Capability of National Capital Region Po

Republic of the Philippines
City of Taguig
Gen. Santos Avenue, Central Bicutan, Taguig City
Taguig City University
CAPABILITY OF NATIONAL CAPITAL REGION POLICE

OFFICE-REGIONAL PUBLIC SAFETY BATTALION WOMEN
POLICE OFFICERS IN POLICING: TOWARDS
IN SERVICE TRAINING PROGRAM

Graduate School
GRETCHEN P VERA
Master in Public Administration
2015
City of Taguig
CAPABILITYOF NATIONAL CAPITAL REGION POLICE-

REGIONAL PUBLIC SAFETY BATTALION WOMEN
POLICE OFFICERS IN POLICING: TOWARDS
IN-SERVICE TRAINING PROGRAM
A Thesis Proposal
Presented to theFaculty of the Graduate School
Gen. Santos Ave., Central Bicutan, Taguig City
In Partial Fulfillmentof the Requirements for the Degree

Master in Public Administration
by:
GRETCHEN P. VERA
October 2015
City of Taguig

Chapter 1
THE PROBLEM AND ITS BACKGROUND
Introduction
The International Association of Chiefs of Police (2011) mentioned that “a
1998 survey of members of the International Association of Chiefs of Police
concluded that there was an essentialneed to “strengthen the position of women
in policing-their number, their professional development, their progress in
positions of leadership, and their contribution to the public service and safety.”
Further, female police officers are expected to be more knowledgeable, to be
capable of a wider range of skills and to keep abreast of new developments in
their profession as well as major changes in the wider community.
However, even with the steps made through federal legislation, female police
officers still face “barriers’’ that hinder their career advancement opportunities,
Grace (2012).
First, gender discrimination and sexual harassment of female police officers
along with continued displays of negative attitudes by male police officers has a
negative impact on the retention of female officers. Retaliation against females for
filing sexual harassment complaints can be severe and making such a complaint
can be a “career killer” for women in policing. Due to the tremendous peer
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pressure placed on women not to make a complaint, some women resign rather
than go through the stress of an investigation and the consequent retaliation.
Second, compared to male peers that being compared and judged to male
peers makes the work environment for female police officers more stressful and
challenging with regard to promotion opportunities. When male law enforcement
administrators compare their female subordinates to male abilities and
aptitudesinmaking promotion or hiring decisions, they create a dysfunctional
systemthat fails to recognize differences between female and male officers.
Third, lack of leadership wherein law enforcement administrators who don’t
commit themselves to the removal of promotion and inclusion barriers will
contribute to minimal career gains for female police officers. The result is a likely
reduction of recruiting competent and capable female police officers.
Fourth, lack of mentoring wherein lack of mentors and appropriate guidance
within female police officer’s department costs police departments in time, training
and employee replacement. Creating networking opportunities and having role
models are important for female police officers. It provides new female police
officers with someone to talk with and look up to. Without these capabilities,
female police officers face social isolation in the workplace.
Fifth, male dominated police culture that the socio-demographic of the police
workforce is predominantly male, which requires female police officers to adapt to
a male work environment. Female officers are typically judged and compared to
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their male peers. As a result, female officers may not be afforded the same
opportunities for training, assigned duties and promotions as their male
colleagues.
Sixth, lack of promotional opportunities wherein most police officers seek
assignments that provide new challenges, new duties, broaden their experience,
and enhance their promotional opportunities. However, gender bias often results
in female police officers being assigned to more traditional “feminine” areas
thatdeal with juveniles, females or administration. Female police officers tend to
be represented at the bottom of the hierarchy in most police organizations with a
very small percentage being promoted beyond the rank of sergeant.
Seventh, that under the traditional policing organizational structure,
successful police officers are considered authoritarian (masculine) in nature.
Therefore, traditional policing structures lead to a more masculine police culture.
This culture may be hostile to women and allow male officers to justify an
exclusive domain for themselves based on the argument of physical ability.
Eighth, under-representation has primarily occurred due to a lack of interest
overall in police work by women and the challenges confronting female police
officers. Public safety and colleague back-up should be blind to gender
differences. Under –representing females in the field of law enforcement denies
the public higher levels of public safety in the communities they protect.
Ninth, family/maternity commitments which most female police officers often

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face the issue of reconciling family and work maternity issues. Family/career
issues are a leading reason for female police officer resignation. As a result,
turnover rates in policing for females has primarily been tied to either family issues
such as child care, an unsupportive spouse, or personal failures in coping.
Tenth, socialization that promotion and inclusion barriers to female police
officers find their roots in male/female socialization processes.Men and women
render different perceptions of the role of female police officers as a result oftheir
socialization from birth into adulthood. While attitudes toward females entering the
field of law enforcement have become somewhat more favorable with time,
preconceived notions of what the role of men and women should be in our society
are still uneven.
In the Philippines, studies concluded that female police officers were
motivated to enter and remain in the service for different reasons and most did not
feel discriminated ,Aquino (2014) and they faced the greatest problems involving
perceptions of their stereotypical roles, believing their physical capabilities were
underestimated and given less challenging assignments or positions. However,
they did not experience major problems in other areas especially in promotion yet
they believed that recruitment and selection criteria to Philippine National Police
tended to favor the males, De Guzman & Frank (2004).
Among those common barriers faced by female police officers in general,
there are also the same barriers being experienced by Public Safety Battalion at
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this moment like lack of mentoring in which the women police of Regional Public
Safety Battalion is experiencing. In fact there are only two (2) effective female
police commissioned officers in this unit that they cannot guide the growing
population of female police officers.
Another, a male-dominated police culture-the socio demographic of the police
workforce is predominantly male, which requires female police officers to adapt to
a male work environment. Female officers may not be afforded thesame
opportunities for training, assigned duties and promotions as their male colleagues.
With this, police administrators should recognize that in the field of law
enforcement, the gender of their subordinates is irrelevant and that skill and ability
enhancement opportunities for female police officers will enhance public safety.
In connection, the formulation of RA 7192 will address all issues because the
state recognizes the role of women in nation building and shall ensure the
fundamental equality before the law of women and men and shall provide women
rights and opportunities equal to that of men, RA 7192(1992).
“When women were given the opportunity, as a result of Federal law
mandating equal opportunity regardless of gender or race, to perform general
police work and serve on patrol, they demonstrated their fitness for police work.
Almost all past research on women police has focused on the capabilities of
women to perform police work; virtually all concluded that women, indeed, do
have such ability. This capacity includes physical as well as mental and
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emotional fitness. Studiesdemonstrating women’s capabilities have covered the
areas of patrol work.” Block, Anderson and Sherman.
Other experts on the field express their views on certain area such as
Seligson (1985) said that police chief evaluations response to hazardous
situations; Elias (1984) and Moldon (1985) believe that “academic performance,
physical capability and the handling of violent confrontations are very critical to
female police.”
Background of the Study
The National Capital Region Police Office is one of the regional offices of the
Philippine National Police which provides law enforcement police services
throughout the National Capital Region and assists the Armed Forces of the
Philippines in deterring attempts to wrest power from the current government. It
distributes the workload of law enforcement among several district offices
assigned under it.One of its base units is the Regional Public Safety
Battalion,formerly known as Regional Mobile Group which traces its humble
beginnings from the merger of the district units, one from the Philippine
Constabulary and other from the Integrated National Police sometime in 1991.
At present, RPSB has a total strength ofone thousand nine hundred eighty
eight (1988) personnel where five hundred eighteen (518) are female PNCOs and
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two(2) are female PCOs who are designated as the Chief Police Community
Relation and Chief Administrative Section of third company (Charlie).
As a maneuvering unit, RPSB tasks to support the NCRPO in the conduct of
internal security, counter terrorism, civil disturbance, public safety, prevention of
crimes, respond to crisis situation and conduct of rescue and relief operations
anywhere in Metro Manila.
An incident involving “Martilyo Gang” way back March 2014 proved the
competence of RPSB as four (4) brave lady cops from this battalion responded
quickly while two (2) of them engaged in the said incident to deter crime and
criminals and the potential harmful effects on individuals present in the crime
scene.
The clear guide of the Battalion in achieving or accomplishing its course of
action is by 2020, it will be motivated, highly competent, well equipped, tactical
maneuver force, ready to respond twenty four seven (24/7) against any forms of
threat and provide public safety services in support of local police units to make
Metro Manila a safer place to live, work and do business.
Having this battalion’s vision, several courses, trainings, and seminars were
conducted such as PNP SCOUT, SAR, AGOS, SWAT, CQB, CDM, SAF
Commando, Counter Hijacking, Shotgun, Tactical Commanders Course, First
Responders Course and others to be highly competent, effective and well
equipped public servant. However, due to lack of budget for trainings especially in
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the PNP SCOUT as it is the foundation training of the unit, most female officers
still had not undergone the said training. Other underlying factors are physical
conditions, pregnancy, and rigidity of training that’s why female officers must
prefer other effortless and non-expensive trainings.
“Shooting,Defensive Tactics, Mechanics of Arrest. This is what comes to
mind when most of us hear the term “police training”. And that is only for the past
50 years, because before that, most police officers did not receive any formal
training at all.” Walker (1999)
Albert and Dunham (1997) and Kelling and Moore (1988) said that “The
political era, which spanned from the 1840s through the early 1900s, was
characterized by “watchman” style policing, and saw officers recruited informally
and learning the ropes of policing on the job.” Recruits were not formally screened
and any “training” they received was left to test police officers in the field.
Corruption in that time period led to reform beginning in the early 1900s. Reform,
or legalistic, policing introduced basic training of police officers. However, training
varied widely by state, agency, and budget, and most recruitswere stillinsufficiently
prepared for police work.”
Theoretical Framework
Using the following theories for this study can help open up analysis of past
eventsby providing a particular set of questions to ask, and a particular

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perspective to use in examining topics related to this study.
According to Vroom (1964), expectancy theory emphasizes the needs for
organizations to relate rewards directly to performance and to ensure that the
rewards provided are those rewards deserved and wanted by the recipient. He
suggests that prior belief of the relationship between people’s work and their goal
as a simple correlation is incorrect. Individual factors including skills, knowledge,
experience, personality, and abilities can all move an impact on an employee’s
performance.
Redmond (2009) stressed that “The expectancy theory of motivation is best
described as a process theory. It provides an explanation of why individuals
choose one behavioral option over others. “The basic idea behindthis theory is
that people will be motivated because they believe that their decisions will lead to
their desired outcome.”
Chen and Fang (2008) reiterated that “It proposes that work motivation is
dependent upon the perceived association between performance and outcomes.
Thus individuals modify their behavior based on their calculation of anticipated
outcomes.”
AET (2008) said that “This has a practical and positive benefit of improving
motivation because it can, and has, helped leaders create motivational programs
in the workplace. “This theory is built upon the idea that motivation comes from a
person believing they will get what they want in the form of performance or
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rewards. Although this theory is not “all inclusive” of individual motivation factors,
it provides leaders with a foundation on which to build a better understanding of
ways to motivate subordinates.”
According to Herzberg (1959) and Robbins (2009), two-factor theory
defined two sets of factors in deciding employees working attitudes and level of
performance, named motivation and hygiene factors. Motivation factors are
intrinsic factors that will increase employees’ job satisfaction while hygienefactors
are extrinsic factors to prevent any employees’ dissatisfaction. This theory
introduced more factors to measure how individuals are motivated in the
workplace. It argued that meeting the lower-level needs of individuals would not
motivate them to exert effort, but would only prevent them from being dissatisfied.
In order to motivate employees, higher-level needs must be supplied. The
implication for organizations to use this theory is that meeting employees’ extrinsic
factors will only prevent employees from becoming actively dissatisfied but will not
motivate them to contribute additional effort toward better performance. To
motivate employees, organizations should focus on supplying intrinsic or
motivation factors.”
According to Garcia (2003), sex role theory tells that men are raised to be
goal-oriented and aggressive whereas women are raised to be passive and
dependent. Those who do not adhere to the gender behaviors are believe to be
deviants, serving to remind others of the importance of confronting to gender

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expectations.
Women who enter into policing may not typically engage in what is considered to
be stereotypically feminine behavior. Due to different ways in whichmen and
women are raised, it is argued that women are able to draw upon a much greater
range of policing styles than men. It is believed that women largely police in
substantially different ways than men and rely more on interpersonal
communications than raw strength. This focus on interpersonal communication
which believed that women areadvance through the police hierarchy-resulting in a
leadership style that promotes communication and participation. While women
nationally are underrepresented in administrative positions in policing, it isbelieved
that the increase of women in policemanagement will allow
substantialorganizational change.Sex role theory and the belief of separate
competencies have done much to hamper female officers in their attempts to gain
the same roles as men in patrol. Although women are believed to have special
abilities which are compassion and communicativeness that make them more
capable than men in handling violent or potentially violent tasks that demand
strength and aggression. The belief that women will better in certain activities
appropriate them to those fields thereby denying those opportunities to develop in
other areas of the field and while reinforcing gender stereotypes; such as
expectations will result in even greater fault, if woman fails to meet gendered
expectations.
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Sutherland (1949) stated that there are clear gender differences when it
comes to socialization. Firstly, girls are more supervised and more strictly
controlled. Secondly, boys are encouraged to take risks and to be tough and
aggressive. Therefore, boys have more of an opportunity and an inclination to
commit crime.
Mcgehee and Thayer (1961) are usually regarded as the authors of the first
textbook on training in organizations. They suggested a three-fold approach to
determine the types of training and development experiences that should be
implemented, including organizational analyses, task analyses, and person
analyses. Accordingly, organizational analyses focus on the organization’s ability
to support training. Task analyses focus on the knowledge, skills, abilities, and
other personal characteristics required to perform the agency’s task. Person
analyses focus on the needs of the individual, identifying personal characteristics
possessed by the particular individual.
There are two basic questions must be addresses in the design of training
activities. The first is the question of how a given course should be delivered. Who
should participate? Where the course should be held? What type of learning tools
should be used in the program? A second question is the creation of learning
experiences that improves the transfer of knowledge. It is not enough for the
trainees to learn; they must be able to and willing to see new abilities on their job.
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Conceptual Framework
As depicted in Figure 1, it reflects the variables in the research and the
relationship between and among them. The Input-Process-Output (IPO) model
developed by Stufflebeam and Guba (2001) will be used in the study. Zuluetaand
Costales (2003) said that “This approach is rooted in the process of delimiting and
providing useful information for judging decision alternative. It specifies the Input
component as containing the variable to be examined like age, rank, designation,
educational attainment, and length of service in relation to the level of capabilities
such as skills, knowledge of law, police operation, police investigation, police
intelligence and police community relations. And the problems encountered
bythewomen police officers in policing. The process component will be analysis
and description of the level of capabilities of women police officers, analysis and
interpretation of significant difference among the assessment of the three groups
of respondent, and description on the problems encountered by women police
officers in policing.
`The output of the study will be relevant to the women police officers of
RPSB. This will belearned and implemented to enhance capabilities of women
police officers thus, enhanced public safety.

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Input Process Output
1.Level of Capabilities of
women police officers. Analysis and
1.1 Skills description of
1.2 Knowledge of Law the level of
capabilities of
1.3Police Investigation women police
1.4 Police Intelligence officers
1.5Police Operation Proposed In-
1.6Police Community Analysis and Service
Relations interpretation on Training
the significant Program for
difference Policewomen
2.Significant difference among the
among the assessment of assessment of
the three groups of the three groups
respondent on the above of respondent
cited variables.
Analysis and
3.Problems encountered by desription on the
women police officers in problem
policing. encountered by
the women
police officers
Feedback
Figure 1: Research Paradigm of the Study

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Statement of the Problem
The main objective of this study is to assess the capabilities NCRPO-RPSB
women police officers in policing towards in-service training program.
Specifically, it will seek to answer the following research questions;
1. What is the level of capabilities of the female police officers as assess by the
three groups of respondent in terms of the following variables?
1.1 Skills
1.2 Knowledge of Law
1.3 Police Operation
1.4 Police Investigation
1.5 Police Intelligence
1.6 Police Community Relations
2. Is there a significant differenceamong the assessment of three groups of
respondent on the above cited variables?
3. What are the problems encountered by the women police officers in
policing?
4. What measures can be utilized to enhance the capabilities of women police
officers?
5. Based on the finding of the study, what police in-service training program
can be proposed?
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Hypothesis
There is no significant difference among the assessment of the three groups
of respondent in terms of skills, knowledge of law, police operation, police
investigation, police intelligence and police community relation.
Significance of the Study
The findings of the study will serve as a guide in proposing police in-service
training program for women police not only in RPSB but the whole PNP.
RPSB - The result of this study will serve as a guide in proposing police in-
service training program for women police officers in performing tasks as directed
by senior officers. It will be also used as a guide in selecting women police officers
to be deployed in dangerous areas.
Battalion Commander–Outputsand insights of this study will be used to
determine the problems on the capabilities of women police officers as basis for
police in-service training program. It will be also used as a guide in determining
the weaknesses of women police officers.
Deputy Battalion Commander - He may use the results of this study as a
guide to support and assist the Director’s Plans and Program to make women
police officers more effective in terms of skills, knowledge of law,police

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operations, police investigation, police intelligence and police community
relations.
RPSB Administrative Section (S1) - The result of this study may be used
as basis for the criteria in hiring and recruiting new members to acquire the best to
promote excellence service and may be used as a guidein conducting quality
training in which the women police officers found insubstantial.
GAD Advocates - They will be aware of the need to strengthen a program
for professional development of the PNP through Gender Equality Training
Program and women will be given equal opportunity as for men.
Women Police Officers - They will become more effective and confident to
face any challenges in the workplace and be aware in performing police
operations.
Future Researcher - The findings of this study served as a reference and
guide in making a program/ seminar on the in-service training which the women
police officers seen weaker and thus improvement is needed.
Scope and Limitation of the Study
The study aims to assess the capabilities of women police officers in policing
towards In-Service Training Program.

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This study will cover men and women police officers in National Capital
Region Police Office, Camp Bagong Diwa, Bicutan, Taguig City-Regional
Public Safety Battalion.The first groups of respondent are the female
policeofficerscomposed of 87 personnel, the second groups of respondent are
malepoliceofficers composed of 240 personnel and the last group are police
commissioned officers which composed of 6.
Definition of Terms
For the purpose of achieving clarity of meaning and interpretation of this
study, the following terms used are hereby defined as follows:
Capability refers to the ability to perform or achieve certain actions or
outcomes through a set of controllable and measurable faculties, features,
functions, processes, or services.
Charlieis referring to the third company of Regional Public Safety Battalion.
Input refers to profile and level of capabilities of the women police officers.
Knowledge of Law is the awareness and understanding of PNP operational
procedures, letter of instructions (LOIs), NAPOLCOM memoranda, circulars and
other pertinent laws which the PNP operations are concerned.
Output refers to a proposed police in-service training program.

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Police Community Relationship is the ability to mingle and orient the people the
true essence of the police force in the locality.
Police Personnel refers to a person deputized or vested by authority to
enforce the law and it also refers to police commissioned officers and non-
commissioned officers of the Philippine National Police.
Policingisdefined as supervising or enforcing rules.
Process refers to the analysis and interpretation of the input.
The activities carried out by police officers in order to preserve law and order.
Acronyms
AGOS-Air Ground Operations School
CDM-Civil Disturbance Management
CQB-Close Quarter Battle
NCRPO- National Capital Region Police Office
PCOs-Police Commissioned Officers
PNCOs-Police Non-Commissioned Officers
RPSB- Regional Public Safety Battalion
SAR-Search and Rescue
SCOUT-Special Counter Insurgency Operation Training
SWAT-Special Weapons and Tactics

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Chapter 2
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES
This chapter contains the different literature and studies related to the
problems taken up by the researcher in this study.
Related Literature
Foreign
According to Kabia from Sierra Leone, who is the Colonel of her country's
armed police forces; during International Women's Conference in 1995, says that
she cannot say that she is an activist because she is a military officer. But she is
very much impressed by the empowerment of women and, in her own small way,
she try to influence women to develop them, to compete with men, not because
they are women but because they have the ability, because they are equally
efficient." Apart from discussing the area of the empowerment of women, Kestoria
discusses the prospects for more and deeper military cooperation between China
and Sierra Leone. Kestoria jointly contributing to world peace and stability and the
banishment of terrorism.
According toUN International Network of Female Police Peacekeepersfor the
first time,the women in peace keeping operations show that women have a
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role to play in global peace and security. By actively engaging and utilizing the
Network effectively, female peacekeepers will be empowered and will in turn
empower others. By helping each other through mutual support, mentoring,
training, and advocacy, the network can be a resource to realize one’s full
potential.
Mr. Ramjattanaminister of public security said that better training from the
Royal Mounted Branch, also the police college out of Canada, it has to do with
mentoring the policemen and women. He added that this will be done in five
areas: gender violence, women in police leadership, human rights, crime scene
management, and public corruption. He also noted that crime scene management
will be a major focus under this training programme, because “in Guyana, it is
believed that almost anybody can go on the scene, it is not done properly, and
then evidence and a whole lot of other things are tampered with negligently and
sometimes deliberately.” He also reiterated that “they feel that type of training that
they are going to implement in the police force; they will get better results and far
move deterring effects…they feel that it can have direct influence in impunity
rates”.
According to Perito in Policing Iraq; Protecting Iraqis from Criminal Violence.
Reducing criminal violence would advance stability in Iraq, increase popular

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support for Iraq’s new government, and improve police-community relations.
He said this would require focusing the Iraqi Police Service (the street cops) on
fighting crime and protecting Iraqi citizens. It would improve training in conducting
community-oriented policing, and new equipment to give the Iraqi Police Service
(IPS) the ability to fight crime and to improve relations with Iraqi citizens. Doing
this would be more likely to assist the police in tracking down insurgents. At the
same time, the United States must make a concerted effort to reform the Shite-
dominated units in the Iraqi National Police. He stated that this can be done by
pressing the new Minister of Interior to reform his ministry through an effective
program of U.S. supported institutional development, something that was done by
the United States in previous peace operations, but not, thus far, in Iraq.
Kroeker (2006), stated that police reform must include broad rebuilding—
redesigning police structures, setting and training future police leaders, imparting
special skills, and cannot expect to simply provide advice without concurrently
making desperately needed improvements, providing crime labs, police cars,
communications systems and other basic needs. He said that this process takes
time, cannot suddenly “stand up a local police force” in pursuit of some hasty “exit
strategy”. Rebuilding an indigenous police service, in some cases from scratch as
the UN did in Kosovo is a complex, delicate and long-term activity required
qualified international personnel and dedicated resources. In essence,
International police officers must provide their local counterparts with the
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knowledge and resources that were destroyed, looted or were never there in the
first place. For him, for police reform to take hold, it must be undertaken in the in
the larger context of judicial, prison, and legislative reform. A corrupt court can
easily defeat the efforts of the most upright police force. But working in tandem,
law enforcement and judicial authorities can defeat those who would undermine
stability.
Danilowicz (2012)stated that women police are a critical and growing part of
Islamabad’s law enforcement and the US Embassy is honoured to be partners
with them. He was addressing a ceremony for handover of equipment to the
women police held at Islamabad police lines;hat the equipment will increase the
capability of women police, giving them tools they need to do their jobs.
According to a press handout, the equipment handover is part of a largerUS
government programme to assist female police across Pakistan. The women’s
Police Programme was initiated in 2011 and is designed to assist female police in
developing their professional capability by providing training, equipment, and
infrastructure. To date, the US government has allocated $ 5 million to the
programme. Previous training sessions have educated female police officers on
such topics as operating police vehicles and using computers. The programme is
currently running training courses in first aid and investigation skills.
Palombo (1992)said that law enforcement has thus traditionally been
regarded as ‘man’s job,’ and, while women have now been on patrol for three
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decades, many policemen still hold highly negative views of policewoman such as
that they are physically incapable, insufficiently aggressive, too emotional, mentally
weak naïve, and incapable of gaining the respect of citizens.
Interestingly, women have always had a lower occupational status than their
male counterparts. In fact, the gap between the sexes vary across cultures and
time Sociology Index (2002). “In more traditional societies, women still play a
minor role in police work” Natarajan (1996). In 1980, the United Nations summed
up the burden of hid inequality: Women, who compromise half the world’s
population, do two-thirds of the world’s work, earn one tenth of the world’s income
and one hundredth of the world’s property. In Leviticus, God told Moses that a
man is worth 50 shekels and a woman is worth 30 Sociology Index (2002).
Looking back in time, women were seen as inferior to men. Times have changed,
but there are many individuals that still uphold such ignorance.
Natarajan (2009) argued that there is a need to have a separate but an
identical model of policing whereby men and women should have separate
departments. The reason behind such an argument was based on Natarajan
observations that despite the fact that the western countries had moved what he
referred to as “reluctant separate and unequal status for women police officers,”
the women remained to be numerically minority and demeaned in role playing
within the police force. She pointed out that the women police were faced with
barriers to equal access to diverse roles and tasks available in the police force as
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compared with their male counterpart. High integration is not an option if women
will have equal opportunities as men maintenance of law and order. His argument
was that use of “back door” approach would facilitate recognition of women value
as officers in police department. From a research conducted in among Indian
police she argues that ineffectiveness in police department especially on gender
issue result from men domination of police force, women are not free to express
their challenges to men.
Gossett and Williams (1998) said that women in policing have increased
steadily in the past 15 to 20 years; however the struggle by female police officers
to be accepted in law enforcement parallels and, at the same time, represents an
exacerbation of the difficulties experienced by women as they have made their
ways into the labor force in general. Despite laws forbidding discrimination,
women in the workforce continue to be discriminated against and under-
represented. Several researchers have concluded that, “women have gradually
acculturated into the police subculture while still experiencing varying degrees of
sexual discrimination, and harassment.
According to Redshaw (2006) initial research revealed a wealth of
international research focussing on female police officers’ experiences, but there
was little up-to-date information on this topic in New Zealand. Indeed, research
focusing specifically on women police officers in New Zealand is limited.
Previous research has focused on such issues as: the history of women in
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policing; reasons for women’s disengagement from the Police; barriers to
recruitment, retention and progression of women and women in the Criminal
Investigation Branch or provided an overview to both international and New
Zealand literature on barriers to recruitment. Mossman, et. al (2008) preliminary
reading suggested two overarching issues within the broad framework of women
in policing that warranted further investigation. Firstly, despite the incremental
increases in women’s representation, and efforts Police have made to create
better working conditions and encourage more women to join—they continue to
be underrepresented, both numerically and at senior levels. Secondly, New
Zealand research focusing on female police officers suggests that police culture
has been a dominant barrier to progression and retention of female police
officers revealed “....both female employees and constabular staff felt that Police
internal culture demands personal resilience and assertiveness from female
staff”. This suggests that female officers may need to adopt specific
characteristics in order to “fit in” within the police culture. The review went on to
conclude that while there has been some progress to shift police culture in light
of the COI recommendations, progress to change the culture has reached a
plateau (PricewaterhouseCoopers, 2010).
In the aftermath of the COI, this research explored women’s experiences in
the Police from their subjective perspectives to understand the extent police
culture remains a barrier. A key objective was unearthing the link between
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progression and retention of women police officers and their perceptions and
experiences of police culture. Buttleret. al (2003) said that women’s involvement
in policing began long before their official introduction in 1941. The resistance
women have faced since the outset was reflected in the incremental acceptance
of women as legitimate members of the Police. The first female employees
emerged in the Police in 1961 as “female attendants” and worked part-time
hours. They were charged with searching females and cooking for prisoners and
men in the barracks. However, any attempts to extend women’s responsibilities
were met with resistance, and women were still seen as an undesirable
necessity. The first full-time police matron was appointed in 1895. As matrons
and searchers, women were often wives of male officers primarily tasked with
assisting lost children and escorting women prisoners between courts and
prisons. The 20th century saw a shift in attitudes toward the role of women in
society. While women in New Zealand won the right to vote in 1893, they were
still prohibited from participating fully in the public sphere (Redshaw, 2006).
Leading up to the First World War, the campaign for women to have a less
marginalised role in the Police became prominent. In 1916, Police Inspectors
were asked for their opinions on whether women should be allowed to become
police constables. Statements from Police Inspectors who opposed the idea
provided reasons such as: women could not “control their tongues”, they lacked
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the necessary tact and discretion, their appointment would be a waste of money,
and small districts rendered their presence unnecessary.
By the mid-1920s attitudes began to change towards the role of women in
policing, and the debate reignited in the mid-1930s. In 1938 authority was
granted to appoint women into the Police, but it was not until 1941 that the first
10 female police officers were appointed. These women underwent three months
of training and were not assigned uniforms. In contrast, the United States and
England had already granted women sworn status in 1910 and 1915 respectively
(Martin &Jurik, 2007). When “policewomen” were appointed it was during the
Second World War and their presence was necessary given that large numbers
of men were on leave from the main cities. Initially women officers were primarily
attached to the detective branch and served as temporary constables, “…the
women investigated offences involving women and children, giving special
attention to the problem of young girls out late at night, apparently without
parental supervision”. Despite making the transition from matrons to police
officers, their role was limited to largely the same responsibilities they held
previously as matrons and searchers—taking care of women and children. This
was seen as their appropriate domain and thus reinforced the traditional position
of women in society in general—as nurturers, mothers and wives. Women were
not eligible for permanent appointment until 1947 (Redshaw, 2006).

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The history of women in policing in New Zealand illustrates the progression
women have made in breaking down barriers to achieve equal employment, and
reflects the steps Police have taken to progress the status of women in policing.
This chronology of achievements largely reflects the same patterns in
overseas jurisdictions, such as England, the United States and Australia (Brown
&Heidensohn, 2000). However, in New Zealand the Commission of Inquiry is of
particular importance as it increased the momentum for change in the Police,
especially with regards to changing the culture, and increasing the gender and
diversity of sworn officers.
In January 2004, allegations of historical rape cases that occurred in the
1980s were published in the media. Rape and sexual assault allegations were
made against a group of male police officers in Rotorua, namely former Assistant
Commissioner Clint Rickards, and former officers Brad Shipton and Bob
Schollum. These allegations were based principally on claims brought by Louise
Nicholas who claimed Police failed to act when she reported these incidents, and
instead persuaded her to withdraw her complaint. Subsequently the Commission
of Inquiry was established in February 2004 (Bazley, 2007) with Dame Margaret
Bazley becoming the sole Commissioner in 2005. The inquiry set out to
investigate the procedures used to investigate sexual offences and the treatment
of victims. The Commission of Inquiry report was not published until 2007 due to
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ongoing police investigations and the duration of criminal proceedings (Rowe,
2009).
The Commission of Inquiry exposed many examples of police officers’
misconduct and inappropriate behaviour including abuses of power, a culture of
drinking, as well as the inappropriate handling of sexual assault complaints.
Notably, Rickards who was Assistant Commissioner at the time the allegations
were made, was being groomed to be the next Police Commissioner. This
reflected how entrenched and far reaching the culture seemed to be. The COI
concluded that the internal culture had developed in ways that fostered this
misconduct. As Bazley (2007) outlines:
I saw evidence of some disgraceful conduct by police officers and associates
over the period from 1979, involving the exploitation of vulnerable people. There
were also incidents of officers attempting to protect alleged perpetrators. These
incidents, which occurred mainly in the 1980s, include evidence of officers
condoning or turning a blind eye to sexual activity of an inappropriate nature; a
wall of silence from colleagues protecting those officers complained about;
negative, stereotyped views of complainants; and a culture of scepticism in
dealing with complaints of sexual assault.
The Police’s momentum for change both in the prevailing culture and in the
diversity of its staff has increased due to the recommendations arising out of the
Commission of Inquiry. The significance the Commission of Inquiry has played in

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New Zealand’s policing history mirrors investigations in other countries. For
example, in Britain the Macpherson Report was released in 1999 and exposed
institutional racism in the Metropolitan Police Service (Loftus, 2009) and the
Wood Royal Commission into the New South Wales exposed police corruption
and malpractice. While the incidents igniting these inquiries have differed,
common to these scandals are acts of misconduct that have catalysed change,
particularly in regards to a culture that was seen as fostering this misconduct.
The Police is a State Sector organisation working within a national framework but
with a community focus (section 8(c), ‘Policing Act 2008’, 2008). To progress
through the ranks, officers are required to pass qualifying exams before applying
for vacancies.
The gap between women and men’s attrition rates began to close in late
2003 with women’s attrition rate falling below men’s during 2004. From around
2007 the attrition rate between males and females has almost equalised, where
for the most part there has been an average of less than 1 percent difference. As
at May 2012 the attrition rate sits at 3.3 percent for females (n=52) and 3.2
percent for males (n=239), thus the attrition rate for females is a fraction lower
than that for men. Therefore, it is evident that the Police have improved the
retention of female police officers. However, while there has been a steady
increase in female representation over the past decade, this increase has
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predominantly taken place amongst frontline staff, with a poorer representation of
women in higher ranks (Office of the Auditor-General, 2012).
Police have adopted a number of approaches to address the internal culture
and overcome barriers to women’s full integration. The goal of the Police to
improve the health of its internal culture is evident in a number of strategic goals
and policies. For example, the Police Competency Framework sets out four core
values which include: respect, integrity, professionalism, and commitment to
Maori and the Treaty of Waitangi. Additionally, a Code of Conduct was
introduced in 2007 following the recommendations arising out of the COI. This
establishes the standards of behaviour expected of all Police employees. Various
policies introduced target areas such as improving the culture, increasing equity
and diversity of Police personnel, creating strong leadership, and enhancing
accountability of staff. For example: the “Policing Excellence” reform initiated in
2009 (PricewaterhouseCoopers, 2010), the Strategic Plan 2010 and the
“Prevention First” strategy outlined in the Strategic Plan 2011-2015. In 2012
recruitment campaigns with a community focus were released with the slogan
“you too can do something extraordinary”. These campaigns aim to attract more
young people, particularly women and those from various ethnic and cultural
backgrounds to better reflect New Zealand communities (New Zealand Police,
2012).
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Police strategic policies inherently address improving the working environment
for women. However, there have been policies and initiatives that specifically
target women3 such as Equal Employment Opportunity policies. Since the late
1980s, the Police have complied with the requirements of the State Sector Act
1988 which mandates Chief Executives of Government Departments to comply
with the principle of being a “good employer” (Hyman, 2000). The Police initiated
its own Equal Employment Opportunity policy which addresses discrimination
and promotes equal opportunities and diversity to meet the needs of all staff in
the organization. The Flexible Employment Options policy is an example of an
Equal Employment Opportunities policy. The Flexible Employment Options policy
allows employees to work part-time. Although not just open to women, Flexible
Employment Options has particular relevance to women as it attempts to
address the difficulty women often face when balancing work and family
commitments.
The 2011/2012 Police annual report outlines a number of recent equity and
diversity initiatives targeting women, these included leadership development
programmes, and anti-harassment initiatives. “Let’s Talk” is an initiative “aimed
at increasing organizational knowledge of issues, barriers and the positive
aspects of life for women in Police” which involved one-on-one meetings with
women officers to discuss their career and personal development issues.

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Moreover, the Office of the Auditor-General (2012) observed a number of Police
initiatives
aimed at women including: development and leadership programmes, an
alumnae network for work for graduates of women’s development programmes,
mentoring programmes and a women’s development day.
The progress of the Commission of Inquiry recommendations is reviewed by
the State Services Commission through the Change Management Programme
Progress Report, and as at April 2012 it released its fourth review
(PricewaterhouseCoopers, 2012). The Police response to the COI is also
monitored by the Officer of the Auditor-General (2012) and as at October 2012
released its third monitoring report. These reports suggest that, while there are
elements of good progress in changing the culture and some progress to
improve police behaviour, the overall progress in the Police response to the COI
recommendations has been mixed (Office of the Auditor-General, 2012). While
there has also been progress in the number of women entering the Police, this is
yet to be reflected in the senior ranks. Coupled with the similar attrition rate
between female and male officers (as outlined in the previous section), the report
states “the reasons why women do not tend to progress into senior positions at
the same rate as men are only partially understood” (PricewaterhouseCoopers,
2012). This research aims to provide a fuller understanding of women’s position
in the Police.
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According to Rabe-Hemp (2009) it is well established that policing is a male-
dominated career and remains gendered in the 21st century. How women
construct their identities within policing has traditionally been divided by sex and
gender. Constructionist perspectives on gender have challenged the division of
gender into two opposing categories, and have disputed reducing gender to men
and women’s essential or biological nature. Instead gender is not a fixed
concept, it is reproduced through interaction.
To ‘do’ gender is not always to live up to normative conceptions of femininity
or masculinity; it is to engage in behaviour at the risk of gender assessment.
Although it is individuals who do gender, the enterprise is fundamentally
interactional and institutional in character, because accountability is a feature of
social relationships and its idiom is drawn from the institutional arena in which
those relationships are enacted.
Therefore, social interactions work to reproduce and challenge popular
conceptions of what is socially accepted as essential and natural differences
between men and women. Analyzing culture as socially constructed provides a
way to understand how culturally accepted norms of masculinity and femininity
impact on values in organizations (Dick &Jankowicz, 2001). The accepted
cultural norms that are said to shape police behaviour have been described as
an almost pure form of “hegemonic masculinity”. Connell (2005) defines
hegemonic masculinity as the:

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Configuration of gender practice which embodies the currently accepted
answer to the problem of the legitimacy of patriarchy, which guarantees (or is
taken to guarantee) the dominant position of men and the subordination of
women.
(Silvestri, 2003) said that hegemonic masculinity has been used to explain
stereotypical features of police culture as well as traits of the archetypal police
officer who is constructed as strong, aggressive and assertive. Complementary
to hegemonic masculinity, women are said to display “emphasized femininity” by
adhering to traditionally feminine traits such as passivity, fragility, and
dependence (Morash&Haarr, 2012). Hegemonic masculinity is not a fixed and
omnipresent concept and it recognizes the existence of multiple masculinities
(Connell, 2005). Therefore, this concept sits well with understanding police
culture which is argued to be “neither monolithic, universal nor unchanging.”
Dick and Jankowicz (2001) said that social institutions in which gender
operates also warrants examination from a social constructionist perspective.
They argues that organizations should be viewed as a process rather than static,
rational, bounded entities. Within this structure gendered inequalities, gendered
interactions, and gendered images occur as part of the ongoing activities that
comprise an organization. The workplace continues to be a predominant arena
for men to construct their identity. Indeed, as Martin and Jurik (2007) note, the
dualistic perspective which perpetuates the masculine/feminine stereotypical

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divide also helps to explain dualities in policing, such as the crime fighter/social
service, public/domestic, and street/station house distinctions. In each of these
stereotyped dualities, the “feminine” side is undervalued. Thus men “do gender”
by creating and adhering to the image which is associated with the “masculine”
aspect of these dualities.
Police culture is generally used as a catchall term capturing all aspects of
police behaviour and action. The concept of “police culture” is used loosely in the
literature with no agreed upon definition. For the purpose of providing a clear
framework for this research, “police culture” is used as the umbrella term to
capture two different “subcultures”—cop culture and canteen culture.
Reiner (2000) asserts that “Cop culture has developed as a patterned set of
understandings that help officers cope with and adjust to the pressures and
tensions confronting the police”. While studies on police culture have reached
different conclusions there still remains a set of prevailing characteristics that
have remained largely consistent in police culture research. Indeed, to outline
Reiner’s core characteristics in any discussion of cop culture has become
somewhat of a “sociological orthodoxy”. Reiner identifies the following as the
core characteristics of cop culture: mission—action—cynicism—pessimism,
suspicion, isolation/solidarity, police conservatism, machismo, racial prejudice,
and pragmatism. In contrast, canteen culture should be seen as an element of

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police culture which encapsulates talk or expressed attitudes of police officers
when they are off-duty . He defines canteen culture as:
The ways in which officers communicate with each other, interactions which are
characterized by expressions of solidarity and cohesiveness. It is directed
internally to meet the demands of operational policing and thus reflects divisions
between the police and the public, in particular, suspects, and divisions between
the various ranks within the service.
It is generally agreed upon that the canteen culture has the function of
enabling officers to express their fears, relieve tension and vent frustrations and
anger—which all flow from the nature of the occupation. This in turn serves to
strengthen group solidarity and establish a shared identity and worldview—thus
reinforcing officers’ loyalty to the group and to the occupation (Dick &Jankowicz,
2001). While the cult of masculinity also forms part of the cop culture, it is
arguably more concentrated within the canteen culture.
It is evident that women face a multitude of barriers that impede their full
acceptance as police offices. As the discussion thus far indicates, these barriers
are often rooted in the core aspects of police culture. As Martin and Jurik (2007)
observe:
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Resistance to women’s integration is related to the nature of the work, the
occupational culture, and the manner in which these are used as resources for
doing gender, and continues today, although in a less overt manner.
Beginning with Police women, women at this end of the spectrum are
characterized by assertiveness, “professionalism”, desire for occupational
achievement, and loyalty to the occupation. They adopt the group norms and
values in order to be accepted, and compete as “one of the boys”. They shun the
stereotypical treatment of women officers, such as being “protected” by male co-
workers and they view sexual harassment as an impediment to their ability to do
their job rather than as damaging to their sexual reputations. Police women
accept their “token” status and the pressure to prove themselves to be the
exception. Furthermore, they thrive on patrol work, are comfortable on the street,
and show a willingness to be involved in physical action. Additionally, Police
women display strong loyalty to the informal system. This is seen as necessary
to be accepted and to avoid isolation, and crucial if they want to advance within
the organization. Hence, Police women are more likely to socialize with male
colleagues off-duty and accept sexual banter and jokes as part of the job.
Moving to the opposite end, police women maintain traditional feminine
norms while on the job, seeing it predominantly as a source of income, and
assume a more service-oriented perspective. Unlike policewomen, they do not
strive to become “one of the boys”—rather they resist the pressure to perform
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and emerge as “exceptions” and are content on remaining “ladies”. They resent
the pressure they feel to be constantly proving themselves and they reject
discriminatory treatment. As well as rejecting the dominant male culture on-duty,
they avoid socializing with male co-workers off-duty. Consequently, police
women lack motivation and they often sit outside police informal networks, thus
further isolating them and eroding promotional aspirations.
What can be deduced from Martin’s analysis is the need for female police
officers to be constantly re-evaluating the balance between their sex role and the
norms of the occupational role. The concept of “doing gender” is often utilized to
gain a greater understanding of how the gendered nature of policing is
maintained and how women cope with the demands of the male-dominated
culture (Chan et al., 2003). When women are “doing gender” they reinforce the
traditional distinctions between male and female officers and therefore accept
differential treatment.
Rabe-Hemp (2009) found that women police officers were “doing gender”
and “doing police work” collaboratively. At one end, women actively resisted
characteristics such as aggression and violence but at the same time, reinforced
expectations of the female role such as caretaking, empathy and greater
communication skills. Additionally, they resisted the stereotypes of women police
officers being “dyke or lesbian” by emphasizing their physical attractiveness to

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men and through grooming techniques which reaffirmed their femininity. At the
other end, they also rejected the idea that they are the “pansy police” by
stressing their willingness to engage in masculine facets of policing, such as
“getting dirty” and “scuffing up the knees”. Indeed, Garcia (2003) argues “If a
woman acts too feminine, she is criticized for not being suitable for the job.
However, if she acts too masculine, she is criticized for not acting like a woman”.
To address the conflict between gender and the occupational role women feel
they must perform these roles simultaneously—Thus women are “doing gender”
and “doing police work” in order to overcome the male dominated culture.
The introduction of women to policing reflected the traditional roles women
held within wider society. This was not only evident in the specific roles women
were hired for, but also that women were recruited for the traits it was thought
women “naturally” possess and would thus bring to the job (Garcia, 2003).
Connell (2002) argues that the division of labour between the “work” and “home”
in modern Western societies creates a cultural understanding that the economic
arena is a “man’s world”, while domestic life is a “woman’s world”. Thus,
patriarchal beliefs support the assumed nature of police work which envisions
“real” police work as being reserved for men, and “softer” social service roles
being relegated to women. This reinforces the entrenched belief that physical
abilities underlie the conception of police work.

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However, in policing, gender integration and the opportunity for women to
participate in forming police policy has been strongly resisted. Women have
transformed their original social worker role in policing only because of their own
determination and struggle. She argues that women changed their police role
throughout history by drawing on outside social forces, and in recent times, by
relying on the law to enable them to work as police officers. However,
acceptance by their male peers has yet to occur. Women receive, at best, a cool
reception from male officers and, at worst, a hostile reception.
The existence of a unique police subculture is recognized, in which the
nature and substance of police work and identity are characterized by terms the
“cult of masculinity”. This “cult” highlights and stresses the importance of
hegemonic masculine expressions such as aggressiveness, physicality, and
competitiveness (Silvestri, 2003). As mentioned above, dangerous and violent
calls have also been labelled as “real” police work. However, this portrayal of
policing and the belief of the importance of masculine expression for police work
have persisted despite the fact that the “crime-fighting” components of the
profession are rare, and that the job can more accurately be described as a
mundane, and a public-service occupation (Dick &Cassell, 2004).
Nonetheless, the masculine image of policing results in the creation and
transmission of the belief that females are less suitable for and less capable of
policing. After all, the difficulties faced by females within policing primarily stem
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from the perception that females are unable, or less effective, at expressing the
“masculine” qualities needed for conducting ‘real’ police work, e.g., the ability to
control citizens, be tough, or effectively employ force (Dick &Cassell, 2004). After
all, these expressions are in direct opposition to dominant perceptions of how
females “should” or “can” behave (Seklecki&Paynich, 2007). Such beliefs thus
compose the premises of the “negative perspective” regarding the influence of
females’ inclusion in policing. Under this perspective, female integration in
policing is resisted due to the belief that females’ inabilities result in the
threatening of officer and public safety.
Due to the widespread and unchallenged acceptance of the “negative
perspective” with regard to the influence of females on policing, females were
historically prohibited from participating in law enforcement (Villiers, 2009).
Furthermore, those females who initially gained access to the police profession
typically entered within subordinate and restricted roles. These roles reflected
traditional assumptions about sex-appropriate behaviour. For example, female
officers were not allowed to carry out particular policing duties, such as arrests or
patrols, because they were perceived as too emotional and delicate to effectively
complete such tasks. Instead, female police officers were initially restricted to
administrative tasks or those duties requiring “feminine” skills, i.e., duties
involving women and children. The sex-separation of policing duties did not
begin to diminish until the 1970’s, as a result of equal right movements, the
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implementation of legislation preventing sex discrimination in employment, and
avocation efforts specific to female police officers (Archbold& Shultz, 2012).
Although these policy changes served as primary incentives for increasing
the number of females, as well as the opportunities for females within policing,
they failed to establish gender equality within the profession. In fact,
manifestations of sex-discrimination reflecting perceptions about the limited
effectiveness and appropriateness of female police officers have consistently
been identified as the largest barriers to increasing female representation in
policing (Kakar, 2002). For example, Timmins and Hainsworth study of 541
female officers from the United States, reported that female officers continued to
experience sex-based problems within their profession, which were recognized
as being the direct consequences of negative and sexist attitudes held by their
male colleagues. Specifically, female officers within this study reported:
…the perceived need to be an exceptional performer to gain even minimal
acceptance; the pressure to give into male officers and become a “pet” or
“mascot”; the tendency to brand females as agitators or troublemakers when
they are aggressive about career opportunities; the constant subtle, often crude,
sexist atmosphere in which they must work daily; and the perceived pressure on
females to be more masculine or to adopt more masculine traits.
Furthermore, within contemporary forces, females continue to be vastly
underrepresented, particularly within high-ranking positions, and remain the

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common subjects of negative labelling and unfair treatment (Seklecki&Paynich,
2007). Specifically, female officers have consistently been found to be treated
differently by their colleagues and the public, have different job-related
expectations placed upon them, receive less support for career development,
and face unique challenges in the promotion process (Kakar, 2002).
Such findings are highly concerning, as the unique experiences and
discriminatory treatment of females within policing have been recognized as the
main sources of occupational stress for female officers, contributing to female
officer burn out (McCarty, Zhao, & Garland, 2007). Additionally, perceptions in
relation to peer acceptance have been found to be vital for occupational success,
commitment, and job longevity (Seklecki&Paynich, 2007). Therefore, recent
research identifying the persistence of sex discrimination within policing and
perceptions of unequal treatment of female police officers, illustrate the existence
of enduring barriers for female recruitment and retention.
Interestingly, although gender stereotypes have played a central role in
restricting females’ entrance into and acceptance within policing, advocates of
female police officers have also used gender-stereotypical arguments as a
means of assisting in females’ access to front-line policing. More recently, such
arguments have also been used to justify demands for gender-equality in the
profession. These arguments embrace a “positive perspective” in regards to the

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influence of females in law enforcement, and assert that female police officers
improve law enforcement by instilling values associated with women and social
work, and decreasing the need for violence. This argument claims that increasing
female officers on patrol will result in a reduction of use of force, excessive use of
force, and increase the public’s confidence in the police.
Arguments stressing the existence and importance of “female-specific
benefits”, although motivated towards producing positive outcomes for females in
policing, have contributed to continuing the differential treatment and
experiences of females within the occupation. After all, such arguments highlight
and confirm sex-differences in policing styles and task effectiveness. Regardless,
the belief that generalizable differences exist between male and female police
officers’ abilities has commonly and consistently been expressed by citizens, and
police officers (Sandifer, 2006). Additionally, the belief that differences exist
between police officers based on their gender, has recently been articulated by
the RCMP, as seen within their recent “Gender-Based Assessment”; goals and
strategies aimed at increasing female representation within the RCMP have been
justified through the proposition that such an increase will “broaden perspectives,
approaches and decision making” (RCMP, 2012).
Despite the existence of these opposing perceptions and their potential
significance, research evaluating the prevalence of such beliefs or their reality,

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remains severely limited. Furthermore, of those studies conducted to assess the
influence of officer sex on occupational attitudes, temperaments, and behaviours,
conflicting results have been produced. Thus, propositions and perceptions
regarding the existence of generalizable differences between male and female
police officers remain “unjustified or questionable” (Poteyeva& Sun, 2009). In
other words, “even granting a distinctive world perspective that captures feminine
characteristics, it is uncertain if female officers embody these attitudes or if these
attitudes turn into behaviour” (Rabe-Hemp, 2008).
Alternately, some theorists have dismissed the suggestion that female
officers will express themselves consistently with traditional notions of gender,
proposing a “gender-neutral perspective” to explain the influence of females
within law enforcement (Grant, 2000). This perspective asserts that male and
female police officers will possess attitudes and display behaviours and
tendencies similar to one another. It is suggested within this perspective that
females, who are hired as police officers, already encompass more “masculine”
qualities in comparison to females within the general population, which would
explain their interest in and acceptance within the police officer role. Also, female
officers may express more masculine traits, due to their conformation to the
masculine subculture of law enforcement. Females may conform to the
masculine demands of policing in their attempts to dissuade negative
perceptions about their capabilities and belonging within the occupation.

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Most commonly, female officers have been perceived as capable in carrying
out law enforcement. Perceptions regarding gender-specific differences in
policing styles and job-related competencies however have frequently been
expressed. These perceptions have reflected the widespread embrace of the
previously mentioned gender stereotypes for gender-specific behaviour and
personality. Specifically, female officers have been commonly perceived as
better able to communicate with and support citizens, and deescalate violence
with interpersonal skills, yet less able to use force or perform physically (Greene
& Carmen, 2002).
The long-standing and widespread embrace of these perceptions has
resulted in female officers being disproportionately assigned to “feminine”
policing tasks (e.g., dealing with children, assisting victims of domestic and
sexual assault; Villiers, 2009). Grant (2000) explains the negative consequences
male officers experience as a result of such gendered assessments:
If female officers perform a disproportionate share of female-typed police
tasks, male officers who are perceived as particularly unskilled at ‘‘female tasks’’
may choose or be assigned more ‘‘male tasks,’’ thus depriving them of the very
opportunities they may need to improve. Conversely, male officers who are adept
at ‘‘female tasks’’ in addition to or in place of ‘‘male tasks’’ could find that this is
not considered an asset by some of their colleagues, and could potentially be
subject to negative social sanctions from fellow officers.

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Grant (2000) further warns “gender stereotyping of police officers and police
tasks does a disservice to officers of both genders and obscures the fact that all
officers must be equally well prepared to respond to the same situations as a
matter of sound public policy”. Regardless of such a fact, perceptions reflecting
gender-differences in the capabilities and roles of police officers and
consequences of such perceptions have remained common throughout
policewomen’s history.
Female officers have largely expressed positive attitudes about their job-
related abilities (Sandifer, 2006). However, it has also been reported that female
officers hold highly critical perceptions of other female officers’ abilities and
behaviours. A recent study conducted by Morash&Haarr (2011) found that
female officers expressed the belief that there were fundamental female-male
differences in police work, but no consensus as to what these differences were
was reached. Female officers in this study also continued to defend their
occupational identities by highlighting their “job performance-enhancing qualities,
such as compassion, alternative standpoints, and communication skills”.
Officer and public perceptions on females’ appropriateness and capabilities
within policing have appeared to be increasingly positive. Leger’s concluded that
citizens did not express concern over female officers’ reduced abilities to contain
violent encounters on the brink of the twenty-first century, and that overall the
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general public was endorsing female police officers. Similarly, recent research
found that female police officers felt accepted by their male counterparts, and
were also of the belief that the culture of policing had become increasingly
accepting of females throughout their experiences as police officers (Rabe-
Hemp, 2008).
Female officers’ perceptions of their capabilities, and whether or not they
experience sex-discrimination within their work, have proven to be vital in
measuring officers’ self-worth, commitment to their job, and job satisfaction
(Brough& Frame, 2004). Therefore, recent findings illustrating improvements in
female officers’ perceptions of their acceptance is promising in terms of
increasing their representation and improving their experiences.
In sum, both public and officer perceptions on the influence of officer gender
on law enforcement have consistently reflected traditional gender stereotypes.
Thus, the positive and negative theoretical perspectives of females’ influence on
law enforcement have most commonly been conveyed through policing studies
focused on identifying individuals’ perceptions of the influence of police officer
gender on law enforcement.
The influence of gender in policing has been difficult to conduct and
evaluate, simply due to the vast underrepresentation and low number of females
within the occupation (Rabe-Hemp, 2008, p. 428). Given the small number of
City of Taguig
female officers on patrol, the population available for studies assessing female
police
Taguig
officers’
City University
experiences and performances are limited. Such
underrepresentation is particularly concerning when research is focused on
female officers involved in violent encounters and use of force incidents. After all,
these incidents are infrequent in police work (Hoffman & Hickey, 2005), and
therefore the number of female officers involved in such instances is very low.
Thus, conclusions from studies assessing this population i.e., female police
officers, especially when focused on their involvement in hostile or violent police-
citizen encounters, are assumingly difficult to compare, corroborate, and make
generalizations from.
Furthermore, many studies assessing the influence of gender on policing
have collected their data from specific police forces, most commonly considering
a single American agency (Hoffman & Hickey, 2005). Although such studies
provide a “foundation for our initial understanding of women in policing, we must
acknowledge that any singular agency or statewide study only provides specific
data on that agency or region and this cannot be generalized to other areas”
(Seklecki&Paynich, 2007).
The effectiveness and capabilities of female police officers emerged in the
1970s, as females began to increasingly partake in those policing duties
previously restricted to males. The majority of the early research conducted on
the influence of officer gender on policing was concerned with the overall
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performance of female officers. This research was largely being conducted in an
effort to justify or protest the inclusion of females on patrol (Bazey, Lersch,
&Mieczkowski, 2007).
Several of these early gender-evaluations reported reduced abilities of
female police officers. For example, female officers were suggested as being
less effective at using firearms involved in more traffic accidents, responsible for
fewer arrests and fewer traffic citations. However, in a review of existing gender-
evaluation research, warn against the reliability of such studies’ conclusions, due
to biases in the researchers’ interpretations, and methodological and statistical
issues within these studies.
As previously mentioned, females’ willingness and ability to use the force
necessary to attain control of hostile citizens has regularly been questioned.
Therefore, the influence of officer gender on use of force has been examined to
assess the reality of such concerns, providing reliable evidence that female
officers are both willing, and competent in using force when necessary (Hoffman
& Hickey, 2005).
Further evidence to support this positive assertion, has most recently been
produced as the result of Paoline and Terrill’s and Seklecki and Paynich’s
research. In Paoline and Terrill’s (2005) study, data were collected from
observations and interviews of police officers from two American police
departments. As a result, it was discovered that female police officers were not
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reluctant to use coercive force, when this force included both verbal and physical
force. Few differences were found between male and female officers in the
prevalence of such behaviours, and when comparing the explanatory factors
relating to actions taken. Additionally, Seklecki and Paynich’s (2007) survey
research of 531 female officers in the United States found that 84.8% of the
participants believed they were equally or more willing than male officers to use
intermediate force.
The influence of officer gender on use of force, however, has also been
examined to assess whether or not female police officers contribute to reduce
rates of force, and excessive use of force. Providing support for this proposition,
some studies have found that female officers were less likely to use force in
comparison to their male counterparts (Mcelvain&Kposowa, 2008). It was,
however, undetermined within these studies whether or not such findings were
the consequence of the officers’ gender, or if there was an alternative
explanation.
The most common explanation for conclusions indicating female officers use
less force, and generate less excessive force complaints, is that female and male
officers respond differently within similar circumstances, with female officers
relying more on communication and less on violence to defuse hostile situations.
This reduces the frequency of incidents for which force is utilized and decreases
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the opportunities wherein officers may resort to the use of excessive force. It has
also been suggested that females may contribute to reduced rates of use of force
“simply because they are women”. A female officer’s presence may produce a
calming effect within hostile situations and citizens may be less likely to violence
towards female officers (Schuck &Rabe-Hemp, 2007).
However, support for these theories is lacking. In Rabe-Hemp’s (2008) study for
example, although female officers were found to utilize less force, it was
undetermined if this finding was a result of officer gender, differences in officer
assignment, or a combination of individual and situational circumstances.
Additionally, in Schuck and Rabe-Hemp’s (2007) study, no evidence to support
the theory that citizens use less force against female officers was discovered.
Instead, it was found that more force was used against female officers in
domestic calls, and yet female officers and female-female pairs continued to use
less force in comparison to their male counterparts. Similarly, (Pinizzotto et. al
2006) concluded, as a result of their research on police officer safety in the
United States, that the physical characteristics of an officer including officer
gender, does not influence an individual’s decision to commit acts of violence
towards an officer.
As sex-separation of social roles continue to blur, and individuals
increasingly resist the traditionally strict gendered expectations imposed upon

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them, it can be assumed that perceptions of “proper” gender expressions will
also transform. Additionally, within policing in particular, females continue to fight
for their acceptance, and demonstrate their effectiveness and value within the
role of a police officer. Thus, as the proportion of qualified females’ increases
within police forces, making their capabilities more observable, it may be
expected that perceptions of female police officers abilities and roles may also
change.
The first women who entered law enforcement served as matrons who
attended female inmates and assisted male officers when they dealt with family
matters involving women and children. Their duties were more custodial than
police oriented and this pattern persisted well into the 20th century. It was not
until the 1930s that women were actually allowed to participate in criminal
investigations, laboratory analysis, and other assignments.
Women began gaining ground in policing by the mid-20th century and a few
served in supervisory positions. In 1915, the National Association of Police
Women was created as a means for advocating for and improving the standard
roles of women in policing. While the organization proved to be critical in gaining
momentum for the fight for fair and equal treatment of women in policing for the
next two decades, it had little impact on the status of women in policing.
City of Taguig
The civil rights and women’s liberation movements of the 1960s that
noticeable progress would be made in advancing the role of women in police
work. Prior to that time, female officers had limited exposure to full patrol duties.
In the late 1950s, there were less than 900 women assigned to patrol duties and
within this population, there were none with the rank of police sergeant. This lack
of representation in leadership began to change in 1961 when a New York City
policewoman sued for the right to take the city’s police sergeant examination and
in 1965, became the city’s first female sergeant.
The 1970s proved to be a major period of change for women in policing. The
passage of the Equal Employment Opportunity Act of 1972 led to an influx of
women pursuing employment in this field. Researchers have suggested that,
much like any other traditionally White male-dominated occupation, intragroup
competition within policing was highly likely and expected when its doors began
opening for women. Intragroup competition explained some of the resistance that
existed toward women entering the field. In their exploration of this phenomenon
within law enforcement a decrease in gender and race competition within police
departments might result in diversification of police agencies and, possibly, be a
key factor in mending difficult relationships between local community racial
minorities and local police agencies.

City of Taguig
The absence of members in law enforcement who were similar to the people
in the communities they served nurtured an outsider syndrome that perpetuated
an us versus them mentality regarding civic affairs. Decker and Huckabee (2002)
noted that police agencies benefit when the racial and gender composition of
their workforces reflect that of the communities they serve and create supportive
work environments for all officers.
Despite progress, by the 1980s, women still had not been fully accepted as
equal members of police organizations. Women had been patronized by gender
expectations and granted limited police powers. Police work has historically been
viewed as a career for men and, as a result, a culture had been created that
denied women full inclusion in performing various police duties and holding the
highest ranked positions within law enforcement. They argued that the number of
women entering the field should be higher, given that the number of women in
law enforcement continues to be much smaller than the number of women in the
general population. Many continue to question why such an inequality exists.
In an attempt to answer the question of inequality, Decker and Huckabee
(2002) analyzed police job satisfaction and the nature and extent to which this
negatively impacted female representation within law enforcement. Their
research was consistent with previous studies in that they found insignificant
differences between the way males and females viewed their jobs as officers.
The implications gleaned from the variances in job satisfaction among various
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ranks, ethnicities, ages, experiences, and education level suggested that there
are factors other than gender that account for the low number of women entering
the field of law enforcement.
As noted by Decker and Huckabee (2002), despite their race or gender,
individuals who choose policing as a career do so for similar reasons. Policing is
an interesting career, it has some degree of job security, and it generates the
positive feeling of helping others. Decker and Huckabee’s findings further added
to the question of why the rejection of female officers still persists particularly
because the perceptions of occupational rewards are attractive to all those who
choose policing as a career. The previous research of male and female officers
suggested that female officers have been generally equal in ability to male
officers; male officers, nevertheless, have been opposed to female officers
assuming patrol duty.
Physical strength may not be the only factor considered when assessing the
competency of a police officer. Police work also involves extensive emotional
labor since it requires the officer to express or suppress feelings in order to
present an outward appearance that produces the proper state of mind in others.
The findings of their study provided insight into the rules regarding the display of
emotions while functioning as a law enforcement officer and described how these
rules align with masculinity and the effect that this phenomenon has on
organizational norms.
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According to Dejong, historically, research on women in policing focused
mainly on whether women could hold their own. In response to the supported
hypothesis that resulted from studies relating to the ability of women to effectively
police and the shift towards attempting to understand how women performed the
job differently from men, Dejong examined how male and female officers
responded when dealing with citizens, particularly in providing comfort. The
results indicated that no officer’s attitude or behavior was dictated by gender
alone; instead, other situational factors were important in determining officer
behavior. The emotional labor, the management of feelings that officers display
when encountering individuals, may not conform to the traditional philosophy of
how police officers behave and may be interpreted as weakness. However,
Dejong asserted that this component and skill is a requirement for maintaining
good communication and good relations with citizens. Generally, females are
expected to perform better in this area, given the traditional gender expectations
and norms for them. Dejong found that among police officers, acceptance of the
role of providing care might
not differ by gender.
According to Eagly and Johannesen-Schmidt (2001) behavior congruent with
gender is viewed more favorably than behavior that is incongruent with expected
gender behavior. These authors argued that because of the negative
consequences that out-of-gender behaviors of female officers elicit, they should

City of Taguig
maintain their feminine gendered qualities in their police work, instead of
attempting to adopt masculine styles of policing. Further research on gender-role
congruity indicated that men and women are equally effective as supervisors in
many fields; if that leadership role, however, is gender presumptive, meaning
that people expect the leader to act stereotypically male or female, they are not
as effective as a leader. According to Eagly et al. in instances such as these, the
leader who demonstrated the expected gender behavior proved to be more
effective. Eagly et al. further added that this evidence suggested that in arenas
such as policing, women are more susceptible to receiving prejudiced job
performance evaluations with lower effectiveness ratings.
Rabe-Hemp (2007) said that the phenomena of resistance and obstacles for
women police officers. In order to explore the coping mechanisms used by the
study participants to overcome the unique problems they encountered and to aid
in the identification of common themes, the author studied a diverse sample of
tenured female officers whose different experiences added depth to the details of
resistance to integration. Rabe-Hemp also examined the influence of stereotypes
within society. The study approach focused on an analysis of the participants’
careers in order to identify the onset and cessation of resistance.
Even as women have successfully attained supervisory and middle
management positions within various arenas, it is quite rare that they are elite
leaders and top executives. Eagly and Johannesen-Schmidt (2001) said that this
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phenomenon has been commonly referred to as the glass ceiling, which is
defined as a barrier of prejudice and discrimination that excludes women from
higher-level leadership positions. The authors also noted that this concept is
rooted in the scarcity of women in top leadership positions, despite
demonstrating their equality with men on many leadership indicators, such as
being confident, influential, assertive, delegating tasks, and exercising problem
solving skills.
Grant (2000) mock trials with psychology students in an effort to determine
whether male and female officers differed in their approach to certain situations
or tasks and how the public evaluated their actions. The participants in the study
were to estimate the probability that the officers who were on trial were (a) guilty
of the charges alleged against them, (b) acted professionally, (c) complied with
procedures, or, (d) whether they should pay damages to plaintiffs. Grant found
that the differences in public perceptions of male and female police officers
demonstrated stereotypical expectations and that the students evaluated the
officers in the context of gender. The study findings illustrated that assumptions
regarding gender-biased expectations shaped the public’s perceptions of officer
actions and that female officers quite possibly have a qualitatively different value
and consequently, may be viewed more negatively in certain situations amongst
the public than male officers conducting similar police work. Grant found that the
City of Taguig
public perception of police officers is influenced by gender expectations and
stereotypes. This research shed light on the possibility that, despite female
officers making decisions equal to those of their male counterparts, the
public might judge them more harshly.
While there is very little data on the promotion of female officers, research
hasshown that there continues to be limited female representation in command
and supervisory positions in American law enforcement agencies. Throughout
the country, few women have advanced beyond the rank of patrol officer when
compared to male officers. Using both quantitative and qualitative research
approaches, provided minimal data regarding the characteristics of successful
minority female leaders in law enforcement. This was not surprising, given the
paucity of research attention paid to minority females within this profession.
However, several studies identified the core characteristics that in general, are
critical to effective police leadership and the leadership styles that impact police
supervision and management (Rowe, 2006).
In 1883 the Metropolitan Police began to employ a female visitor to visit
women convicts on a license and under police supervision; three years later a
second such visitor was appointed.
In March 1889, fourteen more women were employed to act formally as
Police Matrons. Their duties, hitherto undertaken largely by the wives of
policemen, were to supervise and search female and child offenders while in
City of Taguig
police stations and the courts. Other forces also began to employ such matrons,
but there remained considerable hostility to women working in this way,
commonly couched in terms of the deleterious effects that the foul language,
drunkenness, and violence of prisoners would have on respectable women
The wives of the lock‐up keepers were paid a shilling a day or part thereof
for their services. The cells were double locked, one key being held by the
matron and the other by the lock up keeper. The Women's Social and Political
Union was setup by Emmeline Pankhurst and her two daughters Christabel
Pankhurst and Sylvia Pankhurst. As they believed their new methods will help
women obtain the vote.
Some of the Voluntary Women Patrols were incorporated into the police
forces as women police in 1918, and in May of that year Lady Nott‐Bower
addressed the Annual General Meeting of the Chief Constables Association on
the subject of ‘women police’; but many watch committees and standing joint
committees remained implacably opposed to the idea. The Sex Disqualification
Removal Act is passed ensuring women's entry into the professions. For the first
time women could become lawyers, vets, and civil servants.
Macready had authorized a nucleus of 110 women police attached to the
Metropolitan Police in 1919; significantly, he drew his women police from the
Voluntary Women Patrols rather than the Women Police Service which, though
more professional, had a cadre of former militant suffragettes. When the first 25
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police women appeared on the streets of London they were required to patrol in
pairs, followed at a distance of from 6 to 10 yards by two tough uniformed
policemen, who were given strict orders not to let the women out of their sight,
and to go to their aid at once if they were in trouble. Later, however, at all events
in the C.I.D., it seems that their male colleagues recognized that police women
were much better able to deal with cases involving women and girls than they
were, a view strongly held by the inspectors of constabulary from the beginning.
(Hem, Berg, and Ekeberg 2001) stated that life threatening and stressful working
environments, police officers have been considered a group at high-risk for
suicide in recent years. Studies claim that the suicide rate of law enforcement
officers is two or three times higher than those of the general population.
Although policing is traditionally a male-dominated occupation, the number of
female police officers has increased significantly in recent years. For instance, in
the United States female police officers constituted 9% of the police force in the
early 1990s. By 2001, the proportion of female police officers in the United States
had reached up to 12.7% (Brodeur 2010). Data shows that there is an increased
amount of women who have joined the police force despite the fact that officers
on the job are frequently exposed to danger and stress. Even though the
proportion of female police officers has increased considerably, they still
encounter barriers due to gender stereotypes. As a result, female police officers

City of Taguig
generally have more difficulties than male police officers in the workplace. This
paper will prove that despite female police officers having the same level of
motivation as their male counterparts, they experience higher levels of stress due
to: the psychological differences between men and women, gender stereotypes,
and police working culture. However, female officers are less likely to engage in
misconduct than men due to the barriers they encounter in the workplace.
Carol Gilligan focuses on young women’s psychological development as
moral beings.Men and women have different moral development and Gilligan
proposes that female ethics is based on caring and is linked to the understanding
of responsibilities and relations, whereas male ethics are rooted in justice and is
connected to the understanding of rights and rules. Men and women speak in
different moral voices. Compared to men, women care about relationships and
values more than rules and principles. Women care more about how others think
because young girls develop a greater sense of empathy with others than do
boys. Gilligan concludes that women care for others by taking a variety of voices
into account. Responsibilities to others are of paramount importance to women.
Females’ approach to morality is that people have responsibilities toward others.
In addition, the female voice speaks with an ‘ethics of care’. Women value
relationships, connectedness, and intimacy, but they are scared of abandonment
and detachment. Women tend to have more emotional depth than men. They are
reluctant to “judge according to a strict hierarchy of rules which is a simple-

City of Taguig
minded moral relativism, rather they attempt to take into account the intricacies
of individuals’ lives and experiences in moral decision making”.
Mann (2008) said that men have different moral voices than women. Men
fear intimacy because masculinity is often linked to toughness and
independence. The male voice speaks with an ‘ethics of justice’, which is the
language of rules and respect for individual rights. Men “learn independence, fair
play, and organizational skills in the rough-and-tumble competitive games” from
their peers since they are little. As a result, they abide by the hierarchies of these
rules and principles when they become adults. Therefore, men also believe that
all rules must equally apply to everyone, anywhere, regardless of context.
Men tend to think of citizen rights in formulas, like math problems, and that
there is only one answer to the problem. As for women, they are more
uncomfortable dealing with the ethical problems because of their consideration
for relationships. When solving problems, men usually force themselves to
choose the most correct answer, whereas women attempt to solve problems
without hurting anyone. Men and women have different approaches to solving
problems. In relation to police officers, it is believed that women’s emotions
would affect their work performance because they are more sympathetic. Female
police officers’ decision-making is constrained by their sentimentality because
they care about how others are affected by their decisions. If a female police
officer knows why a thief steals money—perhaps because he/she needs the
City of Taguig
money for food— then she might try to be more lenient on the thief than on other
thieves due to his/her special circumstances. The decisions they make are based
on mutual consensus because they want to maintain peace and they care for
those in need. They consider morality as contextual and tied to individual stories,
rather than as abstract and inflexible moral principles. Under the same
circumstances, male police officers would punish the thief the same way as he
punishes other thieves regardless of his/her motivations for committing the crime.
It is thought that male police officers can make neutral decisions because there
are no other factors that interfere with their decision-making. A male officer tends
to care less about how other staff would be affected by their decisions because a
strict priority is given to rules in maintaining a peaceful environment. (Mann
2008)
Barrett (2014) said that these gender differences are socially constructed in
which men are assumed to be superior and stronger than women because they
are seen as intrinsically more cold-blooded, aggressive, and violent. Due to
social stereotyping, women are thought to be weaker than men and always
require more help and protection from others. In addition, femininity is often
associated with nurturing, caring and non-violence. Barrett found that the
qualities of responsible action, autonomous thinking, and clear decision-making
are deemed to be desirable in men and considered undesirable in women. These
stereotypes categorize work, confining work that requires emotion to women and
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more instrumentally-based work to men. Some radical feminists also argue that
the use of attractive women in media strengthens men’s position in the
patriarchal society and construct the female body as an object of desire.
Collectively, all of these put women at a disadvantaged position in society.
Socialist feminists believe that capitalist societies create patriarchal oppression
by promoting male domination in the family and in the economy through a
division of labor. As a result, women are pressured to be mothers and
housewives within the confines of the home instead of joining the paid labor
market. Gender stereotyping is frequently associated with some occupations
such as the military and nursing professions. For example, it is “assumed that the
Marine Corps demands of its soldiers certain “masculine” traits – strength,
aggressiveness, emotional detachment; it is also assumed that nursing requires
“feminine” qualities – nurturing, caring, and passivity”. The military is a male-
dominated environment, whereas nursing is a female-dominated environment.
Thus, many people believe that while men possess the instincts required to
become soldiers, women are more suited for the duties required of nurses.
People morally believe that only men can have masculine qualities and only
women can have feminine qualities. If a man is nurturing and passive, and a
woman is strong and aggressive, they are thought to be anomalous and deviant
in society because they do not follow the norms of gender construction. They
City of Taguig
are, thus, considered “cross-gender ‘freaks’: masculine women and feminine
men”. It is unusual to encounter male nurses or female soldiers. The public
doubts that neither male nurses nor female soldiers are appropriate because
they do not fit into these specific gender-dominated occupations.
Generally speaking, men have more physical strength than women. There is no
doubt that some people would prefer male soldiers over female soldiers.
However, many people still prefer female nurses than male nurses even though
men have more physical strength, which indicates that gender stereotyping
indeed exists in society.
The police force is a male-dominated environment. Even though the number
of female police officers has increased, male officers continue to greatly
outnumber them. The police force still presents a strong masculine image and
thus law enforcement is an occupation that is believed to be most suitable for
men. Female police officers should not be involved in the police force because
they do not fit into the violent and cold-blooded environment. Crime prevention
and crime solving are deemed to be masculine tasks (Parnaby and Leyden
2011). Female police officers are a burden in the police force because they are
stereotypically thought to be weaker than men. They do not possess the skills
and the abilities to fight crime.
“While women perform as well as men in various patrol assignments and
situations, they still face a significant amount of disapproval from the male police
City of Taguig
personnel population. The gender viewpoint forces female police officers to
adapt within a male hegemonic environment (Parnaby and Leyden 2011).
The police culture leads to the oppression of female police officers. One
study indicatesthat “there is a tendency for women to behave more consistently
with voiced organizationalpolicies and rules”. Men tend to behave more
aggressively and are more dominate than women in the workplace, whereas
women tend to be submissive and obedient. Due to the nature of women’s
instincts, women are more likely to obey and to accept the organization’s policies
and rules regardless of whether they entirely agree with them or not, whereas
men are more bold to express their opinions in the organizations. Therefore, their
opinions are more frequently heard and accepted because they do not have as
many constraints as women have. Additionally, feminine identity is grounded in
attachment. As a result, the organizations presumably make rules without taking
their perspectives into consideration. Furthermore, young women always
encounter “a sense of alienation from mainstream Western culture because they
have to internalize or stifle their relationship-centered voices or opinions to avoid
conflicts in the male-dominated culture” (Mann 2008). Women follow the rules
because they want to avoid conflict. They also understand that they will not gain
any help from their male colleagues in the patriarchal environment. Thus, women
tend to be obedient and submissive to the rules. They need to sacrifice their
feelings or adjust themselves internally in order to ingratiate themselves with the

City of Taguig
organization. Since the policing workforce happens to be a male-dominated
environment, female police officers encounter the exact same problems as in any
other patriarchal organizations. Therefore, it becomes difficult for them to be
situated in the male-dominated, high physical demanding and time demanding
policing workplace environment (Parnaby and Leyden 2010). One study shows
that a person’s stress level will increase if he or she feels restricted when
attempting to express his or her opinions (Vartia 2001). Therefore, this could
increase the level of stress on female police officers since they do not have an
acceptable channel to properly express their concerns.
Parnaby and Leyden (2011) applies Merton’s Theory of Anomie to illustrate
the deviance of policing. They propose “ritualists accept the institutionalized
means, but they scale back the goals so as to render them more readily
achievable”. The authors use female police officers as one example to illustrate
that they seldom do extra work in order to fulfill the norm or expectations. Female
officers have a difficult time finding their position in the patriarchal culture
because they always need to define themselves either as “policewoman officer
first/female second or a policewoman female first/officer second” (Parnaby and
Leyden 2011:256), whereas male police officers do not necessarily have these
problems. They do not need to define themselves as “policemen” or “policemen”.
People automatically assume they are called “police”, but the gender
differentiation always specifically focuses on female police officers.

City of Taguig
In addition, female police officers have to confront the misconception by
male police officers that women do not possess the abilities to do masculine
work. Thus, women who “commit to the institutional means see rule adherence
as instrumental in gaining male officers’ approval”, which explains why women
tend to be more submissive and obedient to the organization’s rules because this
is the best way to prove their capabilities to the male police officers. However,
the environment does not provide any opportunity to female police officers to
prove their abilities. “Male co-workers are known to assign the label ‘estrogen
mafia’ to female officers who socialize with one another, thereby making it
difficult for female officers to work collaboratively with one another”. Eventually,
“social isolation is often the price women pay for joining the police service”. As a
result of these attitudes, female officers have difficulty blending into this male-
dominated working environment. (Parnaby and Leyden 2011)
Although female police officers are oppressed by the patriarchal police
environment, it is undeniable that the number of female police officers has
significantly increased. This indicates that women could have the same level of
motivation as male police officers when they first join the police force, but women
could have different reasons for joining the forces than their male counterparts.
In order to address the inequality issues in the male-dominated environment, it is
important to figure out what factors inspire them to join and whether these factors
City of Taguig
are the reasons to encourage them to stay in the police force. After female police
officers join the police force, they inevitably encounter pressure due to gender
barriers. However, are there any other factors, besides gender, that cause stress
among female police officers? In addition, misconduct commonly exists in
policing due to peer support. Even though female police officers tend to follow
the organizational rules, it would be interesting to investigate whether there is a
change that female police officers engage in misconduct as a result of the
pressure of blending into the policing environment.
Since women are considered more obedient and submissive to the
organizational rules, they tend to look more ethical than their male counterparts.
It is often asserted that female police officers are less likely than their male
counterparts to engage in misconduct or to approve of such behaviors by fellow
officers. One study maintains this assumption and uses the case of Queensland
police as evidence. The study looks at three sources of data including attitudinal
surveys administered to serving police officers, police-initiated complaints, and
public complaints against police. The results of the attitudinal data show that
there are few differences between male and female police officers in their views
of ethical conduct. Even though female police officers are less likely to engage in
misconduct, “regardless of gender, only a small number of officers below the
rank of Sergeant were willing to initiate complaints of misconduct against a fellow
police officer”.
City of Taguig
Policing involves a stressful and life-threatening work environment. It is also
a male dominated occupation. Police officers are more frequently exposed to
danger and stress than other occupations. The number of female officers has
significantly increased in recent years. Although the proportion of female police
officers has increased, they still encounter some barriers due to gender
stereotypes. As a result, female police officers generally have more difficulties
than male police officers in the workplace, but what causes the differences
between both genders? The psychological differences between men and women,
gender stereotypes, and the police working culture are possible factors that
cause the differences between male and female police officers.
Violence against women appears as one of the country’s pervasive social
problems. VAW is deemed to be closely linked with the unequal power
relationship between women and men otherwise known as “gender-based
violence”. Societal norms and traditions dictate people to think men are the
leaders, pursuers, providers, and take on dominant roles in society while women
are nurturers, men’s companions and supporters, and take on subordinate roles
in society. These people believe violence against women is accepted. The
knowledge management officer of Women’s Crisis Center explain that men think
it is part of being a man, women think it is part of being in a relationship. This
study is anchored on Section XV of the Philippine Constitution (1987) which
states that the State recognizes the Filipino family as the foundation of the
City of Taguig
nation. Accordingly, it shall strengthen its solidarity and actively promote its total
development. It also, it recognizes the right of children to assistance, including
proper care and nutrition, and special protection from all forms of neglect, abuse,
cruelty, exploitation and other conditions prejudicial to their development.
The Republic Act No. 9262, or the Anti-Violence Against Women and Their
Children Act of 2004, is a result of the vibrant advocacy on women’s human
rights in the country. The Women Working Together to Stop Violence Against
Women was one of the groups that campaigned for the enactment of this law.
The law is considered as a significant victory for women as many of its provisions
are based on the inalienable right of women not to suffer discrimination and
violence, including in intimate relationships. The law defined violence against
women by their intimate partners as a public crime. The law provided for the
immediate legal relief for the victim-survivors of abuse in the form of protection
orders, redress for abuse experienced and stronger community mechanisms to
respond to cases of domestic violence, among other things.
Local
According toLeutorio (2007), on Police Community Relations Manual, to
organize he different community sectors, and forge a united front against crime,
terrorism, insurgency, and other form of lawlessness it is need to use Plan
Component: Awareness is to awaken individual and corporate responsibility,
Organizing and Mobilizing Component. He said that community is a problem-

City of Taguig
solving approach where the community is empowered with the knowledge and
skills to identify and to prioritize it needs and problems and take action collective.
The group must be mobilized into actions, activities and advocacies. Police
Community Relations effort is encompassing and over aching all other elements
in QUAD Concept (Intelligence, Investigation, Operations, and community
relations) of the Police Operations. In the field of investigation, the fruits of PCR
result to the “coming forward” of
witness willing to testify for the police because of their obtained trust and
confidence. The essential to the success of the police operations in the PCR plays
a vital and unifying activity in QUAD.
According to PDIR DE LEON on the PNP ISO Master Plan 07/02
SANDUGO, the PCR must be stated that beyond the armed struggle is the
political struggle defined in simple terms as the “Battle of the hearts and minds” of
the people. In order to complete the strategy, government shall have to address
the politico-socio-cultural-economic dimension of the problem. He said it must
have campaign to prop-up its imagine in favorable light and the PNP shall at all
times aspire for the excellent performance for it still the best PCR. The Police
Community relations will coordinate with the LGU’s and AFP units in respective
area of responsibilities for the conduct of a seminar workshop with all concerned
City of Taguig
government agencies in the area to create awareness and generate cooperation
and collaboration among all government instrumentalities. The PNP Offices and
units is consistently and vigorously perform their task as mandated by RA 8551
and further provided in EO 110 to support the AFP and other government
instrumentalities in addressing all threats to internal security nationwide and its
root causes. Premised on the prevailing estimate of the support strategy,
operational concept, scheme of implementation and coordinating instructions in
order to accomplish the PNP’s internal security, unity, consistency and synergy of
all internal security efforts at all times.
According to CSUPT TINIO, Quezon City Police District Director, Quezon City
policemen will be getting refresher training on their gun handling and shooting
proficiency. He said that Metro Manila gun club offered higher level firearms
familiarization and precision training for Quezon City policemen to support and
enhance their skills and capabilities.
Accordingly, Capt.Petinglay, spokesperson of the Army’s 6 th Infantry Division.
She said on CNN Philippines written by Alyosha J Robillos and published last July
2, 2015 that “generally, we are empowered women who handle positions just like
any positions given to our male counterparts”. Out of nearly 5,000 organic officers
and personnel in the 6ID, only 87 are female. “The biggest difference from other
women-we go to work wearing combat boots and we wear the same uniform our
male counterparts wear. We can also be called for combat duty when the situation
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asks for it”. And in the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), even when combat
is not necessary, physical strain is a part of a soldier’s
daily grind regardless of gender. “The moment we took oath to join the service of
noble profession of arms, we already had this mindset that our time is no longer
ours” she said. She added that their profession is 24/7 affair. “Anytime that we
are called for work even in the wee hours of the morning or late at night, we go
and follow. This lack of control over one’s schedule leads to what Capt.,Petinglay
considers the most challenging aspect of being a woman in the AFP –juggling a
career and the responsibilities being a mother and a wife.
Also, at CNN Philippines published at the same date, Chief Supt. Nebran,
who is one of a handful of star-ranking female officials in the PNP, is retiring on
March 27 after 34 years in the service. “You’d think that the time I spent in the
service wasn’t enough. I’d stay longer if I could. But perhaps in some other
aspect, I can continue my advocacies. I know I can still help a lot of people,” she
said who has practically done it all in the PNP, but holds women’s and children’s
rights closest to her heart. From dealing with personnel to heading operations to
being an intelligence officer and a community relations officer, Nebran never said
no to an assignment. She had also assumed the role of provincial director. At one
point, she was even among the members of the Special Action Force (SAF),
where she overcame rigorous airborne and seaborne training. She never
discounted the fact that males will always have a physical edge over their women
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counterparts, but she is a strong believer of self-determination. “Males always
have an advantage in the PNP, that we cannot deny…But I’ve seen that
capabilities lie in one’s self. Determination and hard work lie in you” she added.
“It’s not easy for a female officer-being a mother, at the same time a police
officer-because you can’t avoid being assigned to a place outside of your
residence, away from your family. It was painful for us-for our children, to be
growing up and going o school without my care,” Cid said, who recounted an
instance when one of her children was rushed to the hospital while she was away
on duty. Just like Petinglay, Cid and Nebran’s hearts grow heavy when talking
about family.
Also, according to Fire Officer 1 Bago, she declared that training to be a fire
fighter entails tons of hard work. “It’s really difficult in terms of training. It can be
learned. It’s tough, but manageable. It’s all in the mind,” we go through the same
training as what the men undergo. We all go through the exact same thing and
our academic requirements are the same as well,” Bago said.
Supt. Cataloña secondedBago’sstatement by saying that there is no gender
gap in the Bureau of Fire Protection. In fact, the number of female firefighters has
risen by 551 from 2013. Now, there are 3,902 women in the country’s total of
20,000 firefighters. Clearly, women are still the minority, but that doesn’t mean
they don’t pack a punch. “Our women are even more competitive than the males.
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They do whatever their male counterparts do. When the men train, the females do
too”, said Cataloña. “Women are always capable of giving tender love and care to
all, regardless of stature.”
Related Studies
Foreign
The study ofFord (2008)compared the Ghana Police Service and Nigeria
Police Force. Result showed that the Nigerian and Ghanaian police services
share similar issues regarding the operational effectiveness of female police.
Nigerian and Ghana police services both do not employ strategies to increase the
recruitment of women into the police force. This most likely is a result of a
patriarchal mentality within the police service; one where there remains
apreferenceto employ more men than women in a profession considered male
dominated. Both Nigerian and Ghanaian police services employ similar means to
attract potential female candidates into their police forces. The use of newspaper
and radio advertisements is an effective way to attract interested individuals.

City of Taguig
However, the discriminatory qualifications for the Nigerian Police Force no doubt
limit the propensity to attract more female police officers to service. Though there
is a quota system in place to ensure that a certain number of women are
recruited, the Nigerian Police Force continues to recruit more men than women.
Contrarily, the Ghana police statistics denote a rise in the recruitment of women
into the Police College and training depots in the past two years. While there is no
official explanation for the increase of in the number of women in the Ghanaian
polices force, and no institutional policy in place to ensure greater participation of
women in the police service one indication could be a rise in women graduating
from the secondary and tertiary school levels. Statistics from the 2007 Preliminary
Education Sector Performance Report shows that female enrolment percentages
in universities rose from 32.5 per cent in 2003/04 to 34.7 per cent in 2005/06,
whereas enrolment rates in polytechnic schools increased from 28.1 per cent to
30.4 per cent. The increase in enrolment or women in these institutions denotes
that women are attaining higher levels of education, and are entering the
workplace in greater numbers.
Pre-SAT and SAT evaluations also present many hindrances to female police
officers who aspire to be deployed on peacekeeping operations. Both police
services do not teach their police officers how to drive at the police training
colleges and depots during basic training, and employ male drivers within their
respective police forces to drive police vehicles. Women from both police services
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found preparation for drivers’ evaluations the most difficult challenge, as access o
vehicles and practicing for such examinations proved very complicated. Many
West African families do not own vehicles, and even if they do, it always the men
who drive. This seriously impedes the ability of women to excel in the pre-SAT and
SAT evaluations. Differences do exist in the audio section of the evaluations, as
Nigerian police woman expressed more difficulties understanding the accents of
English speakers from different countries. Their counterparts in Ghana, however,
faced more challenges dealing with the driving evaluation. Weapons’ training is
also a factor in the training of police officers. Ghanaian policewomen receive
firearms training at Police College and regional training depots during basic
training, while it remains unclear whether or not all Nigeria female police officers
receive weapons drill during basic training. However, it is clear that when a mission
requires the use of weapons, that female officers are made to undertake such
preparation. Members of both police services, that are in Mobile Police Units
regularly have access and training of firearms, and perform well in peace
operations. But policewomen will continue to have difficulties in performing well on
operations that involve firearms if they are not in a position to use themregularly
and have limited training on them.
Both police services have not instituted support mechanisms to provide
assistance for families with loved ones deployed abroad. Providing such a support
service could help avert the likely adverse impact that may affect the social and
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economic position of the families involved. Interestingly, the all-female POLASS in
Ghana is a commendable example of how to motivate women within the police
service to join PSOs, and using that forum as a means to discuss issues relating
to female police officers and their involvement in missions abroad. Nigerian
female police officers did illustrate that their motivation was based on doing better
than men, but they lack an organizedstructure to communicate with others and
encourage more women to participate in operations abroad.
Establishing a language laboratory as part of their peacekeeping department
strengthens the capacity of female Nigerian police officers to interact with the local
populace while on missions. The Ghanaian Police Service lacks this capability,
and would do well to install this programme as part of their pre-deployment
training to further the development of their female police officers into effective
peacekeepers.
Finally, the Ghana Police Service does not provide any specific gender
based training prior to deployment on PSOs. However, Ghanaian Police cadets
are taught courses on the treatment of women and children as vulnerable groups.
This course instructs officers on how to treat women and children who are victims
of crime, and international standards and practices applicable when dealing with
violence against women and children, while it is unclear the extent to which the
Nigerian Police Force trains its police cadets on human rights and basic police
code of conduct. These courses, however, provide only limited training on how to
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deal with victimized women and children. It is instructive to note that most police
officers take courses on gender purposely to satisfy the requirements of the basic
test at the cadet schools and not to imbibe the values of gender mainstreaming for
their overall social interaction. While both services offer courses on Sexual Abuse
and Exploitation (SEA) during their pre-deployment training, instruction on SEA is
designed to educate police officers about what SEA is and how to avoid it. Thus,
there is very little information on how to address SEA in mission areas. Again,
such courses are taught within only one hour during the pre-deployment training.
Furthermore, the absence of refresher courses for all police officers on gender
mainstreaming prior to the pre-deployment training presumably limits their ability
to effectively respond to such incidents while on mission. This assumption is more
concerned to women, who are considered better communications when dealing
with victims of violence and abuse on PSOs. Only members of the Ghanaian
Domestic Violence and Victim Support Unit and the Nigerian female police officers
working in Juvenile and Women Centers, are responsible for handling cases
involving domestic violence, sexual abuse and exploitation of women and
children, receive additional training on how to deal with such cases on PSOs.Most
female police officers from both countries are therefore deployed on mission
without having adequate training on how to address the needs of women and
children in conflict.
City of Taguig
Quantitatively, both countries deploy a relatively high number of women on
peace support operations as compared to other countries in the West African
Sub-region but very little is being done to enhance their qualitative value.
Regardless of a lack of initiative by both police services to attract more women
into the force, and in one case, institute approaches that encourages them to
deploy, policewomen in Ghana and Nigeria are eager to serve on PSOs abroad.
Facilitating and promoting that desire is the key to increasing the involvement and
capacity of women to operate well in peacekeeping operations.
Hussein (2009) examines the status of women working in the Palestinian
police force as police officers. Of specific interest is the role of policewomen in
responding to violence against women within the context of the police force. The
study results reveal that although the number of policewomen is small, they are
present in various areas of the police force. Based on their gender and rank,
policewomen are more often entrusted with cases involving violence against
women. Women working in law enforcement provide protection and contribute to
ending crimes against women such as battery and murder. In addition, they
educate and guide female victims of violence about the law and their rights. The
study revealed further that a substantial percentage of women working in the police
force lack knowledge about their job rights, the policies and procedures that
control their work, as well as a solid understanding of appropriate legal
procedures with regard to cases involving violence towards women. Thus, this
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matter requires providing education and training programs on the related issues.
In addition, it is necessary to amend legislative policies related violence against
women. Hancock (2013) conducted a research on Women and the Afghan Police;
it reflects that only 1 percent of the Afghan National Police is female. Although
women police are vital for Afghan women to report crimes and access
desperately-needed justice, few women in Afghanistan will ever encounter one.
Some important steps have been taken to recruit more female police and enable
them to perform as professional police officers.
O’hara studyon FemalePolice Officers in Ireland: Challenges Experienced in
Balancing Domestic Care Responsibilities with Work Commitments and their
Implications for Career Advancement, this study gave voice to female police
officers who work full-time and try to combine this with their domestic caring
responsibilities by focusing on their perceptions of work, their aspirations for
career advancement. It was based on ten semi-structured interviews, with officers
who work in urban and rural police stations in the North West of Ireland. Results
established inequality in the top echelons of the Garda Siochana; through self-
exclusion; officers experienced promotional disadvantage as well as
disadvantagewith regard to how domestic responsibilities were managed.
Findings suggest a need for change in organizational and work policies for female
police in Ireland.
City of Taguig
Accordingly Charmeck, a model partnership of Community relations
Committee works with the Charlotte Mecklenburg Police Department to develop
thrust and communication between officers and citizens. Community relations
Committee has two outlets for citizens concerned with police community relations,
the Police Complaint Review Program and the PCR Awards Program. The Police
Community relations Officers are judges on their involvement in helping the
community understand the police function and citizen’s role; demonstration of
extra ordinary efforts in the area of crime prevention, and involvement in aiding
neighborhoods in handling their special problems. The Police Community review
program assists citizens in making an allegation of officer misconduct. This PCR
program provides citizens with alternative to registering their complaints internal
affairs division.
Yima andSchaferb (2009) conducted a research to identify how public
perception of police affects the officer’s job satisfaction. The research identified
that the public perceptional image on officers influences their job satisfaction as
well as delivery. Community perception of women law enforcers is that they are
less capable as compared with their male counterpart, this demoralizes the
officers and most of the time they do a duty to prove that they are able not to fulfill
City of Taguig
their duty. While not on duty they are esteemed for achieving “men’s” career, but
not trusted as capable of delivering.
Rabe-Hemp (2009) found that women police officers were “doing gender”
and “doing police work” collaboratively. At one end, women actively resisted
characteristics such as aggression and violence but at the same time, reinforced
expectations of the female role such as caretaking, empathy and greater
communication skills. Additionally, they resisted the stereotypes of women police
officers being “dyke or lesbian” by emphasizing their physical attractiveness to
men and through grooming techniques which reaffirmed their femininity. At the
other end, they also rejected the idea that they are the “pansy police” by stressing
their willingness to engage in masculine facets of policing, such as “getting dirty”
and “scuffing up the knees”. Indeed, Garcia (2003) argues “If a woman acts too
feminine, she is criticized for not being suitable for the job. However, if she acts
too masculine, she is criticized for not acting like a woman”. To address the
conflict between gender and the occupational role women feel they must perform
these roles simultaneously—Thus women are “doing gender” and “doing police
work” in order to overcome the male dominated culture. However, Morash and
Haarr (2012) argue that women officers were not so much “doing gender” and
“doing policing” collaboratively as Rabe-Hemp (2009) identified, but rather
maintained their identity as “women” and were instead “redoing gender” and
“undoing gender”. Consistent with this, Chan et al.’s (2010) research, found
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women officers were not only “doing gender” and “undoing gender” but they were
also “doing and undoing gender”.
Women were “undoing gender” by denying that sex or gender affected their
job performance and how they constructed their identity within policing, and
therefore resisted differential treatment based on gender. By “redoing gender” or
“doing and undoing gender”, women rejected the traditional distinction between
the valued “masculine” and devalued “feminine”. In other words, women
recognized gender differences but believed women officers should be treated
equally.
Moreover, how women negotiate gender varies throughout their careers. For
example, newer officers/recruits are more concerned with “doing police” or “doing
gender equality” rather than “doing gender”. “Doing gender” became more
pertinent when women had been in the job longer and had established their
identities. This illustrates the complexity in how women manage their identity and
gender during their careers. Therefore gender should not be seen static, rather it
is constantly being negotiated and re-negotiated through social interaction (Chan
et al., 2010).
In 1970, only two percent of all police were women but, by 1991, nine
percent of police were women. At the executive, policy making level of policing,
we find very limited representation of women. Less than two percent of police
City of Taguig
1.4% in the very top echelons of the uniformed ranks are women. In the lower
supervisory ranks 2.5% of the lieutenants and 3.7% of the sergeants are women.
Today, in the New York Police Department, 15% of all uniformed officers in the
department are women, but only 9% are sergeants, 6% are lieutenants, 3% are
captains and 4% are above the rank of captain. Research has shown that
women in policing are not easily accepted by their male peers, their supervisors,
or their own police department. Women are viewed with skepticism or worse by
their male counterparts in spite of the fact that women have been doing police
work for over one hundred years. The public is, however, considerably more
positive and frequently welcoming of their presence. In recent years acceptance
by the public has grown as women police have been seen more frequently on the
street on patrol and in uniform. The first police matrons appeared in the
nineteenth century and, in 1905, the first documented appointment of a woman
with police powers took place. Shortly thereafter in 1910 the first woman with full
police power was hired by the Los Angeles Police Department.
The early history of women police consisted largely of social service in which
women had to meet higher standards for police employment, but received lower
wages, were restricted to a special unit or bureau, and were assigned primarily to
clerical, juvenile, guard duty and vice work. Women police were not permitted to
be promoted except within their own special women's unit nor were they
permitted to take the same promotion test as men. Finally, and most damaging
City of Taguig
for opportunities to demonstrate their general value to the organization, they
were not permitted to perform basic patrol duties. Women could only be
promoted within their own bureaus because, they were told by their police
superiors, they had not had the full "police experience" of being on general street
patrol. It was, of course, the same male police administration that had refused
over the years to assign women to general patrol and thus had blocked police
women=s access to the required experience. When women finally were given the
opportunity, as a result of Federal law mandating equal opportunity regardless of
gender or race, to perform general police work and serve on patrol, they
demonstrated their fitness for police work.
Almost all of the past research on women police has focused on the
capabilities of women to perform police work; virtually all conclude that women,
indeed, do have such ability. This capacity includes physical as well as mental
and emotional fitness. The studies demonstrating women's capabilities have
covered the areas of patrol work citizen satisfaction, police chief evaluations,
hazardous situations, academy academic performance, physical capability,
physical training receptivity and the handling of violent confrontations.
They revealed that in entering police work women have encountered
enormous difficulties, primarily as a result of the negative attitudes of the men.
Male officers anticipate women failing. They doubt women can equal men in
most job skills. They do not see women officers as doing "real" police work; and
City of Taguig
they perpetuate myths about women's lack of emotional fitness. Race, age and
education seem to influence attitudes toward women: black officers were found
to be somewhat more favorable toward women than white officers and in St.
Louis younger, better educated officers exhibited less negativism. In contrast, a
study in Atlanta concluded flatly that male officers did not accept women as
police officers. The biggest challenge facing women officers is the resistance
displayed by male officers in their attitudes toward women in policing. Women
police were harassed and resisted by the male officers because they feared that
women would violate departmental actually, their own secrets about police
corruption and violence. Thus, fear of exposure by women officers was cited by
Hunt as the underlying cause of the significant resistance to women.
In addition to police men's negative attitudes, women face a number of other
major socially structured problems that are inherent in the larger society and are
played out as well in policing. These include family responsibilities, role strain
and role conflict doubts about competence and self-worth, sexual harassment
and a concomitant fear of complaining about abuse and, lastly, equipment and
facilities inadequacies--including material conditions of such items as locker
rooms, uniforms and patrol car seats. Black women face additional obstacles,
such as conflicts engendered by being both a black woman and a police officer,
a type of stress which is currently unstudied. Thus there are many hurdles--both
City of Taguig
organizational and role-related--confronting women who choose police work as
their career.
Evidence of gender discrimination was also found in the absence of women
in certain special units. Respondents pointed out that they are excluded from
certain units, details and even seminars. Based on the comments of the women,
the study labeled these units as "forbidden units" since they are either off-limit
assignments for women or assignments where women experience extra
harassment, presumably to encourage them to transfer out. At least 29% (N=2)
of the white women and 42% (N=5) of the black women mentioned this
phenomenon. Women reported that they are not welcome in such units as
mounted, harbor and highway (a specialized traffic unit) and that they are told
there are no openings when, in fact, by the women's perception there are
vacancies. If, as happens on occasion, a woman gets into one of the male-only
units, respondents report, she meets with considerable hardship. The
department's own figures on male/female participation in several of these units
show proportionately less females than are represented overall in the
department. The mounted unit has 4.4% women, highway, 0.4% and harbor,
3.2% while the department overall is over 11% female. Of the ten women in
these three units, one is black while the department has 818 black women out of
a total of 8,106 women. These figures, taken alone, would tend to confirm the
claim that there currently are "forbidden units" for women.

City of Taguig
Women in urban policing today express a high level of cynicism about
policing as a career and considerable anger at the department and their job.
They cite lack of opportunity for advancement, conflict between working hours
and their personal life, and negative attitudes of men toward them as the main
reasons for their disillusionment with police work. They believe that the
department does not value women police and that they are, in general, an
unappreciated group. The women believe that they are discriminated in work
assignments, promotions, recommendations for promotion and the availability of
appropriate facilities. The women expressed their desire to have women hired,
evaluated and promoted on their own merit and not as tokens to satisfy some
statistical requirements of the government or some political needs. On the
positive side, the women who were interviewed believe that women police bring
special qualities and attributes to police work such compassion, communication
skills, maturity.
Women and racial minorities are entering mainstream policing, ostensibly, on
both an equitable basis with white men and in markedly larger numbers than
ever before. Numbers, however, do not reveal the changing nature of the work
itself, the job environment, treatment by others on the job, internal support for
career development, promotion and other rewards. One objective of recent
research has been to examine these topics. The women's responses during
interviews help to support and give meaning to statistical data on women's

City of Taguig
uneven distribution throughout police ranks and women's virtual absence in
some specialized units. These recent studies find that women of both races face
a considerable amount of discrimination in policing. (1) women are motivated to
become police officers because of financial security (this is twice as true for black
women) and as a result of family or friends' encouragement (this is more true for
white than black women); (2) pre-employment exposure to police work played an
important role in influencing black women to enter police work; (3) problems in
the previous assignment were more frequently noted as a precursor to
requesting assignment to the police academy than was the desire for a steady
day shift; (4) most women derive job satisfaction from their academy assignment;
(5) most women in the study are preparing for promotion examinations; (6)
almost all black women police in our study and over half of white women report
that discrimination exists in the police department; (7) male domination in
policing creates professional obstacles to career advancement and satisfaction.
The limited studies conducted to assess police officers’ perceptions about
the influence of gender on law enforcement, consistently found that the
responding officer’s gender greatly influences their perceptions on such a topic.
In an analysis of the history of females within western police forces, although
attitudes towards female officers’ capabilities and performances were found to be
consistently diverse, most of the negative views that were expressed have been
by males within the policing organization. For example, male officers have
City of Taguig
commonly been found to anticipate failure and express skepticism towards the
job-related abilities of females, most frequently in regard to their abilities to
control hostile and violent encounters with citizens (Sandifer, 2006).
In a recent study, differences in perceptions between male and female
officers was again discovered, as female officers perceived themselves as “tough
enough” for police work, that their policing abilities were effective, and that their
communication was superior to male officers; male police officers continued to
express concerns that female officers were not “tough enough”, and had a lower
ability to complete tasks (Sandifer, 2006). Negative attitudes held by male
officers towards their female counterparts, has also been found to persist within a
Canadian context, as seen in the conclusions reached by The
HonourableMr.Justice Wallace T. Oppal. As a result of his inquiry into policing in
British Columbia, Canada, it was discovered that male officers continued to raise
concerns about the ability of women to perform physically.
The research conducted to assess perceptions of police officers has been
conducted within a single country and in many cases, within a single department
and/or city. Further many of these studies have also utilized small and
unrepresentative samples. Consequently, the breadth and comparability of these
studies’ conclusions are limited. In their conclusions, Flavin and Bennett (2001)
also state a major concern with generalizing conclusions from gender research
conducted in different nations is that “perceptions of the policing experience are

City of Taguig
shaped more by the nation within which the force is located than by the gender of
the
Taguig
constables”.
City University
Therefore, cross-border generalizations of gendered
experiences are problematic, and country-specific research is warranted.
Researchers have also attempted to assess the reality of the influences of
officer’s gender on policing abilities. Of the studies conducted, focus has been
placed on identifying potential gender-differences in policing competency,
policing styles, use of force, and excessive use of force. After all, the common
expectation is that if officers’ act consistently with prescribed gender
stereotypical behaviour and personality within policing tasks, differences
between male and female officers will be most evident within these areas.
However, several cautions are warranted prior to engaging in a discussion of
this research. These studies have generally produced mixed findings about the
influence of officer gender in policing. Such inconsistencies may be explained by
the dissimilarities between and limitations within each study, in relation to such
things as the size and type of samples utilized, research methods utilized,
differences in the particular variables measured, or how variables were
operational zed.
Further difficulties arise when assessing policing competency, policing
styles, and the appropriateness and effectiveness of police responses, due to the
complexity of police work and the uniqueness of each police-citizen encounter.
Situational factors are specific to each encounter, and these differences result in
City of Taguig
differing demands for the officers involved (Pinizzotto et. al 2006). Furthermore,
officers, offenders and situational factors interact within each encounter, making
each event highly complex. Therefore, comparing officer action and inaction, and
assessing the appropriateness of officers’ decisions within different citizen
encounters is extremely challenging.
Furthermore, the majority of gender-evaluation studies conducted on police
officers have alternately concluded that that quality of policing does not differ
based on an officer’s gender. Additionally, females’ physical “limitations” e.g.,
their smaller size, reduced strength, have not found to reduce policing job
performance, including the ability to arrest or control citizens.
Therefore, female officers have consistently proven themselves equally capable
of carrying out effective law enforcement. Interestingly then, the arguments
against female police and enduring negative perceptions about their abilities
seem to have transcended in the absence of confirmatory empirical evidence.
More recent research has shifted from justifying the appropriateness of
females in policing to assessing possible differences between male and female
officers in policing styles, decision-making, and use of force. As previously
stated, the common expectation is that female officers will behave within their
occupational role in a consistent manner with societal gender expectations.
Thereby female police style, and occupational decision-making and behaviour
will differ from those of their male counterparts. Specifically, it has been
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suggested that females “bring different talents and skills to policing which
embody greater empathy and communication skills and fewer forceful
behaviours” (Rabe-Hemp, 2008).
Female police officers have been found to be better able to resolve
potentially violent situations with their communication skills, while male officers
have been found to be more likely to react aggressively or physically within
similar situations. Research has also discovered that male officers have a more
authoritarian presence in comparison to female officers. Female officers have
been determined to provide more support and display more empathy towards
victims in comparison to male officers.
Some studies have provided further support for the idea that differences
exist between male and female police officers’ policing styles and decision-
making. For example, a study examining police officers’ use of force decisions in
comparison to subjects’ resistance discovered that male and female officers
responded differently to similar levels of resistance, with females utilizing “a
narrower range of justifiable use of force options” (Bazey, Lersch, &Mieczkowski,
2007). Another observational study within the United States, reached similar
conclusions, as it was found that male police officers were more likely to use
extreme controlling behaviours when interacting with citizens (e.g., threats,
physical restraints). In comparison to female police officers, males were more
likely to react if they had been disrespected or if other officers were present.
City of Taguig
In contrast, some studies have failed to find confirmatory evidence for the
hypothesis that differences exist between male and female police officers’
policing styles and decision-making. As a result of their review of the existing
research on females in policing, Archbold and Schulz (2012) stated that there is
convincing evidence that “male and female police officers are more similar than
they are different”. This conclusion is supported by several studies that have
failed to ascertain any significant differences between male and female officers in
regards to their willingness to use force, their use of coercion on citizens, or their
responses to violent and hostile encounters (Paoline& Terrill 2005).
Most recently, studies have also produced conflicting evidence for the
suggestion that female officers are more empathetic to the needs of women and
children, and more supporting of victims of crime. For example, as a result of a
recent observational study analyzing police use of controlling and supporting
behaviours, it was discovered that female officers were not more likely to express
supporting behaviours towards crime victims. Additionally, a police officer’s
gender has recently been discovered to not influence an officer’s perception of
child sexual abuse, the perceived impact on the child, or the police action that
should be selected when dealing with such cases (Kite & Tyson, 2004). Similarly,
Jordan’s (2002) research involving 48 women complainants of sexual assault,
found that the complainant’s perception of the responding officer’s sensitivity to

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the sexual assault complaint best predicted victim satisfaction, regardless of that
officer’s gender.
Furthermore, additional research conducted to assess the influence of officer
gender and use of force has failed to discover any significant differences
between male and female officers in regard to the frequency of use of coercion
on citizens, or preferred responses to violent. Terrill &Mastrofski (2002) found
that male officers were no more likely to be involved in forceful encounters in
comparison to female police officers. Instead, legal stimuli e.g., resistance of
suspect, safety concerns, and extra-legal factors e.g., experience and education
of officer, type of suspect best predicted force being employed by an officer.
Inconsistent conclusions about the influence of officer gender on the severity
of force used by police officers within police-citizen encounters have also
recently been reported. A recent study analyzed use of force reports from an
urban police department in the United States, and concluded female officers
operated within a narrower range of use of force options. Another study analyzed
use of force by and against female police officers using survey data from a
sample of police officers within the United States, discovering that female officers
used less force than a situation might normally call for, yet this tendency was not
related to an increase in the likelihood of officer injury. Alternately, however,
Hoffman and Hickey (2005) recently concluded, as a result of their analysis of a
large U.S. police department’s use of force reports and arrest data, that no
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significant difference in the severity of force could be identified between male
and female officers. Female and male officers in this study were found to use
similar levels of force, unarmed physical force, and had similar levels of weapon
use.
Analyses on officer gender and use of force appear to produce the most
consistent conclusions regarding public complaints of excessive use of force.
That is, female officers have consistently been found to generate an
exceptionally lower amount of citizen complaints, and are accused less often of
using excessive force (Brandl et. al 2001). Also, male officers have been found to
not only be accused more frequently for excessive force, but also have been
found to be involved in allegations involving higher levels of force in comparison
to female officers (McElvain&Kposowa, 2004).
However, it has recently been argued that officer gender may not have as
big of an influence on the frequency of citizens’ complaints against the police as
what has been commonly suggested. For example, a recent study found that
citizen complaints against female police officers, including complaints for
excessive use of force, were representative of the proportion of females within
the agency being studied, with lower complaints against female officers being a
reflection of this underrepresentation rather than a consequence of their gender
(Bergeron, Archbold, &Hassell. 2008).

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Perceptions regarding the duties of police officers and the masculine culture
associated with law enforcement, combined with social perceptions about
appropriate gendered behaviour and personality, have been the primary causes
of gender-inequalities within policing, contributing to the continuation of negative
and limited attitudes regarding female officers’ capabilities (Grant, 2000).
However, this review has clearly illustrated that the influence of gender on police
officers’ occupational abilities and roles remains controversial.
Research conducted by Franklin (2005) focused on the effects of gendered
organizations and tokenism, as well as the implications of intersectional theory
on the advancement of minority female supervisors up the hierarchical ranks. In
addition to the internal factors previously noted, this study also investigated the
impact of personal factors such as socialization and accepted gender roles on
the status of minority female supervisors in the field. The literature revealed that,
historically, the field of law enforcement has a proven record of resistance to
female leadership. This resistance to women can be attributed to the assumed
masculinity of the police profession. Other researchers have provided evidence
that supported Martin and Jurik’s claim that a sizable amount of intolerance and
bias within the field still exists (Texeira, 2002). Martin and Jurik added that few
occupations have been so traditionally recognized as masculine, or have resisted
women as vigorously as law enforcement. The continuing existence of these

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paradigms has made it more difficult for minority females to attain leadership
roles, which are predominately held by White males.
Two decades later, the number of women in law enforcement had risen by
11.3% for African Americans and 6.2% for Hispanics. The low statistics to the
preservation of the Anglo American masculine values that create an
uncomfortable, less desirable social context for women and members of racial
minorities. This attribution might also apply to the low proportion of minority
females in leadership positions within law enforcement as well.
The variety of ways emotional labor is expended while on the job and
reviewed the mechanisms officers use to cope with regulating their emotions.
Martin and Jurik concluded that police work places intense psychological
demands on officers when they are in intense and critical situations. Martin and
Jurik also maintained that, along with the physical requirements of the job,
officers needed to possess good communication and social skills. The results of
the study showed that police officers tended to underestimate and devalue
communication and social skills in themselves. The researchers asserted that
disregard for such skills was because these skills are strongly considered to be
female traits. They also asserted that police culture is unique in that the judgment
of peers is based on the congruency of their responses to crises in masculine
ways.
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There are numerous studies that have found female officers to be competent
across the areas noted. The research that focused on attitudes toward women
demonstrated that an anti-women attitude, however, continues to persist. Despite
empirical evidence to the contrary, assumptions that women were incapable of
policing at full capacity, physically when compared to their male counterparts, the
perception continued. Researchers began shifting their focus toward
investigating the reasoning behind the continued resistance to women in law
enforcement.
In concordance with many other researchers, Miller adopted the theoretical
position that the masculine paramilitary style of traditional policing has continually
rejected the introduction of female qualities into the profession. He also argued
that the legal system, as a whole, operates with a unique level of masculinity not
found in most other organizations. Miller’s study suggested that the persistent
pressure exerted on police officers to maintain a masculine image negated the
value of more feminine traits. Miller also asserted that, historically, this has
prohibited full acceptance of females into the field. In order for policing to be
effective, Miller suggested that police organizations reconcile issues and
embrace the required traits that female officers most often possess.
Franklin (2005) used an existing theoretical framework to further explain the
ways in which police culture suppressed the advancement of women in the field
of law enforcement, resulting in a less efficient police organization. The author

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attempted to fill the void in the relative research by exploring the link between a
hyper-masculine organization and the negative experiences of policewomen. In
particular, Franklin sought to establish a connection between the ideology of the
police culture and the way it influenced the beliefs of male-only peer relations.
Franklin concluded that the police culture supported male-only, gender-powered
relationships. The author further suggested that the police culture created
resistance toward women entering into the field and that as a social structure, the
police culture degraded and oppressed female police officers.
Gossett and Williams also addressed the issue of and responses to gender
based discrimination of female police officers. The authors interviewed 27 female
officers employed by large metropolitan police agencies in the Midwest. The
team found very common themes among the responses they received from the
women studied. The study involved measuring participants’ perceptions of their
experiences and the perceptions of their male peers and male supervisors. In
addition, Gossett and Williams examined the perceptions of citizens regarding
the gender of police officers and found that most of the policewomen who were
interviewed reported that they previously experienced some form of
discrimination. According to the responses of the participants in Gossett and
Williams’ study, almost all of the women indicated that their discriminatory
experiences were an improvement over the experiences of policewomen in the

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past. In addition, they perceived their conditions and status as police officers to
be improved over previous generations of police women.
Dejong’s (2004) found that officer gender did not affect officers’ attitudes or
behaviors. However, this research provided evidence that other variables were
important in influencing officer behavior, including the use of learned skills to
diffuse hostile situations and whether or not an officer believed that reassuring or
providing comfort to citizens was important. Dejong also noted that the officers’
age, education, and work experiences were consistently relevant and impacted
attitude and behavioral characteristics.
In response to the trend toward training police recruits to be more community
oriented and the need to understand how recruits psycho-emotionally developed,
investigated the psychological differences between male and female police
recruits using an interdisciplinary approach. The design included testing both
male and female recruits on their first day at the academy by measuring and
comparing their psychological profiles. The researchers found that the
personalities of female officers did not generally fit the stereotype of male officer
personalities, and females were more likely to exhibit community-oriented
responses to particular circumstances when compared to their male
counterparts.
Building on previous studies, to more deeply understand and characterize
the behaviors and experiences of women police officers through structured

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interviews and observations of 18 female officers over an 18-month period in five
police departments, within the United States. Provide clarification on the typology
of female police officers as well. Lanier presented categorical typologies of
female officers, based on variance in the tensions they faced as women, as well
as their individual coping styles. During the 8-hour shift observations, Lanier
discovered that the behaviors, perceptions, and mannerisms of female officers
were quite complex, but equivalent to their male counterparts. Not only were the
participants found to be accepted within the field during this period, but they were
also found to be a vital component to the more contemporary style of policing.
Additionally, it was suggested that no one type of female performed the job
differently than other types, nor differently from male officers.
In response to traditional claims that female officers lacked the ability or are
reluctant to use coercion when dealing with citizens, Paoline and Terrill (2004)
conducted research that examined the use of verbal and physical coercion by
female police officers. The researchers gathered data by conducting
observational studies and placed emphasis on the day-to-day coercion exhibited
by female officers such as whether or not they were less aggressive, wrote fewer
tickets, made fewer arrests, and used excessive force. Paoline and Terrill
investigated factors that increased the use of coercion and found that there were
no significant differences between male and female officers in their use of force
as a result of situational factors.

City of Taguig
Paoline and Terrill (2004) also discovered that there were no differences in
the type of verbal and physical encounters experienced by either male or female
officers that might impact their motivation to use force. Paoline and Terrill noted
that, like most studies regarding the use of coercion or force, their study faced
methodological problems due to the inability to observe the routine use of
coercion, or having outdated data obtained from previous research regarding the
same area of study.
As a result of the shift in policing research from the ability of women officers
to perform their jobs effectively to how women perform their duties differently,
Dejong (2004) suggested that the way police officers serve and protect citizens
had become more important. As opposed to focusing merely on the issue of
physicality, researchers shifted their focus to issues such as how male and
female officers differed in providing comfort to citizens and explored the
emotional challenges experienced by police officers when they served and
protected citizens who were not suspects or offenders.
Rabe-Hemp (2007) found that, despite experiencing sexual harassment,
discrimination, and repeated disrespect, female officers reported they had
eventually achieved acceptance in their respective departments and that the
culture of policing in general had improved since they first began their careers in
law enforcement. The results of this study demonstrated that female officers can
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successfully overcome obstacles and were able to succeed in policing.
Furthermore, at the time of the study, it was reported that female officers held
approximately 10% of the supervisory positions within larger police departments.
Rabe-Hemp and Carlan and McMullen (2009) provided evidence that the status
of women in policing had improved over the last century.
Research has demonstrated that managerial sex typing, the perception that
a supervisory position perceived as feminine or masculine should be filled by a
woman or man respectively, was a major psychological barrier to the progress of
women obtaining leadership positions in the United States (Schein, 2001).
Schein approached this phenomenon from a global standpoint by studying the
relationship between gender role stereotypes and managerial requirements, in
the global arena. The author formed a basis for a global examination into the
think manager-think male phenomenon. The results of the Schein study found
strong support that the think manager-think male theory was a persistent
phenomenon. A strong presence of this mindset is apparent in law enforcement
and this has contributed to the barriers that female officers face in advancing into
supervisory positions.
Other factors, in addition to internal resistance, have contributed to the
limitations placed on female officers pursuing supervisory positions within law
enforcement. Archbold and Hassell (2009) conducted research aimed at
identifying issues associated with the decision of female officers to seek

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promotions within their organization. The study involved interviews of
policewomen employed by a Midwest police agency, in order to identify
organizational and personal factors that influenced participant decision making.
The research of Archbold and Hassell highlighted marriage to fellow officers as a
previously overlooked issue that influenced the decisions of female officers to
seek promotions. This research revealed the conscious personal choice of
female officers not to seek advancement, as opposed to other studies that
focused sharply on external barriers faced by those seeking promotion that were
beyond their control. Many of the participants described marriage as a deterrent
because the women felt their priority was to their family, and that attaining a
higher position of command would result in a greater demand on their time than
they were willing to give.
Carlan and McMullan (2009) interviewed 1,114 female police officers using
anonymous questionnaires to reveal and later measure current attitudes towards
policewomen as well as their male colleagues. The factors measured included
opinions on professionalism, job satisfaction, stress, and confidence levels.
Through careful examination and analysis of the responses received from the
participants, Carlan and McMullan concluded that professionalism, job
satisfaction, stress, and confidence levels among women officers were equal to
that of men, disproving claims that police women were incapable of modulating
anxieties associated with police demands. Their study demonstrated that in

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comparison to their male counterparts, differences among these variables did not
vary. Essentially, the women were just as mentally resilient.
With a goal of improving police agencies, Lonsway (2007) surveyed police
officers employed by a large law enforcement agency in order to evaluate the
status and progress of women officers within this particular organization. The
study focused on attitudes relating to diversity, characteristics of policewomen,
health and well-being, and an array of experiences and opinions regarding the
policies and procedures of the agency. Lonsway sought to determine the level of
progress of female officers as well as highlight the remaining challenges that
impeded the progress of women in the field of law enforcement. The results of
the study provided a snapshot of the status of women in policing and indicated
that women in the particular agency studied made considerable progress in
several areas, but other barriers remained. Based on a 1997 study conducted by
Stanard and Associates, these barriers included: negative attitudes on the part of
their male counterparts and the community, gender discrimination, and sexual
harassment. In this study, female police officers reported having a higher level of
trust in their male colleagues than they had in them. This lack of trust in female
officers may possibly contribute to the resistance to promotion sworn female
officers into leadership positions.
Despite the positive results reviewed in some studies, a slight decrease in
the number of sworn women officers in law enforcement occurred between 1999
City of Taguig
and 2001. Seklecki and Paynich (2007) studied the experiences and opinions of
policewomen so as to be able to interpret the causes for the decreasing number
of females represented in law enforcement. Using mail surveys to gather data
related to the perceptions of women working as law enforcement officers, their
initial reasons for pursuing such careers, and their viewpoints on their treatment
as police officers compared to the treatment received by their male counterparts.
The research team found that female officers viewed themselves as equal to
their male counterparts, or even more capable of performing the job of an officer.
This finding supported the notion that female officers were making considerable
headway in some areas towards equality and this finding could serve as
encouragement to increase female representation. Lonsway (2007) agreed and
suggested that police agencies use this information to better recruit and retain
female officers.
The majority of the women surveyed in Seklecki and Paynich’s (2007) study
also reported that, upon completion of their initial training, they intended to
remain police officers. The researchers also reported that, according to the
respondents, there had been promising strides made toward decreasing male
harassment. Quite possibly, these participants did not view the remaining
challenges that they faced as impossible to overcome. Although they
acknowledged the existence of potentially offensive traditional male behavior,

City of Taguig
many of the female officers who were studied reported taking little or no offense
to this behavior, did not take negative comments personally, and considered this
behavior normal for their specific organizations.
Seklecki and Paynich (2007) noted that their study results indicated that
working conditions for policewomen were more tolerable and had improved,
according to the perceptions of participants in the study. As favorable as these
results seem to be for women in law enforcement, they seem to be inconsistent
with the findings of Martin and Felkenes and Schroedel and their studies on
gender and race inequalities experienced by women in law enforcement and the
existence of intolerance and discrimination.
However, in the fifth annual study on the status and growth of women within
policing for the National Center for Women and Policing, Lonsway (2007)
examined the gains and gaps in the numbers of sworn females and the reality of
women in law enforcement today. This review included a snapshot on minority
female officers. The study involved the largest law enforcement agencies within
the United States. Lonsway also reviewed the second annual survey of small,
rural law enforcement agencies.
Lonsway’s (2007) results were discouraging in that they indicated the pace
of increase for minority females within law enforcement had stalled and even
reversed in some agencies. Additionally, the study revealed that women faced
discrimination, harassment, and intimidation as they moved up the ranks,

City of Taguig
contributing to the under representation of women in sworn law enforcement.
Lonsway reported that, during the time of the review, women officers comprised
12.7% of all sworn officers in the participating agencies, however, minority
women of color held only 4.8% of these positions. Within smaller agencies, the
percentages were even lower; women of color were virtually absent, holding less
than 1.2% of policing jobs in these agencies.
Lonsway (2007) revealed that among mid-level command positions, i.e.
lieutenants and captains, minority women held 1.6% of these positions in larger
agencies and less than 1% in small, rural agencies. For larger participating
agencies, 55.9% reported not having any minority females in mid-level command
positions, and 87.9% reported no minority females in its highest ranks, i.e.
commanders, deputy chiefs, chiefs,first deputy superintendent or superintendent.
For smaller agencies, 94.7% reported having no women in mid-level command
positions, and only one of the 25 participating agencies had a minority female in
its highest ranks.
Martin researched intolerance for Black females in the traditionally male
White-dominated field of police work. This is a subset of intolerance for female
police officers, in general. Martin explored the experiences, opinions, and
obstacles faced by Black policewomen, in order to address the issue of

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intolerance as it relates to this subset of policewomen. These results were
obtained though investigation of the emotional labor required for an officer to
successfully perform her job, the unwritten rules regulating displays of emotion,
and how gender shapes occupational and organization norms. The combination
of race and gender resulted in unique points of view and compounded difficulties
for the Black female officers. Felkenes and Schroedel also studied this
uniqueness, by utilizing Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) records and the
findings of the departmental Independent Commission to shed light on the
degree and type of employment discrimination experienced by non-White women
police officers. The findings highlighted race and gender inequalities, because
the study had a focused perspective on the experience of minority female
officers. Felkenes and Schroedel also found that the discrimination experienced
by minority female officers had negative consequences on their performance as
police officers. The forms of discrimination reported by minority female officers
included (a) being negatively labeled as butch or dyke; (b) becoming the subject
of racial slurs; (c) being excluded from receiving the guidance of seasoned
officers that is given to most other rookies, including White female officers; and
(d) being shuffled among training officers and partners. The negative
consequences for female officers included having to work in an environment that
was created in the wake of direct and indirect discouragement, as well as the
condoning of a wide range of discriminatory practices.

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The struggle toward equality and fair opportunities within law enforcement
has proven to be an uphill battle for women in general (Carlan& McMullen,
2009). Discrimination, restricted duties, and negative perceptions have resulted
in female officers being at a disadvantage to achieve supervisory positions.
Evidence gleaned from the unique experiences of minority females indicated that
additional racial barriers hindered their advancement up the leadership ranks.
This long-standing resistance to the inclusion of women has resulted in a limited
number of females within the high ranking supervisory positions in law
enforcement command staff. Like most other traditionally male-dominated
occupations, policing often excludes women from obtaining higher career goals.
However, a review of the literature in the field provided evidence that the
previously unaltered resistance to female officers has begun to shift toward
greater inclusion, increased appreciation of feminine qualities in policing, and
openness to benefiting from the leadership abilities of women (Lonsway, 2007).
All police officers share the common experience of adapting to the unique
subculture of policing. However, according to Gossett and Williams, this
adjustment is particularly difficult for female police officers because they also
have to cope with expectations arising from traditional gender roles and
consequently experience additional barriers to making the transition from civilian
to officer. Martin and Jurik specifically studied the roles that women occupy as
sworn officers, prisons guards, and the legal profession. Martin and Jurik also
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explored how these roles have changed over time, the obstacles women in these
professions have encountered, and the effect that women have had on the
criminal justice system, as a whole.
Martin and Jurik provided a comprehensive overview of the status of women
in criminal justice professions. They also brought to light some possible
explanations for the continuation of resistance to females within criminal justice
occupations. Gossett and Williams suggested that male officers preferred to
perform patrol duties with a male partner, because male officers believed female
partners could not physically provide adequate backup assistance in dangerous
situations in the field. For some women, this resulted in changes in their
behavior. As a means of combating the lack of acceptance and the sometimes-
negative atmosphere that many female officers have faced, research has shown
that many women have intentionally adopted masculine characteristics, both in
physical appearance and demeanor, in order to be deemed fit and acceptable for
police work. This decision resulted in many of these women being looked upon
unfavorably by their male peers (Eagly&Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001). This
appeared to be a paradox for those female officers who assumed more
masculine characteristics. Essentially, if they retain a more feminine demeanor,
they are thought to not be up to the task. If they adopt more masculine
characteristics, they face another form of discrimination.

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Eagly and Johannesen-Schmidt (2001) offered a framework that
incorporated literature on the differences and similarities of the leadership styles
for women and men. In order to investigate probable factors that produced
similarities and differences, the researchers presented data that described the
extent to which male and female leaders exhibited transformational,
transactional, and laissez-faire leadership styles. Rather than focusing on how
males and females demonstrated differing leadership styles, Eagly and
Johannesen-Schmidt explored the reasons why leadership differences in the two
genders are sometimes present, appearing and disappearing within different
social contexts. None of the leadership styles examined were specific to, nor
preferred by males or females, and both genders exhibited each of these styles
at various times depending on the situation they were supervising.
Morreale (2002) sought to investigate leadership and leadership
characteristics. Morreale defined leadership in law enforcement organizations as
the process of influencing the membership of an organization to appropriately
and willingly use their energies in ways that are helpful to the achievement of the
departmental goals. Morreale noted that other research has enumerated the
following characteristics as necessary for effective law enforcement
management: (a) initiative, (b) public speaking skills, (c) risk taking, (d)
education, (e) experience, and (f) ability to positively influence others. Although
there is limited research regarding minority female leadership, it is possible that

City of Taguig
these characteristics of leadership may be applied to minority female leadership
in law enforcement organizations.
Northouse (2010) aimed to bridge the gap between simple and popular
definitions of leadership and conceptual approaches to the subject matter.
Reviewing and analyzing leadership theories and providing in-depth explanations
on how leadership theories are used in organizations today accomplished this
task. Northouse described leadership theories and practices in full detail in order
to educate others as well as influence the practice of leadership.
Scott (2005) interviewed the most and least effective sworn police leaders
within the Phoenix Police Department, as judged by their subordinates, in order
to identify effective leadership styles and philosophies. Strategies that female
police leaders can employ to overcome the gender-related barriers currently
embedded within the culture of law enforcement were also explored. In
discussing the characteristics of women officers, the requirements of leaders in
law enforcement and the beliefs of subordinates about the convergence of the
two, Scott found that the most successful female leaders among the people
studied were those who possessed certain leadership characteristics. These
characteristics included the ability to motivate subordinates, address issues of
productivity, administer discipline, and meet the emotional needs of their
followers.
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Scott’s (2005) study also reported the existence of barriers that female
officers faced and described the tools used to overcome them to advance
upward through the ranks. The female police leaders who were rated most
effective by their subordinates reported that they exhibited the following
behaviors to establish themselves as leaders: (a) genuineness, or being
themselves, (b) using humor, (c) forming a team atmosphere, (d) communicating
well with subordinates and superiors, (e) gaining trust and respect, (f) holding
others accountable for their actions, (g) being hands-on with their subordinates,
and (h) being secure in their decision-making skills. This recent data gathered
from Scott's study added insight into factors that contribute to the advancement
of minority female officers as they attempt to advance up the ranks and cracks
open the door to identifying and developing a framework that supports the same.
As a percentage of the Police Service women represented around 17 per
cent of the total number of officers in England and Wales with just over 20,000
female officers in total (Home Office, 2000) Cited in (Westmarland, 2001). The
Isle of Man government passes its first ever Sex Discrimination Bill, some thirty
years after the UK.
British Association for Women in Policing was involved in the launch of a
document and philosophy entitled the “Gender Agenda”. This was created by a
group of individuals, mostly women, who between them represented most of the
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staff associations and organizations for police officers in the UK. (British
Association for Women in Policing, 2007)
The murder of the Bradford constable Sharon Beshenivsky by an armed
robber has reignited the debate on arming British police, with calls yesterday for
more officers to be trained to use guns and balloted on whether they want to
carry them. However it was found that 80% of officers did not want to carry guns
out of fear from alienating them from the public.
Radical feminism proposes that people live in a patriarchal society. The
general public falsely takes male social development as the norm. The power of
patriarchy is present in all aspects of our society. Patriarchy promotes that men
are more dominate than women. Radical feminists believe that there is a
biological division between both genders and there are innate sexual
characteristics. One study demonstrates that “strong gender based differences
exist such that men are expected to be relatively more aggressive and
autonomous than women”. This study shows that the biological differences
between men and women indeed exist and thus further lead to gender
differences. According to Mann, “This is called sexual essentialism, the notion
that all psychological gender traits are constructed by culture”
In addition, one study points out that “female officers are likely to encounter
higher levels of harassment, overt hostility, and other negative social interactions
on the job compared to their male counterparts”. The reason behind this is
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because the police organization culture is generally adversarial toward female
police officers. Moreover, “the negative side of police work may bear its mark
more on female police officers than their male counterparts”. This further proves
that “both the internal organizational culture and external work environment are
much less favorable to female officers”.
Furthermore, the results of an empirical study of the career aspirations of 71
female police officers show that “serving policewomen do aspire to specialists
duties in the first instance or believe they are thwarted from being appointed
because of perceived prejudice”. One study interviews two high-ranking female
officers in Massachusetts and California, and the results determine that women
in the profession have overcome many obstacles but have not achieved
complete equality. This further indicates that female police officers face many
difficulties due to gender barriers.
Female police officers have the same level of motivation to join the police
force as male police officers, but they have different reasons for joining. One
study conducted in 2002 examined motivations for entering police work among a
sample of 278 academy recruits in the New York City Police Department
(Raganella and White 2004). The results indicate that the motivations for
becoming a police officer were similar regardless of race or gender. The most
influential factors are “the opportunity to help others, job benefits, and security”.
However, minor differences exist between male and female police officers.
City of Taguig
Women were more likely to indicate that they pursued law enforcement due to a
desire to help people (Todak 2012). Another study conducted among twenty-six
female and fifty-two male officers in two Midwestern US police agencies
indicated that both males and females have similar motivations, the most
prevalent being a desire to help people and the security associated with the job.
Research consistently found common motivations among men and women
when seeking employment in policing. Scholars who assess the motivations of
female officers similarly found that the desire to help people and the
unpredictability of the job attracted them to the field (Seklecki and Paynich 2007).
Findings show that “past experiences with law enforcement influence the
accuracy of recruits’ perceptions, their motivation to seek additional information
about law enforcement and their future occupational experiences” (Todak 2012).
These factors are essential for purposes of recruiting females. The disparities
between male and female policing styles lie within their motivations for joining
law enforcement.
For the majority of female police officers, the primary motivation for entering
law enforcement appears to be the desire to help people. This finding matches
with the earlier research suggesting that women often have a nurturing or helping
approach to the profession. The second reason is that the job is different every
day. The primary motivation for continuing a career in law enforcement was job
City of Taguig
security. The desire to help people came in second. This matches the previous
research that women are eager to prove their abilities in the police force.
However, because the male-dominated environment often oppresses them, this
consequently takes away the opportunity to prove their abilities and thus their
motivation level decreases overtime. (Raganella and White 2004)
Within a patriarchal environment female police officers become stressed at
work. One study indicates that “to the extent that occupations were female
dominated, feminine personality or physical attributes were thought more
essential for success; to the extent that occupations were male dominated,
masculine personality or physical attributes were thought more essential”.
“Female-dominated occupations, such as the domestic role, may be thought to
require attributes that are stereotypically feminine, and male-dominated
occupations may be thought to require attributes that are stereotypically
masculine”. Therefore, masculine attributes help male police officers succeed in
a patriarchal workplace as this environment naturally favors them. Other studies
show that female police officers suffer more from external stressors such as
negative public attitude, media, courts/criminal justice system, organizational
stressors, task-related stressors, personal stressors, and female-related
stressors. Eighty percent of the respondents frequently felt that “the department
doesn't want women” even though they had already attained at least six years of
experience on patrol and feel like they are being ignored, harassed, watched,
City of Taguig
gossiped about, and viewed as sexual objects. For male police officers, it is
much easier to achieve success than for female police officers in the male-
dominated environment of policing. These studies indicate that, at least to some
extent, women will encounter more challenges and difficulties to achieve the
same level of success that men have in the male-dominated police force.
In addition, “given the traditional division of labor by gender in the family,
women tend to accumulate less labor market experience than men”. It is
challenging for women to maintain the balance between work and family. They
frequently have to sacrifice their jobs for their families. Therefore, most of them
only work part-time jobs because the flexibility afforded by part-time schedules
allow for them to take care of their children and their families. It is presumably
thought that the more time women spend on housework, the less commitment
they put into their jobs. Moreover, most of the police officers do shift work and
thus they do not have a fixed working schedule. They might be required to work
early in the morning or late at night. Furthermore, discrimination in the workplace
also affects women’s occupations. According to one article, “In models of
"statistical discrimination," differences in the treatment of men and women arise
from average differences between the two groups in the expected value of
productivity” (Blau and Kahn 2000).
Men are more productive than women because they have less family
constraints and thus they are able to put more effort into their work. This leads to
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discrimination from employers. Many employers hesitate to hire female
employees based on the assumption that women tend to have low commitment
to the workplace due to familial obligations, whereas men can fully devote their
time to their work without worrying about family issues. All of these studies
indicate that one of the reasons causing stress to female police officers is the
negative effects of gender stereotyping. Furthermore, another study provides
evidence that supports “a more positive or negative role stress performance
relationship among men and women”. Other studies have investigated the impact
of the work environment, work family conflict, and coping mechanisms on
physical and psychological stresses of police officers. The findings show that
work-family conflicts and destructive coping mechanisms are the strongest and
most consistent causes of stress in female police officers (He et al. 2002).
Moreover, it was found that “the exposures to negative work environment,
camaraderie, and constructive coping mechanism on different measures of work
related stresses” among females (He et al. 2002). This indicates that the policing
structure itself causes female officers to encounter more stress than their male
colleagues.
Some studies have indicated that both male and female police officers have
stress, but the causes of this stress are varied and differ by gender. Stressors
can be divided into police operational duties, organizational issues and

City of Taguig
management issues. Female uniformed constables are less likely to be exposed
to police operational stress involving the potential for violence, but they report
more severe adverse reactions than uniformed policemen if they are exposed.
Moreover, female uniformed officers and detectives are more likely to be
involved with victims of violence or sexual offences than male police officers.
There are relatively few differences in exposure to organizational stressors other
than the fact that women detectives and uniformed officers report higher rates of
gender-based discrimination and prejudice compared to their male coworkers.
However, some people challenge the idea that female police officers have
higher levels of stress than male police officers. One study investigates the link
between workplace stress and gender differences within police departments.
Although women and men experience many of the same work-related problems
and such problems account for a high proportion of workplace stress in both
groups, the gendered nature of police organizations causes unique stressors for
women. However, female police officers do not report a higher level of stress
than male police officers. Another study also supports that the stress level of
both genders are similar. Its findings indicate that although female officers may
experience unique stressors in the police organization, male and female officers
did not report significantly different levels of occupational stress (McCarty and
Garland 2007).
City of Taguig
Additionally, it is found that female police officers are as likely as male police
officers to modify their attitude of misconduct once they have spent some time ‘in
the field’. While female police officers may not be inherently more ethical, “their
employment has some important organizational advantages, such as enabling a
reduction in complaints, particularly those relating to the use of force, and a
reinforcement of the principles of community policing. Gerber and Mendelson
conducted another study relating to misconduct in 2008 focusing on officer
misconduct among Russian police officers. The authors’ findings support
previous investigations that female police officers are less likely to engage to
misconduct than their male counterparts (Gerber and Mendelson 2008).
According to Kabia from Sierra Leone, who is the Colonel of her country’s armed
police forces; during International Women’s Conference in 1995, says that she
cannot say that she is an activist because she is a military officer. But she is very
much impressed by the empowerment of women and, in her own small way, she
try to influence women to develop them, to compete with men, not because they
are women but because they have the ability, because they are equally efficient.”
Apart from discussing the area of the empowerment of women, Kestoria
discusses the prospects for more and deeper military cooperation between China
and Sierra Leona. Kestoria jointly contributing to world peace and stability and
the banishment of terrorism.

City of Taguig
According to UN international Network of Female Police Peacekeepers for
the first time, the women in peace keeping operations show that women have a
role to play in global peace and security. By actively engaging and utilizing the
Network effectively, female peacekeepers will be empowered and will in turn
empower others. By helping each other through mutual support, mentoring,
training, and advocacy, the network can be a resources to realize one’s full
potential.
Mr. Rajattan a minister of public security said that better training from the
Royal Mounted Branch, also the police college out Canada, it has to do with
mentoring the policemen and women. He added that this will be done in five
areas; gender violence, women in police leadership, human rights, crime scene
management, and public corruption. He also noted that crime scene
management will be a major focus under this training program, because “in
Guyana, it is believe that most anybody can go on the scene, it is not done
properly, and then evidence and a whole lot of other things are tempered with
negligently and sometimes deliberately,” he also reiterated that “they feel that
type of training that they are going to implement in the police force; they feel that
type of training that they are going to implement in the police force; they will get
better results and far move deterring effects… they feel that it can have direct
influence in impunity rates”,

City of Taguig
According to Perito in Policing Iraq; Protecting Iraqis from criminal Violence.
Reducing criminal violence would advance stability in Iraq, increase popular
support for Iraq’s new government, and improve police-community relations. He
said this would require focusing the Iraqi police Service (the street corps) on
fighting crime and protecting Iraqi citizens. it would improve training in
conducting community-oriented policing, and new equipment to give the Iraqi
Police Service (IPS) the ability to fight crime and to improve relations with Iraq
citizens. Doing this would be more likely to assist the police in tracking down
insurgents. At the same time, the United States must make a concerted effort to
perform the site-dominated units in the Iraq National Police. He stated that this
can be done by pressing the new Minister of Interior to perform his ministry
through an effective program of U.S. supported institutional development,
something that was done by the United States in previous peace operations, but
not, thus far, in Iraq.
Interestingly, women have always had a lower occupation status than their
male counterparts. In fact, the gap between the sexes vary across cultures and
time Sociology Index (2002). “in more traditional societies, women still play a
minor role in police work ” Nataraja (1996). In 1980, the United Nations summed
up the burden of hid inequality: Women, who compromise half the world’s
population, do two-thirds of the world’s work, earn one tenth of the world’s
income and one hundred of the world’s property. In Leviticus, God told Moses
City of Taguig
that a man in worth 50 shekels and woman is worth 30 Sociology Index (2002).
Looking back in time, women were seen as inferior to men. Time have changed,
but there are many individuals that still uphold such ignorance.
Natarajan (2009) argue that there is a need to have a separate but an
identical model of policing whereby men and women should have separate
departments. The reason behind such as argument was based on Natarajan
observation that despite the fact that the western countries had moved what he
referred to as “reluctant separate and unequal status for women police officers,”
The women remained to be numerically minority and demeaned in role playing
within the police force. She pointed out that the women police were forced with
barriers to equal access to diverse roles and tasks available in the police force as
compared with their male counterpart. High integration is not an option if women
will have equal opportunities as men maintenance of law and order. His
argument was that use of “back door” approach would facilities recognition of
women values officers in police department. From a research conducted in
among Indian police she argues that ineffectiveness in police department
especially on gender issue result from men domination of police force, women
are not free to express their challenges to men.
Gossett and William (1998) said that women in policing increased steadily in
the past 15 to 20 years; however the struggle by female police officers to be

City of Taguig
accepted in law enforcement parallels and, at the same time, represents an
exacerbation of the difficulties experience by women as they have made their
ways into the labor force in general. Despite laws forbidding discrimination,
women in the workforce contribute to be discriminate against and under
represented. Several researchers have concluded that, “women have gradually
acculturated into the police subculture while still experiencing varly degrees of
sexual discrimination, and harassment.
According to Redshaw (2006) initial revealed a wealth of international
research focusing on female police officers ‘experiences, but there was little up-
to-date information onthis topic in New Zealand. Indeed, research focusing
specifically on women police officers in New Zealand is limited. Previous
research has focused on such issues as: the history of women in policing;
reasons for women’s disengagement from the police; barriers to recruitment,
retention and progression of women and women in the Criminal Investigation
Branch or provided on overview to both international and New Zealand literature
on barriers to recruitment. Mossman, et. al (2008) preliminary readings
suggested two overarching issues within the board framework of women in
policing that warranted further investigation. Firstly, despite the incremental
increases in women’s representation, and efforts Police have made to create
better working conditions and encourage more women to join-they continue to be

City of Taguig
underrepresented, both numerically and at senior levels. Secondly, New Zealand
research focusing on female police officers suggests that police culture has been
a dominant barrier to progression and retention of female police officers
revealed”…both female employees and constabulary staff felt that Police internal
culture demands personal resilience and assertiveness from female staff”. This
suggests that female officers may need to adopt specific characteristics in order
to “fit in” within the police culture. The review went on to conclude that while
there hs been some progress to shift police culture in light of the COI
recommendations, progress to change the culture has reached a plateau
(PricewaterhouseCoopers, 2010)
In the aftermath of the COI, this research explored women’s experiences in
the Police from their subjective perspectives to understand the extent police
culture remains a barrier. A key objective was unearthing the link between
progression and retention of women police officers and their perceptions and
experiences of police culture.
Butter et. al (2003) said that women’s involvement in policing began long
before their officers introduction in 1941. The resistance women have faced
since the outset was reflected in the incremental acceptance of women as
legitimate members of the Police. The first female employees emerged in the
Police in 1961 as “female attendants” and worked part-time hours. They were
City of Taguig
changed with searching female and cooking for prisoners and men in the
barracks. However, any attempts to extend women’s responsibilities were met
with resistance, and women were still seen as an undesirable necessity. The first
full-time police matron was appointed in 1895. As matrons and searchers,
women were often wives of male officers primarily tasked with assisting lost
children and escorting women prisoners between courts and prisons. This 20 th
century saw a shift in attitudes toward the role of women in society. While women
in New Zealand won the right to vote in 1893, they were still prohibited from
participating fully in the public sphere (Redshaw, 2006). Leading up to the First
World War, the campaign for women to have a less marginalized role in the
Police became prominent. In 1916, Police Inspectors were asked for their
opinions on whether women should be allowed to become police constables.
Statement from Police inspectors who opposed the idea provided reasons such
as: women could not “control their tongues”, they lacked the necessary tact and
discretion, their appointment would be a waste of money, and small districts
rendered their presence unnecessary.
By the mid-1920s attitude began to change towards the roles of women in
policing, and the debate reignited in the mid-1930s. in 1938 athority was granted
to appoint women into the Police, but it was not until 1941 that the first 10 female
police officers were appointed. These women underwent three months of training
City of Taguig
and were not assigned uniforms. In contrast, the United States and England had
already granted woman sworn status in 1910 and 1915 respectively (Martin &
Jurik, 2007). When “policewomen” were appointed it was during the Second
World War and their presence was necessary given that large numbers of men
on leave from the main cities. Initially women officers were primarily attached to
the detective branch and served as temporary constables, “…the women
investigated offence involving women and children, giving special attention to the
problem of young girls out late at night, apparently without parental supervision”.
Despite making the transition from matrons to police officers, their role was
limited to largely the same responsibilities they held previously as matrons and
searchers-taking care of women and children. This was seen their appropriate
domain and thus reinforced the traditional position of women in society in
general-as natures, mothers and wives. Women were not eligible for permanent
appointment until 1947 (Redshaw, 2006).
The history of women in policing in New Zealand illustrates the progression
women have made in breaking down barriers to achieve equal employment, and
reflects the steps Police have taken to progress the status of women in policing.
This chronology of achievements largely reflects the same patterns in overseas
jurisdiction, such as England the United State and Australia (Brown &
Heidensohn, 2000), However, in New Zealand the Commission of Inquiry is of

City of Taguig
particular importance as it increased the momentum for change in the police,
especially with regards to changing the culture, and increasing the gender and
diversity of sworn officers.
Police strategic polices inherently address improving the working
environment for women. However, there have been policies and initiatives that
specifically target women such as Equal Employment Opportunity polices. Since
the late 1980s, the police have complied with the requirements of the State
Sector Act 1988 which mandates Chief Executives of Government Departments
to comply with the principles of being a “good employer” (Hyman, 2000). The
polices initiated its own Equal Employment Opportunity policy which addresses
discrimination and promotes equal opportunities and diversity to meet the needs
of all staff in the organization. The Flexible Employment Option policy is an
example of an Equal Employment Opportunities policy. The flexible Employment
Options policy allows employees to work part-time. Although not just open to
women, Flexible Employment Options has particular relevance to women as it
attempts to address the difficulty women often face balance to women as it
attempts to address the difficulty women often face when balancing work and
family commitments.
Local
City of Taguig
Accordingly PNP Community Policing Plan PNP program Thrust, CY 2007,
Anti-insurgency (ISO) of the PNP is: A. Conduct of new and active support role in
Internal Security Operations (ISO) by: a. 1. Dismantling the Politico-Military
structure; a . 2. Conducting special intelligence projects against high value
targets; a. 3. Pursuing legal offensive; a. 4.Utilizing SAF/ RMGs/PMGs and the
maneuver forces; a. 5. Making use of the Municipal and City Police Stations a
territorial defense forces; a. 6 Organizing a Speakers Bureau; a.7 Maintaining a
Barangay Information Network (BIN). Anti-terrorism: B. Sustained implementation
of the Three Tiered defense System, the PNP’s basic action framework against
terrorism: b. 1. Intelligence; b.2. Target hardening; b.3. Incident Management.
Strengthening intelligence sharing thru linkages with other regional
intelligence community or international/bilateral exchanges. The Police
Community Relations (PCR): C. Crime Prevention thru Community Oriented
Policing System (COPS). c.1. Forging community partnerships and collaboration to
harness the vast resources of the community in our fight against criminality and
lawless violence; c. 2. Enhancement of the PNP text 2920 to encourage crime
reporting and improve PNP response system.
Study of Aquino (2014) on the Motivation in Becoming and Remaining in the
Police Service and Gender-Related Problems of Policewomen in Western
Batangas stated that as the police force performs important functions in society,
City of Taguig
men and women alike are attracted to enter this job. However, it can be noted that
there is a preponderance of male over female in the police service which is true in
the Philippines. With this scenario female police officers may have experienced
difficulties in performing their duties and responsibilities. The study surveyed the
profile, motivation to enter the police service, work motivation, gender-related
problems, and its perceived effect to the job performance of the policewomen
from five municipalities of Western Batangas, Philippines. It used descriptive
research method with questionnaire as data-gathering instrument back-up with
interviews. There were only 14 female police officers mostly young, married,
bachelor’s degree holder, had been in the service for 1-5 years and were PO1.
They were motivated to enter and remain in the police service because of the
police uniform, service to countrymen, and implementation of law and justice.
Gender-related problems they experienced were perceived to be affecting their
performance to the least extent as they received very satisfactory job performance
rating. Conclusions reached were that female police officers were motivated to
enter and remain in the service for different reasons and most did not feel
discriminated.
De Guzman and Frank (2004) examined gender-related workplace
problems and their relationship to the work performance of female officers in the
Philippines. They further stated that since 1910, women have served on police
forces. However, there has been a wide variance of opinion as to the extent
City of Taguig
women have been able to penetrate police forces. Research lacks in the area of
the
Taguig
relationship
City University
between gender-related problems and performance of
policewomen. This study conducted an assessment of the gender-related
problems experienced by the policewomen of the Philippine National Police in the
central region of the Philippines, as well as an analysis of the relationship of these
gender-related problems to the job performance of women police officers. A 3-part
questionnaire was administered to 33 policewomen in Iloilo City. Part 1 solicited
the demographic information and work profiles. The second part addressed the
performance of policewomen, and the third part of survey consisted of 20 items
that focused on the identification and measurement of various gender-related
work problems. The results indicated that women officers faced the greatest
problems involving perceptions of their stereotypical roles, believing their physical
capabilities were underestimated and given less challenging assignments or
positions. However, they did not experience major problems in other areas
especially in promotion, yet they believed that recruitment and selection criteria to
the PNP tended to favor the males.

City of Taguig

Chapter 3
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This chapter describes how the study was conducted. It presents the
research method used, the population frame and sample size,and description of
respondents, instrumentation, data gathering procedure and statistical treatment
of data of this study.
Research Method
The descriptive method of research is the basic design used in this study.
According to Adanza, et al (2009), it is designed for the researcher to gather
information about the present conditions, status or trend and dealing with what
prevailing. The main objective of the study is to describe the nature of a situation
as it exists at the time of the study and explore the causes of a particular
phenomenon.
The descriptive method of research is use by the researcher because she
made a questionnaire with checklist in gathering the data that are needed to
answer the research questions. The questionnaire was designed to elicit the
City of Taguig
following information:level of capabilities of women police officers in terms of
skills, knowledge of law, police operation, police investigation, police intelligence
andpolice community relations, problems encountered by them in policing,
problems encountered by women police officers in policing, measures that can be
utilized to enhance the capabilities of women police officers and what police in-
service training program can be proposed.
Respondents of the Study
The researcher used the stratified random sampling in selecting respondents
for the studywhich was undertaken by the three groups of respondent consisting
of 333.
The three groups of respondent sampled for this study are the men, women
police non-commissioned police officers and police-commissioned officers. The
first group of respondents is the women police officers composed of 87, second
group is the male police officers composed of 240 and last group is police-
commissioned police officers which composed of 7, all of them are based in
NCRPO-Regional Public Safety Battalion.

City of Taguig
Instrumentation
The main instrument is a researcher-made questionnaire. The survey
focused on the capability of NCRPO-RPSB women police officers in policing
through in-service training program. The questionnaire is distributes to the
women, men PNCOs and PCOs of RPSB. The instrument is prepared by the
researcher with the help of her thesis adviser. Part I is the profile of the
respondents like age, rank, designation, educational attainment, and length of
service. Part II is the level of capabilities of women police officers. Part III is the
problem encountered by women police officers in policing. Part IV Measures that
can be utilized to enhance the capabilities of women police officers. Part V
Proposed In-Service Training Program. A four-point scale will be used in
describing the capabilities of women police officers.
4-Highly Capable (HC)
3-Capable (C)
2- Less Capable (LC)
1- Incapable (I)
Data Gathering Procedure

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The researcher will ask first permission from the Dean and Chairperson that
she will be allowed to conduct her study in the subject area.
To observe courtesy and protocol, the Battalion Commander of RPSB who
have been chosen as the locale of the study will be notified and will be furnished
copies of the written consent signed by the University President and the Dean
before the survey questionnaires will be administered.Upon the approval of the
letter of permission, the researcher immediately distributes the survey
questionnaire and personally conducts the study to the respondents.After a few
days, all copies distributed will be retrieved by the researcher and will be properly
tabulated for easy reference in the administration of statistical treatment and
analysis.
The distribution and retrieval of instruments will be done personally by the
researcher to ensure a high percentage of retrieval.
The data collected will be recorded, tabulated, and analyzed for
thediscussionof the results and findings.
Statistical Treatment of Data
The study used the following statistical tools to analyze and interpret the data
obtained from the responses in the survey questionnaire.

City of Taguig
1. The percentage distribution was utilized to describe the women police
officers profile variables in terms of age, rank, designation, educational
attainment and length of service.
Percentage – a particular observation divided by the total observation
multiplied by 100.
% = F x 100
N
Where: F= frequency
N= number of respondent
100 = constant
2. The weighted mean was also applied to determine the average age, rank,
designation, educational attainment, and length of service of women police
officers.
Ẋw= ∑fx
n
3. Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) is also used to compare variables between
different groups.
F = MST
MSE
City of Taguig
Where:
F= Anova Coefficient
MST=Mean sum of squares due to treatment
MSE=Mean sum of squares due to error.
Formula for MST is given below:
MST= SST
p -1
SST=∑ n(x-x)2
Where,
SST=Sum of squares due to treatment

p = Total number of population
n = Total number of samples in a population.
Formula for MSE is given below:
MSE= SSE
N-p
SSE = ∑ (n-1) s2
Where:
SSE= Sum of squares due to error
S= Standard deviation of the samples
N= Total number of observations.

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