand experimentally
manipulatecross-racial and mea-
interaction,
sure a largebatteryof racialattitudes. With
thesedata theynotonlyshowwhenand why
the interviewer'srace mattersin personal
versuscomputer-based interviews;in addi-
 RACE, RACISM,AND DISCRIMINATION 327
tion,theyactuallyhelpto specifycontempo- theyfindonlya fewoccasionson whichgen-
rarytensionpointsin black-whiterelations deraffects racialattitudes;eventhesespecif-
(e.g.,beliefsabout the prevalenceof racial ic cases usually are quite limited in
discrimination). Thisfindingappearsto rep- magnitude.Their workobviouslydoes not
resenta majorchangefromearliererasinthe precludethe possibilityof moresubstantial
studyofblack-white relations,whenthevery genderingof the expressionof racial atti-
goals of integrationand nondiscrimination tudes,givenothertypesofoutcomemeasures
would have been the mostsensitivetopics or other contextsof group relations.For
dividingwhitesand blacks,not whethersig- example,we possess both qualitative evi-
nificant racialdiscriminationstillexisted. dence (Kennelly 1999; Wilson 1996) and
Third,in someoftheworkin thisspecial more quantitativeconfirmation (Bobo and
issue,the authorsconductmultipleethnora- Johnson2000) thatwhitesstereotypeblack
cial groupcomparisons or helpto clarify how men and black women in differentways:
racemesheswithcriticalintersectional issues black men oftenare seen as less reliable,
ofclassandofgender.The workofOyserman moreaggressive, morethreatening, and more
and colleaguesand of Sears and colleagues involvedwithcrimeand drugs.On theinter-
moves well beyondthe black-whitedivide. sectionofraceand class,BrezinaandWinder
Oyserman and colleagues offeranalyses showhow ideas about groupsocioeconomic
based on experimentswithblack, Latino, attainmentinfluencethe developmentof
American Indian, and Palestinian Israeli racialstereotypes.
youths;the researchis even cross-national. Our understanding of the dynamicsof
Sears and colleaguesaddressa provocative race,racism,and discrimination is enriched
question:whetherrecentAsian and Latino by studies that aim to bridge otherwise
immigrants are likelyto followthe"straight- insularintellectualcommunities definedby
lineassimilation" modelor a moreracialized narrowlyfocusedproblems,singlemethod-
minority modelofintegration intoAmerican ologies,or particulartheoriesof the middle
society.Theirworkshowsboth the salience range.The researchreportedin thisissue,by
andthepoliticalcharacterofethnicidentities engagingin multigroupand cross-national
in a large longitudinalstudyof youthsat a comparisons, using mixed or multiple-
highlyselectivepublicuniversity. Yet it also methodresearchdesigns,and takingserious-
reveals thatthese identitiesare not trans- lya target-group/minority-group perspective,
formedbythecollegeexperienceintohighly pointsus towardimportantnew advances.
politicizedattachment to panethnicor quasi- We are most likelyto make large strides
racialgroups.Instead,althoughethnicidenti- towardformulating well-specifiedgeneral
ty does not break down over the college theoryin race, racism,and discrimination
yearsforAsian or Latino youths,it remains whenresearchstrategiesaimed at building
centered stronglyon national ancestry thesetypesofbridgescontinueand flourish.
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LawrenceD. Bobo is theNormanTishmanand CharlesM. DikerProfessorofSociologyand

ofAfrican andAfrican AmericanStudiesatHarvardUniversity. actingchair
He is also currently
of Harvard'sDepartment ofAfricanand AfricanAmericanStudiesand actingdirector of the
WE.B. Du Bois Institute.ProfessorBobo is coauthorof theforthcoming book Prejudicein
Politics:PublicOpinion,GroupPosition,and theWisconsinTreatyRightsDispute (Harvard
University Press).Currently on a studytitled"Race,Crime,and PublicOpinion."
he is working

CybelleFox is a PhD candidateinsociologyandsocialpolicyatHarvardUniversity, and a doc-

toralfellowinHarvard'sMulti-DisciplinaryProgramon Inequalityand Social Policy.Her cur-
and thepoliticsofredistribution.
centeron race,immigration,
rentresearchinterests

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