APA CENTENNIAL FEATURE

From Then to Now: The Development of Industrial-Organizational

Psychology in the United States

Raymond A. Katzell James T. Austin

New \brk University Ohio State University

This article reviews the development of industrial-organizational (I-O) psychology in the United
States since its beginnings at about the turn of the century. The history is divided into periods,
within which are described topics, roles, and forces, with the goal of explaining as well as describ-
ing developments. Among the conclusions are that I-O psychology is a dynamic field that has been
making contributions both to the science of behavior and to industrial society and that those
contributions have been underestimated by some and possibly overestimated by others. Among the
problems still facing the field is the disjunction between science and practice. However, in princi-
ple, that and other bipolarities can be made complementary.

Like human development, history can be studied either
cross-sectionally or longitudinally. That is, one can take a topic
and trace changes in its status over time or take a period of time
and describe the status of various topics during that interval.
Although the two approaches are obviously complementary,
the latter has the advantage of depicting more clearly the rela-
tionships among the various phenomena of interest. Because
that type of analysis has not, to our knowledge, been attempted
for industrial-organizational (I-O) psychology, and because we
think that it reveals a number of instructive relationships, the
cross-sectional strategy is the way we have chosen to look back
at how the field developed. This undertaking is particularly
appropriate in 1992, when the American Psychological Associa-
tion (APA) celebrates its centennial (Evans, Sexton, & Cadwal-
lader, 1992). We accordingly focus on developments in the
United States, although to be sure there was important work
going on in other countries.
We choose to divide history into several periods, each cover-
ing approximately two decades. In doing so, we briefly describe
each period in terms of the following features: (a) the subject
matter and methods of study, or noteworthy substantive and
This article is based in part on an invited address in 1986 by Ray-
mond A. Katzell at the initial midyear conference of the Society for
Industrial and Organizational Psychology, Chicago. Portions of the
article were completed while James T. Austin was a Visiting Assistant
Professor at New York University.
We thank Roger M. Bellows, Richard J. Campbell, Tim Crespin,
Paula Larson, and James C. Naylor, as well as three anonymous ref-
erees, for their helpful comments. We also thank Mildred E. Katzell for
her overall assistance throughout the writing of this article.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
James T. Austin, Department of Psychology, Ohio State. University, 142
Townshend Hall, 1885 Neil Avenue, Columbus, Ohio 43210-1222.
Journal of Applied Psychology, 1992, Vol. 77, No. 6, 803-835
Copyright 1992 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 002l-90!0/92/$3.00
methodological topics; (b) the roles enacted by I-O psycholo-
gists, which we frame in terms of training and employment;
and (c) salient aspects of the contemporary intellectual, social,
and political environment that may help to account for those
features. As Mueller (1979) concluded from tracing the begin-
nings of scientific psychology, often what is gained from a con-
sideration of "where, when, and who" is knowledge about
"what" started. We may also evaluate change, with the lessons
learned providing guidance for the future.
Although it is often fashionable to trace psychological devel-
opments back to ancient Greece, we start at the beginning of
the current century. Nevertheless, we cannot refrain from
pointing out that Plato, in The Republic, set forth a program of
managerial selection and development that might have pleased
Campbell, Dunnette, Lawler, and Weick (1970). He devised an
early taxonomy that placed citizens into three categories—
guardians, auxiliaries, and workers—and also proposed meth-
ods for selecting and training members of each category. Also,
more than 3,000 years ago the Chinese developed a multiple-
hurdle selection system for bureaucrats that started with local
examinations, continued through provincial assessments, and
finished with final evaluations in the capital; this system was
used until 1905 (DuBois, 1965, 1970). A third selection-or-
iented example is Hull's (1928) description of a French noble
who used tapestries depicting scenes of warlike and domestic
activities to assess applicants for court positions. In the organi-
zational field, perhaps the earliest recorded consultant was the
Midianite priest, Jethro, who advised his son-in-law, Moses, on
how to staff and organize the ancient Israelites (Exod. 18). The
Catholic church represents another early example of a central-
ized and hierarchical organization. Nonetheless, those earliest
attempts were isolated and unintegrated (except for the Chi-
nese) and thus did not catch on in commerce. Turning to a time
when such work was more systematic, we may ask what were

803
804 RAYMOND A. KATZELL AND JAMES T. AUSTIN
some features of American psychology from the turn of the
century to World War I that prompted the germination of indus-
trial psychology.
Turn of the Century to World War I
Topics
First, let us consider the emergence of subjects of direct inter-
est to I-O psychology and the methods used to study them
between 1900 and 1917. Reviews of the early literature were
published in the Psychological Bulletin by Kornhauser (1922),
Link (1920), and Viteles (1926a, 1928,1930). Some of the earli-
est studies dealt with the acquisition of such skills as telegraphy
(Bryan & Harter, 1897) and typing (Book, 1908). Personnel
selection, based on the concept of individual differences (E. L.
Thorndike, 1911), was another popular subject for investiga-
tion, including such occupations as streetcar motormen
(Miinsterberg, 1913) and salespersons (Scott, 1915). Studies of
work methods and job design by industrial engineers were con-
cerned mainly with increasing capability and reducing fatigue,
with efficiency a key dependent variable (Gilbreth & Gilbreth,
1916,1917); examples include the decomposition of work mo-
tions into elementary "therbligs" and subsequent analysis of the
"one best way" (F. Gilbreth, 1911) and time study (Taylor, 1911 /
1947). Dockeray's (1920) review suggested that psychologists
could add a scientific perspective to the study of work and
fatigue. E. L. Thorndike (1917) anticipated that proposal by
publishing an analysis of the curve of work and the curve of
"satisfyingness" in the very first volume of the Journal of Ap-
plied Psychology.
A major institutional development was the establishment in
1915 of a Division of Applied Psychology at the Carnegie Insti-
tute of Technology, now Carnegie-Mellon University. It was
headed by Walter VanDyke Bingham, who was hired away from
Dartmouth. The next year, a consortium of 27 national organi-
zations was formed, each pledging to contribute $500 a year for
5 years, with the resulting funds to be used to undertake scien-
tific research on salesmanship at that institute. The Bureau of
Salesmanship Research, as it was called, was headed by Walter
Dill Scott in 1916-1917. Scott, who had been a professor at
Northwestern University, and his colleagues quickly devised a
multiple-component selection system for sales personnel that
included a scored personal history blank (biodata), a standard
interview, a reference form, and a mental alertness test. Fergu-
son (1952) reported how those instruments were later used by
the Life Insurance Agency Management Association (LIAMA).
Indeed, the Aptitude Index Battery, a biodata questionnaire
based on that early work, is still used by many companies in the
United States and Canada (Brown, 1981).
It was not until much later that American psychologists paid
attention to social and organizational factors in the workplace.
As late as 1932, Morris Viteles, in his classic text, Industrial
Psychology, described the situation as follows, "Unfortunately,
there are few. . . experimental investigations in this field. The
psychology of supervision and management represents largely a
rationalization of psychological principles and findings in
terms of supervisory and management problems" (Note 12, p.
616). His own book reflected that situation as well, for the bulk
was devoted to empirical literature on personnel psychology
and human factors. Textbooks by Link (1919) and Burtt (1929)
similarly made practically no reference to what we now call
organizational psychology. However, the lack of research did
not stop some psychologically oriented people from pontificat-
ing about the subject. For example, Lillian Gilbreth (1914), a
psychologist by training, and F. W Taylor (1911/1947), the fa-
ther of scientific management, each wrote prescriptive books
about organization and supervision, thus starting a tradition of
what Herbert Simon (1957) was to call "proverbs of administra-
tion" (p. xxxiii). The nearest approach to empirical investiga-
tion of organizational factors at the time was the pioneering
work of Max Weber (1906/1946,1922/1947). Although he was
more of an economist and sociologist than a psychologist, he
did consider such psychological topics as leadership, power,
norms, and bureaucratization.
Methodological developments centered on psychological
measuring tools and on statistical analyses of the resulting data
to identify individual differences (Cowles, 1989). Measurement
methods developed during this period included mental tests
(Binet & Simon, 1905, 1908; Cattell, 1890; Ebbinghaus, 1897;
Gallon, 1883; E. L. Thorndike, 1904; Whipple, 1910), direct
observations of workers (Gilbreth, 1911; Taylor, 1911/1947),
and Weber's (1922/1947) use of case studies (cf. Huff, 1984).
Statistical techniques developed at around that time included
regression, simple correlation, and partial correlation (Gallon,
1877; Pearson, 1894,1895; Yule, 1897) and factor analysis (Pear-
son, 1901; Spearman, 1904,1914). The early roots of test valida-
tion were proposed by Miinsterberg (1913), Scott (1917), and
Binet and Simon (1905), who termed the process "testing the
test." Experimental studies in the laboratory were used to sludy
memory (Ebbinghaus, 1885/1913) and fatigue (Mosso, 1888,
cited in Viteles, 1932). Quasi experiments in field situations
were done to improve efficiency (Gilbreth, 1911; Taylor, 1911/
1947). Those various methodological developments suggest
that Cronbach's (1957) "two disciplines" were alive and well
even at the beginning of the field.
Roles
Nearly all psychologists at that time were trained in general
experimental psychology and were primarily employed in aca-
demia (Cattell, 1946). That, for instance, was the case with
J. McKeen Cattell at Columbia, Hugo Miinsterberg at Harvard,
Scott at Northwestern, and Bingham at Dartmouth. With the
exception of Bingham, who received his doctorate at the Univer-
sity of Chicago, the others had studied under Wilhelm Wundt
at Leipzig (Boring, 1950a). Their applied work was therefore
typically done on a part-time basis. In some cases, their move-
ment into the I-O field was due to approaches by employers
rather than at their own initiative. That seems to have been the
case with Bingham, who was recruited from the bucolic envi-
rons of Dartmouth to head up the newly formed applied insti-
tute at Carnegie Institute of Technology. Scott was asked in
1901 to give a speech at the Agate Club in Chicago on psycholog-
ical aspects of advertising, which resulted in his subsequent
engagement as a consultant as well as authorship of books on
the psychology of advertising (Scott, 1903) and industrial effi-
ciency (Scott, 1911). This work helped to develop the founda-
 APA CENTENNIAL: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF I-O PSYCHOLOGY
tions for his subsequent personnel work and led Ferguson
(1962-1965) to refer to Scott as "America's first industrial psy-
chologist" (p. 1). However, credit for founding the field must be
shared with Miinsterberg, who continued the applied work-
after being called to Harvard in 1892—that he had started in
his native Germany and whose textbook Psychology and Indus-
trial Efficiency was published in English in 1913.
There were a few people working full-time outside of acade-
mia on topics of an I-O nature but were not thought of as psy-
chologists (e.g., the Gilbreths, who were full-time management
consultants, and Taylor, who was a senior executive at Bethle-
hem Steel). Incidentally, Taylor's status helps to explain how he
was able to conduct some of the first rudimentary field experi-
ments (cf. Hoagland, 1964; Locke, 1982), something which to
this day is not easily arranged by I-O psychologists.
In those early decades, only a handful of people could be
considered to be I-O psychologists. Cattell estimated that as
late as 1917 only 16 of the more than 300 members of APA were
engaged principally in the various applications of psychology,
whereas 272 were educators (Cattell, 1946). I-O psychologists,
academic and otherwise, probably comprised those few we
have already identified. Even allowing for several who may
have escaped our attention, the total was unlikely to have ex-
ceeded 10.
Forces
How do we account for the emergence of I-O psychology at
that time? This question pertains to the Zeitgeist and Ortgeist,
or the spirits of the time and place. Our opinion is that four
cultural forces converged to establish the field.
One was the flowering of science that occurred during the
period, which in turn led to empirical studies of mind and
behavior (Roback, 1952). Another force was the influence of
Darwinism (cf. Angell, 1907; Boring, 1950b), with its emphasis
on fitness as the key to survival. In psychology, its clearest man-
ifestation was in a school of thought called functionalism,
which emphasized the adaptive role of consciousness and be-
havior (Buxton, 1985; Heidbreder, 1933). Roback (1952) ob-
served that functionalism was therefore attacked as being a
mere technology, interested in the means of executing a task, in
contrast to pure science (note also the name of "psychotechnol-
ogy" adopted by several early I-O psychologists). However, func-
tionalists defended the scientific status of utility, pointing out
that it was often also a basis for evaluating pure science (Carr,
1930). Clearly the ideas of utility and technology were becom-
ing part of the American psychological scene. William James, a
leading exponent of pragmatism, was among the precursors of
functionalist thought, and it is noteworthy that he was responsi-
ble for bringing Miinsterberg from Germany to Harvard, al-
though not especially because of Miinsterberg's interest in in-
dustrial applications (on the other hand, Miinsterberg's debates
with Wundt could only have raised his stock with James, as
noted by Roback, 1952, p. 148; but see Bringmann & Balance,
1973, for a counterperspective). James was also the mentor of
the prominent functionalists J. R. Angell and G. Stanley Hall
(Heidbreder, 1933). Hall became a proponent of applied psy-
chology and helped found the Journal of Applied Psychology. He
805
in turn was a mentor of Douglas Fryer, whom we shall later
encounter as another of the early I-O psychologists.
A third cultural force was the prevailing faith in capitalism
that was rampant in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Capital-
ism placed a premium on efficiency, which in turn depended
on having hard-working, dedicated employees. Kaufman
(1913) characterized the early 20th century as the age of effi-
ciency and charted the spread of this concept throughout soci-
ety; Callahan (1962) elaborated how the efficiency movement
came to influence educational administration. At the same
time, people motivated by the capitalist ethic are likely to be
achievement-oriented and entrepreneurial—behavior that fos-
ters capitalist institutions (McClelland & Winter, 1969). Weber
(1906/1946) analyzed the reciprocal relationship between the
spirit of capitalism and what he termed the "Protestant ethic,"
the notion that hard work is not only ethically good but a road
to salvation. A recent detailed account of the work ethic has
been published by Furnham (1990).
A fourth factor was the growth of industrialization (Morri-
son, 1965), which in America was a consequence of the capital-
ist system, but of course is a property of all industrialized societ-
ies including communist ones. Industrialization calls for a sup-
ply of competent workers who are well managed. Mark Sullivan
(1927) dramatically portrayed that development:
Throughout America, during the last half of the 19th century,
went on a process of little shops closing down, big factories grow-
ing bigger; little one-man businesses giving up, great corporations
growing and expanding;. . .fewer craftsmen, more factory opera-
tives . . . The process was essentially an adjustment of man to
[technology], (p. 254)
From those forces emerged a society that venerated efficient
industrial organizations and people who were capable of adapt-
ing to and being successful in such institutions. Psychology too
began marching to that drummer: No longer content to analyze
the structure of consciousness, it began to try to understand by
empirical investigation how people function so as to cope suc-
cessfully with their environments, which led to an interest in a
scientifically based technology for facilitating such adaptation.
Those dynamics—the scientific study of mind and behavior,
Darwinism and its psychological reflection in functionalism,
the spirit of capitalism and growing industrialization—com-
bined to create the scientific and practical field of industrial
psychology, a child of its time.
World War I Through the 1920s
Topics
War has historically often turned out to be a catalyst of pro-
gress. This observation is true for psychology as well, because
industrial psychology used the occasion of World War I to come
out of the closet of academia (Scott, 1920; Yerkes, 1918). The
wartime contribution of psychology has been comprehensively
reported by Ferguson (1962-1965), Yerkes (1918,1919,1921),
E. L. Thorndike (1919), Chapman (1920), and Yoakum and
\ferkes (1920). We rely heavily on those sources in describing
World War I developments.
In April 1917, when the United States declared war on Ger-
many, a group of experimental psychologists was having its an-
806 RAYMOND A. KATZELL AND JAMES T. AUSTIN
nual meeting in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Upon hearing of
the declaration of war, Yerkes, who was then president of the
25-year-old APA, and several others quickly formed a Psychol-
ogy Committee of the National Research Council, with
members representing the National Academy of Sciences
(NAS), the American Association for the Advancement of
Science (A A AS), and the APA (Von Mayrhauser, 1987). The
Army accepted their proposal that a psychological examining
program of recruits be evaluated, and Yerkes organized the Sur-
geon General's Section of Psychology with the rank of major.
Scott and Bingham, who were then faculty members of the
Carnegie Institute of Technology, disagreed with the majority
of the group (Von Mayrhauser, 1987). They believed that it
would be more important to aid in the selection of officer per-
sonnel and that psychology should be placed under the adjutant
general, the Army's personnel officer, not within the Surgeon
General's Office (SGO). Scott persuaded Secretary of War
Newton Baker to establish a psychological program in the Ad-
jutant General's Office (AGO), with himself and Bingham in
charge.
The Scott-Bingham group was called the Committee on Clas-
sification of Personnel and began with 10 academic psycholo-
gists: Angell, Bingham, Raymond Dodge, Scott, J. E Shepard,
E. K. Strong, Lewis Terman, E. L. Thorndike, John B. Watson,
and Robert M. Yerkes, who were joined by two businessmen,
Robert Clothier and Horace Gardner. This committee probably
did as much work for the Army as Yerkes' group, with Scott
rising to the rank of colonel and Bingham to lieutenant colonel.
Their work was reported in The Personnel System of the United
States Army (1919). However, the SGO group under Yerkes re-
ceived the larger share of publicity on the basis of their develop-
ment of the Army Alpha and Beta group mental ability exami-
nations. Results of using those two scales demonstrated the
feasibility of large-scale selection testing and paved the way for
later expansion of the testing movement into government, in-
dustry, and education (Hale, 1982; Sokal, 1987).
On a darker note, the misinterpretation of the results of intel-
ligence testing also led to proposals that could inflict wrongs
against certain ethnic subgroups. For example, Brigham's
(1923) analysis of the Army data led him to conclude that race
differences in intelligence existed and to argue that if un-
checked they could lead to deterioration of the national talent
pool. Yerkes, in the forward to Brigham's (1923) book, noted
ominously the "menace of race deterioration" (p. vii). Those
data were used in the debates of the early 1920s to try to reduce
immigration from countries in which "intelligence" levels were
lower. Lesser known is Brigham's recantation of those conclu-
sions (Brigham, 1930), based on self-acknowledged errors of
reification, inability to combine the Alpha and Beta scores into
a composite, and the recognition that both tests were verbally
and culturally loaded. Duels in the popular press between
Walter Lippmann and Lewis Terman were another part of this
debate (Pastore, 1978). The issue, one of ethnic differences
in general mental ability, is recurrent (cf. Ackerman &
Humphreys, 1990; Gould, 1981; Herrnstein, 1971; Linn, 1985).
Finally, late during the war a small program was established
in the Morale Branch of the SGO to facilitate the adjustment of
soldiers to army life. Douglas Fryer, a young psychologist
trained by G. Stanley Hall and James Baird at Clark University,
started his I-O career in the Morale Branch at Camp Greenleaf.
In addition to the aforementioned testing developments at
the SGO, there were a number of other psychological products
of its work, including a personality and psychopathology
checklist intended to screen recruits (Woodworth, 1918). As
reported by Strong (1918), Scott's AGO group devised qualifica-
tion cards for officer and enlisted ranks (forerunner of the ubiq-
uitous personnel file); catalogs of occupational needs for army
units (e.g., Bingham's "Table of Occupational Needs of an In-
fantry Division"; Committee on Classification of Personnel,
1918); the "man-to-man" and graphic scale methods for rating
officer performance (Paterson, 1923); trade tests to evaluate
specific occupational skills (Chapman, 1920; Chapman &
Toops, 1919; Robinson, 1919); and, more generally, the con-
cepts of person and job analysis. On the basis of the success of
Scott's committee, even Yerkes (1919) agreed that psychological
efforts might have been more useful had they originally been
part of the AGO.
Following World War I, additional improvements in person-
nel psychology were made during the 1920s. Link (1919), Korn-
hauser and Kingsbury (1924), and Freyd (1923) discussed psy-
chological techniques for personnel selection (Freyd's book be-
ing noted by Guion in 1976 to be quite current). Viteles (1926b)
and Bingham (1926) discussed the measurement of work perfor-
mance, providing several warnings that are accepted as good
practice today and showing early awareness of halo error. Korn-
hauser (1926-1927) reported three empirical studies of ratings,
using as subjects senior undergraduates of the University of
Chicago who were rated by faculty. He addressed the reliability
of average ratings, comparisons of raters, and comparisons of
ratings on different traits. Millicent Pond (1927) published her
dissertation in the Journal of Personnel Research, in which she
evaluated the selection and placement of apprentice metal-
workers at the Scoville Manufacturing Company.
Ferguson (1962-1965) recounted how the years after the war
saw the expansion of the Carnegie Institute of Technology work
into sales training, using as a vehicle the Research Bureau of
Retail Training under J. B. Miner and later W W Charters.
Although earlier there had been sporadic research done on
training techniques, largely in the laboratory (cf. Viteles, 1932),
the approach at the bureau was focused in the field and in-
volved job analysis, behavioral observation, and feedback. A
young psychologist associated with that work was E. K. Strong,
Jr. (Strong, 1922).
Another significant postwar contribution of the Carnegie
group was research on the measurement of vocational interests
(Fryer, 1931). Bruce V Moore's doctoral thesis, as well as that of
Merrill J. Ream and several others, examined the differentia-
tion of occupational groups (for example, sales engineers and
design engineers) by means of interest questionnaires. Moore's
was almost certainly the first doctorate in industrial psychol-
ogy when it was awarded in 1921. He went on to teach at Penn-
sylvania State College for many years, eventually becoming de-
partment chair, and was elected the first president of Division
14ofAPAinl945. Strong was also among those involved in the
work on interests, and, after moving to Stanford University in
1923, he developed with Karl Cowdery the famous Strong Vo-
 APA CENTENNIAL: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF I-O PSYCHOLOGY
cational Interest Blank (Strong, 1943), now known in revised
form as the Strong-Campbell Interest Inventory. However, the
bright future of the Carnegie group ended when the Division of
Applied Psychology was dissolved in 1923 by an unsympathetic
president (the I-O program revived in 1945 and continues today
at Carnegie-Mellon University). Nonetheless, this group laid a
foundation for the young discipline that was firmly grounded
in basic psychological principles and based on collaborative
research with industry. Many of its products and their students
went on to expand the scope of I-O psychology through aca-
demic training (e.g., Moore, Strong, Glen Cleeton) and practice
(e.g., Beardsley Ruml, Richard Uhrbrock), as well as through
research.
Roles
The period from after World War I to the Great Depression
saw the extension of techniques and programs developed for
the Army into private industry. Those extensions were facili-
tated by two consulting organizations founded expressly to ac-
complish those ends, which also provided employment and a
critical mass for psychologists interested in I-O psychology.
One of those two organizations was The Scott Company,
founded in 1919 by Walter Dill Scott and colleagues from the
Committee on Classification of Personnel and Carnegie Insti-
tute of Technology. Its members adapted for industrial use a
number of the techniques and programs that had been devised
at Carnegie. The resulting armamentarium of psychological
techniques included a group test of mental ability, job stan-
dards for career progression and personnel planning, a perfor-
mance rating system, oral trade tests and apprentice training
materials, and a program of personnel administration. The
company also promoted a forward-looking philosophy of coop-
erative labor relations that was later adopted in the men's gar-
ment industry (cf. Ferguson, 1962; Gordon & Burt, 1981). An-
other important contribution of The Scott Company was the
concept of the "worker in his work" that foreshadowed the
development of the organizational branch of I-O psychology.
Key individuals in The Scott Company included Robert
Clothier, who later became president of Rutgers University and
coauthored a long-running book on personnel administration
with Scott (Scott & Clothier, 1923); Beardsley Ruml, who later
became the treasurer of R. H. Macy and then an administrator
of the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial and who, as a
member of F. D. Roosevelt's "brain trust" during the 1940s,
devised the "pay as you go" income tax system; and Arthur
Kornhauser, who later had a distinguished teaching and re-
search career at Chicago University and Wayne State University.
After a short but brilliant existence, The Scott Company went
out of business in the early 1920s. Was this a failure of industrial
psychology? No. Partly, the firm was a victim of the depression
of 1921 -1922, but largely it was a victim of its own success, for
its key personnel received so much favorable attention that they
were lured away by attractive offers, indicating that there were
not enough I-O psychologists to satisfy the demand for their
services. In addition to the new jobs already noted for various
staff, Scott returned to Northwestern University and accepted
807
the presidency in 1921, a position that he held for the next 19
years.
The other consulting organization founded in the wake of
World War I was The Psychological Corporation. It was orga-
nized in 1921 by J. McKeen Cattell, with 20 influential psychol-
ogists as directors and some 170 psychologists holding stock
(Cattell, 1923). Sokal (1981) described the organization as simi-
lar to a medieval guild, whereas Cattell himself used the term
"holding company for psychologists." Cattell was chairman of
the board from 1921-1926 and Henry C. Link was president.
There were several reasons that the firm did not flourish under
Cattell (Sokal, 1981), but subsequent leadership by Bingham,
Link, Paul Achilles, and George Bennett led to a major role for
the firm in disseminating and applying psychological tech-
niques for some 50 years. Divisions of tests, counseling, indus-
trial consulting, and marketing served to propagate applied
psychology (e.g., Achilles, 1946). The Differential Aptitude
Tests and the Bennett Test of Mechanical Comprehension are
examples of instruments developed by this firm that are still in
wide use. The Psychological Corporation was acquired in 1970
by the publishing firm of Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich and sur-
vives to this day, although its major focus is now limited to test
development and distribution.
When \erkes was put in charge of the SGO Section of Psy-
chology as a major in the Sanitary Corps, he became one of the
first full-time I-O psychologists, although he might not have
recognized the appellation. Similar full-time positions were oc-
cupied by a number of other psychologists in the military. It is
also noteworthy that I-O psychologists soon began to be em-
ployed not only in academia, the military, and consulting orga-
nizations, but also full-time in government and private in-
dustry. Shortly after World War I, the U.S. Civil Service Com-
mission started looking into the feasibility of psychologically
examining applicants, engaging as consultants the famous be-
haviorist, John B. Watson, and The Scott Company's Beardsley
Ruml. Those inquiries led to the establishment of a research
section under L. J. O'Rourke in 1922 (O'Rourke, 1926,1934),
which has survived to this day under various designations. Job
redesign, "testing the tests" against criteria, and cost-benefit
analyses were all researched. However, obtaining the active sup-
port of top management, the labor unions, and the Civil Ser-
vice Commission was always a crucial first step for O'Rourke
(1950). O'Rourke (1950) and Kavruck (1956) described the early
projects undertaken by the research section. Ernest Primoff
(1991) recently provided an extensive review of Civil Service
Commission personnel activities from the late 1800s to World
War II.
In private industry, too, psychologists began to find employ-
ment. Harry Hepner, later of Syracuse University, was em-
ployed by the Kaufman Department Store in Pittsburgh during
the early 1920s, in the wake of the Carnegie Institute of Technol-
ogy work on retail training. Ruml, as we have noted, went on
from The Scott Company to Macy's, where Elsie O. Bregman
had been evaluating clerical and sales personnel (Sokal, 1981).
Several life insurance firms decided to hire in-house psycholo-
gists, Marion Bills at Aetna being a noteworthy example.
Among manufacturing companies, Winchester employed Link
as a consultant from 1917-1919, after which he worked with the
808 RAYMOND A. KATZELL AND JAMES T. AUSTIN
U.S. Rubber Company, and Procter & Gamble hired H. G. Ke-
nagy in 1923 to do research on sales personnel following the
demise of the Carnegie Institute of Technology program.
Procter & Gamble in particular has maintained a long tradition
of hiring psychologists, its staff later in the period including
Richard Uhrbrock, a Carnegie Tech product, and Paul Horst, a
former Thurstone student. Uhrbrock established the psycholog-
ical research department at Procter & Gamble as part of the
Industrial Relations Division in 1930. Viteles, briefly, and after
him Sadie Myers Shellow, were employed by the Milwaukee
Electric Railway and Light Company during the 1920s.
In 1920 there was still only a handful of I-O psychologists.
Terman (1921), in analyzing the membership of APA, esti-
mated that number to have been about 18, of whom only about
7 were clearly in industrial employment. There were a few addi-
tional I-O psychologists, like H. E. Burtt, whose principal em-
ployment was centered at a university. Their number increased
later in the decade as employment opportunities expanded in
industry, government, and consulting firms. However, judging
from APA membership, we estimate that the total number of
I-O psychologists was still less than 50 by the decade's end.
Psychologists with strong I-O interests also were slowly being
added to university faculties. Examples, in addition to those
already cited, include Viteles at the University of Pennsylvania,
Miner at Ohio University, F. A. Kingsbury at the University of
Chicago, D. G. Paterson at the University of Minnesota, Elton
Mayo at Harvard University, and Fryer at New York University.
Graduate training in I-O psychology expanded slowly during
the decade. The early history of the program at Ohio State
University furnishes a typical example. Harold E. Burtt joined
its faculty in 1919, having received a doctorate in general-exper-
imental psychology at Harvard. He was soon followed by the
psychometric specialist, Herbert Toops, and together they de-
veloped the first doctoral specialization in industrial psychol-
ogy (Weiss, 1927) after the one at Carnegie Institute of Technol-
ogy. In addition to Carnegie Tech and Ohio State, institutions
that turned out industrially oriented doctorates during the
1920s included the University of Minnesota and Stanford Uni-
versity.
Forces
Reflecting on what might help to account for those develop-
ments, we note several major external events. One, of course,
was World War I, which created an occasion and a need for
applying budding psychological concepts and methods. An-
other was the postwar period of prosperity. For example, de-
spite a brief recession in 1921-1922, the gross national product
rose by 39% between 1919 and 1929 (Cashman, 1989). Growth
of employment accompanied that development, thereby creat-
ing opportunities for I-O psychologists to practice their profes-
sion. Another factor was that wartime experiences alerted some
forward-looking executives to the value of engaging psycholo-
gists as consultants or employees. The experiences of Viteles
(1967,1974) are illustrative. Additionally, the postwar growth
of the field of employment management (described by Fer-
guson, 1962-1965) was favorable to the applications of psy-
chology.
In combination, those circumstances created opportunities
for psychologists to obtain full-time employment as well as
part-time consulting by others who were primarily academi-
cians. Those factors also helped spark increased attention to
scientific and technical topics relevant to industrial psychology,
both in applied settings and academia. In the discipline of psy-
chology, behaviorism (Watson, 1919,1925) gave further impe-
tus to objective studies of behavior and their practical applica-
tions and also underscored the impact of environments on be-
havior. However, we should not overlook the fact that some of
the thrust to take advantage of those opportunities came from
within the field. Academics like Bingham, Cattell, Scott, Vi-
teles, and Yerkes were visionary in seeing ways in which their
fledgling discipline could be applied to industrial and national
needs (Ferguson, 1961; Viteles, 1967,1974) and in identifying
relevant subjects for scientific research and development. Such
vision and initiative will continue to be worthy of emulation.
The 1930s to World War II
Topics
One of the salient developments of this decade actually be-
gan in the late 1920s. We refer to the Hawthorne studies, which
again represent an instance in which a firm, in this case the
Western Electric Company, arranged to collaborate with a
group of academicians in an effort to improve operating effi-
ciency. Those academics, led by Elton Mayo (1933) and T. N.
Whitehead (1935, 1938), were on the faculty of the Harvard
Business School. The original experiments, as is well known,
dealt with modifications of illumination, wage incentives, and
rest pauses—topics that would have gladdened the heart of
F W Taylor. But what was to capture the attention of the disci-
pline and the world was not those substantive results but the
partly serendipitous findings highlighting the importance of
social relationships: team development, supervision, and group
norms (Roethlisberger & Dickson, 1939). Less well-remem-
bered are the employee interviewing and counseling programs
that continued long after the other experiments ended (Dick-
son, 1950; Dickson & Roethlisberger, 1966).
Another noteworthy aspect of the Hawthorne studies was
that they involved scientific field research, including experi-
mental and observational techniques. We mentioned earlier the
field experiments of Taylor and Gilbreth, but they were quite
unsophisticated in terms of research design and data analysis,
probably because they were carried out in the tradition of man-
agement rather than behavioral science. On the other hand, in
the Hawthorne studies, the interventions were for the first time
planned by behavioral scientists, and there were systematic ef-
forts at experimental and statistical controls, even if imperfect.
As a postscript, Hawthorne bashing became quite popular after
the reports of the research were promulgated (e.g., Carey, 1967;
Landsberger, 1958), even extending as far as a recent Marxist
critique based on the concept of class struggle (Bramel &
Friend, 1981). Often such critics may miss an important point,
for despite flaws of design and analysis, it was those studies and
their philosophy that helped to launch the organizational
branch of the I-O discipline.
A second salient development of the 1930s was the study of
employee attitudes and morale, reflecting a concern with the
 APA CENTENNIAL: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF I-O PSYCHOLOGY
worker's perspective as well as that of employers. Although
there were earlier studies of employees' attitudes toward their
jobs and organizations, this subject now began to take wing
(Kornhauser, 1929b). Among the landmark studies of this era
were ones by Uhrbrock (1934) at Procter & Gamble, by Korn-
hauser and Sharp (1932) at the Kimberly-Clark Corporation,
and by Hoppock (1935), who surveyed the job attitudes of the
entire town of New Hope, Pennsylvania. Attitude surveys and
structured interviews were a major tool of management consul-
tant J. D. Houser (1927,1938). The measurement of attitudes
was improved during this period by the scaling techniques of
L. L. Thurstone (1927; Thurstone & Chave, 1929) and Likert
(1932). We should note that Thurstone had been a member of
the Division of Applied Psychology and head of the Depart-
ment of Psychology at Carnegie Institute of Technology before
moving to the University of Chicago and achieving fame as a
quantitative psychologist. However, despite this beginning, rela-
tively few companies conducted attitude surveys during this
period (National Industrial Conference Board, 1951).
A third development centered around Kurt Lewin, one of the
notable expatriate psychologists from Nazi Germany. Although
his initial American post was at the University of Iowa Child
Welfare Research Station in 1935, Lewin was a researcher with
broad interests, among them the psychological aspects of work.
One of his earliest papers, for example, examined the virtues
and limitations of Taylorism and scientific management
(Lewin, 1920, cited by Marrow, 1969). Many of his students at
Iowa also had I-O interests, including John French, Ronald Lip-
pitt, and Alex Bavelas. It is hardly surprising, then, that one of
the famous experiments undertaken at Iowa by Lewin and his
students was an investigation of the effects of leadership cli-
mates on productivity and satisfaction (Lewin, Lippitt, &
White, 1939). Other studies done under Lewin's influence dealt
with such aspects of group dynamics as cooperation and com-
petition, group structure, communication patterns, and addi-
tional topics that have come to play an important part in our
thinking about organizational life. Lewin also engaged in
trailblazing theoretical work that led to expectancy theory,
which he and his associates called "resultant valence" theory.
His research on individual as well as group levels of aspiration
(Lewin, Dembo, Festinger, & Sears, 1944) was reintegrated into
his applied work and continues to exert an influence on contem-
porary I-O psychology, including goal setting.
Methodologically, Lewin and his students espoused "action
research"—experimentation jointly planned, executed, and
evaluated by researchers and participants and designed to illu-
minate a problem so that solutions could be tried, evaluated,
and refined (cf. Clarke, 1980). Modern ideas of group feedback
methods (Heller, 1969), the "experimenting society" (D. Camp-
bell, 1968), and the field of evaluation research can be viewed
as outgrowths of this beginning. Lewin also believed that the-
ories and ideas needed to be investigated not only in small-scale
laboratory experiments, but on a larger scale in the real world.
One illustration of that approach was the studies of resistance
to change and employee participation to facilitate change. Ini-
tial studies were done at the Harwood Manufacturing Com-
pany by Coch and French (1948), with Lewin as a consultant.
Subsequently, in 1962, Harwood acquired the Weldon Com-
pany, and a team of Lewin-influenced researchers designed an
809
intervention in the Weldon unit to create a climate to support
the successful pattern of management then in place at the Har-
wood unit (Marrow, Bowers, & Seashore, 1967). The Harwood
and Weldon studies were conducted under the auspices of
Alfred Marrow, who had in 1937 received a doctorate in psychol-
ogy from New York University and who at the time was a top
executive of the companies.
Although work continued on selection, appraisal, and train-
ing techniques as the industrial core of the field, it was charac-
terized more by refinement of what had already been devised
than by conceptual breakthroughs. Noteworthy was the estab-
lishment of the Minnesota Employment Stabilization Research
Institute in 1931 (cf. Paterson, 1932; Paterson & Darley, 1936).
That organization developed numerous tests (e.g., the Minne-
sota Clerical Test) and the concept of occupational aptitude
patterns (Dvorak, 1935), as well as elaborating the "Minnesota
point of view" that culminated in the theory of work adjust-
ment (Dawis & Lofquist, 1984). Another important method-
ological contribution to mental measurement was the refine-
ment and growing use of exploratory factor analysis (cf. Guil-
ford, 1936; Thurstone, 1931).
Worthy of note in the industrial core of the field was the
reinvigoration of the U.S. Employment Service (USES), origi-
nally founded in 1917, by the Wagner-Peyser Act of 1933. Both
the Minnesota and USES programs tried to bridge the gap
between those unemployed as a result of the Depression and
the meager existing job openings. The USES is known for as-
sembling the General Aptitude Test Battery (GATB), the Dictio-
nary of Occupational Titles (DOT), and an influential book on
occupational placement and counseling techniques (Stead &
Shartle, 1940). Person analysis within the Worker Analysis Sec-
tion was guided by refinements of the factor-analytic results of
Thurstone's group and by job analysis using systematic obser-
vation and recording of job behavior and worker attributes (Vi-
teles, 1922) as further developed by Shartle's Occupational
Analysis Section. Those two branches continued the parallel
emphases of person and job analysis initiated by Scott's World
War I Committee on Classification of Personnel. It is of current
interest that the GATB has been embroiled in a value- and
policy-laden dispute regarding employment discrimination
(Adler, 1991), specifically "race norming" as recommended by
a National Academy of Sciences panel (Hartigan & Wigdor,
1989). However, the Civil Rights Act of 1991 now prohibits race
norming.
Roles
A new role grew out of the Hawthorne and Lewin research
programs, that of action researcher. This role combines active
intervention with scientific research procedures, demonstrat-
ing and dependent on an interplay between science and prac-
tice.
Pennsylvania State College (now University) offered a doctor-
ate in I-O psychology beginning in 1930 under Bruce Moore,
thus joining Ohio State University, the University of Minnesota,
and Stanford University as the major specialized programs. As
the decade progressed, several additional institutions began
training students who were oriented toward I-O careers; these
included Purdue University, Columbia University, University of
810 RAYMOND A. KATZELL AND JAMES T. AUSTIN
Pennsylvania, and New \brk University. The term program is
perhaps too grand to be applied to those early endeavors, as
prior to World War II doctoral training in psychology was not
fragmented into the specialized programs existing today. To the
extent that specialization occurred, it consisted mainly of the
student's choice of (or assignment to) a principal mentor and
associated research and dissertation topics. A series of articles
describing those early I-O doctoral training activities at various
universities was published beginning in 1991 in The Industrial-
Organizational Psychologist, a publication of Division 14 of the
APA (Katzell, 1991; Lawshe & Weiss, 1991; Prien, 1991). In
addition to the graduates of those institutions, many I-O psy-
chologists received their training in other areas of psychology
(Howard, 1982). The number of people identifying with I-O
psychology continued to increase. Perhaps the clearest evi-
dence of this was the establishment during 1937-1938 of the
American Association for Applied Psychology (AAAP), which
included an Industrial and Business Psychology Section
(Bernreuter, Maxfield, Paterson, Reymert, & Fryer, 1937). By
1943,79 people joined the industrial section of AAAP, suggest-
ing that the total number of I-O psychologists probably
amounted to about 100 in 1939—a doubling but hardly a dra-
matic leap from 1929. The growth was not explosive in num-
bers, but the field's identification as a profession did increase.
J. P. Symonds (1946) described the development of AAAP from
earlier roots in the Association of Consulting Psychologists and
the Section of Clinical Psychology of the APA. Although
AAAP was founded to foster the interests of all branches of
applied psychology, which many felt were not adequately served
by the APA, a large impetus came from industrial psychologist
Douglas Fryer. Fryer, by now a professor at New York Univer-
sity, was recognized by election as the first president of AAAP.
Harold E. Burtt of Ohio State University was elected the first
president of the AAAP's Industrial and Business Psychology
Section.
As a sidelight relevant to the APA centennial, it should be
recalled that the reorganization of APA following World War II
involved a merger with AAAR This reformation gave explicit
recognition of the applied as well as the scientific concerns of
psychologists. AAAP's sectional structure was adopted and ex-
panded by the reorganized APA (Doll, 1946), creating Division
14 as the Division of Business and Industrial Psychology.
Forces
The three aforementioned topical breakthroughs repre-
sented the early development of the organizational side of I-O
psychology. Although those developments are often character-
ized as applied social psychology, it is doubtful that they would
have taken the form that they did had they not been studied in
organizational contexts. We therefore consider them to be as
much contributions of I-O psychology to social psychology as
the reverse. By contrast, the refinements in personnel and in-
dustrial psychology, or the more traditional work in selection,
training, and appraisal, were less dramatic during this period
and thus could be characterized as an incremental or gradual
process of development. The explanation again seems to be at
least partly due to the socioeconomic context of the times. The
country was in the grips of a severe depression, with 25% Of its
work force unemployed (Manchester, 1973-1974). Hence,
there was less need for and interest in personnel selection and
training. For example, more than 16% of companies that had
used personnel tests dropped them during the Great Depres-
sion (National Industrial Conference Board, 1940). Also, none
of the references cited in an extensive review of the psychologi-
cal literature on training in industry was published during the
1930s (McGehee & Thayer, 1961). Productivity enhancement
also was less urgent, because there were no longer ready mar-
kets.
The Great Depression and its adverse effects on people led to
heightened sensitivity to and concern for the human condition
and the humanization of work. This was personified by the
new president, E D. Roosevelt. "Identifying himself with the
forgotten man at the base of the economic pyramid, he led the
New Deal, a comprehensive program of legislation designed to
raise the Great Depression and remedy basic inequalities in the
structure of American society . . ." (Cashman, 1989, p. 147).
Those concerns were reflected as well in the growth of the
social aspects of I-O psychology.
The work at both Western Electric's Hawthorne plant and at
Harwood-Weldon has been accused of being antilabor (Baritz,
1960). Those interventions were viewed by some as attempting
to quell labor unrest and union activism by nonfinancial pal-
liatives; from that standpoint, it has been argued that those
developments were really contrary to the long-run interests of
workers. Our own evaluation is that while such work may in-
deed have mitigated labor-management antagonism, we do not
see why it would have hampered constructive relations between
the parties. In fact, we think that the recent history of union-
management cooperation in such areas as work humanization
(Banas, 1988) and production improvement (Hicks, 1992) bears
out that belief.
On the other hand, it cannot be gainsaid that most I-O psy-
chologists were (and continue to be) managerially oriented, as
perusal of a random sample of I-O textbooks reveals. This is not
to say that I-O psychologists were or are generally antilabor.
Most would probably still subscribe to the position set forth
early on by Munsterberg (1913), who argued that the results of
industrial psychology would benefit workers as well as em-
ployers. Nevertheless, even the studies of worker attitudes were
generally motivated more by the interests of management than
by concern for employees (Baritz, 1960; Viteles, 1953). In any
case, few companies bothered to survey employee attitudes for
whatever reason during the 1930s and early 1940s (National
Industrial Conference Board, 1951; Vroom, 1964a).
The general noninvolvement of I-O psychology in issues of
labor-management relations during that period is further re-
flected in the book Industrial Conflict: A Psychological Inter-
pretation (Hartmann & Newcomb, 1939). S. P. Hayes, Korn-
hauser, and Moore were the only identifiable I-O psychologists
among the 26 contributors. Moreover, it was sponsored not by
the industrial section of AAAP, but by the Society for the Psy-
chological Study of Social Issues, which was much involved in
the issues of labor (Finison, 1979).
It is also worth noting that, in a period when unemployment
was rampant, psychologists in general paid relatively little at-
tention to the unemployed. The rare exceptions included a
study of the psychological effects of unemployment by Jahoda,
 APA CENTENNIAL: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF I-O PSYCHOLOGY
Lazarsfeld, and Zeisel (1933/1972), but their study was con-
ducted in Austria before they emigrated to the United States.
Other exceptional examples included Rundquist and Sletto's
(1936) examination of the attitudes and personalities of unem-
ployed workers, a similar study by the Minnesota Unemploy-
ment Research Project (Paterson & Darley, 1936), and Hop-
pock's (1935) inclusion of unemployed people in his survey of
attitudes of New Hope residents.
Why the relative inattention to the human condition? Partly
the bias of the auspices. Industry was buying the services of I-O
psychologists to solve their problems, not those of the workers;
unions, at least until recently (cf. Gordon & Nurick, 1981;
Lewin, 1986; "Psychologists and Unions," 1981), were more
concerned with economic issues than with psychological ones.
Even our government has historically failed to subsidize inqui-
ries into the basic psychosocial aspects of work and unemploy-
ment (cf. Jahoda, 1981; Schneider, 1991; Terkel, 1972). How-
ever, the blame should not just lie with our stars. Kenneth
Clark's (1957) study of American psychologists showed that I-O
psychologists were more oriented toward data than toward peo-
ple. We suspect that, as a group, I-O psychologists have not been
aroused much professionally to weep for the common person
(cf. Baritz, 1960). On the other hand, the impetus toward in-
creased applications of psychology, as evidenced by the afore-
mentioned founding of AAAP, was probably motivated in part
by the desire to involve psychology more directly in promoting
human welfare.
World War II to the Mid-1960s
Topics
As with World War I, World War II turned out to be a tremen-
dous catalyst for the development of I-O psychology. Hundreds
of psychologists, representing a variety of specialties, were em-
ployed by the armed forces (Bingham, 1947; Britt & Morgan,
1946); many others were employed by civilian agencies sup-
porting the military. Bingham and Yerkes, so instrumental
along with Scott in the effort during World War I, were called
on to guide similar efforts for World War II (Bingham, 1947;
Yerkes, 1941). Bingham served as chief psychologist of the War
Department from 1940-1947, among other things helping to
plan the development of the Army General Classification Test
(AGCT), and his mediating style and mature experience may
have been responsible for the great impact of psychological
principles and techniques (Bingham, 1947). Those efforts did
pay off, in terms of demonstrably valid selection techniques,
including the AGCT (Harrell, in press), the beginnings of the
assessment center method in the United States (Murray &
MacKinnon, 1946; Office of Strategic Services, 1948), and the
Aircrew Classification Test battery (Flanagan, 1946, 1947-
1949). Appraisal procedures (e.g., forced-choice ratings), train-
ing methods (e.g., job instructional training), team develop-
ment strategies, morale and attitude change methods (Stouffer
et al., 1949), and equipment design (e.g., airplane instrumenta-
tion) were other results of the systematic application of psycho-
logical principles to wartime problems. Moreover, it was dem-
onstrated conclusively that these approaches could be applied
to a wide range of activities and in different kinds of work
811
settings (e.g., Sisson, 1950); the foundations of utility analysis
were proposed at this time as well (Brogden, 1946,1949; Brog-
den & Taylor, 1950). Subsequently, industry and government
expanded the use of these techniques after the war (Viteles,
1946). Women were integrated into the work force in large num-
bers during the war to release men for combat, one side effect
being the demonstration that women could handle "male"
jobs. Finally, in a harbinger of the future, racial integration in
the military was initiated late in the war by an executive order
of President Truman.
Summaries of the wartime work include the 19-volume ac-
count of the Aviation Psychology Program edited by Flanagan
(1947-1949), R. L. Thorndike's (1949) codification of person-
nel selection procedures that emphasized criterion and opera-
tional issues, Stuit's (1947) report of work done for the Bureau
of Naval Personnel by the National Defense Research Commit-
tee and the College Entrance Examination Board, Murray and
associates' account of situational and holistic testing for the
Office of Strategic Services (Office of Strategic Services, 1948),
and the social psychological studies in the army reported by
Stouffer et al. (1949). Accounts of the extensive research and
development (R&D) work conducted by the AGO have ap-
peared in scattered articles (e.g., Harrell, in press; Sisson, 1950).
Although those accounts of military developments generally
were full of optimism, Bingham (1949) provided a sobering
"confession of shortcomings," echoed by Clark (1947) and by
Cronbach and Neff (1949). Those authors suggested that many
opportunities had been lost due to poor planning, duplication
of work, inability to concentrate efforts where they were most
needed, and failures to measure criteria adequately. As was true
after World War I, the fruits of World War II developments were
exported into both the public and private sectors. As we discuss
later, a number of companies established psychological R&D
wings in their personnel departments, university-based centers
were formed for research and training in the field, and many
consulting firms came into existence. To a considerable extent,
the work of I-O psychologists represented extensions of the I
aspects of the field that were the main focus of the military; job
analysis, selection, assessment, performance appraisal, and
training were major foci of attention.
Another substantive set of topics was not just a linear extrapo-
lation from wartime developments. We noted earlier the bud-
ding of industrial social psychology during the 1930s. By 1950,
when Viteles began to revise his landmark 1932 book on indus-
trial psychology, he found that the field had changed so much in
the intervening two decades that he had to write quite a differ-
ent book. The nature of that change is denoted by the resulting
title of the book, Motivation and Morale in Industry (Viteles,
1953). In short, although work in what is conventionally called
industrial and personnel psychology continued, the field that
we now call organizational psychology had become a major
partner. One contrast between the partners is between a focus
on the individual worker and on working in social and organiza-
tional contexts (Flanagan, 1981; Leavitt, 1962).
I-O psychology was now equally concerned with fitting peo-
ple to their work and fitting work to people, at the level of the
organization and work group as well as the job. Representing
that approach was the development of several university-based
programs, including the Research Center for Group Dynamics,
 812 RAYMOND A. KATZELL AND JAMES T. AUSTIN
established under Lewin at Massachusetts Institute of Technol-
ogy and later moved to the University of Michigan as part of
Likert's Institute for Social Research; the leadership research
program at Ohio State University under C. L. Shartle and R. M.
Stogdill; the Cornell University studies of satisfaction in work
and retirement led by Patricia C. Smith; and programs of educa-
tion and research at the Harvard Business School, Yale Univer-
sity, New York University, Carnegie-Mellon University, Michi-
gan State University, and other universities. The human rela-
tions perspective became salient with concerns expressed
regarding adverse effects on employees of traditional organiza-
tional policies and practices (Argyris, 1957; McGregor, 1960).
Intergroup and intragroup relations, job satisfaction, commu-
nication, organizational factors, and other socially focused sub-
jects became increasingly popular. Among these, the topic of
leadership rose to particular prominence; the subject of arm-
chair speculation and trait-based analyses before World War II,
it now became the focus of much theory and research (e.g.,
Guetzkow, 1951). The work of Herzberg and his associates
(Herzberg, 1966; Herzberg, Mausner, & Snyderman, 1959) stim-
ulated attention to designing jobs so that they are positively
motivating, not just devoid of sources of dissatisfaction, and
thereby helped pave the way for the later quality of work life
movement. Two new journals, Human Relations, first pub-
lished in 1948 by the Tavistock Institute of Human Relations
and the Research Center for Group Dynamics, and Administra-
tive Science Quarterly, first published in 1955, gave researchers
additional outlets for their work and reports on these kinds of
topics.
Another movement relating psychology to organizations was
the interest in decision making. Initiated at Carnegie Institute
of Technology by Herbert Simon, James March, and Richard
Cyert, work on this subject was based on the thesis that infor-
mation and decisions lay at the heart of understanding organi-
zations. The foundations were established in 1947 with the pub-
lication of Simon's Administrative Behavior, followed by March
and Simon's (1958) Organizations, and Cyert and March's (1963)
A Behavioral Theory of the Firm. That body of work helped to
bring the perspective of cognitive psychology into the I-O field.
The other major tradition of adapting work to workers, that
of human engineering or applied experimental psychology (er-
gonomics in Europe), began to shift its principal identification
with psychology to that of an interdisciplinary field after World
War II (Chapanis, Garner, & Morgan, 1949; Fitts, 1951). The
hvbrid field involved contributions from biology, systems analy-
^is, engineering, and computer science, as well as psychology
proper. Nevertheless, psychologists working in that field have
maintained their affiliation with the APA, but with a division
separate from Division 14, namely Division 21, Applied Experi-
mental and Engineering Psychology.
Consumer and advertising psychology, which Kuna (1976,
1979) noted had predated I-O psychology (e.g., Scott, 1903;
Strong, 1913), also developed an identity apart from I-O psy-
chology after the war, affiliating with such fields as marketing,
economics, and sociology as well as personality and social psy-
chology (Ferber, 1977; Jacoby, 1976). A summary that illus-
trates aspects of this interface is a National Science Foundation
report entitled Selected Aspects of Consumer Behavior (1977),
which adds perspectives from economics and sociology to those
from psychology. Psychologists active in that field also have
formed their own APA division, the Division of Consumer Psy-
chology (Division 23).
The postwar period witnessed a stirring of interest in labor
relations on the part of I-O psychologists (cf. Gordon & Burt,
1981). However, that interest, at least insofar as it led to publi-
cations, was limited to a few I-O researchers, among them Wil-
lard Kerr (1954; Keenan & Kerr, 1952), Arthur Kornhauser
(1949), Theodore Purcell (1953), Hjalmar Rosen (1954; Rosen
& Rosen, 1955), and Ross Stagner (1956; Institute of Labor and
Industrial Relations, 1953-1954). Topics of attention included
conditions associated with cooperation and conflict between
unions and management and attitudes of workers toward em-
ployers and unions, including the issue of dual allegiance. Nev-
ertheless, as Shostak (1964) concluded after reviewing efforts by
management, I-O psychologists, and labor unions, the domi-
nant relationship between I-O psychologists and unions was
one of mutual indifference.
Roles
Even more than was the case after World War I, the momen-
tum acquired by I-O psychology during World War II carried
over into training and into employment opportunities. The pe-
riod immediately after World War II saw the expansion of spe-
cialized I-O training, including the development of terminal
master's programs (Clark, 1957). Institutions already offering
the doctorate expanded their programs (Ohio State University,
as noted by Wherry, 1968) and new programs came into exis-
tence (e.g., George Washington University in 1948, University of
Maryland in 1961, Michigan State University in 1951). Aca-
demic training continued to emphasize basic and methodologi-
cal topics, although specialized courses in the I-O field became
more feasible as research accumulated, theories were devel-
oped, and the numbers of faculty members and students grew.
There was also a particularly marked increase in psychologists
on the faculties of business schools beginning in the 1960s. This
migration, which included many prominent psychologists, may
have served as a counterforce to excessive professionalism in
those schools that was predicted in evaluative reports commis-
sioned by the Ford Foundation and Carnegie Foundation in the
late 1950s (Gordon & Howell, 1959; Pierson, 1959).
Employment opportunities outside of academia also grew
apace. In the military, there was no abrupt cessation of interest
in applied psychology as had occurred after World War I, al-
though the latter had been followed by a rapid demilitarization.
Each branch of the armed services created centers of research
activity to continue the benefits of the World War II efforts
(Hill, 1955; Melton, 1957). The Army Research Institute (ARI),
the Navy Personnel Research and Development Center
(NPRDC), and the Air Force Human Resources Laboratory
(AFHRL) are the current versions of the earlier centers, while
others have spun off as private agencies (e.g., RAND Corpora-
tion, Human Resources Research Organization). Government,
especially at the federal level, expanded both the number of
psychologists and their responsibilities.
As was the case with The Scott Company and The Psychologi-
cal Corporation, a number of psychological research organiza-
tions (e.g., American Institutes for Research; Flanagan, 1981)
 APA CENTENNIAL: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF I-O PSYCHOLOGY
and consulting firms (e.g., Richardson, Bellows, Henry, & Com-
pany; Dunlap & Associates) were formed. Many of those organi-
zations continue to function today (McKeachie & Brim, 1984).
Research centers devoted at least in part to I-O psychology
sprang up at universities, including at the University of Michi-
gan under Likert, at Ohio State University under C. L. Shartle,
at Western Reserve University under J. L. Otis (1946), and at
Purdue University under Joseph Tiffin and Charles Lawshe.
Psychologists in increasing numbers were employed full-
time by private industry (Canter, 1948; Haire, 1959; Katzell,
1962). During the 1950s, a number of companies established
sizable research groups, including AT&T, General Electric, Pru-
dential Insurance, Metropolitan Life, Sears-Roebuck, and
Standard Oil of New Jersey (Dunnette, 1962).
By Jeanneret's (1991) estimate, there were in 1960 756 psy-
chologists who were members of APAs Division 14, of whom
approximately one-quarter were employed in academic posi-
tions. Of those employed in nonacademic settings, about 75%
were involved in personnel selection and related activities, 16%
in training work, and 38% in activities broadly related to the
organizational domain of the I-O field (Howard, 1982), the
total amounting to more than 100% because some undoubtedly
specialized in more than one field. The post-World War II
growth was obviously enormous.
Forces
When we seek to explain those developments, some answers
seem apparent. Once more a war created needs and opportuni-
ties for psychological applications. This time psychologists did
not have to petition to help—most were drafted by a society
that had learned to appreciate their contributions. The expo-
sure of many people in military and civilian life to I-O psycholo-
gists and their work, coupled with evidence of utility, aroused
interest within industry and government, and the rapidly ex-
panding postwar economy afforded increased opportunities
for applications and research. Many psychologists, neither inter-
ested in nor trained in I-O psychology, learned as a result of
their wartime exposure that the field had much to offer, intrin-
sically as well as extrinsically speaking. The increased emphasis
on personal, social, and organizational factors in I-O psychol-
ogy may be partly explained by the entry into the field of people
who had originally been given an orientation to social or clini-
cal psychology as part of their training—French, Stogdill,
Miner, and Fred Fiedler are examples. It was not until late in
this period that the field became heavily populated by those
who had been trained from the outset as I-O psychologists (cf.
Howard, 1990).
In addition, the external Zeitgeist played an important role.
The general revulsion against fascism and authoritarianism led
to an aroused interest in democracy and autonomy in the work-
place, an interest that was supported by the earlier findings of
the Hawthorne and Lewin research. Heightened awareness of
post-World War II opportunities for the good life (prosperity,
leisure) stimulated increased concern with such noneconomic
outcomes as job satisfaction and self-fulfillment (Katzell,
1958). As the period of the 1950s and 1960s was generally one of
economic prosperity, the increased salience of noneconomic
and personal rewards may be interpreted in the light of Mas-
813
low's (1954) hierarchical theory of motives. In any case, those
trends were reflected in a spate of literature critical of the stulti-
fying nature of most jobs and calling for expanded opportuni-
ties for personal growth and self-expression, represented by
influential books by Argyris (1957) and McGregor (1960).
The modest quickening of I-O psychologists' attention to la-
bor-management relations in the decade following the war also
was more a reactive response to external events than an out-
growth of theory. The strains of wartime dislocations in the
economy and in conditions of employment resulted in wide-
spread strife. Manchester (197 3-1974) reported that starting in
1946 there were "wave after wave of strikes from Montauk
Point to Malibu Beach, paralyzing the oil, lumber, textile, and
electrical industries [and] newspapers began talking about the
workers' 'revolt' and labor's 'rebellion'" (p. 491). Concerned
I-O psychologists got the message and responded to it. How-
ever, the flurry of attention was rather short-lived. It faded as
labor-management conflict faded during the 1960s. Although
progressive labor leaders like Solomon Barkin (1949, 1957)
called attention to numerous other psychological topics perti-
nent to unions, including leadership, communication, and
loyalty, I-O psychology on the whole remained uninterested.
Another influence that began at this time was the shift from
a manufacturing-based economy toward a service-based econ-
omy. It was during the late 1950s that the proportion of workers
providing services increased to more than 50% of the work
force (Bass, 1965). This trend has continued to the present (Bell,
1972) and has several implications for the discipline, for exam-
ple, the use of customer satisfaction as a criterion. However, I-O
psychology as a whole paid little attention to that trend until
later.
Growth occurred in other applied psychological areas as well
and with it a felt need for legal control of those claiming to be
psychological practitioners to protect the public. In the 1950s,
states began enacting licensing or certification legislation that
essentially limited use of the title of psychologist by practi-
tioners to those meeting certain standards of education, experi-
ence, and competence as assessed by tests. APA, in a move to
encourage uniformity of those standards, issued model licens-
ing guidelines in 1955 and revised them in 1967. As most of the
laws did not differentiate among fields of specialization, I-O
practitioners were included in their purview.
I-O psychologists have disagreed on the question of whether
licensure is appropriate for their practitioners (Schmitt, 1991).
Some have argued that users of the services of I-O psycholo-
gists, unlike the general public, are able to assess their qualifica-
tions, and, besides, incompetent services are unlikely to have
serious adverse consequences for individuals (cf. Howard &
Lowman, 1985). Others, though, have taken contrary positions
on those points (e.g., Katzell & Thompson, 1958) and, further-
more, argue that exemption of I-O practitioners from licensure
undesirably distances the field from the rest of psychology
(Vandaveer, 1991). In any event, judging from the fact that 72%
of nonacademic Division 14 members were licensed as late as
1980 and that the percentage has been declining, we estimate
that in the prior decades a large majority of I-O practitioners
became licensed. Although psychologists whose employment
is purely academic are not required to be licensed, the fact that
814 RAYMOND A. KATZELL AND JAMES T. AUSTIN
many academicians in Division 14 have become licensed re-
flects their part-time involvement in practice as well.
Mid-1960s to Mid-1980s
Topics
There was a growing tendency for research and practice to fit
more neatly into either industrial or organizational categories,
but not very much to address their interface (Bass, 1968) until
late in the period. Those changes were symbolized by the re-
naming of Division 14 in 1970 as the Division of Industrial and
Organizational Psychology.
Because the scope of science and practice grew rapidly dur-
ing this period, we have been forced to be somewhat selective in
our choices of topics to cover. The industrial branch topics of
greatest fecundity appear to have been job analysis, behav-
iorally anchored rating scales (BARS), differential validity, and
validity generalization. Job analysis was advanced by the publi-
cation of the Position Analysis Questionnaire (McCormick,
Jeanneret, & Mecham, 1972), which reflected refinements and
empirical work dating from 1959 at Purdue's Occupational Re-
search Center. This worker-oriented and standardized instru-
ment promised to assist in the discovery of generalized families
of jobs, job evaluation, and in the development of tailored se-
lection devices. This instrument has been in use ever since,
despite some criticism concerning cross-job comparisons (Har-
vey, 1991). A second advance consisted of Fine's (1971) func-
tional job analysis method, which was institutionalized by the
U.S. Department of Labor (1965) as a part of the third edition of
the Dictionary of Occupational Titles. Standardized task state-
ments and the classification of work into interactions with data,
people, and things characterized this technique. Job analysis
using Primoff's job elements method (Primoff, 1975) was devel-
oped in the federal civil service.
BARS were an outgrowth of the work of Smith and Kendall
(1963) for the National League for Nursing. Two major contri-
butions of this technique were the involvement of raters in scale
development and the scaling of critical incidents into verbal
anchors that provided a frame of reference for observing and
evaluating performance. Research since that time has failed to
confirm the expected advantages of the BARS format, but the
careful construction procedures do provide legal defensibility,
feedback capabilities, and a common frame of reference. Also
during this period, a major shift was the increased attention to
the cognitive processes involved in rating (Feldman, 1981;
Landy&Farr, 1980).
One of the major thrusts of this period, affecting both re-
search and practice, was concern with ethnic differences in the
validity and fairness of employment tests. The background for
and onset of that line of activity has been described by Byham
and Spitzer (1971). As we will explain further in our section on
Forces, the impetus was provided by the civil rights movement
that started in the 1950s and was codified by later legal actions.
Porter (1966), in his review of the I-O literature, observed that
despite the social and political pressure, I-O psychologists had
been paying little attention to the problem. Although an earlier
isolated study by Gordon (1953) reported that the cutting score
on a qualifying test was applicable to both White and Black Air
Force personnel, they did not begin to get into the act until the
mid-1960s, with studies reported by Lopez (1966), Tenopyr
(1967), and Kirkpatrick, Ewen, Barrett, and Katzell (1968).
This early literature on validity and fairness in testing re-
sulted in a rather mixed picture: Instances were reported in
which the validity and fairness of tests were essentially equal for
different ethnic groups, and other instances were reported in
which disparities were found. The conventional wisdom was
that the validity of employment devices should be investigated
for each ethnic group that was appreciably represented in the
work force of each employing organization. That policy was
soon promulgated in the 1970 guidelines issued by the Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission and the Office of Fed-
eral Contract Compliance (Byham & Spitzer, 1971, Appendixes
A & B). Not much attention was paid to the issue of differential
fairness until later, despite the point made by Kirkpatrick et al.
(1968) that "unfair discrimination between ethnic groups can-
not be inferred from evidence of differences in validity alone
. . . unfair discrimination will occur only if the predicted criterion
scores of one ethnic group are lower than their actual criterion
scores . . ." (p. 7). In subsequent years, concern with ethnic
differences in test-criteria relationships appears to have sub-
sided somewhat. That was due in part to findings of an aggre-
gate analysis reporting that significant differences in validity
coefficients of selection tests for White and Black employees
occurred only with chance frequency (Schmidt, Berner, &
Hunter, 1973), although another aggregate analysis that se-
lected only studies that contained significant coefficients found
the frequency of significant ethnic differences to exceed chance
expectations (Katzell & Dyer, 1977).
In a related development, Schmidt and Hunter (1977) re-
ported a meta-analysis showing considerable generalization of
criterion validity of tests of general cognitive ability across nu-
merous samples of employees. Their work applied a Bayesian
model to accumulated distributions of criterion validity esti-
mates and involved corrections for various artifacts such as
small samples, restrictions in range, and unreliability of tests
and criteria. Several early application studies supported the
usefulness of the technique for such occupational groupings as
petroleum, clerical, and supervisory workers. However, meta-
analysis is not without its critics (cf. Guzzo, Jackson, & Katzell,
1987; James, Demaree, & Mulaik, 1986), and Schmidt and
Hunter's generalizability conclusions were limited to tests of
general intellectual functioning. This last development can be
taken as vindication of Spearman's (1914, 1927) theory of a
general intellectual factor underlying human performance on
most tasks (Gottfredson, 1986). Only recently has the issue of
test fairness across ethnic groups begun to receive more atten-
tion (Hartigan & Wigdor, 1989; Hunter, Schmidt, & Hunter,
1979).
Among the organizational topics of greatest interest during
this period were work motivation (including goal setting, ex-
pectancy theory, and job characteristics) and job attitudes. A
major approach to work motivation involved expectancy
theory. March and Simon (1958) and Katzell (1964) published
versions of their approach, but the formulation that received
the greatest attention from I-O psychologists was the one by
Vroom (1964b) in his book Work and Motivation. That formula-
tion elaborated the expectancy model rooted in the work of
 APA CENTENNIAL: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF I-O PSYCHOLOGY
E. C. Tolman, Kurt Lewin, and Helen Peak. Research during
the next 15 years proceeded to study this theory in depth, but
usually had methodological and measurement-based flaws.
Naylor, Pritchard, and Ilgen (1980) proposed a more general
theory of behavior in organizations that refined expectancy
theory by adding other contingency relationships to those used
in Vroom's model and by changing the conceptual definition of
the contingency to a bivariate subjective distribution. However,
that theory has received relatively little research attention, possi-
bly because of its complexity, several pending measurement
problems, and the theory's deductive scope compared with
middle range ones (e.g., goal setting).
A second motivational approach receiving much attention,
goal setting, was proposed by Locke (1968). He drew on the
Wurzburg school of act psychology (cf. Locke & Latham, 1990),
F. W Taylor's scientific management (Locke, 1982), Lewin et
al.'s (1944) level of aspiration paradigm, and T. A. Ryan's (1970)
experimental treatment of intentions. A plethora of studies in
laboratory and field settings ensued, generally supporting the
effectiveness of setting clear, specific, challenging goals, espe-
cially when coupled with feedback (Locke & Latham, 1990).
However, the theoretical underpinnings of the approach are
not altogether clear (Naylor & Ilgen, 1984), and there are unre-
solved research questions (Austin & Bobko, 1985). Recent work
by Bandura and his associates (Bandura, 1986; Bandura & Cer-
vone, 1983), Lord and his associates (Campion & Lord, 1982;
Lord & Hanges, 1987), and Ajzen (1991) suggests that multiple
theoretical perspectives can be brought to bear on the mass of
research data that has accumulated.
Another topic that stimulated much attention had to do with
the scope or challenge of the job (Herzberg, 1966). Within this
framework, Hackman and Oldham (1975, 1976) set forth a
model that prompted a considerable amount of research as well
as practical application. The resulting picture suggested that
enriching jobs in terms of those and similar characteristics gen-
erally has favorable effects on workers' attitudes but that their
effects on job performance are less consistent (cf. Stone, 1986).
Job satisfaction continued to be a topic of interest. Its rela-
tionships were generally found to be stronger with withdrawal
behavior rather than performance. These findings have been
summarized in recent meta-analyses (laffaldano & Muchinsky,
1985; K. D. Scott & Taylor, 1985). The measurement of job
satisfaction was refined by Smith, Kendall, and Hulin (1969) at
Cornell University and by Weiss, Dawis, England, and Lofquist
(1967) at the University of Minnesota. Other aspects of workers'
attitudes that became the subjects of attention included organi-
zational commitment (Mowday, Steers, & Porter, 1979) and job
involvement (Rabinowitz & Hall, 1977). Although these three
attitudinal constructs can be differentiated operationally, the
finding by Brooke, Russell, and Price (1988) of rather substan-
tial intercorrelations among latent variables suggests the need
for further clarification.
Implicated in the conceptions of job enrichment and job
involvement is intrinsic motivation. Deci (1975) theorized that
intrinsic motivation is sapped by extrinsic rewards, thereby
stimulating a stream of research that has subsided lately as find-
ings support the theory only under special circumstances.
Hulin (1991) has reviewed some of the special circumstances,
815
including laboratory settings and measurement of intrinsic mo-
tivation through task persistence.
The influence of Skinnerian neobehaviorism on I-O psychol-
ogy and on management also took wing during this period.
Skinner had discussed the application of that methodology to
educational, clinical, and industrial domains as early as the
1950s (Skinner, 1953), but industrial utilization was delayed
until the 1960s. Books by Luthans and Kreitner (1975) and by
Frederiksen (1982) detailed the range of industrial applications
of organizational behavior modification (OBM) based on oper-
ant techniques, although the approach generally remained out-
side the mainstream of I-O psychology. However, Katzell and
Thompson (1990b) have recently included its reinforcement
techniques in their catalog of programs that can improve work
motivation, and it forms the foundation of behavior modeling.
The influence of neo-behaviorism was seen subsequently in the
general social-cognitive paradigm (Bandura, 1986) and in spe-
cific I-O adaptations of it (cf. Davis & Luthans, 1980; Fedor &
Ferris, 1981; Manz & Sims, 1981; Weiss, 1978).
Somewhat contradictory to the growing use of neobehavioral
concepts and techniques was an increased use of cognitive
theory in the understanding of such diverse I-O subjects as
performance appraisal (Feldman, 1981; Landy & Farr, 1980),
task design (Thomas & Griffin, 1983), and leadership (Lord &
Maher, 199 Ib), in addition to the expectancy and goal theories
of motivation discussed earlier. As this is an escalating aspect of
the field, we will have more to say about it later.
Escalating the trends that had emerged in post-World War II
years, I-O psychologists showed increasing interest in how
work affects people as human beings, not just as hired hands.
Kornhauser's (1965) study of the mental health of assembly-line
workers at different skill levels, the longitudinal studies of
changes in AT&T managers' characteristics (Bray, Campbell, &
Grant, 1974; Howard & Bray, 1988), the National Institute of
Mental Health studies of the effects of work on cognitive pro-
cesses and personality factors by Kohn and Schooler (1983),
and the increased attention to quality of work life (Hackman &
Suttle, 1977; OToole et al, 1973) all reflect at least in part that
trend.
During this period the focus of attention shifted further from
individual workers, their jobs, and work groups to properties of
organizations in relation to their member's attitudes and behav-
ior. Theory and research now often conceived of organizational
behavior as embedded in open, sociotechnical systems (Emery,
1969; Katz & Kahn, 1966). Textbooks such as the ones by
Porter, Lawler, and Hackman (1975) and Bass (1965) summa-
rized these kinds of concerns, which included communication
in organizations, conflict management, choice processes be-
tween individuals and organizations, organizational socializa-
tion, careers in organizations, and organizational influences on
individual work behavior. Interest also arose in the subject of
organizational climate, having to do with employees' consen-
sual perceptions of an organization's properties (Forehand &
Gilmer, 1964; James & Jones, 1974; Schneider & Bartlett, 1968)
as well as the related subject of organizational culture (Schein,
1984,1985). Accompanying this trend was increased attention
to conceptualizing and analyzing phenomena that cross the
levels of individuals, groups, and organizations (Rousseau,
816 RAYMOND A. KATZELL AND JAMES T. AUSTIN
1985). Here we see budding attention to the interface of indus-
trial and organizational approaches.
Paralleling those substantive interests in organizational psy-
chology, there emerged technologies for facilitating organiza-
tional change and development (OD). Techniques included lab-
oratory training (e.g., sensitivity training and T groups), survey
feedback, diagnostic interviewing and discussion groups, pro-
cess meetings, team development, and integrated technologies
such as the Blake-Mouton Grid (Beer, 1976). A feature of I-O
research methodology was the increased reliance on laboratory
experimentation during this period (Sackett & Larson, 1990).
Overall, there was some shifting in the field not only in sub-
ject matter and methodology, but in approach to the subject.
Dunnette, in his introductory chapter for the 1976 Handbook of
Industrial and Organizational Psychology, entitled "Toward Fu-
sion," compared the scope of that volume with that of its 1950
counterpart, the Handbook of Applied Psychology (Fryer &
Henry, 1950). Dunnette observed that, whereas the 1950 hand-
book was largely devoted to practice with an emphasis on tech-
niques and applications, the 1976 handbook highlighted re-
search and theory and dealt with practice as an outgrowth of
them. Another difference was that the earlier handbook dealt
with the entire scope of applied psychology, including educa-
tional psychology and individual adjustment as well as I-O top-
ics. The increasing specialization of these domains of applied
psychology meant less contact among them.
Roles
Doctoral training programs in the I-O field flourished dur-
ing this period as well, marking the continuation of sustained
growth in the discipline. A number of new programs were inau-
gurated, including ones at Bowling Green State University in
1965, North Carolina State University in 1966, and the Univer-
sity of Akron in 1968. Additionally, there was more attention
given to training at the master's level. Division 14, following a
policy statement issued in 1959, published guidelines for doc-
toral training (APA, 1965), and discussion about the topic led to
several symposia and debates. R. J. Campbell (1970) chaired a
symposium that addressed the training of psychologists for in-
dustry. Naylor (1971) concluded that training was shifting away
from the scientist and toward a scientist-professional model.
His preference was to retain the scientist orientation, although
he was challenged by several commentators. Lawler (1971) pre-
sented a symposium in which training in general was ad-
dressed; several participants presented survey data to formulate
and buttress their contributions. No resolutions were reached,
but training continued to emphasize the general academic
model even as it incorporated special I-O topics. One hazard of
such increasing specialization is neglect of the core of psychol-
ogy (Naylor, 1971). (We note parenthetically that the training of
I-O psychologists stretches back to Geissler, 1918, who in the
second volume of the Journal of Applied Psychology had pub-
lished an article concerning methods of technical training for
consulting psychologists.)
Professional employment opportunities also continued to ex-
pand in nonacademic settings, as did academic opportunities
based on the expansion of training in universities. Judging from
the membership of Division 14, the number of I-O psycholo-
gists grew by more than 2'/2 times between 1960, when there
were 756 members, and 1980, when the number grew to 2,005
(Jeanneret, 1991). According to Howard (1982), 794 additional
APA members who were not members of Division 14 desig-
nated I-O psychology as their major field of interest. However,
the increase in numbers of Division 14 members as a propor-
tion of total APA membership remained fairly constant be-
tween 1960 and 1985 (Jeanneret, 1991). Compared to 1960,
when 24% of Division 14 members held academic positions, the
proportion increased to 33% by 1980 and 36% by 1985 (Jean-
neret, 1991), due largely to increased membership on faculties
of schools of business administration. Of those who were not
academicians in 1980, approximately 62% held full-time posi-
tions in industry, 12% were in the public sector, and 24% were in
free-standing consulting or research organizations; by 1985, the
percentage employed full-time in industry had declined to 42%,
with corresponding growth in employment in consulting and
research organizations (Jeanneret, 1991). The reasons for that
shift are unclear, but it is possible that positions in industry
were increasingly being filled by people who did not identify
with Division 14, given that the need for I-O services seems not
to have diminished (judging from the increase in numbers of
those employed in consulting and applied research organiza-
tions). The percentage of Division 14 psychologists reporting an
interest in personnel and training topics did not change mark-
edly between 1960 and 1980. However, the percentage express-
ing interest in the organizational-type subjects grew substan-
tially; more than two thirds of them now listed topics in that
area as either their first or second specialty (Howard, 1982).
Forces
Several of the I-O developments during the period of 1965 to
1985 were outgrowths of developments in other branches of
scholarship. We have already noted the indebtedness of expec-
tancy theory to the earlier writings of Tolman, Lewin, and
Peak; of goal setting to the Wurzburg school of act psychology,
F. W Taylor, and Lewin; and of behavior management to Skin-
ner. The work in meta-analysis was rooted in Bayesian logic,
and some of the earliest formulations by psychologists were
from people outside the I-O field (e.g., Glass, 1976; Rosenthal,
1978). The growing focus on cognitive processes in the fields of
experimental and social psychology stimulated a similar ap-
proach to the study of performance ratings and other I-O
topics.
However, the attention to issues of ethnic differences in valid-
ity and fairness of assessment methods derived not so much
from scholarly sources as from sociopolitical ones, namely the
civil rights movement and its counterpart in legislation and
jurisprudence. A landmark decision in 1954 by the U.S. Su-
preme Court, Brown v. Topeka Board of Education, struck down
the separate but equal doctrine in education. That was followed
in the 1960s by legislation, executive orders, and agency regula-
tions that prohibited discrimination in employment (Byham &
Spitzer, 1971; Miner & Miner, 1978). In the Myart v. Motorola
case of 1963, the Illinois Fair Employment Practices Commis-
sion ruled that a company was guilty of racial discrimination
because an experienced Black man had been denied employ-
ment on the basis of an intelligence test; though the ruling was
 APA CENTENNIAL: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF I-O PSYCHOLOGY
later overturned on the grounds of weak evidence, the case
focused the attention of the civil rights movement on personnel
testing. Even more crucial was the Civil Rights Act of 1964, of
which Title VII permitted the use in employment of "any profes-
sionally developed ability test, provided that such t e s t . . . is
not. . . used to discriminate because of race, color, religion,
sex, or national origin" (by the Tower Amendment). The ab-
sence of rigorous definition of certain terms, including ability,
test, professionally developed, and discriminate, generated con-
siderable debate and confusion that federal agencies, notably
the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and the Of-
fice of Federal Contract Compliance, attempted to dispel by
issuing guidelines that incorporated the validation standards
defined by the APA (1974). Rulings by courts, especially the
Griggs v. Duke Power Company decision of the U.S. Supreme
Court in 1971, also lent clarification. Curiously, although Title
VII specifically outlawed sex discrimination in employment,
and the problems faced by women were examined soon thereaf-
ter in books by M. E. Katzell and Byham (1972) and by Astin,
Suniewick, and Dweck (1971), the subject did not receive nearly
as much attention until later (e.g., Heilman, 1983). As we shall
see, issues raised during that period concerning discrimination
in employment survive in one form or another down to the
present.
The improvements in Americans' levels of affluence and edu-
cation, which were influential in shaping I-O psychology dur-
ing the post-World War II period, continued to be operative
here as well, helping to account for high levels of interest in
work motivation and attitudes and the quality of work life.
America's involvement in Vietnam and the Watergate scandal
raised further challenges to tradition and authority. Those so-
cial, economic, and political factors led many to seek new and
better ways to find meaning and fulfillment (Yankelovich,
1981) and contributed to the "greening" of America that was
characterized by breaks with tradition and with the established
order and by the apotheosis of individuals and their rights
(Reich, 1970). In concert, these events lent further impetus to
I-O psychologists' concern with workers' attitudes and motiva-
tion and with ways of improving life in the organizations that
employed them, hence the salience of such topics as work moti-
vation, job satisfaction, job involvement, job design, employee
participation, and the organizational context of work.
The stronger orientation toward theory development and
theory-related research, along with greater reliance on labora-
tory investigation, may have reflected the field's growing matu-
ration. As noted by Dunnette (1976), the field was formerly
more inclined to be concerned with devising practical solutions
to immediate problems in field situations. Perhaps having
shown that even their improvisations were useful, more I-O
psychologists now felt that they had the breathing space to try
better to understand the nature of the phenomena in which
they were interested and to use such understanding as a spring-
board to better practice. An additional force may have been a
growing distinction among I-O psychologists between those
whose primary focus was on science and those who were pri-
marily practitioners, with the former exhibiting greater interest
in theory and theory-oriented research. (We have more to say
about this trend later.) Furthermore, because laboratory experi-
ments are typically easier to arrange and quicker to complete
817
than field studies, academic I-O psychologists—especially
those in psychology departments—may increasingly have
turned to them in response to pressures to publish.
Mid-1980s to the Present
A glance at where we are now may provide some insights for
the future as well as perspectives on how the three strands of
topics, roles, and forces have intertwined to create the disci-
pline. Philosophers have pointed out that there is really no such
time as the present. No sooner than one tries to observe it, it
becomes part of the past. Therefore, when in this section we try
briefly to outline the present picture of I-O psychology, we are
describing its recent history, primarily the past 5 or 6 years.
Again, the scope and diversity of the discipline requires that we
offer no more than a sample.
Topics
To a large extent, the recent past has witnessed increases in
the scope and depth of the topics that we have already cited.
The invigoration of topics in the industrial segment of the field
continues apace (cf. Smith & Robertson, 1989). There is continu-
ing interest in validation strategies (Guion, 1991) and validity
generalization (Hunter & Schmidt, 1990); assessment centers
(Gaugler, Rosenthal, Thornton, & Bentson, 1987) and individ-
ual assessment (Ryan & Sackett, 1987); criteria of performance
(Murphy & Cleveland, 1991; Wigdor & Green, 1991); job analy-
sis (Harvey, 1991); training and development (Goldstein & As-
sociates, 1989); and fairness across several domains, including
employment, compensation, and promotion (Gottfredson &
Sharf, 1988; Hartigan & Wigdor, 1989; Reynolds & Brown,
1984). After having survived the skepticism of many psycholo-
gists, the concept and assessment of personality are being reha-
bilitated in I-O psychology (Hogan, 1991). A promising im-
provement in personnel selection technology that uses model-
ing performance for prediction has been proposed by J. P.
Campbell (1990a) and is being applied in a large-scale project
for the U.S. Army (J. P. Campbell, 1990b); this is an example of
the increased attention to how and why selection procedures
work (cf. Schmitt & Robertson, 1990), in lieu of the ad hoc
nature of most of the earlier work.
On the organizational side, a review of the literature pub-
lished between 1987 and 1990 led O'Reilly (1991) to conclude
that considerable attention is still being paid to the familiar
"micro" topics of motivation, attitudes, leadership, and job de-
sign. Most of that can be characterized as methodological or
conceptual refinement of previous work, possibly because the
accumulated research on those topics suggests that they are
pretty well understood and demonstrably useful. That is not to
say that there have not been some newer developments. They
include the addition of mood and general affective states to the
work attitudes being studied (e.g., George & Brief, in press;
Levin & Stokes, 1989), growing examination of the construct of
organizational culture (Schneider, 1990), the extension of oper-
ant behaviorism to the study of supervision and teams (Ko-
maki, Desselles, & Bowman, 1989), growing attention to re-
source adequacy as a factor in work effectiveness (Schoorman &
Schneider, 1988) and in motivation (Katzell & Thompson,
818 RAYMOND A. KATZELL AND JAMES T. AUSTIN
1990a), and the inclusion of enduring dispositions and traits
among the causes of work attitudes (Arvey, Bouchard, Segal, &
Abraham, 1989; Staw & Ross, 1985).
There has been renewed attention to psychologically based
approaches to productivity enhancement (Brief, 1984; Camp-
bell, Campbell, & Associates, 1988; Kopelman, 1986). Katzell
and Guzzo (1983) categorized them as dealing with selection,
training, supervision, goal setting, and management by objec-
tives, performance appraisal, work schedules, compensation,
work design, decision making, and systemwide or OD types of
interventions, which, as we noted earlier, have been found on
the whole to have positive effects on productivity. It is notewor-
thy that these approaches come from both the industrial and
the organizational branches of the discipline.
The I-O field is also getting more involved with topics that
are nontraditional, in the sense that they are not primarily re-
lated to human performance in organizations. Among them are
global problems (Schmitt, 1990), off-the-job lives of workers
(Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985; Zedeck & Mosier, 1990), workers'
health and well-being (Ilgen, 1990; Kahn, 1981), and careers in
organizations (Arthur, Hall, & Lawrence, 1989; Hall & Asso-
ciates, 1986). These expansions of purview suggest that systems
conceptions are gaining a toehold, in that the possibility of
reciprocity between work and nonwork domains is being taken
more seriously. Lewin's conception of life space is as relevant
here as it was during the 1940s. However, this kind of topic still
commands only a small fraction of the attention of I-O scien-
tists and practitioners.
The cognitive movement in I-O psychology deserves atten-
tion because it is sweeping the field—as indeed it is sweeping
through psychology in general (Gardner, 1985). Without re-
viewing the entire paradigm or the related interdisciplinary
cognitive science movement, which has been done in various
forms elsewhere (Estes, 1991; Hunt, 1989; Newell, 1990), we
present highlights. Two fundamental issues concern representa-
tion, or how information is encoded internally, and operation, or
how the stored information is manipulated (Lord & Maher,
199la). Within I-O psychology, the applications of cognitive
psychology have been noticeable in three areas: performance
rating, leadership, and conceptions of ability. In the area of
performance rating, Landy and Farr called for the application
of cognitive processes in 1980, followed by Feldman (1981). The
resultant models have been reviewed by DeNisi and Williams
(1988). In the area of leadership, Lord and his colleagues have
applied various cognitive principles and methods (Lord, 1985;
Lord & Maher, 1991b). A third topic concerns the merging of
psychometric and cognitive conceptions of ability, as repre-
sented in the work of Sternberg and Ackerman (Ackerman &
Humphreys, 1990). Ackerman (1987) combined a distinction
between automatic and controlled processing with several
stages of task performance: initial, training, and final. Al-
though the jury is still out on the usefulness of cognitive ap-
proaches in I-O psychology (cf. Ilgen & Klein, 1989), the influ-
ence is being felt across the spectrum of applied psychology,
from educational (Snow & Lohman, 1989) to clinical psychol-
ogy (Kanfer & Hagerman, 1985).
Judging from the recent multiauthored volumes by Bray and
Associates (1991) and by Murphy and Saal (1990), much con-
temporary practice of I-O psychology can be characterized as
refinement of techniques that have been developed over the
years in such familiar areas as productivity enhancement, indi-
vidual assessment, training and development, and OD. How-
ever, these techniques are often being applied to new problems,
for example, those created by the changing demography of the
work force, new technology, and the shift toward a service econ-
omy and service society. Attention is also being directed toward
such emerging issues as sexual harassment, drug testing, and
strategic planning. The disjunction between science and prac-
tice continues to be of concern. Although many suggestions
emanate, mostly from university-based consultants on how to
develop a better partnership between the two, full-time practi-
tioners seem less optimistic in the face of corporate realities.
In terms of statistical methodologies, there were several con-
tributions that flowered during this period: item response
theory (Drasgow & Hulin, 1990), structural equation modeling
(Bollen, 1989; James & James, 1989), meta-analysis (Hunter &
Schmidt, 1990), event history analysis (Willett & Singer, 1991),
and other methods for the study of change (Collins & Horn,
1991). These techniques have their roots in earlier eras and
different disciplines. In fact, path analysis, a form of structural
equation modeling, can be traced back to work done by Sewall
Wright around 1921. In addition, these methods for analyzing
psychological data represent improvements over classical test
theory, regression analysis with manifest variables, narrative
literature reviews, and static and cross-sectional analyses, re-
spectively. However, they offer potential for misuse (Austin &
Wolfle, 1991; Guzzo et al., 1987). Thus, they must be combined
with insightful conceptualizations and turned to substantive
problems to advance understanding. An example of this is
shown by Hanisch and Hulin (1991), who specified and evalu-
ated a structural model relating general job attitudes to organi-
zational withdrawal within the context of retirement. One re-
cent statistical technique is event history or survival analysis
(Willett & Singer, 1991), which estimates time-dependent be-
havioral processes when people are entering and leaving the
sample across time, thus proving especially useful for studying
organizational adaptation and withdrawal processes (e.g., turn-
over, as suggested by Morita, Lee, & Mowday, 1989, or ab-
senteeism, as suggested by Fichman, 1988). In the area of test
fairness, developments in both technical (Humphreys, 1986;
Roznowski, 1987) and policy (Gottfredson & Sharf, 1988) issues
suggest sensitivity to a broader range of concerns.
The current birthing of the second edition of the I-O hand-
book (Dunnette & Hough, 1990-1993), in four volumes, pro-
vides further evidence bearing on the refocusing identified by
Dunnette (1976). The second edition will eventually consist of
three volumes covering theoretical, substantive, and method-
ological topics and one volume describing I-O psychology as
conceived and practiced in other countries. The sheer length of
the second edition attests to the growth of the field.
American Psychologist recently devoted a special issue to or-
ganizational psychology (Offermann & Gowing, 1990). Its table
of contents (see Table 1). reflected the substantive topics that
are currently central to the organizational side of the field. The
three topics at the bottom of Table 1 were added from the re-
view by O'Reilly (1991), who also noted many of the topics
covered by Offermann and Gowing (1990). Table 2 similarly
lists the main topics in the area of industrial and personnel
 APA CENTENNIAL: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF I-O PSYCHOLOGY
Table 1
Current Topics in Organizational Psychology
1. Organizations of the future: Changes and challenges (including
work force changes, changes in organizational characteristics,
culture, climate, and organizational productivity)
2. Training system issues
3. Organizational culture
4. Work teams and their effectiveness
5. Work motivation theory and practice
6. Developing the competitive organization: Interventions and
strategies
7. Designing systems for resolving disputes in organizations
8. The challenge of new work place technology
9. Power and leadership in organizations
10. Developing managerial talent through simulation
11. Women and minorities in management
12. Entrepreneurship and intrapreneurship
13. Human resource planning
14. Work in the family and employing organization
15. Work site stress management interventions
16. Employee fitness and wellness programs
17. Health issues at work
18. Organizational and group contexts of behavior
19. The person-situation debate
20. The impact of macro-level theory
Note. Topics were drawn from a special issue on organizational psy-
chology published by the American Psychologist (Offermann & Gow-
ing, 1990) and from a review by O'Reilly (1991).
psychology, as featured in recent Annual Review of Psychology
chapters (Schmidt, Ones, & Hunter, 1992; Schmitt & Robert-
son, 1990; Tannenbaum & Yukl, 1992). Together, these two
tables are reasonably complete representations of the subjects
of current interest to I-O psychologists.
Many of the symposia and papers to be presented at the 1992
midyear conference of the Society for Industrial and Organiza-
tional Psychology (SIOP) are indicative of new concerns that
would surprise a psychological Rip Van Winkle who slept since
1972. Some of those concerns include the following: the config-
uration of total systems, union socialization, transitional orga-
nizations for unemployed people, diversity management, total
quality management, computer-mediated communication sys-
tems, multilevel inferences in organizational research, later life
transitions in careers, computer-based multimedia testing, and
proactive organizational newcomers. This list should reassure
anyone who may wonder if I-O psychology has stagnated.
Roles
By 1989, 88 universities were offering doctorates in I-O psy-
chology (46) or organizational behavior (42); 26 psychology de-
partments offered terminal master's degrees (SIOP, 1989). The
SIOP Guidelines for Education and Training (SIOP, 1985) set
forth 21 areas of competence and five methods for acquiring
competence. Perhaps regrettably, only 6 of these competence
areas were not specific to I-O psychology, thereby further delin-
eating the distinction between the I-O psychologist as a general
psychological scientist and as an applied scientist-practitioner.
There are more I-O psychologists today than ever before—
2,500 in SIOP, plus probably several hundred more who are not
members—thus there are some 3,000 in the United States
819
alone. Comparing that with the figure of 79 members of the
Business and Industrial Division of AAAP in 1943 (plus some
nonmembers) yields a 30-fold increase in less than 50 years. Let
us examine these demographics in greater detail. According to
Howard's (1990,1991 a) analyses of the most recent membership
survey, about 36% of SIOP members are employed in academic
settings, whereas 57% reported working primarily in industry,
government, and consulting, and the remainder reported an-
other primary setting (e.g., health care). The academic-practi-
tioner ratio has remained rather constant over the past 25 years.
However, Howard (1991b) and Jeanneret (1991) have called at-
tention to some migration of in-house practitioners to positions
as external consultants in recent years. The latter trend escapes
ready explanation.
I-O psychologists working full-time in industry and consult-
ing spend more of their time doing surveys, assessments, and
problem diagnosis than they spend in applied scientific re-
search. This picture emerges from job analyses recently done
by members of Division 14 (Prien & Macey, 1984; Schmitt &
Fine, 1982). As an observer of the I-O scene for more than 40
years, Raymond A. Katzell has the impression that psycholo-
gists in such positions are doing less research than before, but
hard data on this point are not available. However, that impres-
sion is supported by the fact that practitioners are publishing in
the Journal of Applied Psychology and Personnel Psychology at
only about half the rate that they did 25 years ago. We tabulated
the institutional affiliations of authors in those journals for
1960-1961 and 1984-1985. In 1960-1961, 20% of Journal of
Applied Psychology authors had nonacademic affiliations,
whereas in 1984-1985, the percentage had declined to 10%. The
corresponding figures for Personnel Psychology were 38% in
1960-1961 versus 20% in 1984-1985, again a reduction of
Table 2
Current Topics in Industrial and Personnel Psychology
1. General cognitive ability versus differential aptitudes as predictors
2. Developments in conventional assessment methods (e.g.,
assessment centers, interviews, tests, and biodata)
3. Methods of job analysis
4. Psychometric and statistical procedures (e.g., meta-analysis,
validity generalization, and item response theory)
5. Utility analysis
6. Legal and social issues
7. Cognitive processes in performance rating
8. Recruitment and attraction
9. Criteria of performance
10. Realistic job previews
11. Training needs analysis
12. Cognitive models in design of training
13. Developments in training methods (e.g., high-technology
methods, behavior modeling, and simulations)
14. Effects of trainee characteristics, including aptitudes, motivation,
self-efficacy levels, aptitude X treatment interactions, and
aptitude X motivation interactions
15. Facilitating transfer of training
16. Development experiences and mentoring
17. Team training
18. Evaluation of training
Note. Topics were drawn from articles by Schmidt, Ones, and Hunter
(1992), Schmitt and Robertson (1990), and Tannenbaum and Yukl
(1992).
820 RAYMOND A. KATZELL AND JAMES T. AUSTIN
about one half. Similar trends have been reported by Sackett,
Callahan, DeMeuse, Ford, and Kozlowski (1986), and Cam-
pion et al. (1986) provided descriptive data on the types of
research being performed in nonacademic settings and reasons
for its lack of publication (e.g., lack of time and rewards). In
short, those psychologists employed full-time in industry, gov-
ernment, and consulting seem to be tilting more to the practi-
tioner end of the scientist-practitioner continuum, a trend also
noted by Murphy and Saal (1990). Boehm (1980) and LaPointe
(1990) said that practical exigencies of the organizational world
interfere with rigorous research, thereby suggesting at least part
of the explanation of the relative dearth of publications by prac-
titioners in the leading journals.
"Macro" topics that are engaging the attention of practi-
tioners include strategic planning, management succession, or-
ganization development, and companywide financial incen-
tives. Such topics are more germane to the responsibilities of
top management than are the more traditional concerns that
principally concern human resources departments. Rousseau
(1985) is among those who called attention to the need for the-
ories and methods that incorporate cross-level effects if the
field is to meld successfully those organization-level concerns
with its more familiar foci on individuals and small groups.
The U.S. Army project mentioned earlier is an example of
collaborative research on personnel selection by several organi-
zations (J. P. Campbell, 1990b). As long ago as 1923, Bingham
suggested the desirability of that consortium approach. As we
have seen, it had been used successfully by the Carnegie Insti-
tute of Technology. The advantages include cost sharing among
the participating organizations, larger sample sizes, multiple
settings that permit dealing with issues of generalizability, and
more adequate resources. The use of consortia has been fruitful
in the life insurance industry, as mentioned earlier (Brown,
1981; Ferguson, 1952), and recently has been adopted by the
electric power industry (Dunnette, 1989). This kind of under-
taking has valuable implications for both science and practice.
The relations between I-O psychology as science and as prac-
tice continue to pose a challenge, as witnessed by the fact that at
the 1992 annual conference of SIOP, both its president (Kli-
moski, 1992) and its distinguished scientist awardee (J. P.
Campbell, 1992) devoted their addresses to that subject. Kli-
moski contended that one means for reenergizing the interface
between science and practice is to come to a more eclectic view
of science and practice; "inquiry from inside" is the term that
he used to try to convey an ethnographic knowledge acquisition
and verification process by practitioners. Campbell (1992) ar-
gued that the latent needs of the two parties are actually more
similar than their surface dissimilarities.
Forces
Major changes in emphasis in the past few years have in-
cluded the heightened concerns with productivity and utility.
That is clearly a response to America's rather stagnant produc-
tivity and the consequent threat to our economic well-being
from nations showing increasing productivity, especially Japan
(J. P. Campbell et al., 1988; Perloff& Nelson, 1983; Zeidner,
1987). The interest in utility analysis (Cascio, 1987; Steffy &
Maurer, 1988) is undoubtedly related.
A second force is the increasing diversity that characterizes
U.S. society. Because of changing demographic and immigra-
tion patterns, the cultural topography is shifting so that multi-
ple minority groups are increasing as a proportion of the work
force (Briggs, 1987). This shift is seen in census statistics be-
tween 1970 and 1990 and in such think-tank forecasts as Work-
force 2000 (Johnston & Packer, 1987). Also, because of health
care improvements and increased awareness of physical fitness
and nutrition, the life expectancy for many subgroups is in-
creasing. This latter trend will interact with the revised Age
Discrimination in Employment Act of 1986 to create a situation
that could be perceived as either a threat or an opportunity by
organizations. The Americans With Disabilities Act of 1990 is
another regulatory influence.
Furthermore, the external environment has become increas-
ingly turbulent for the discipline and for organizations, just as it
has for citizens (To filer, 1970). The pace of change is increasing
and shows no signs of lessening (Pion & Lipsey, 1984). There-
fore, the organizations, professions, and individuals that stand
the best chance of surviving are those that are flexible and
adaptive. This development has prompted I-O psychologists to
study several correlates of change, mostly focusing on stress and
coping strategies (Hurrell, Murphy, Sauter, & Cooper, 1988).
Attention to unemployment has been stimulated by the recent
economic recession. A growing attention to nontraditional top-
ics, that is, those not addressing bottom-line performance, may
be due to the influx of younger psychologists whose values and
interests were influenced by the greening of America. O'Reilly
(1991) suggested that the challenges of traditional topics, espe-
cially those at the micro level, have been pretty well met by now,
thus leading some people to seek new ones.
As noted earlier, the disproportionate dearth of scientific
publications by I-O practitioners has been attributed in part to
the practical exigencies of doing research in the organizational
world (Boehm, 1980; LaPointe, 1990). However, because that is
no more true today than it was earlier, it does not fully explain
the declining trend noted above. What may be different now
than was formerly the case is the growing acceptance of I-O
psychology as a profession, both by its practitioners and its
clients (Napoli, 1981). As a discipline becomes professional-
ized, it is characterized by having a body of sanctioned knowl-
edge and practices that are deemed sufficiently well validated
as to no longer require experimental verification (cf. Abbott,
1988; Merton, 1982). The classic case of this is, of course, the
practice of medicine in contrast to medical sciences such as
bacteriology and biochemistry. In psychology, the field of clini-
cal psychology has gone even further along the road of profes-
sionalization than has I-O psychology, even eventuating in
schools of professional psychology and the Doctor of Psychol-
ogy (PsyD) degree. At least one school of professional psychol-
ogy (Rutgers University) now offers the doctorate in the organi-
zational field. The migration of much doctoral training in orga-
nizational behavior from departments of psychology to schools
of business administration or management may also testify to
growing professionalization.
A feature possibly paralleling the last is that many psycholo-
gist-practitioners appear more prone to identify increasingly
with management and correspondingly less with psychology.
This trend, of course, is hard to document, but let us make a
 APA CENTENNIAL: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF I-O PSYCHOLOGY
few observations. Many, perhaps most, psychologists in in-
dustry do not use the title of doctor or even label themselves as
psychologists; many have job titles that include the word man-
ager (e.g., manager of human resources planning). Whereas in
1972, 94% of new doctorates in I-O psychology joined APA
within 3 years, the percentage in 1981 shrank to 66% (Howard
et al., 1986). Those numbers may not adequately represent grad-
uates of organizational behavior programs in schools of busi-
ness, whose percentages would probably be even lower. Perhaps
some of the recurrent talk about SIOP splitting off from APA
may be due to a growing estrangement from the discipline of
psychology, in addition to frustration with APA politics or inef-
ficiency.
Apart from those recent trends in I-O science and practice,
the principal force shaping the present is the history, or more
precisely the prevailing culture of the field, comprising its val-
ues, beliefs, habits, and institutions. The topics I-O psycholo-
gists currently study and practice, the methods they use, and
the roles they occupy, are in the main carryovers from those
described in the preceding two decades. In turn, those topics,
methods, and roles were shaped by the forces described as oper-
ating during those earlier periods.
Some Professional History
We now turn briefly to another facet of the field's history,
namely, certain organizational and demographic features.
First, let us identify the major scientific and professional organi-
zations and the dates of their founding. The American Psycho-
logical Association dates from 1892, the Society for Applied
Psychology and the Economic Psychology Association from
1915, The International Congress of Psychotechnology from
1920, the New "Vbrk State Association of Consulting Psycholo-
gists (now the New York State Psychological Association) and
the Personnel Research Federation from 1921, the Psychomet-
ric Society from 1935, the Society for the Scientific Study of
Social Issues and the Academy of Management from 1936, the
American Association for Applied Psychology (including a Sec-
tion of Industrial and Business Psychology) from 1937, Divi-
sion 14 of APA from 1945 (incorporated as the Society for Indus-
trial and Organizational Psychology in 1983), and the Ameri-
can Psychological Society from 1988.
As mentioned earlier, the field of consumer psychology, once
part of I-O psychology, formed a separate Division of Con-
sumer Psychology within APA in 1960. Many consumer psy-
chologists also identify with nonpsychological organizations,
such as the American Marketing Association and the Ameri-
can Association for Public Opinion Research. Likewise, psy-
chologists interested in the interaction of workers with their
physical and informational work setting (i.e., person-machine
systems) formed a separate division within APA, the Division of
Engineering Psychology, and similarly have affiliated with ex-
trapsychological organizations such as the Human Factors Soci-
ety (Howell, 1991).
As for population growth in the I-O field, we have already
estimated the numbers of I-O psychologists during various his-
torical periods, but Table 3 presents the counts of fellows and
members of the I-O components of AAAP (1943) and APA for
the years 1948-1991. The slight decline in the past few years is
821
Table 3
Membership Figures for the Industrial and Organizational
Components of the American Association for Applied
Psychology (1943) and the American Psychological
Association (1948-1991)
Year Members
1943 79
1948 188
1950 289
1955 514
1960 734
1965 934
1970 1,109
1975 1,370
1980 1,953
1985 2,499
1991 2,481
Note. 1943 number from Louttit (1943); other numbers from Director-
ies and Membership Registers of the American Psychological Associa-
tion.
almost certainly not due to an overall reduction in numbers of
I-O psychologists, in view of the vitality of graduate programs
in the field. It is more likely due to a trend for fewer I-O psychol-
ogists to join APA, coupled with the increased salience of other
societies that may be draining off some members, for example,
the Academy of Management and the American Psychological
Society. Another factor may be the sharp increase in SIOP dues,
which may have caused the disaffiliation of psychologists
whose interest in the I-O field is only peripheral.
Additional Historical Sources on I-O Psychology
Listed here are additional readings on the history of I-O psy-
chology for those who may wish to delve further into the sub-
ject. These readings focus on I-O psychology and are not in-
tended as an exhaustive list. Additional primary sources are the
materials stored in the Archives of the History of American
Psychology at the University of Akron (Benjamin, 1980). There
are also collections of papers and letters by Miinsterberg (Bos-
ton Public Library), Scott (Northwestern University), Bingham
(Carnegie-Mellon University), and Yerkes (Yale University).
Sources in addition to those cited in the following paragraphs
include early issues of the Journal of Applied Psychology, the
Journal of Personnel Research, and the Journal of Consulting
Psychology.
One important historian of the early period was Leonard
Ferguson, although his coverage was somewhat focused. In a
seriesof pamphlets (Ferguson, 1962-1965), he detailed the his-
tory of the field during the first three decades of the century,
concentrating especially on three major themes: the faculty and
students of the Division of Applied Psychology at Carnegie
Institute of Technology, psychological contributions to the mi-
litary during World War I, and the profession of employment
management. A brief summary of his work appeared in a book
chapter (Ferguson, 1961). Ferguson (1952) also traced the his-
tory of the Life Insurance Agency Management Association
(LIAMA) back to the Bureau of Salesmanship Research at Car-
822 RAYMOND A. KATZELL AND JAMES T. AUSTIN
negie Institute of Technology. A later tribute to Walter V
Bingham included an essay by Ferguson (1962) on the early
relations between industrial psychology and labor.
A comprehensive and recent review of the history of I-O
psychology appeared as a chapter in Hilgard's (1987) monu-
mental account of psychology in America. His perspective, that
of an experimental psychologist who has lived through many of
those events and is familiar with many of the people involved
and with historical analysis (cf. Hilgard, Leary, & McGuire,
1991), makes this chapter especially one that I-O psychologists
could read profitably.
Several professional journals have devoted sections or entire
issues to the history of the I-O field at various times. Examples
include special issues in the Annals of the American Academy of
Political and Social Science (Crennan & Kingsbury, 1923), the
Journal of Consulting Psychology (Viteles, 1944), and Profes-
sional Psychology (Meltzer & Shulman, 1982; Meltzer &
Stagner, 1980). A recent issue of the American Psychologist de-
scribed current topics in organizational psychology (Offerman
& Gowing, 1990), and a section of an earlier issue addressed
productivity (Perloif & Nelson, 1983). Since its inception in
1950, the Annual Review of Psychology has featured variously
titled chapters reviewing developments in various areas of I-O
psychology. Although the foregoing journal references were
mainly concerned with describing current status at the time,
they frequently contained historical material as well. Thus, a
comparison of their contents over the years furnishes a time-
lapse picture of the field's history.
Other interesting time-lapse pictures can be developed by
comparing the contents of I-O journals through the years, espe-
cially the Journal of Applied Psychology (from 1917), the Jour-
nal of Personnel Research, now Personnel Journal (from 1922),
and Personnel Psychology (from 1948). Meltzer (1960) and Dar-
ley (1968) used this approach, respectively, to analyze Psycholog-
ical Abstracts and the Journal of Applied Psychology. Instructive
inferences can similarly be drawn by comparing recent with
early textbooks, such as Munsterberg (1913), Link (1919), Burtt
(1926, 1929), Viteles (1932), and Jenkins (1935). In his 1932
book, Viteles devoted considerable attention to the historical
roots of various I-O topics, organizing his review around eco-
nomic, psychological, and social foundations. His is one of the
very few American books that covered the foreign literature in
any depth. The book by Jenkins also contained considerable
historical content. Current texts, by comparison, are usually
more contemporary in their treatment.
Autobiographical and biographical treatments of prominent
I-O psychologists constitute another historical source. Autobio-
graphical book chapters have been written by the pioneering
British industrial psychologist, Charles S. Myers (1936), by W. V
Bingham (1952), by Morris S. Viteles (1967,1974), by Edwin E.
Ghiselli (1978), and by Patricia Cain Smith (1988). Biographi-
cal sources include treatments of Bingham (Kraus, 1986), Scott
(Jacobson, 1951), Munsterberg (Hale, 1980), and E. L. Thorn-
dike (Clifford, 1984). Stagner (1981) summarized and analyzed
the autobiographies submitted by a number of former presi-
dents of APAs Division 14, updated by Thayer(1992). Biographi-
cal sketches of noted I-O psychologists are also published from
time to time in the American Psychologist obituaries and in
reports about APA award recipients.
The aforementioned autobiographical chapter by Patricia
Cain Smith is unique in its illustration of some of the special
features of being a female I-O psychologist. We should note,
however, that there were women among even the earliest I-O
psychologists, including Marion Bills, Beatrice Dvorak, Kate
Gordon, Kate Lewis, Millicent Pond, and Sadie Myers Shellow.
Lillian Gilbreth also had a doctorate in psychology, although
she was later identified more with the field of industrial engi-
neering and management. Furumoto (1987) provided one expla-
nation about the role of women in applied psychology during
the early professionalization of the field.
Conclusion
What are some of the things we can learn from the nearly 100
years of our history? Such lessons may help us to shape our
future rather than be shaped by it (Watson, 1966). Below we
present several conclusions and discuss some of the issues ema-
nating from our review.
1. I-O psychology has become a viable scientific discipline
that has added much to society's knowledge about work behav-
ior (cf. Hilgard, 1987, p. 728). The four-volume second edition
of the Handbook of Industrial and Organizational Psychology
(Dunnette & Hough, 1990-1993) gives ample quantitative and
qualitative evidence supporting these assertions, in addition to
that reported earlier. Moreover, the field has contributed to the
more general body of psychological knowledge. Subjects such
as psychometrics, assessment methods, aptitudes, interests,
motivation, fatigue, stress, group dynamics, leadership, ethnic
and gender comparisons, and decision making are but a few
examples.
2. From the scant attention that I-O topics receive in general
psychology textbooks and the peripheral place that courses in
the subject have in the typical psychology curriculum, it ap-
pears that the scientific contributions of the field are underap-
preciated or perhaps ill-understood by many of our psychologi-
cal colleagues. This phenomenon may not be a new one, how-
ever, as illustrated by an anecdote recounted by Bruce V
Moore. He described how an eminent psychologist at the APA
convention following the armistice told him, "Well, now that
the war is over, psychologists ought to be getting back to the
real science of psychology" (Moore, 1962, p. 3).
3. I-O psychology has become an important contributor to
the practice of management. Evidence underlying this conclu-
sion includes the employment of I-O psychologists in private
(361) and public (128) organizations, as full-time consultants
(502), plus numerous academicians who serve as part-time con-
sultants (Howard, 1990), as well as the membership of psycholo-
gists on faculties of management and their role in the education
of present and future managers, citation of psychological publi-
cations in books on management, and so forth. The impact of
I-O psychology is reflected in the widespread use of more so-
phisticated techniques and practices for human resource and
general management, for example, tests, goal setting, perfor-
mance appraisal, attitude surveys, OD programs, performance-
based compensation plans, instructional methods, employee
involvement, democratic supervision, sociotechnical systems,
and so forth. The effectiveness of such applications is indicated
by the previously cited finding reported by Katzell and Guzzo
 APA CENTENNIAL: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF I-O PSYCHOLOGY
(1983) that 87% of 207 field experiments involving I-O inter-
ventions produced positive results on at least one objective
measure of productivity. A subsequent meta-analysis of 98 of
those experiments by Guzzo, Jette, and Katzell (1985) found
the overall effect size to be what is traditionally regarded as
"medium," which, the authors point out, is not often attained in
field studies. Even when one considers the bias against report-
ing negative results, those data are impressive.
4. In contrast to the underappreciation of our scientific con-
tributions, the perceived value of I-O psychology's contribu-
tions to management seems to be growing (Jones, StefFy, & Bray,
1990), perhaps to a degree that even exceeds the field's actual
accomplishments. As a result, I-O professionals may at times be
pressed for premature advice or application (Finder, 1977) and
their requests for further research met with impatience (Levy-
Leboyer, 1988). To quote Viteles (1974), "Perhaps the time has
come for the psychologist to substitute wisdom for the appear-
ance of wisdom—at least, for distinguishing what we know
from what we do. . ." (p. 493).
5. I-O psychology has been contributing to the general well-
being of American society. It has done so by helping to select
people for work for which they are suited, training and develop-
ing them to be more effective in their work and careers, reduc-
ing bias in the employment of the disadvantaged, improving
safety and comfort at work, and enhancing the quality of work
life. Furthermore, as noted by the economists Baumol, Black-
man, and Wolff (1989), in terms of human welfare, nothing
matters as much in the long run as improving productivity.
6. The substance of I-O psychology has undergone much
development over its lifetime. As we reviewed the temporal
periods, we recounted the emergence of numerous topics and
techniques. Dunnette (1966) observed that some of the develop-
ments turned out to be just passing fads (e.g., forced-choice
ratings and the Theory X-Theory Y dichotomy). Still others
seem to have a cyclical life, rising and falling at various times;
job analysis and labor relations are examples. Even seemingly
significant theories (Miner, 1984) often depart the center stage
after a few years. The fads appear to fade because they turn out
to have transient or limited value. The cyclical topics seem to be
correlated with cycles of social or political concern (e.g., labor
relations with labor-management conflict, job analysis with
fair employment issues). Fortunately, many developments have
stood the test of time and are still with us, although usually in
revised and improved form. Mental testing and leadership
theory are but two examples. We think that the following meta-
trends are among those that can be discerned when early devel-
opments are compared with later ones:
(a) More of the later ones are concerned with social (e.g.,
group dynamics) and organizational (e.g., climate) variables and
constructs than the earlier ones, which were more focused on
individual (e.g., aptitudes) or job (e.g., rest pauses) variables and
constructs;
(b) somewhat paradoxically, both cognitive and neobeha-
vioral concepts and techniques have become more fashionable;
(c) motivational and affective variables and constructs (e.g.,
job involvement) loom larger in later work, although ability, of
course, continues its place as a central concern;
(d) more recently there has been a growing recognition of
complexity and overdetermination of worker attitudes and be-
823
havior, so that theories and empirical investigations are more
prone to be multivariate, often involving contingencies and
moderators as well as reciprocal relationships (e.g., leadership
and goal theories);
(e) of late, there has been more sensitivity to cross-level and
aggregate effects (e.g., groups as more than collectivities of indi-
viduals and behavior as a function of organizational contexts);
(f) there is more effort of late addressed to identifying com-
plexes of variables (e.g., taxonomies of abilities and jobs),
integrating diverse conceptions (e.g., combining motivation the-
ories), and combining variables from hitherto separate do-
mains (e.g., ability-motivation interactions, cognitive-psycho-
metric conceptions of ability);
(g) data-analytic methods have evolved from zero-order
correlation and critical ratio techniques through partial regres-
sion and analysis of variance to factor analysis, structural equa-
tion modeling, meta-analysis, and event history analysis;
(h) topics have emerged that are closer to the operations of
higher management (e.g., decision making and strategic plan-
ning) than the more traditional concerns of lower management
(e.g., supervision) or human resources management (e.g., selec-
tion); paralleling this trend is more attention to bottom-line
dependent variables such as productivity and utility;
(i) more attention is being given to outcomes that do not
relate directly to the bottom line, such as career development,
stress, work-family relationships, and so forth; and
(j) the armamentarium of professional practices is no longer
limited to serving as expert technician and advisor, but now
extends also to acting as action researcher and change agent.
7. This catalog of accomplishments is not to say that all is
well. Dunnette (1984), adding his own observations to those of
colleagues, cited some 11 achievements that gave him reasons
for optimism about the I-O field, most of which are generally
consistent with the trends that we just described. But he also
reported a number of negative comments, most of which, in
agreement, we summarize and paraphrase here:
(a) There still is wide use of techniques and conceptions of
unknown or uncertain validity;
(b) too many I-O psychologists are technicians rather than
scientists or scientist-practitioners;
(c) we collectively devote proportionately too much attention
to trivial issues;
(d) we are often prone to use solutions that we have available
rather than addressing the real needs of the situation, that is,
our work is inclined to be technique-driven rather than prob-
lem-driven;
(e) I-O psychology is still oriented overwhelmingly to the
needs of management, and, despite occasional exceptions,
shows proportionately little concern for the outcomes of work
(or nonwork) on workers, their families, and their communities,
nor is it very much interested in their unions;
(f) the state of the science of I-O psychology is better than is
its practice; and
(g) these problems are, to some extent, due to the training
received by I-O psychologists.
8. After the early years (cf. Fryer, 1923; Kornhauser, 1929a;
Viteles, 1932), few American I-O psychologists have paid much
attention to what has been going on in other countries. The
main exceptions to this lack of attention appear to have been in
824 RAYMOND A. KATZELL AND JAMES T. AUSTIN
the quality of work life and industrial democracy movements.
More attention is warranted to non-American works such as the
Handbook of Work and Organizational Psychology (Drenth,
Thierry, Willems, & de Wolff, 1984) and the International Re-
view of Industrial and Organizational Psychology (edited by
Cooper and Robertson since 1986). The contents of these publi-
cations identify some differences and similarities between
American and European I-O psychology. The forthcoming
final volume of the Dunnette and Hough (1990-1993) Hand-
book oj'Industrial and Organizational Psychologyshould help to
remedy that problem by illustrating the diversity of I-O re-
search and applications in other countries.
9. The field's history reveals a proclivity for science and
practice in I-O psychology to be shaped more by external forces
than by theories, foresight, or imagination. In short, I-O psy-
chologists tend to be more reactive than proactive, but whether
more so than most applied fields is moot. The neglect of prob-
lems in ethnic and gender employment, until pressed by law
and society, is a case in point. That is not to say that there have
been no internally generated innovations. Among the numer-
ous laudable examples are the subject of leadership in the area
of theory and research and assessment centers in the realm of
practice. Graduate education might help stimulate more such
developments if it were to challenge students to anticipate
emerging needs, to conjecture with anomalies or puzzles that
are not explained by existing theories (Kuhn, 1970), to envision
applications of cutting-edge developments in theory, or to de-
vise new or better methods for studying important phenomena.
Scientific and professional groups could contribute by identify-
ing emerging issues, as illustrated by the Human Capital Initia-
tive recently launched by the National Behavioral Science Re-
search Agenda Committee (1992).
10. Our impression that there has been a pronounced in-
crease over the past 25 years in the use of laboratory experi-
ments is supported by Sackett and Larson (1990). Those au-
thors surveyed 577 empirical studies published in 1977,1982,
and 1987 and found that about half were conducted in labora-
tory settings, typically with college students as participants.
Although there is evidence of generalizability from the labora-
tory to the field (cf. Locke, 1986), we share the concern of Sack-
ett and Larson that it is often difficult to establish one or more
critical boundary conditions in the laboratory. Moreover, cer-
tain significant boundary conditions may not even be recog-
nized until later; the importance of the demand characteristics
of the experiment (Orne, 1962) is a classic example. To ques-
tions of the external validity of laboratory findings should be
added the question of their face validity, a factor that may im-
pede the adoption of I-O research by management and may
account for the aforementioned gap between what we know and
what we practice. This argument is not to be taken as a polemic
against laboratory research, in which we too have engaged.
Rather, it is an argument for planned exchange between the
laboratory and field to which we have alluded above. Interven-
tions based on laboratory research might well be introduced in
the field as small-scale pilot experiments; alternatively, or addi-
tionally, evidence of their applicability could be sought by a
correlational approach. Conversely, where there are reasons to
question the generality of findings from field research (Dip-
boye & Flanagan, 1979), the hypothesized boundary condi-
tions should be brought back to the laboratory for further con-
trolled experimentation, thereby fine-tuning our understand-
ing of the subject for both theory and practice. Additionally,
new or interesting phenomena observed in the field can serve
as agenda for intensive study in the lab.
11. Related to the aforementioned is our impression that I-O
psychology does too little quasi experimentation. Sackett and
Larson (1990) characterized only 4% of 577 studies under this
strategy. Interestingly, most of those quasi experiments were
longitudinal. One of the reasons that we deplore the disuse of
quasi experimentation is precisely the absence of the longer
term dimension from the bulk of I-O research. There is evi-
dence that relationships between variables can change over
time (cf. Hulin, Henry, & Noon, 1990), but I-O science has little
to say about that topic. Actually, we suspect that there may be a
lot more quasi experimentation conducted by I-O practitioners
and consultants, but it goes unpublished. Many planned or un-
planned changes could be developed into respectable quasi ex-
periments, which could add to our science as well as our prac-
tice. Katzell (1959), for instance, suggested that I-O psycholo-
gists, as action researchers, might borrow a leaf from the page
of operations researchers (Churchman, Ackoff, & Arnoff, 1957)
by determining whether results of treatments in field settings
accord with predictions based on previous scientific research
and theory, assuming unfeasibility or even inadvisability (Ar-
gyris, 1968) of control groups and some of the other require-
ments of rigorous experimental design. The interrupted time-
series quasi-experimental design used by Lawler and Hackman
(1969) to evaluate the effects of employee participation in the
development of an incentive plan is a prototype that would be
appropriate for many such applications; other possibilities are
described by Cook, Campbell, and Peracchio (1990). That we
do not see more quasi experiments may be due in part to defi-
ciencies in training. But we suspect that, more important, quasi
experimentation has not been fully accepted into the norms of
I-O science, thereby discouraging I-O psychologists from tak-
ing it seriously. Similarly, McCall and Bobko (1990) suggested
that greater open-mindedness about methods of inquiry would
better serve the ends of discovery than does slavish devotion to
rigorous scientific methodology, and Van Maanen, Dabbs, and
Faulkner (1982) have espoused greater use of qualitative re-
search methods. The conventional methods remain the strate-
gies of choice under the right circumstances, but that may not
always be the case in field situations or for certain problems.
Our journal editors and our academies should take a fresh look
at these issues.
12. As mentioned earlier, one of the criticisms reported by
Dunnette (1984) is that our science is better than our practice.
However, in certain areas, such as OD, our useful practices may
exceed scientific understanding (cf. Porras & Robertson, in
press). Moreover, the survey of I-O research topics by Camp-
bell, Daft, and Hulin (1982) indicated that significant research
was often an outgrowth of involvement with organizational
problems and that the substantive theory or knowledge used in
generating milestone research generally did not originate
within I-O psychology. Significant research often had intuitive
or ad hoc inspiration, that is, it did not follow the hypothetico-
deductive model traditionally espoused in the scientific
method. In combination, the foregoing imply some sort of dis-
 APA CENTENNIAL: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF I-O PSYCHOLOGY
junction between I-O psychological science and practice. One
clue to this situation is the indication that the problems ad-
dressed by I-O research have less of an applied flavor than
desired by practitioners (J. P. Campbell et al., 1982). Another
factor, as we suggested earlier, may be the real or perceived
limits to generalizability from laboratory research to field ap-
plication. We also have the impression that, for whatever rea-
sons, many practitioners do not assiduously mine the theoreti-
cal and research literature for potentially useful ideas.
13. We have noted enduring differences in the interests and
roles of I-O scientists and practitioners. The disparity in their
research agendas poses a further threat to the conventional
image of the I-O psychologist as scientist-practitioner. How-
ever, that disparity may be misguided, for, as J. P. Campbell
(1992) has suggested, they share the same underlying interests
in the subject matter of I-O psychology. In addition to the scien-
tist versus practitioner bipolarity, we discern certain other di-
mensions along which the field of I-O psychology has become
differentiated. One has to do with cognitive style, which paral-
lels the nomothetic versus idiographic approaches to knowl-
edge; in the I-O field, the latter is more characteristic of those
who deal with such topics as individual assessment and OD,
whereas the former is illustrated by those working on goal set-
ting and test development. Another bipolarity is between those
who are concerned with the industrial aspect of I-O psychology
and those dealing with organizational issues. Of course none of
those dichotomies is absolute; there are individuals who take
both nomothetic and idiographic approaches, many who work
in both the industrial and organizational domains, and some
who function as both scientists and practitioners. But we be-
lieve that most I-O psychologists and their work fall preponder-
antly on one side or the other of these dimensions, as exempli-
fied by the following signs:
(a) the hyphen between the I and O, plus the differentiation
of subspecialties within each;
(b) the growing identification of organizational psycholo-
gists and those in schools of business with the Academy of
Management, with corresponding weakening of ties with APA;
(c) the felt need of SIOP to have two Frontiers series, one
dealing with scientific and the other with professional matters;
(d) the diminution of publishing in standard I-O journals on
the part of practitioners, resulting in proportionately greater
prominence of publication by academicians;
(e) the growing trend for publications to be based on labora-
tory rather than field research;
(f) increasing uneasiness with dependence on the standard
nomothetic, paradigmatic scientific methodology as the route
to I-O knowledge, coupled with calls for alternative approaches;
(g) the expansion of doctoral training in schools of manage-
ment and of professional psychology, more or less separate
from departments of psychology; and
(h) the complaints of psychological practitioners about the
irrelevance of much scientific research and methodology, while
there are also the reverse complaints that practitioners do not
make as much use as they should of I-O science.
Although some of those observations are symptomatic of the
scientist-practitioner schism, we think that they also may re-
flect one or both of the other dimensions of cleavage. In any
825
case, there clearly exist forces for fragmentation of the field of
I-O psychology.
14. There is evidence of progress in reducing the distance
between nomothetic and idiographic poles. Several partici-
pants in the conference that led to the book Doing Research
that is Useful for Theory and Practice (Lawler et al., 1985) offered
examples of case studies in which practical application was
guided by scientific knowledge largely derived from nomo-
thetic strategies. Conversely, the observed consequences of such
applications can, in principle, serve the purposes of replication
and generalization involved in the development of nomologies,
although those potential contributions have not as yet been
clearly demonstrated. Also, Lamiell and associates (Lamiell,
1981; Lamiell, Foss, Larsen, & Hempel, 1983) have described a
mixed, or "idiothetic," strategy that further suggests ways of
relating the methodologies; Roberson (1989,1990) used a simi-
lar approach in studying personal work goals.
15. There is also evidence that the industrial and the organi-
zational branches of the field are more often being combined
when relevant to the problem. Examples include the potential
merging of job analysis and job design in examining the task
environment of the worker (Ilgen & Hollenbeck, 1991), the con-
sideration of turnover in the organizational context (Krack-
hardt & Porter, 1986), and the growing use of cross-level analy-
sis previously noted.
16. Evidence of the merging of the scientist and practitioner
wings of I-O psychology is not as persuasive. Indeed, some of
the trends we have described suggest that the poles may be
moving further apart. Dunnette (1990) recently discussed those
issues bearing on the relationship between I-O science and
practice, reported his discomfort with the continuing schism
between them, but remained optimistic about their ultimate
fusion. He further suggested constructive measures that should
be taken to bring that fusion about, including creating ap-
praisal and reward systems that foster it, creating better commu-
nication between scientists and practitioners, doing research
that is relevant to both the academic and nonacademic worlds,
and increasing collaboration between those who are tradition-
ally scientists and those who are primarily practitioners. How-
ever, Hackman (1985) identified several forces that contribute
to the bipolarity, including corporate practices that reward their
I-O psychologists more for behaving like practitioners than as
scientists, differences in the conceptual and research para-
digms of scientists and practitioners, and the insufficiency of
laboratory and field experiments to serve as guides for practice.
Moreover, at least some of the factors underlying them seem
intransigent. For example, Hackman (1985) pointed out that
the reward systems of most corporations reinforce I-O psycholo-
gists for behaving as professionals and practitioners rather than
as scientists. Given corporate realities, those reward systems are
likely to endure. He noted that those forces are strong and en-
during and would require new methodological approaches if
they are to be overcome.
It may be that the resolution will lie not in the integration of
science and practice as much as in symbiosis, that is, acceptance
of the prospect that the roles of scientists and practitioners may
in fact become increasingly different from, although not inde-
pendent of, each other. To be sure, some I-O psychologists are
and will be capable of and comfortable with alternating be-
826 RAYMOND A. KATZELL AND JAMES T. AUSTIN
tween or combining those roles. That is often true of academic
I-O psychologists who also have a part-time practice. The
emerging profession of organizational behavior may produce
people who can serve as bridges by carrying reciprocal feed-
back between the worlds of discovery and application. A fur-
ther bridging mechanism was suggested by Seashore (1985)
when he observed that much of the scientific work done by him
and his colleagues had its impact on practice through its ab-
sorption into the common culture. The recent spates of scien-
tific work on fair employment and on productivity illustrate the
reverse flow. Communication and education are manifestly es-
sential vehicles for such mutual influences to occur. If the gap
between science and practice cannot be eliminated, it can at
least be bridged by pursuing some of the measures suggested.
The need for intercourse between the two domains of I-O psy-
chology was aptly stated by Morris Viteles, now 93 years old, in
a recent conversation with one of us: "If it isn't scientific, it's not
good practice, and if it isn't practical, it's not good science."
17. In principle, the poles of all three of those aforemen-
tioned dichotomies are complementary rather than antagonis-
tic. The centrifugal forces that operate to keep them apart there-
fore will need to be outweighed by centripetal forces (Spence,
1987) if I-O psychology is to continue on the upward trajectory
as science and practice that its history has so far manifested.
Attention to the suggestions and examples that we have noted
would, we hope, help effect that outcome.
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Received July 8,1991
Revision received May 1,1992
Accepted May 5,1992 •