Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56

DOI 10.1007/s10584-014-1288-8

Local and indigenous knowledge on climate-related

hazards of coastal and small island communities
in Southeast Asia

Lisa Hiwasaki & Emmanuel Luna & Syamsidik &

José Adriano Marçal

Received: 4 April 2014 / Accepted: 31 October 2014 / Published online: 23 November 2014
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014

Abstract Coastal and small island communities in Southeast Asia face daily threats from the
impacts of climate change and climate-related hazards. This paper describes and analyses local
and indigenous knowledge and practices related to climate-related hazards identified and
documented in Indonesia, the Philippines and Timor-Leste. These include observations of
changes in the environment and celestial bodies to predict climate-related hazards.
Communities use local materials and methods to prevent and/or mitigate such hazards, and
adapt to and prepare for them. Rituals and ceremonies are based on traditional or religious
beliefs. Together with customary laws that govern behaviour, these rituals engender and
reinforce respect for the environment, strengthen social cohesion, and thus help communities
to better face and respond to the impacts of climate change and climate-related hazards. After
going through a process of documentation, analysis and validation, local and indigenous
knowledge can be grouped and categorised, which helps us better understand how such
knowledge can be integrated with science. This will then enable communities to develop
strategies to cope with climate-related hazards and adapt to climate change. Scientists,
practitioners and policy-makers can also harness this knowledge for further research, educa-
tion, and policy. It is important to promote the transmission of local and indigenous knowledge
to increase community resilience.

L. Hiwasaki (*)
Programme Specialist for Small Islands and Indigenous Knowledge, UNESCO Office Jakarta, UNESCO
House, Jl Galuh (II) no.5, Kebayoran Baru, Jakarta, Indonesia
e-mail: lisa.hiwasaki@alumni.carleton.edu

E. Luna
College of Social Work and Community Development, University of the Philippines-Diliman, CSWCD
Bldg. R. Magsaysay Avenue, University of the Philippines Campus, Diliman, 1101 Quezon City, Philippines

Syamsidik
Tsunami and Disaster Mitigation Research Center (TDMRC), and Civil Engineering Department, Syiah
Kuala University, Jl. Syeh Abd. Rauf. No. 7, Banda Aceh 23111, Indonesia

J. A. Marçal
National Center for Scientific Research (CNIC), National University of Timor-Leste, Dili, Timor-Leste
36 Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56

1 Introduction

People living in coastal areas and small islands are exposed to the impacts of climate change
and climate-related hazards such as sea-level rise, coastal erosion, warmer ocean temperatures,
more intense storms and cyclones, larger storm surges, coastal ecosystem biodiversity loss,
coastal flooding, and changes in precipitation and run-off (Nicholls et al. 2007). According to
the IPCC, coastal areas in Asia face “an increasing range of stresses and shocks”, which are
exacerbated by climate change. The frequency and intensity of tropical cyclones, heavier
rainfall events, and droughts have increased in many parts of Asia, with increased damage
being reported in recent years (Cruz et al. 2007:485).
Local and indigenous communities living in small islands and coastal areas often find their
resource-based livelihoods directly threatened by climate change and related hazards. Their
exposure to hazards and climate change impacts are further compounded by environmental
degradation (e.g., deforestation, desertification, biodiversity loss, pollution and soil erosion)
and social factors (e.g., poverty and inequality). Their vulnerability is also affected by political
and economic conditions, and the structure and organization of the society in which they live
(Oliver-Smith 2009).
Local and indigenous communities are, however, not simply passive victims of climate
change impacts; their interactions with the environment allow them to observe changes in the
climate and the sea, which help them develop strategies to cope with change, help us better
understand climate change and its impacts, and provide foundations for new adaptation
measures (Nakashima et al. 2012). In recent years, the important role that their knowledge
can play in climate change assessments and adaptation strategies has been increasingly
recognized. The IPCC acknowledged indigenous knowledge as “an invaluable basis for
developing adaptation and natural resource management strategies in response to environmen-
tal and other forms of change” (Anisimov et al. 2007: 673–674).
An increasing number of research and projects have focused on traditional ecological
knowledge and its relevance to our understanding of climate change and developing
adaptation strategies. While most of this research focuses on the Arctic (Alexander et al.
2011; Cochran et al. 2013; Cruickshank 2005; Huntington et al. 2004; Ignatowski and
Rosales 2013; Weatherhead et al. 2010) and the Pacific (Bridges and McClatchey 2009;
Kelman et al. 2009; Lefale 2010), other regions are represented in Galloway McLean
(2010), Green and Raygorodetsky (2010), Nakashima et al. (2012) and Salick and Ross
(2009). Some of these studies demonstrate that local and indigenous knowledge can be
corroborated by science (Adger et al. 2011; Alexander et al. 2011; Ignatowski and
Rosales 2013), while others point out the limitations of such an exercise (Huntington
et al. 2004; Weatherhead et al. 2010).
Compared to the vast literature on local and indigenous knowledge on climate change and
adaptation, research on those related to climate-related hazards is limited. All the papers in
Green and Raygorodetsky (2010) deal to some extent with indigenous and local peoples’
observations of the climate that enables them to predict hazards, and Weatherhead et al. (2010)
note how the changing climate is compromising the Inuit elders’ ability to forecast the weather.
In the larger field of disaster risk reduction, evidence that local knowledge and practices can
improve disaster preparedness has grown since the 1970s (Chan and Parker 1996; Cronin et al.
2004; Dekens 2007; Rasid and Paul 1987; Walshe and Nunn 2012; Wisner 1993), including
research on indigenous perceptions of disasters and coping mechanisms (Bankoff 2004; Dove
2008). In the aftermath of the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami, knowledge that
helped indigenous communities survive the disaster was widely publicized (Rungmanee and
Cruz 2005; Shaw et al. 2008).
Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56 37

It is clear from above that the knowledge, observations, and practices of local and
indigenous people related to the climate are well documented. The growing number of
research and activities that integrate or compare science with local and indigenous knowledge
attests to the recognition that climate change-related challenges cannot be solved by science or
local knowledge alone. Despite this, such knowledge is still “undervalued in the standard
political and welfare economic calculus of climate change policy and science” (Adger et al.
2011:2) and scientific processes such as the IPCC have yet to include observations and
assessments by local and indigenous people. Although indigenous peoples themselves have
made tremendous efforts to actively engage scientists and policy-makers (IPGSCC 2009;
Tebtebba Foundation 2009), they are marginalized in policy and public discourses on climate
change, and do not play a central role in national and international assessments of climate
change (Cochran et al. 2013; Salick and Ross 2009). It is thus necessary to promote the use of
local and indigenous knowledge along with scientific knowledge, because the two types of
knowledge combined can help us better understand climate change and its impacts and lead to
the development of successful local strategies to reduce community vulnerability (Ignatowski
and Rosales 2013; Kelman et al. 2009; Lefale 2010; Nakashima et al. 2012). Local and
indigenous knowledge can complement and strengthen existing climate change research,
which is still rife with uncertainties.
This paper describes research findings on local and indigenous knowledge related to hydro-
meteorological hazards and climate change in Indonesia, the Philippines and Timor-Leste,
from a project implemented by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO) Office in Jakarta between 2011 and 2014.1 The term “local and
indigenous knowledge” is defined in this paper as “understandings, skills and philosophies
developed by societies with long histories of interaction with their natural surroundings. For
rural and indigenous peoples, such knowledge informs decision-making about fundamental
aspects of day-to-day life” (UNESCO undated).
The organization of the paper is as follows: first, we describe the action research imple-
mented, and the contextual background of the action sites in the three countries. Then, the local
and indigenous knowledge and practices observed, documented and validated are described
and analysed, divided into four broad groups: (1) folklore, rituals and ceremonies; (2)
customary laws; (3) local food, materials and structures; and (4) observations of the environ-
ment. This is followed by discussions on the importance of harnessing the rich local and
indigenous knowledge related to climate-related hazards, and how its integration with science
can further increase coastal and small island communities’ resilience against the impacts of
climate-related hazards and help them better adapt to climate change. We suggest that this can
be best done by categorizing such knowledge into those that can and cannot be scientifically
explained or validated. Categorization of knowledge makes it possible for communities to
choose the knowledge with which they can develop strategies to cope with climate-related
hazards and adapt to climate change. Scientists, practitioners and policy-makers can also use
this knowledge for further research, education, and policy.
This paper builds upon past research which illustrate the use of both science and
local knowledge to develop successful strategies to reduce community vulnerability
against climate-related challenges, such as: using GIS for climate change research
(Alexander et al. 2011); simply matching or comparing climate observations from the
two knowledge systems (Huntington et al. 2004; Ignatowski and Rosales 2013);
through participatory research to integrate local knowledge with science and

1
“Strengthening Resilience of Coastal and Small Island Communities towards Hydro-meteorological Hazards
and Climate Change Impacts” project.
38 Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56

technology to develop community geological hazard management (Cronin et al. 2004;

Donovan 2010); using mental modelling (S Gray, pers. comm. 2013); and for educa-
tional materials (Becker et al. 2008). Mercer et al. (2010) developed a participatory
framework for integrating local and indigenous knowledge with science to reduce
community vulnerability to hazards, which was adapted by Kelman et al. (2009) for
combining different types of knowledge to address climate change. Such work em-
phasize the importance of knowledge integration, which calls for more collaborative
research involving scientists and local knowledge-holders working together, on equal
footing or on communities’ terms (Gratani et al. 2011; Mercer et al. 2010).
By showcasing local and indigenous knowledge and practices related to climate-related
hazards in three countries in Southeast Asia, this paper offers a broader perspective on the
topic of knowledge integration. We call for the importance of translating local and indigenous
knowledge into actions that increase coastal and small island communities’ resilience against
climate change impacts.

2 Methods

The research component of the project was implemented in two phases, from March
2011-June 2012 and from August 2012-April 2013.2 UNESCO engaged with NGOs in
each country, which selected three coastal or small island sites, and implemented
action research, either directly or through local partners.3 Researchers from the three
countries met at the beginning and end of each phase to agree on objectives,
methodology, and expected results. Researchers defined action research as a process
that involves communities and stakeholders so that they are motivated and willing to
engage in a process of guided discovery (Mercer et al. 2008). Participants in the
research would be community leaders and groups, traditional and religious leaders,
local and national governments, local and national NGOs, and academics and experts.
Other parameters were left for each country to define. Figure 1 shows a map of the
sites, and Table 1 provides basic information on research sites and methods used.
The three countries, located in a region commonly described as “island (or archi-
pelago) Southeast Asia” (Ellen 2007), are diverse in topography, climate, ecology,
subsistence systems, languages, cultures, and ecosystems. The countries were chosen
for their vulnerability to the impacts of climate change and climate-related hazards,
and the large percentage of the population who are poor. In addition to the climate-
related hazards and impacts observed, small island communities in particular face food
shortages during and after climate-related hazards, as they become isolated when
communication and transportation with the mainland are disrupted. Furthermore, all

2
Detailed descriptions of the action research are provided in Hiwasaki et al. (2014a), and the process for
integrating local and indigenous knowledge with science that emerged out of the action research is described in
Hiwasaki et al. (2014b).
3
Research in the first phase was undertaken in Indonesia by Bingkai Indonesia, and in the Philippines, by the
Center for Disaster Preparedness (CDP). The first phase research results from Timor-Leste are not presented in
this paper. The implementing organizations in Indonesia and Timor-Leste changed in the second phase of the
project. In Indonesia, the Tsunami and Disaster Mitigation Research Center (TDMRC) conducted research in two
sites: Pulo Aceh (Aceh) and Sayung (Central Java, in cooperation with the Indonesian Society for Disaster
Management). In Timor-Leste, the National Center for Scientific Research at the National University of Timor-
Leste conducted research. Local and indigenous knowledge documented in the Philippines was more detailed,
and research results and analysis were more thorough due to the continuity of both the implementing NGO and
sites. The authors do not feel that these differences had a negative impact on the overall outcome of the project.
Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56 39

Fig. 1 Location of research sites 2011-2013

sites are exposed to other hazards, such as earthquakes and tsunamis, or volcanic
eruptions.
In the first phase, local and indigenous knowledge and practices related to climate change
adaptation and climate-related hazards were identified and documented through observations,
focus group discussions (FGDs), interviews, and participatory mapping.
In the second phase, communities validated local and indigenous knowledge documented,
and confirmed that the belief, knowledge, or practice:

– is widely practised in the study area;

– has existed in the community for more than one generation;
– is still being used;
– is effective in preventing, mitigating, and/or predicting hazards, or helps communities
prepare for or adapt to climate-related hazards and climate change.

After community validation, scientists and experts provided scientific explanations

or empirical evidence as to why the local and indigenous knowledge predicts,
prevents, or mitigates hazards, or helps communities adapt to or prepare for hazards
or climate change. Local and indigenous knowledge with no scientific basis was
assessed in terms of how it increased community resilience against such hazards.
FGDs and workshops were organized for community and scientific validation. In the
Philippines, the results of the scientific explanations were taken back to the commu-
nities, so they could compare the outcomes of their validation with the explanations
provided by the scientists.

Table 1 Research sites 2011–2013
Country Site name (province or district) Geographic description
Indonesia Bedono Village, Sayung,
Demak (Central Java)
Kendahe villages, Sangihe
Island, Sangihe Regency
(North Sulawesi)
Lipang Village/Island, Sangihe Small island: very small
Islands (North Sulawesi)
Pangastulan Village, Buleleng
Regency (Bali)
40
Demographic information Impacts of climate-related haz- Research methods used and dates
ards and climate change observed
by communities
Coastal area: low-lying 3,800 people, predominantly Coastal abrasion and floods (since Small group interviews to identify
coastal town on a larger Muslim. Agriculture, late 1990s, attributed to and document LINK; FGDs
island (Java). Rural but industries (factory workers), building of wave breakers); for community validation (Dec
located 11–15 km be- fishing are the primary land subsidence (attributed to 2011 – Apr 2012; April 2013).
tween two urban centres occupations. industrial land conversion);
(Demak and Semarang). sea-level rise; strong winds.
Small island: coastal 800 people predominantly Coastal abrasion (attributed to Interviews and participatory
villages in a hilly island Christian (Protestants) in high waves); floods; strong mapping to identify and
located in an Kendahe I Village; 1,200 peo- winds and high waves document LINK (Dec 2011 –
archipelago. A remote ple predominantly Muslim in (attributed to typhoons and sea Apr 2012).
area that borders the Kendahe II Village. Majority storms).
Philippines to the north. are farmers but also some
fisherfolk.
340 people, Muslim majority but Drought and freshwater shortages Semi-structured interviews with
island composed of one 30 % Christian (Protestants). (due to lack of freshwater key actors, and participatory
village. A very remote Mostly fisherfolk, but some source and rainfall), high mapping to identify and
area that borders the farming is also done. waves and strong winds document LINK (Dec 2011 –
Philippines to the north. (attributed to monsoons), Mar 2012).
coastal abrasion (worsened
since the 1980s, attributed to
sea-level rise and westerly
winds).
Small island: hilly coastal 4,500 people, mostly Hindu but Coastal abrasion (attributed to Interviews and participatory
village in a small, also some Muslims. high waves and heavy rainfall mapping to identify and
densely populated Agriculture and fisheries are during rainy season); floods document LINK (Jan – March
island (Bali). More than the main sectors. (attributed to storm surges and 2012).
100 km from the flash floods of nearby river
provincial capital after heavy rains).
(Denpasar).
Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56
Table 1 (continued)
Country Site name (province or district) Geographic description
Pulo Breueh Island and Pulo
Nasi Island, Pulo Aceh
Islands (Aceh)
Philippines Angono Municipality (Rizal)
Perez Municipality, Alabat
Island (Quezon)
Rapu-Rapu Island (Albay)
Demographic information Impacts of climate-related haz- Research methods used and dates
ards and climate change observed
by communities
Small islands: located at 3,900 people in the two islands, Sea storms and strong winds Participant observation and
the tip of a larger island 100 % Muslim. Fisheries and (from tropical cyclones); interviews with key informants
(Sumatra), about 20 km agriculture are the main Coastal abrasion and salt water to identify and document
(by boat) from the sectors. intrusion (attributed to strong LINK; FGDs and a workshop
provincial capital winds and high waves). for community validation (Nov
Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56
(Banda Aceh). 2012 – Mar 2013).
Coastal area: located on 102,000 people, Christian Floods have been observed as Participant observation, interviews
the coast of a large lake (predominantly Catholic). getting worse (attributed to with key informants, and FGDs
(Laguna Lake), an Farming and fishing are more frequent and stronger to identify and document
urban area located primary sources of livelihood, typhoons, heavier rains, and LINK; key informant
30 km from but increasing number of heavy siltation). interviews, FGDs and a
Metropolitan Manila. people are employed in workshop for LINK validation
manufacturing. (Dec 2011 – Mar 2012; Nov
2012 – Feb 2013).
Small island: coastal area 12,500 people, Christian Floods (attributed to regular and Participant observation, interviews
on an island, partly (Catholic), mostly farmers and strong typhoons and torrential with key informants, and FGDs
urban. fisherfolk. rains). Unpredictable and to identify and document
changing weather patterns LINK; key informant
have been observed. interviews, FGDs and a
workshop for LINK validation
(Dec 2011 – Mar 2012; Nov
2012 – Feb 2013).
Small island: hilly/ moun- 39,000 people, predominantly Floods and landslides (attributed Participant observation, interviews
tainous island with nar- Christian (Catholic). Fishing, to regular and strong typhoons, with key informants, and FGDs
row coastal areas, rural. farming, and mining are the deforestation, and soil erosion). to identify and document
major economic activities. Changing weather patterns, LINK; key informant
including stronger and more interviews, FGDs and a
frequent rainfall/ typhoons workshop for LINK validation
have been observed. (Dec 2011 – Mar 2012; Nov
2012 – Feb 2013).
41
 42

Table 1 (continued)

Country Site name (province or district) Geographic description Demographic information Impacts of climate-related haz- Research methods used and dates
ards and climate change observed
by communities

Timor-Leste Lau-Hata Village (Liquiça)
Maluru-Beaço Village
(Viqueque)
Raimea Village (Covalima)
Small island: coastal to a 3,600 people, predominantly Floods and landslides (attributed FGDs and key informant
hilly/mountainous is- Catholic though some to heavy rainfalls). Sea-level interviews to identify and
land, 35 km from the Protestant. Sources of income rise, extended dry season, and document LINK; FGDs for
country’s capital. are mostly fishing and some heavier rainfalls have been ob- community validation of LINK
farming. served. (Dec 2012 – Apr 2013).
Small island: coastal to a 700 people, mostly Catholic. Drought (caused by extended dry FGDs and key informant
hilly/mountainous is- Predominantly fishing but also season), strong winds, and interviews to identify and
land. Remote area with some farming. heavy rainfall. Sea-level rise document LINK; FGDs for
limited road access. has been observed. community validation of LINK
(Dec 2012 – Apr 2013).
Small island: lowland 5,100 people, Catholic majority. Floods (attributed to heavy FGDs and key informant
coastal to a hilly/ Farming is the major rainfall), drought, and storms. interviews to identify and
mountainous island. livelihood activity, also some document LINK; FGDs for
Remote area with limit- fishing. community validation of LINK
ed road access. (Dec 2012 – Apr 2013).
Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56
Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56 43

3 Local and indigenous knowledge related to climate-related hazards and climate change

It emerged from research that coastal and small island communities, with long histories of
observing changes in the environment, have amassed a wealth of knowledge and practices that
are closely related to these changes. The action research revealed the ability and experience of
communities to closely observe and monitor changes in their environment and celestial bodies
to predict climate-related hazards, as well as develop ways to prevent and mitigate such
hazards, and adapt to and prepare for them, using local materials and through rituals and
ceremonies. These, together with customary laws that govern behaviour, engender and
reinforce respect for the environment, and strengthen social cohesion, enable communities to
better face and respond to the impacts of climate change and climate-related hazards. In this
section, we describe and analyse local and indigenous knowledge documented, divided into
four broad groups.

3.1 Folklore, rituals and ceremonies: increasing awareness and resilience

In all countries, ceremonies and festivals that commemorate divine beings, demonstrate
appreciation for nature, and ask for protection from hazards were documented. When hazards
do occur, rituals are held to stop them, or to “apologize” to nature. If hazards turn into
disasters, religious faith or traditional beliefs play an important role in the recovery process
(see Table 2). These attest to the close yet complex relationships small island and coastal
communities have with the environment and natural hazards: the sea is the primary source of
their livelihood and at the same time, can threaten their lives. According to religious studies
experts in the Philippines, images of Catholic saints—which have been syncretised with
relevant deities under the anito belief system—are important to people as they believe that
festivities to commemorate the saints are necessary to avoid suffering or any kind of disaster. It
is believed in Angono, the Philippines, that if the parade for San Clemente (patron saint of
fisherfolk) is not held, the saint will get mad, causing floods or drought. The idea of human
behaviour causing hazards, or the perception of hazards as a curse, was also found in Indonesia
and Timor-Leste; in Sangihe, the sudden and out-of-season appearance of westerly winds
meant that a serious moral offence had been committed. Rituals to “apologize” to nature
practised in all three Timorese sites stem from the belief that disasters are caused by nature’s
curse, which is brought on by people breaking rules such as killing snakes (“landlord”, or Rai-
nain Samea Lulik), cutting down sacred trees (e.g., teak/Tectona grandis, bamboo/bambuseae
Dendrocalamus spp and Gmelina/Gmelina arborea) or removing sacred stones (fatuk lulik). It
is thus evident that people are in awe of hazards caused by nature, but they also see them as
something that they can attempt to prevent or mitigate, i.e., by regularly commemorating saints
and abstaining from behaviour that will bring on the curse.
Interviews with experts and communities demonstrate the important role religious
and traditional beliefs—manifested in these rituals and ceremonies—play in strength-
ening community resilience. Religious beliefs and faith, often manifested through
prayers, provide inner strength to believers and disaster survivors cite these beliefs
as enabling them to cope better with suffering, endure calamities, maintain stability,
and strengthen social cohesion (Hiwasaki et al. 2014a).
Moreover, local and indigenous knowledge that fall under this category was almost always
assessed as “100 %” or “very” effective during validation with communities, demonstrating
the significance of these folklore, rituals and ceremonies to them. However, during community
validation in Timor-Leste, villagers emphasized that the continued effectiveness of this
knowledge depended on “the good will of new generations”; that is to say, it is up to the
 44
Table 2 Examples of local and indigenous knowledge documented (category II)

Type of LINK Brief description Type (s) of hazard / climate change Location (s) where LINK is
related to LINK practised

Folklore, rituals and Pengambean: an annual ceremony held to pay respect Prevention/ mitigation of various disasters Pengastulan, Indonesia
ceremonies to ancestors and to pray for safety at sea.
Tulude: an annual ceremony during which villagers Prevention/ mitigation of various disasters Kendahe and Lipang, Indonesia
give thanks to nature and ask for safety on land and sea.
Islamic prayers (Qunut Nazilah) or rituals (Undango Prevention/ mitigation of, and response to, Sayung, Pulo Aceh Islands,
Wanua in Sangihe) are performed during disasters or various disasters Sangihe, Indonesia
other tragic events, when villagers seek protection
from God and to strengthen communities in times
of trouble.
Catholic prayers (Pangangadyi): performed by elders, who Prevention/ mitigation of, and response to, Rapu-rapu Island, the Philippines
ask for God’s guidance and safety, and pray to express various disasters
gratitude for all the blessings that they received. An oration
called “Oratio Imperata” is delivered to ask for protection
from all kinds of hazards.
Feasts of various saints, such as San Isidro (patron saint of Prevention/ mitigation of, and response to, Alabat Island and Angono, the
fisherfolk on Alabat); San Roque (patron saint of farmers various hazards such as floods, drought, Philippines
on Alabat); Santo Niño (on Alabat); San Clemente (patron typhoons, and heavy rainfall
saint of fisherfolk in Angono): held to request for plentiful
fish catch or bountiful harvest, and to ask for people’s safety
and protection from hazards (e.g., for rain when drought
is experienced or to stop rain when rainfall is excessive).
Procession of images and religious objects of the saint
takes place.
Monu ain ba lulik (apologize to nature): a sacred ritual Response to/ mitigation of landslides and water Lau-Hata, Maluru-Beaço, Raimea,
held to apologize for the human behaviour that is perceived source drying up Timor-Leste
to have caused the hazard.
Ritual to stop strong winds and storms (performed at Lakapogoa Response to / mitigation of storm/strong winds Lau-Hata and Raimea, Timor-
in Lau-Hata and Sunu Ramos Benzidu in Raimea). Leste
Ritual to stop rain (Queror in Lau-Hata, Bare-Bare in Maluru-Beaço). Response to/ mitigation of heavy rain Lau-Hata and Maluru-Beaço,
Timor-Leste
Sacred ceremony conducted in Ledomata-Saipara: held Prevention/ mitigation of strong winds and storms. Lau-Hata, Timor-Leste
before eating the first harvest, nature and ancestors are
worshiped and harvest is offered to the wind goddess, in
Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56

return for safety from hazards.

Table 2 (continued)
Type of LINK Brief description Type (s) of hazard / climate change Location (s) where LINK is
related to LINK practised

Traditional ritual Lulik pisulau: held to call rain or to prevent Prevention/ mitigation of drought Lau-Hata, Timor-Leste
drought. When the rain comes after lulik and corn crop
is bountiful, the first harvest of corn is given to the ancestors
or nature as thanks.
Customary laws Pengaosan Kamisan (Thursday knowledge council): a social Prevention/mitigation of coastal abrasion and storms Sayung, Indonesia
institution that transmits knowledge related to weather prediction,
and oversees various bans, including prohibitions related to
Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56

protecting the coastal environment. It is responsible for the

surveillance and enforcement of sanctions when prohibitions are
breached.
Uteun Bangka (mangrove forest): functions as a buffer zone for Prevention/mitigation of storms, coastal abrasion, Pulo Aceh, most coastal
coastal areas, and protects the paddy fields from salty winds. and saltwater intrusion communities in Aceh,
The swampy area around and protected by the mangroves are Indonesia
used also for fishing and collecting adult prawns.
Uteun Pasie (coastal forest): consists of several rows of different
trees and plants along the seashore to protect the paddy fields from
salty winds, act as wind buffer to protect houses from damage.
According to the Acehnese customary law, these areas are considered as
conservation areas, with fines imposed for violation. Managed by
Panglima Laot/Adat Laot (Acehnese fishermen’s organisation).
Tara bandu: customary law that regulates relationships between people, Prevention/mitigation of landslides, floods etc. Raimea, Lau-Hata, Maluru-
between people and nature, and between people and the state (de Carvalho Beaço, Timor-Leste
and Coreia 2011). It bans, among others, behaviour perceived to lead to
hazards such as landslides and floods (e.g., killing snakes [snakes are
considered sacred and thus killing them can cause hazards], cutting down
trees and removing stones in hills and near river banks). Punishments exist
in case of breach of rule.
45
46 Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56

young generation whether these rituals will continue to be effective in stopping hazards. Thus,
the role religious and traditional beliefs will continue to play to strengthen community
resilience depends on how well such beliefs are maintained.
What is clear is that such knowledge—which increases people’s awareness of climate-
related hazards, reinforces respect for nature, and strengthens community resilience—needs to
be transmitted to the younger generations.

3.2 Customary laws: preventing and mitigating disasters

Customary laws concerning the environment play a major role in preventing and mitigating
disasters, and strengthen social relations within communities. Many such regulations and
institutions were documented in Indonesia and Timor-Leste (see Tables 2 and 3). Some are
strictly enforced with punishment, such as fines, while others are voluntary and self-regulatory.
Although these customary bans and regulations do not specifically target climate-related
events, by maintaining and protecting the coastal environment, they help prevent and mitigate
risks arising from climate-related hazards such as storms, strong winds, coastal abrasion,
saltwater intrusion, floods, and sea-level rise. Institutions that monitor and govern customary
regulations play important roles in this process, and when these institutions become official
laws or are promoted by government entities, social structures are strengthened, with a positive
impact on a community’s resilience.
Thus, by ensuring that customary regulations and institutions are officially recognized and
maintained, it is possible not only to help prevent and mitigate hazards and climate change
impacts, but also to strengthen community resilience.

3.3 Local food, materials and structures: adapting to, mitigating, and preparing for hazards

Communities use local food and materials to help them prepare for, mitigate, or adapt better to
impacts of climate change and climate-related hazards. Houses are strengthened or elevated
and coastal structures are built using local materials or plants. Local food is processed and
preserved in ways to ensure alternative sources of food during hazards (as people cannot go
out to fish during storms) or after, due to transportation disruptions (see Table 3). Traditional
early warning systems were not documented, which attest to the fact that many coastal and
small island communities are well aware of the signs of climate-related hazards and are able to
them predict them in a timely manner.
It was found that knowledge and practices in this group were least likely to be considered
by all participants as effective during community validation FGDs. Perhaps because of this, we
found that knowledge and practices in this category are more readily replaced by new methods
or structures. In Sayung, Indonesia, it was documented that recently-introduced stilt houses are
preferred by communities to adapt to coastal flooding, perhaps because the traditional practice
of using sand is maladaptive.4 In Kendahe and Lipang, Indonesia, it was found that the scale of
abrasion taking place in recent years has made it difficult for communities to tackle by using
only traditional mechanisms.
Local food, materials and structures, while they can help communities, need to be carefully
examined to determine their effectiveness in risk reduction and climate change adaptation.
Transmission of such knowledge would need to be considered case-by-case, especially in light
of new technologies and considering such traditional practices may be maladaptive or may

4
For more discussions of local knowledge that may contribute to increased vulnerability or “mal-adaptation”, see
Mercer et al. (2012).
Table 3 Examples of local and indigenous knowledge documented (category I)

Type of LINK Brief description Type (s) of hazard / climate change related Location (s) where LINK is practised
to LINK

Customary laws Customary law to ban logging in certain areas and maintain vegetation on river banks. Prevention/mitigation of floods Kendahe, Indonesia
Voluntary regulation/ self-monitoring.
Rainwater harvesting and water management: a mechanism to manage fresh water to ensure Preparedness for drought Lipang, Indonesia
even distribution of water.
Ban to cut down trees on the beach and to take rocks from the lower part of cliffs and on the Prevention/mitigation of coastal abrasion Lipang, Indonesia
beach. The ban, which has been in place for generations, became village regulation in 2008. and sea-level rise
Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56

Local food, materials Coastal structures: Prevention/mitigation of coastal abrasion Indonesia

and structures -sea walls constructed using rock, sand and bamboo to protect settlements from waves and flooding
(Sayung);
-plant mangroves (Sayung), kapuraca trees and conserve trees (Kendahe and Lipang), and sea
hibiscus (Pengastulan) to reduce the force of waves and to act as wind shield.
Food preservation: Preparation for food shortages Indonesia, the Philippines and Timor-
-salt fish and store rice in community storage (Krong Padee), to which every farmer contributes Leste
a portion of the harvest to prepare for strong winds and high waves caused by east monsoon
(Pulo Aceh);
-plant crops (cassava, yams, taro, fruit) by taking soil to the rocks to plant crops to prepare for
big waves /storms (Lipang);
-process cassava to produce starch and drying taro (gabi) leaves, and store in dry container in a
dry place, to make it keep long (Philippines);
-preserve fish by using salt and other spices or smoke-dry. Process fish by placing in jar and put
salt. Fish, periwinkles and mussels can also be simply dried in the sun (Philippines);
-eat food such as sago (Metroxylon sagu), elephant foot yam (Amorphophallus campanulatus)
root, air potato (Dioscorea bulbifera) root, which grow all year and are resistant to long
drought (Timor-Leste);
-use drum/silo (guci) to preserve food and medicines during rainy season and to protect from
hurricane winds.
Elevation of houses foundations with local sand (tirang and lasak) to keep houses higher than Adaptation to sea-level rise, land subsi- Sayung, Indonesia
the rising sea-level. dence, and mitigation of sea water in-
trusion
Using indigenous bamboo species to construct protection and shelter: suhay (rods attached to Mitigation of and preparedness for floods Angono, the Philippines
columns of houses to secure and protect houses from strong winds and rain), sawali (woven and strong rains
walls), fence, and papag (flooring).
47
 48

Table 3 (continued)
Type of LINK Brief description Type (s) of hazard / climate change related Location (s) where LINK is practised
to LINK

Bintaas or tinabaw (Alabat Island): elevated spaces like lofts built in houses to secure Adaptation to and preparedness for floods Alabat, the Philippines
belongings from floods. These structures are also an additional protection during typhoons, and typhoons
if roofs are blown away by strong winds.
Structures using local materials: Ai Tatan (wooden clamps) used to secure roof and Lenik (big Mitigation of impacts of strong winds/ Raimea, Timor-Leste
fans woven from palm leaves) hung on the veranda to prevent strong winds from entering storm
the house.
Observations of the Observation of the sea, wind and waves:
environment -rancid smell from the sea, in combination with other environmental observations and the Prediction of storms Most coastal communities in Aceh,
season/time of year, predicts strong winds and high waves caused by east monsoon; Indonesia
-when the sea emits strong fish-like smell (malansa), strong winds, storm surges and typhoon Prediction of heavy rains and typhoons Rapu-rapu Island, the Philippines
will follow. The strong smell usually lasts for a day, and vanishes during the peak of the
typhoon;
-cold northeast wind (amihan) observed Nov-Feb with rains predicts stronger and higher Prediction of rains and strong winds that Angono, the Philippines
waves. Southwest wind (habagat) that typically comes from the lake June-Sept means may become typhoons
strong winds and heavy rains;
-when people in the mountain see white waves with breeze, and people on the coast see red Prediction of drought Timor-Leste
clouds in the afternoon, there will be an extended dry season;
-when waves rotate very quickly and strongly in Jan, April and Aug, there will be a big Prediction of storms Lau-Hata, Timor-Leste
storm.
Observation of the sky at night:
-absence of stars in the sky signifies that bad weather is approaching; Prediction of heavy rains and typhoons The Philippines
-when crescent moon is observed to be very high in the sky in April and Aug, sea level will Prediction of storm surge and rise in sea- Raimea and Lau-Hata, Timor-Leste
rise; level
-when the “bird star” or Scorpio star (fitun manu) appears in sky, and the clouds move very fast Prediction of storms Raimea and Lau-Hata, Timor-Leste
from the coast to the mountain, there will be strong winds.
Observation of the sky during the day:
-when a half rainbow is observed, strong winds, storm surges and heavy rain will occur, Prediction of torrential rains and stormy The Philippines
sometimes minutes after the rainbow appears. In other instances, bad weather condition weather
occurs after 3 days but not later than a week. Commonly observed during rainy season,
particularly from Oct-Feb;
-dark towering clouds seen moving upwards from winds, in combination with lower position of Prediction of storms Most coastal communities in Aceh,
beehive in a tree, at a certain time of the year means strong winds and high waves caused by Indonesia
east monsoon will come;
-observation of cumulonimbus and nimbus cloud formations and cloud movement Prediction of heavy rainfall and typhoons Alabat, the Philippines
(panganud) can predict the weather after minutes or hours;
Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56
Table 3 (continued)
Type of LINK Brief description Type (s) of hazard / climate change related Location (s) where LINK is practised
to LINK

-if clouds appear to be golden yellow, torrential rains are expected to occur the next day; Prediction of heavy rainfall and typhoons Alabat, the Philippines

-if clouds appear to be reddish during sunset, it is an indication that there will be a bad weather Prediction of heavy rainfall and typhoons Alabat, the Philippines
as characterized by heavy rainfall and strong winds the next day;
-when clouds cover certain landmarks (such as distant mountains) and they cannot be seen, then Prediction of strong rainfall which may Alabat and Rapu-rapu Island, the
strong rains will come; later turn into a typhoon Philippines
-during the south monsoon season, when there is little rain and the position of sun is high in the Prediction of drought/ extended dry sea- Southern Timor-Leste
Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56

sky in the afternoon (i.e., long daylight) in June-July, wells and springs will dry up and there son
will be long summer or drought;
-when there are thick and dark clouds over the sea for a few hours and there are white clouds on Prediction of storms Timor-Leste
Matebian mountain (in Viqueque) and black clouds on Cablake mountain (in Covalima),
there will be heavy rainfall;
-when clouds move down from the mountain towards the sea in January and February, or when Prediction of storms Lau-Hata, Timor-Leste
clouds move up from the sea towards the mountains in May and June followed by many
leaches and caterpillars appearing on the ground, there will be strong winds or storms that
year.
Observations of animals and insects:
-2–3 days before the rainy season, if walang kada migratory birds are seen flying high in 2–3 Prediction of rainy season duration Sayung, Indonesia
flocks, it will be a short rainy season; if the birds are flying low and not in flocks, then it
means long rainy season;
-sea pigeons (punting): flying towards Sangihe Besar island predicts strong winds; arriving Prediction of west wind (bahe) or rain Lipang Island, Indonesia
from the direction of Sangihe Besar island predicts rain;
-sting rays (bitunan or pasa-pasa) and manta rays observed jumping in the sea (1–3 consecutive Prediction of heavy rains and stormy Alabat Island and Rapu-rapu Island, the
jumps) means there will be a change in the weather condition. When such behavior is weather, resulting in landslides and soil Philippines
observed during summer, torrential rains, strong winds, storm surges, heavy rains or even erosion.
typhoon will follow after 3 days to a week. When observed during the rainy season, there
will be a warmer weather;
-when sea snakes with white and black stripes (bilang-bilang and walu-walo) are observed Prediction of strong typhoons resulting in Alabat Island and Rapu-rapu Island, the
moving fast (usually observed by fisherfolk at night), there will be gusty winds and heavy flooding, strong winds that can result Philippines
rainfall. For the people of Rapu-rapu, this observation signals the coming of a typhoon; in sea-level rise
-when the common moorhen (ulok) make nest high (e.g., above the rice plants), the water level Prediction of heavy rain and floods Angono, the Philippines
will rise and heavy rain will come;
-when manu tuturik birds sing “Tu-tu-turik”, the summer will be prolonged; when they sing Prediction of changes in the weather or Raimea, Timor-Leste
“Turu-Turu” rainy season is coming; when they sing “Kuru-Kuru” the springs will dry up seasons
and there will be drought;
49
 50

Table 3 (continued)
Type of LINK Brief description Type (s) of hazard / climate change related Location (s) where LINK is practised
to LINK

-when crocodiles come out of the sea and act wildly, and many fish are found dead on the beach Prediction of increase in sea water
and/or sea grasses are rotten, it means that seawater temperature has increased and wells/ temperature, thus drought or long dry Raimea and Maluru-Beaço, Timor-Leste
springs have dried up; season
-when caterpillars (ular fulun) proliferate, there will be strong winds or storms in the year. Prediction of strong winds/storm Raimea, Timor-Leste
Observations of plants and trees:
-when branches of trees (such as gmelina, talisay (Terminalia catappa), pili (Canarium Prediction of storms and heavy rains Rapu-rapu Island, the Philippines
ovatum), marukbarok, tamarind, santol, narra) and banana leaves fall to the ground without
strong winds, a typhoon is expected to come. Two days after such an observation is made,
heavy rains, storm surges or strong winds will hit.
-when gum-lac trees (Ai-dak) bear lots of fruit and wild kapok tree (Ai-lele fuik) bear little, then Prediction of drought Maluru-Beaço, Timor-Leste
there will be extended dry season/ drought.
Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56
Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56 51

have become so with climatic and other changes, such as environmental degradation, global-
ization, and population growth.

3.4 Observations of the environment: predicting hazards and adapting to climate change

Extensive knowledge related to the observation of the sun, moon, stars, waves, clouds, and
winds to predict hazards was documented in all sites, as were observations of animal, insect,
and plant behaviour (see Table 3). Observations of various changes in the environment,
combined with the timing of these events in the year, were perceived by coastal and small
island communities as extremely effective in predicting climate-related hazards. Such knowl-
edge is often devised into traditional seasonal calendars, which were documented in all sites in
Indonesia (see Table 4). These calendars are composed of highly complex systematised
environmental observations that are specific to each locale, which guide fisherfolk and farmers
in their livelihood activities. They govern social relations by determining, for example, when
to hold ceremonies and weddings, and enable communities to predict the arrival of seasons as
well as floods, storms, big waves, and droughts. Traditional calendars are usually orally
transmitted, and are often embedded in day-to-day rituals or festivals. Although efforts to
officially document them are increasing, it was acknowledged in Sayung, Kendahe, and
Lipang that only older people (above 50 years of age) now have the complex detailed
knowledge of the calendars.
Traditional calendars could play a key role in helping communities adapt to changes in the
climate. Some adaptations of calendars by communities are already taking place, to reflect
recent changes in rainfall patterns and arrival of seasons. In Sayung, Indonesia, due to climate
change the calendar calculations are no longer accurate, thus, a more practical prediction
system has been developed by adjusting the Pranoto Mongso calendar. This was also the case
for Keuneunong calendar used in Aceh; the community has carefully adapted the calendar to
climate change to enable them to better predict timing for planting crops.
At the same time knowledge related to hazard prediction can be extremely useful to help
communities to adapt to climate change, it is important to note that such knowledge can also
become less reliable in predicting hazards due to climate change.

4 Discussions

We have demonstrated above the rich local and indigenous knowledge related to climate-related
hazards and climate change, which reveal the complex relationships coastal and small island
communities have with their coastal environment, climate, and related hazards. Considering the
empirical and social significance of this knowledge, harnessing it is integral to strengthen
community resilience against the impacts of climate change and climate-related hazards. It has
been noted elsewhere that in combination with outside knowledge, local and indigenous
knowledge has helped communities manage various crises and conflicts (Ellen 2007).
In order to make the best use of local and indigenous knowledge to increase
community resilience, it is important to understand how such knowledge can be
integrated with science. Once integrated, communities can use them to develop the
best strategies to adapt to climate change and mitigate impacts of climate-related
hazards. Furthermore, scientists, practitioners and policy-makers can fully incorporate
local and indigenous knowledge into their work. Out of our research, a categorization
of local and indigenous knowledge emerged, which we believe is a way that can best
facilitate knowledge integration (see Fig. 2). Knowledge under the “LINK category I”
52 Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56

Table 4 Examples of traditional seasonal calendars

Name of calendar (and location Brief description related to climate- Kind of hazards and climate
where it was documented) related hazards prediction change it is used for

Sasih lunar calendar
(Pengastulan, Indonesia)
Tide (Rob) calendar
(Sayung, Indonesia)
Pranoto Mongso Javanese
calendar (Sayung, and other
parts of Java, Indonesia)
Traditional moon-sky
calendar (Kendahe
and Lipang, Indonesia)
Keuneunong Aceh traditional
calendar (coastal
communities in Aceh
Province, Indonesia)
Used in conjunction with observation Prediction of floods, storms,
of the environment, predicts hazards and big waves
e.g., increased water volume of a
nearby river in rainy season
(floods), visibility of a mountain in
a certain month (big wind and big
waves). The calendar also helps
fisherfolk predict the amount and
types of fish that can be caught,
wind direction, wave size, and tide
direction.
Based on gravitational power of moon, Prediction of high waves and
stars, sun, and earth. In combination sea water intrusion
with the Pranoto Mongso calendar
and observation of animal behaviour
(e.g., of hermit crabs and snails), the
calendar helps communities determine
how to manage traditional embankment
and to predict sea water levels, and
develop transport and fishing strategies.
In combination with observations of Prediction of storms (strong
clouds, location and intensity of the winds, tidal waves);
sun, and strength and direction of wind, adaptation to climate change.
can predict weather and guides timing
of activities such as when to plant,
when it is safe to go fishing, etc.
Written in some old documents.
Provides information on tides, ocean Prediction of west winds
current, wind direction and amount (Bahe), storm surges and
of rain. Guides time to plant crops, typhoon/storm
when/whether/how far to go fishing,
what kind of fish can be caught, as
well as social activities such as marriage.
In conjunction with observation of the
clouds, can predict high waves and
strong waves.
Based on configuration of stars and the Prediction of monsoon season
time of the month of the solar calendar, and extreme weather, such
guides people to determine timing of as storms, rainy season, and
fishing and agricultural activities and drought; adaptation to
ceremonies. The calendar also helps climate change.
communities to predict changes in
season, by observing waves, the
current, the shape, colour and position
of clouds, rain, type/direction of wind,
rain, and animal behaviour.
Recorded in some Dutch documents.

is knowledge with a scientific or empirical explanation, and includes local food,

materials and structures; observations of the environment; and some customary laws.
Table 3 provides examples of knowledge that fall under this category. “LINK category
Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56 53

Fig. 2 Categorization of local and indigenous knowledge (LINK) on disaster risk reduction (DRR) and climate
change adaptation (CCA) and its relationship to scientific validation

II” is knowledge that cannot be explained by science at this point in time, such as
folklore, rituals, and ceremonies; and some customary laws (see Table 2).5
The above categorization of local and indigenous knowledge developed out of a process for
knowledge integration that resulted from the action research conducted in the three countries.
This process involves observing, documenting, and validating (first with communities, follow-
ed by explanations provided by scientists, and back to the communities) local and indigenous
knowledge with the involvement of scientists, practitioners, and communities (Hiwasaki et al.
2014b). While validation of local and indigenous knowledge against scientific knowledge or
empirical evidence is not without its problems and has been subject to much criticism (German
2010), the process described above (1) makes it possible for communities themselves to assess
and choose the knowledge that they can harness and link with outside knowledge; and (2)
facilitates the integration of knowledge for educational purposes and promote further scientific
research by scientists, practitioners, and policy-makers, to enable us to determine the best
strategies for climate change adaptation. Through this process it is possible to identify
knowledge that can be scientifically explained (LINK category I) and can be readily integrated
with science, while identifying knowledge that cannot be scientifically explained (category II).
It is important to promote the use of both categories of knowledge, and not disregard local and
indigenous knowledge that falls under LINK Category II. Such knowledge can have just as
much significance for risk reduction and climate change adaptation.
The process empowers communities to make informed decisions about their adaptation and
disaster risk reduction strategies. Such a process helps scientific knowledge to be internalized
by local communities, at the same time, gives “validity” to local and indigenous knowledge
vis-à-vis the scientific community. Going through this process addresses some of the problems

5
For more detailed discussions on the different categories of local and indigenous knowledge, see Hiwasaki et al.
2014a, b
54 Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56

associated with knowledge sharing and integration, as discussed by Williams and Hardison
(2013). Communities can choose which knowledge should be shared and integrated with
science, and used for educational materials and policy. In most instances, only LINK category
I are shared widely.
Most importantly, documentation and validation also contributes to transmission of local
and indigenous knowledge to the younger generation. The important role of participatory
knowledge integration in transmission of local and indigenous knowledge has been noted in
other studies (Gratani et al. 2011; Green et al. 2010). Undertaking knowledge integration and
ensuring that such knowledge continues to be handed down is crucial, especially considering
all field researchers noted that local and indigenous knowledge face challenges in transmission
to the younger generation. There is often no mechanism for handing down such knowledge,
and young fisherfolk commonly rely on radio or TV to predict hazards, even though
information from such sources do not provide details on locally-specific weather. It is thus
important to ensure that such knowledge is maintained so that the younger generation can
continue to use such knowledge and strengthen community resilience.

5 Conclusions

In this paper, we described and analysed the diverse local and indigenous knowledge of coastal
and small island communities in three countries in Southeast Asia, which illustrates the rich and
complex relationships they have with the environment, climate and hazards. Such knowledge is
embodied in (1) folklore, rituals and ceremonies which prevent and mitigate climate-related
hazards and engender and reinforce respect for the environment; (2) customary laws that govern
behaviour, and strengthen social cohesion that contribute to disaster prevention and mitigation;
(3) local food, materials and structures used for mitigation and adaptation to hazards and climate
change, and preparation for their impacts; and (4) observations of changes in the environment
and celestial bodies to predict climate-related hazards. Such knowledge enables communities to
better face and respond to the impacts of climate change and climate-related hazards.
To fully harness this knowledge, it needs to be integrated with science, after categorizing
knowledge into those that can be readily integrated with science, and those that cannot. This
can be done through a process in which scientists, practitioners, and communities jointly
undertake observation, documentation, and validation. The integration of local and indigenous
knowledge with science enables communities to develop the best strategies to adapt to climate
change and mitigate impacts of climate-related hazards. Practitioners and scientists can
implement activities and research to increase resilience in coastal and small island communi-
ties. Integration also allows decision-makers to develop policies that support such activities.
Utilising local and indigenous knowledge by integrating it with science is thus key to
increasing the resilience of coastal and small island communities to the impacts of climate
change and climate-related hazards in Indonesia, the Philippines, and Timor-Leste.

Acknowledgments The authors gratefully acknowledge all the researchers who undertook research in the field
sites. UNESCO/Japan Funds-in-Trust generously funded the “Strengthening Resilience of Coastal and Small
Island Communities towards Hydro-Meteorological Hazards and Climate Change Impacts” project (2011–2014).
Funding of the Asia-Pacific Network for Global Change Research, under “Capacity-Building to Strengthen
Resilience of Coastal and Small Island Communities against Impacts of Hydro-Meteorological Hazards and
Climate Change” project (2012–2013), is also gratefully acknowledged. The authors thank Dr Jessica Mercer for
providing comments on a draft, and the anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments. The first author
was a Visiting Research Fellow at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore,
during the time much of this work was completed.
Climatic Change (2015) 128:35–56 55

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