Learning From Islam Advocacy of Reproductive Rights in Indonesian Pesantren

Elsevier
Learning from Islam: Advocacy of Reproductive Rights in Indonesian Pesantren

Author(s): Rosalia Sciortino, Lies Marcoes Natsir and Masdar F. Mas'udi
Source: Reproductive Health Matters, Vol. 4, No. 8, Fundamentalism, Women's
Empowerment and Reproductive Rights (Nov., 1996), pp. 86-96
Published by: Reproductive Health Matters (RHM)
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25066119
Accessed: 28-04-2016 04:49 UTC
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earning iron isiani:
Advocacy of Reproductive Right
in Indonesian Pesantren
Rosalia Sciortino, Lies Marcoes Natsir and Masdar F Mas'udi
In Indonesia, where religion is considered an essential component of social life, discussion of

reproductive health inevitably has a theological dimension. This paper focuses on the innovative
approach of the Indonesian Society for Pesantren and Community Development to understanding
women's rights in relation to reproductive and sexual health in the Indonesian socio-cultural context,
by studying and reinterpreting sacred texts of Islam. It describes how the group links issues of social
justice, gender and reproductive health within Islamic jurisprudence and runs workshops for
women who are active in Islamic boarding schools in rural Java and Madura, including pregnancy
and childrearing, maternal mortality, clandestine abortion, sexual relations and HIV/AIDS.
A PROMINENT feature of the International This paper examines the work of a Moslem
Conference on Population and Develop NGO called the Indonesian Society for Pesantren
ment (ICPD) held in Cairo in 1994 was the and Community Development (P3M) and des
interweaving of religion with population cribes how P3M promotes dialogue on repro
and reproductive health issues in the public deb ductive rights among women in Islamic boarding
ate. Moral and religious controversies over family schools (pesantren) in rural Java and Madura.
planning, abortion, sexual rights and other These schools provide primary, secondary and/
aspects of reproductive health heated the gath or higher education to anywhere from a hundred
ering. Moslem as well as Catholic-dominated to several thousand pupils and students each.
countries struggled to address both rapid demo Pesantren are distinguished by the fact that in
graphic and social changes and problems such addition to providing secular education, they
as HIV and AIDS in ways compatible with their encourage debate in the study of Islamic texts,
interpretations of traditional moral values. Like often in great depth, and in many cases their
the Vatican, several Islamic states found it students are among the most knowledgeable in
difficult to acknowledge women's right to make the country. Although originally only men were
individual choices rather than family respons admitted to these schools, in recent years women
ibility in matters of reproduction, or to deal with scholars have outnumbered men.
sexuality and reproduction as health issues out P3M's work is a model for understanding how
side the boundaries of marriage.1 Islamic religious texts support women's rights
Since the Conference, the increasing role of and women's advancement rather than women's
religious leaders in influencing government polic subjugation, thus contributing to a progressive
ies and programmes has compelled women's Islamic theology on the subject of sexuality and
health advocates in many countries to reflect on reproductive health.
the effectiveness of secular arguments, whether
medical or feminist, in response to theological
reasoning, and to work with progressive theol The arena of the debate
ogians to challenge conservative interpretations Religious discussion of women's roles and repro
from within a theological discourse. duction is currently very complex in Indonesia, in
86
Reproductive Health Matters, No 8, November 1996
that conflicting positions with respect to repro members are mostly concentrated in the rural
ductive health and rights are creating inherent areas of Java and Madura, and clustered
tensions between progressive and conservative around the more than 7,000 pesantren.
religious groups. This is the context within which
Muhammadiyah, an independent modernist
P3M is articulating an alternative theological dis
course. organisation, whose aim is to restore the
purity of Islamic teaching according to the
Almost 90 per cent of Indonesia's 189 million
inhabitants adhere to Islam, and the beliefs of the
two most important sources of Islamic
tradition, the Qur'an (Book of Revelation) and
Moslem community and its leaders strongly
the Hadith (oral sayings attributed to the
influence the planning and implementation of
Prophet), discarding Hindu and animist
reproductive health policy and services. These
influences arising from Indonesia's past. Its
views, however, are not monolithic. To begin
membership is much smaller than the NU, but
with, Islam has five major Schools of Law
it is equally influential in Indonesia because of
(Hanafi, Maliki, Shaf?'i, Hanbali, and Ja'fari) which
its national network of schools and hospitals
differ over the way to derive Islamic law {shari'a)
and its access to mass media.4
and jurisprudence {fiqh}.2 Although the Shafi'i
School is prominent in Indonesia, the inter Indonesia is a secular state, however. The
pretation and authenticity accorded to the extent of the influence of the many theological
various sources vary. While basic practices such perspectives in national discourse is ultimately
as prayer and fasting are common to the entire determined by their compatibility with govern
Moslem population, there are distinct versions of ment programmes and policies. In the 1950s,
rituals and beliefs among both religious in line with the pro-natalist policy of the then
organisations and individuals. Indonesian government, all three organisations
Because the Shafi'i School, similar to other rejected the provision of contraceptive services,
on the grounds that, according to Islam,
Islamic Schools, denies a hierarchical clergy, the
three principal sources of leadership of the marriage was for producing offspring. Only
Indonesian Moslem community are religious later did some Islamic leaders begin to support
leaders {ulama or kiyai)3 working for the Ministry family planning services for married couples,
of Religious Affairs and other government when government policy had shifted to the anti
departments, independent charismatic religious natalist position. Still, their degree of support
leaders and scholars who have an individual varied.
following, and major Islamic organisations. The NU actively promoted family planning as a
Three organisations have been particularly voluntary and responsible decision made within
crucial in influencing and changing attitudes the family, depending on their health and socio
towards the national family planning pro economic situation. They referred to the principle
gramme in Indonesia, namely: of secondary need (haajah syar'yah) which, if not
fulfilled, may cause people difficulties, and the
Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI), a consultative
principle of emergency (darurah syar'iyah) to
body to the government, whose role is to issue
justify use of contraception.
statements (farwa) on relevant social issues,
Muhammadiyah moved from passive oppos
and whose membership includes prominent
ition to passive acceptance of family planning,
ulama as well as government officials from the
but continued to consider the prevention of
Ministry of Religious Affairs.
pregnancy to be against the teaching of Islam. It
Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the largest Muslim condoned the use of modern contraception in
organisation in Indonesia and the world, with emergency situations, as follows:
30 million members. Although a traditionalist
organisation, the NU often takes a progressive 'first, if pregnancy or giving birth will cause
stance on controversial issues, including on danger to the mother; second, if religion is
reproductive health. Their outspoken leader, threatened because of the very poor economic
Abdurrahman Wahid, has protected and conditions in the community, which might cause
stimulated critical thought and the search for the community to act unlawfully; and third, if the
alternative interpretations of sacred texts. NU health and education of the existing family are
87
Sciortino, Marco es Natsir, Mas'udi
likely to suffer because of the excessively shortpreferred to accept the dominant Moslem view
spacing between births. '5 (derived from the thought of Imam Ghazali),
which forbids abortion, and the argument of
Whereas these two organisations regarded Muhammadiyah and other influential and polit
contraception as a private matter within the ically well-connected ulama that abortion is
family and were hesitant to endorse a large unacceptable because it destroys valued life. In
scale, public family planning programme, the line with this perspective, MUI in 1983 and again
MUI and Islamic leaders at the Ministry of in 1992 declared that abortion was absolutely
Religious Affairs fully endorsed the launching of prohibited (haram).13
the national family planning programme in the Nonetheless, more permissive religious views
1970s. Their support was also decisive when, in also exist which can be found in Islamic doctrine.
October 1983, they approved the use of infra Within NU, for example, some ulama reluctantly
uterine devices, in spite of the fact that they were condone abortion as a 'just cause', when
foreign objects inserted in the body and that a pregnancy endangers a woman's health, as in the
woman had to undress to get one. They made verse 'do not take life, which God has made sacred,
one condition, that the device had to be inserted except for a just cause'. Other ulama accept
by a woman doctor or nurse, or by a male doctor abortion as long as it occurs before 'ensoulment'
in the presence of the woman's husband.6 that is, before 120 days of pregnancy.14
More recently, MUI has supported the The Indonesian Moslem community is also
campaign of the National Family Planning Co divided on the issue of sexuality. The presence of
ordination Board (BKKBN) to promote surgical HIV/AIDS in the archipelago has cast light on
sterilisation. Although other Moslem organ the fact that the actual sexual behaviour of the
isations do not agree with this,7 MUI has accepted population does not always conform to religious
sterilisation as a legitimate form of birth control, norms. The increase in the numbers of people
arguing that because techniques are available to with HIV has compelled religious leaders to take
reverse it, it is consistent with Islam.8 a stand on sexual practices they consider
The relatively progressive views of nationally 'deviant', from prostitution to homosexuality and
prominent ulama are not always shared by extra-marital sex. Caught between religious and
influential religious leaders and their followers at public health perspectives, ulama are uncertain
the local level, who oppose the use of modern whether to acknowledge the existence of such
contraceptives. Some only sanction coitus practices and are reluctant to admit the pro
interruptus (azl) because it is tacitly approved by motion of condoms or any form of safer sex
the Prophet.9 Others are entirely opposed to outside of marriage.
family planning and regard it as infanticide. In Moslem leaders and scholars aligned with
their view, children are gifts from God and Muhammadiyah have expressed regressive and
should always be welcomed. Some go so far as discriminatory views, such as that AIDS is a
insinuating that ulama who advocate family warning from God not to indulge in illicit sex and
planning have sold their beliefs in exchange for that people who do so are sinners who deserve
the government's approval and donor funds.10 God's punishment, whereas people who become
Whether or not there is any truth to such claims, infected in other ways are innocent victims
it cannot be denied that any opposition to the undergoing a divine trial.15 They encourage
family planning programme has been margin compliance with 'traditional family values' and
alised by the government's firm resolution to the enhancement of faith and devotion and
reduce population growth.11 strongly oppose condoms and sex education,
The government's commitment to contra which they perceive to promote promiscuity and
ceptive services does not, however, include defiance of divine law. Even the use of condoms
abortion. With the increasing politicisation of by married couples, when one of them has HIV,
Islam, the government has been hesitant to was controversial at the first national MUI
become involved in such a contentious issue or meeting on AIDS in December 1995.16
respond to public concern over the widespread In contrast, the head of NU believes AIDS must
practice of unsafe abortion and consequent high be dealt with through an unconventional moral
maternal mortality rate.12 Instead, they have approach, taking into account existing patterns of
88
sexual behaviour rather than ideal ones. Condom as rules for carrying out rituals, which can be in
use for AIDS prevention is justified by referring terpreted using certain accepted methodologies.18
to the Islamic instruction to avoid danger in all P3M also argues that the origin of each of the
possible ways (ad-dlararu-yuzalu), even if this Prophet's sayings must be examined critically,
implies having to choose the lesser of two evils and its contents analysed according to the core
(al-malbi akhaffid dlararam).17 principles of the Qur'an, the occasion and
These differences in views and the fact that purpose of the pronouncement, and the histori
positions have not fully crystallised, permit a cal and socio-cultural context in which it
more open exchange and the tempering of originated. By emphasising the interpretability
confrontation. It is in this context that P3M are of religious sources, an environment is created
defining and disseminating their interpretation which is conducive to an open discussion of
of Islamic texts in relation to reproductive and Islamic texts related to the role of men and
sexual health and rights. women in the family and beyond. P3M believes in
the equality of men and women and rejects
women's subordination to men, as a pre
Linking social injustice, reproductive condition for respect of reproductive rights. P3M
health and Islamic thought has strong arguments to show that the Qur'an
The Indonesian Society for Pesantren and does not support discrimination against women.
Community Development was established in Women, they argue, are equal to men in the sight
1983 as an independent group by individual of God, since they have the same spiritual nature
members of NU and others, to coordinate and are both recipients of the Divine breath.19 As
pesantren-based community development. Its Riffat Hassan notes: God can never be guilty of
eight staff and more than 20 associates are unfairness, tyranny, oppression, or wrongdoing
relatively young Moslem intellectuals who were (zulm); hence, any injustice to which women have
educated in pesantren and who wish to been subjected cannot be regarded as derived
argue for socially and politically relevant Islamic from God.20 Women and men are seen as
thought, critical study of classical texts rather complementary to each other, and neither are
than passive assimilation, and a radical and held to be superior to the other in the family or
creative interpretation of tradition. Their ideas beyond, as stated in the verses:
are disseminated through the informal network
of pesantren and study circles of young and 'The Believers, men and women, are protectors
senior ulama. one of another.'21
P3M members have been concerned from the
group's beginning with social injustice and the Your wives are your garments, and ye are their
improper use of religion to legitimate the views garments.'22
of the dominant socio-economic classes. As
women joined the all-male staff, their analysis of Applying the principle of justice in relation to
injustice began to take into account gender reproductive health, women's reproductive
inequality and the role of religion in maintaining rights can be seen in counter-balance to men's
this inequality in Islamic Indonesian society. rights as the main providers of basic necessities
As a natural extension of this interest, P3M in the marriage. Thus, the Qur'an says:
began to devote attention to reproductive health,
developing a theological discourse appropriate to \..and women shall have rights similar to the
the Indonesian context. This discourse starts with rights against them (meaning men's rights)
the different level of interpretability of sacred according to what is equitable. '23
texts, and proceeds to address gender and repro
ductive health issues in the context of Islam. More P3M believes that women have three types of
particularly, P3M differentiates between verses rights in relation to their reproductive roles.
that address fundamental or core principles Firstly, the right to safety and health, which is
(muhkamat or qath'iy), which may not be inter grounded in one of the five fundamental rights
preted, and verses that address technical or guaranteed under Islamic law, namely the right
instrumental issues (mutasab?iat or dhanniy), such to physical well-being and respect for life {hifdz
89
Sciortino, Marcoes Natsir, Mas'udi
al-nafs).24 Secondly, the right to social welfare sexual health within the Moslem community both
(economic), under which compensation should in Indonesia and abroad. A study of existing
be provided to women for their reproductive literature on women and reproductive health in
role.25 Thirdly, there is the right to make Islam was undertaken,27 and meetings of
decisions, which is the most controversial, since national and local ulama, Moslem women's
dominant Islamic interpretations see men as the rights advocates, and other concerned experts,
absolute decision-makers. According to P3M, including Moslem organisations, were held to
however, that women also have this right is gather both conventional and alternative
inherent in Islam and in its cardinal belief that interpretations of Islamic texts.
each person - man or woman - is responsible These views were then elaborated in a
and accountable for his or her own individual framework document, from which a training
actions.20 module for intensive workshops was produced.
P3M is of the opinion that this right of women These workshops last for five days, for up to 12
has been disregarded because of male domin hours a day, and participants have included
ation of the religious community and of the women preachers (mubalighaf),28 women
interpretation of sacred texts. They assert that religious teachers and female heads of women's
the combination of the core principles of equality pesantren. To date, five workshops have been
[al musawah), justice (al-?dalah), and mutual held in selected pesantren, using participatory
kindness [mu'asyarah bil ma'ruf) rather point to methods to promote discussion on reproductive
women's right to make decisions with their and sexual health from a Moslem perspective.
husbands. This is especially important in such During the workshops, lectures by experts
diverse matters as the selection of a spouse, the and group discussions alternate with role plays,
use of contraception, and deciding whether to ice breakers and simulation games. For instance,
have sexual intercourse and whether and when to offer an alternative to the normative religious
to have children. teaching that defines childrearing as exclusively
Another approach used by P3M focuses on women's duty,23 posters have been developed
the socio-cultural influences that help to shape that portray Indonesian men taking care of their
women's position in Islamic thought. Thus, children. To make it easy to visualise the
according to Islamic law a woman should obtain interwoven influences of social, religious and
her husband's permission before going out and political factors on women's reproductive health,
should always be escorted. Yet in Indonesia the game 'Spider Web' is employed, in which the
Moslem women do not follow this rule but go out participants are asked to identify the factors that
of the house freely on their own. Similarly, the have led to the death of a woman following a
majority of Indonesian Moslem women do not clandestine abortion. These gradually become
wear a veil, but on ritual and official occasions entangled with each other through a string held
use a long shawl to cover their heads. by each of the women, who together weave a
By showing that a certain religious teaching spider's web.
is applied differently in different historical The first workshop began by looking at the
and socio-cultural contexts, P3M once more theory and concepts of gender and reproductive
illustrates the necessity of critical study of health, in line with the recommendations of the
religious texts. ICPD, and then addressed the reality of
Indonesian Moslem women and the teachings of
Islam. However, the participants perceived these
Workshops for women: debating and concepts as 'foreign' to their religious and daily
interpreting Islamic texts experience. Some were concerned that P3M was
The development of a coherent theological trying to enforce Western feminist paradigms on
framework to address reproductive health Islam.
formed an integral part of P3M's advocacy To avoid such misunderstanding, in success
programme to promote awareness of women's ive workshops, language and idioms derived
reproductive health issues in rural pesantren in from the religion and the daily experience of
Java and Madura.26 Starting in 1995, P3M participants have been adopted and medical and
collected existing views on reproductive and theological information has been integrated in a
90
consistent whole. Now the workshops start by maternal mortality in Indonesia,32 unsafe
abortion, and the many religious and cultural
providing socio-medical information in lay terms
to the women, covering how the reproductive beliefs that are detrimental to the health of
system works, the sexual organs, the pregnant and nursing women. Case studies of
reproductive cycle, contraception, abortion, gender injustice such as early marriage of girls,
STDs and AIDS. Understanding the risks to marriages arranged against young women's
women of fulfilling their sexual and reproductive will and rape are also presented for discussion
functions, the participants become aware of the and debate. A further glimpse of P3M's
need to protect themselves, and start to wonder multi-dimensional theological approach will be
provided below by presenting one of the
about the role of their religion in this. In this
context, relevant religious texts relating to sessions on sexual health.
reproductive health are examined, employing
verses and interpretations common to the
pesantren culture.29 Workshop session on sexual relations,
In its new pedagogic approach, rather than HIV and AIDS
focusing on 'reproductive rights from an Islamic The right of women to request sex from their
perspective', P3M now focuses on 'Islamic husbands is clearly stated by Islam, and in the
jurisprudence on women' {fiqh an nisa). Similarly, Indonesian Moslem community it is widely
instead of talking about 'women's rights' in understood that a wife is entitled to sexual
secular terms [hak perempuan), the theological relations with her husband at least once in four
equivalent (huquq al ummahaf) is addressed. days. If she is not sexually fulfilled for more than
To assure the theological legitimacy of the four months, according to Umar, she has the
debate on gender and reproductive health, P3M right to divorce her husband.33 However, the
encourages a participatory analysis of relevant question of whether a woman can refuse
Qur'anic verses and Hadith. For example, the requests for sex from her husband is an
reproductive role of women is discussed by unresolved subject of discussion in pesantren. In
referring to the core principle of justice. P3M P3M's workshops, this issue is addressed by
argues that if Islam in the Prophet's time quoting the verse saying:
attributed to men the burden of production and
to women the burden of reproduction, according Your women are a field for you (to cultivate) so go
to prevailing gender relations, it was also said to your field whenever you want to.'34
that such burdens should be balanced. Thus, if a
woman is breastfeeding, her husband should This verse is often used to argue that women must
compensate her according to her wishes.23 always fulfil their husbands' sexual demands,
Similarly, her husband should pay a maid to along with another verse which is misused to
carry out domestic tasks so that she can perform condone a man beating his wife if she refuses to
tasks outside the home as well as her repro satisfy him sexually.35 P3M uses cartoons about
ductive tasks.30 It is only within such a pattern of these verses to initiate discussion about whether
rights and responsibilities that justice can be fully these interpretations of the texts are fair to
guaranteed within marriage as well as in society. women.
Considering the double burden of earning a Each verse is carefully analysed and
living and bearing and rearing children carried deconstructed. P3M argues that the reference to
by so many women, participants are invited to women as 'a field' should be seen as a symbolic
reflect on the meaning of just compensation and idiom referring to fertility in an agrarian society
gender roles in Indonesian society today. such as Arab culture was at the time of the
Similarly, an analysis of two verses in the Prophet, which is not necessarily valid today.
Qur'an about the hardship of pregnancy and From the original context, it can also be
labour promotes discussion on the burden and established that this was meant as a warning to
risks of reproduction for women and fosters husbands not to perform anal sex with their wives,
respect for women who carry and nurture life.31 and not, as dorninant interpretations claim, to
A film is shown on the process of childbirth, compel women to obey their husbands in sexual
which leads to a discussion of the high rates of matters, which would contradict the core Islamic
91
principles of equality, justice and mutual kindness. Moslem community. When women are found to
With reference to the supposed condoning have HIV they are accused of licentious sexual
of violence in response to a wife's refusal to behaviour and disobedience to religious teach
have sex, P3M demonstrates that under no ings. Yet, ironically, they are also blamed if their
circumstances does the Qur'an encourage, allow husbands get HIV on the grounds that their
or condone domestic violence or physical abuse, husbands seek sex elsewhere because their wives
or marital rape.36 In this regard, it can be derived fail to fulfil their sexual needs.
from the principles of mutual kindness and well Using concrete examples to deconstruct this
being that a wife can refuse sexual intercourse if and many other stereotypes surrounding AIDS,
it might make her suffer, or if she is very tired or P3M advocates the use of condoms as an effective
has a lot of work.37 And what about times when a prevention measure. To justify this position, P3M
woman simply does not want to have sex? P3M refers to the fundamental right in Islamic law to
argues that in some cases, the husband might physical well-being and safety, and to the
also ask himself if he has failed to arouse her teaching to avoid danger in all possible ways,
desire, as prescribed by the Hadith: even when it requires the choice of the lesser of
two evils. The urgency of the situation, they say,
'If you desire to make love with your wife, do not may even permit doing forbidden things {al
behave like a couple of camels or donkeys. Start dlarurat tubih al-mahdhuraf), which according to
with seductive words and kisses.'38 some ulama, includes the use of condoms.39
While acknowledging that adultery and
The right of women to safe sexual relationships is promiscuity cannot and should not be sanctioned
especially relevant in relation to the recent by religion, P3M provocatively argues that
discussion in the Indonesian Moslem community consistent condom use should be justified in
on the desirability of condom use for AIDS order to comply with the fundamental principle
prevention. As a preamble to this issue, P3M of protection of human life (hifdz al-nafs). People
emphasises the seriousness of the AIDS epidemic who cannot avoid having more than one partner,
in Indonesia, where the number of documented whether married or unmarried, should always
HIV and AIDS cases is rising. P3M argues that use condoms - because it would be an even
Moslems cannot refuse to confront AIDS, even if greater sin not to protect their partners.
this implies recognition of a reality about sexual P3M also reflects on the lack of theological
behaviour that they would prefer to ignore. It is consistency of those who accept the use of
important that people start to adopt preventive condoms for family planning but not for AIDS
measures and do not take solace in the belief that prevention. Taking into account the principle of
Islamic values on their own lead to the emergency, they argue that condom use for
faithfulness that provides protection against HIV. AIDS prevention is at least as urgent as family
To illustrate this point, P3M invites workshop planning since it may protect people from death.
participants to play a simulation game called Moreover, while the condom is the only effective
'Wild Fire'. This game allows people to gain a method to prevent sexual transmission of HIV, in
more realistic view about the spread of HIV, and family planning other methods are also available.
makes them realise that everyone is potentially at At the end of this session, P3M stresses the
risk, including married women and infants. great tolerance of Islam and why it must include
Furthermore, participants become aware that people with HIV and AIDS. They call on people
lifelong, monogamous marriages are not always not to blame others for their immoral behaviour,
possible, and that partner change also frequently since so few are without sin. If indeed there are
occurs through polygamy and serial monogamy, people who have never sinned in their lives,
all of which are common in their own, their surely they will not show off their purity by
parents' lives, or in the lives of people in their blaming others for their sins.
communities. Thus, they come to understand
that even without deviance from religious norms,
risk may be present. Looking ahead
P3M also tries to show how gender-biased the Through these workshops, the participants
dominant view of AIDS is in the Indonesian themselves derive new understandings of gender
92
and reproductive rights, based in their own have followed the workshops feel that they have
religious and cultural environment. In addition to become aware of theological interpretations that
becoming more aware of responsibilities and strengthen their position in the family and in the
rights, they also develop a commitment to sharing Moslem community, and lead to better health.
their newly acquired knowledge with their female Still, they fear that this new awareness alone is
pupils and with the women in their prayer groups. not enough to change their situation, if their
Based on what has taken place in these husbands are not equally convinced that Islam
workshops, P3M has compiled a book on the respects women's rights and do not change their
meanings of reproductive rights in Islam for use attitudes toward their wives.
during the workshops and afterwards, which Can a women-oriented interpretation of
addresses women's right to reproductive health, Islamic texts succeed in a society where male
to choose a partner, to enjoy sexual relation ulama with traditional views determine religious
ships, to have children, and to decide about discourse? Can an alternative view of repro
pregnancy. The book is written in simple ductive health and rights eventually become
language so that complex issues are accessible to dominant in Indonesia? These and many other
women from all socio-economic strata.40 questions are still unanswered, and it remains to
The programme's most recent phase aims at be seen whether P3M with its evolutionary
disseminating these ideas to a wider public. approach will indeed be able to change the
P3M's monthly newsletter Sehat (Health), which perceptions of the majority of the Indonesian
is distributed to pesantren, Moslem scholars and Moslem community, which could ultimately help
institutions, and women's groups, focuses on to lead to desired institutional changes.
reproductive health from an Islamic perspective. Nonetheless, we believe that P3M is fulfilling
A bi-monthly forum entitled Rahim ('womb' or an emancipatory role and that their reflections
'merciful' in Arabic) explores alternative inter on the teachings of Islam are contributing to a
pretations of Islamic texts on gender and repro more balanced discussion of reproductive health
ductive health. Participants include religious and rights in Indonesia, by offering Indonesian
scholars (both men and women), medical pro women a much-needed theological basis for
fessionals and health activists, whose debates are improving their place in society.
publicised by P3M in the media. The group also
plans to invite renowned international and
Indonesian Islamic leaders and scholars to Acknowledgements
present their views on reproductive health and We are grateful to Dr Jennifer Lindsay and Dr
rights according to Islam, at a national seminar Mary Zurbuchen for reviewing and helping with
in March 1997 in which P3M will also share its the editing of this paper.
approach.
P3M's activities have encouraged many
women in pesantren to participate enthu Correspondence
siastically in the search for alternative interpre P3M, Jl. Cil??an Kecil 111/12, KramatJati, Jakarta
tations of Islamic texts to understand women's 13640, Indonesia. Fax: 62-21-809-1617.
rights. Still, P3M's work is far from concluded. Its
staff have many more issues to address from a
positive, theological framework within Islam,
including homosexuality and freedom of sexual
orientation, which are still condemned and seen
as not falling within the inclusionary framework
of a merciful and beneficent God who embraces
the whole of humanity.41 Similarly, P3M needs to
grapple with mainstream views on single parent
hood, sex outside marriage, and adolescent
sexuality.
P3M also struggles with the necessity of
involving men in its activities. The women who
93
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References and Notes

1. Jacobson J, Ibrahim B, et al, 1988. The development of agama dalam penanganan hak
Obermeyer CM, 1994. The the family planning programme hak dan kesehatan reproduksi.
Muslim woman: fighting for within Indonesian Islamic Paper presented at the Seminar
faith and family planning. organizations: a fifteen year on the Implications for Indonesia
Washington Post. (September 4) history. Paper presented at the of Chapter VII of the Cairo
Outlook Section. American Public Health Document. UGM, Yogyakarta.
2. Islamic schools differ to the Association, 11th Annual 18. In differentiating between a
degree in which they follow Meeting, Boston MA. minority of fundamental, core
Sunnah (practical tradition of the 11. As a matter of fact, there has principles verses {qath'iy) and a
prophet), Hadith (oral sayings been scant significant opposition majority of instumental,
attributed to the Prophet), qiyas to the family planning technical ones {dhanniy),
(analogy) and jima (consensus of programme from political transformative Islamic scholars -
the community of believers). parties, social organisations or P3M intellectuals among others -
3. Kiyai is the Javanese title for activist groups in Indonesia. differ from conventional
ulama, and is especially used for 12. Indonesia has one of the most scholars who make a more
heads of pesantren and Islamic conservative laws on abortion. semantic differentiation
teachers. For stylistic reasons in In the Criminal Law, article 346 according to whether the verses
the rest of the paper we will only states that a woman who aborts, are explicit (garh'iy) or contain
use the term ulama. kills her fetus or orders other ambiguities (dhanniy).
4. Hasyim Aidid, 1987. Islamic people to do so, can be Transformative Islamic scholars
leaders' attitude towards family imprisoned for a maximum of aim to transform social
planning in Indonesia (1950s five years. A newer, rather structures in such a way that
1980s). MA thesis, ANU, unclear law issued in 1992 and as reflect justice and equality
Canberra, pp. 25-32. yet still without implementing through a process of
5. Quote from Hasyim Aidid, 1987. regulations, states that 'certain reinterpretation of religious
Islamic leaders7 attitude towards medical procedures' (meaning texts, freeing theological
family planning in Indonesia abortion) can only be admitted in discourse from gender and class
(1950s-1980s). MA thesis, ANU, 'order to save the life of a biases. See: Mas'udi MF, 1994.
Canberra, p. 65. pregnant women or that of her The Basic Concept of
6. This put an end to the baby' (Djohan E et al, 1993. The Understanding Women:
controversy about the attitudes of health providers Reinterpreting Islamic Teachings
acceptability of IUD in Islam. towards abortion in Indonesia. on Women. The Forum for Islam
Since then, the National Family Reproductive Health Matters and the Advancement of
Planning Board (BKKBN) has 2:32-40). Women, Jakarta.
propagated the MUT s 13. Huzaemah Ta?ido, 1994. 19. As-Sajdah: 7-9. See: Badawi J,
standpoint to increase women's Pandangan Islam tentang aborsi. 1995. Gender Equity in Islam.
acceptance of IUD. Paper presented at the American Trust Publications,
7. Moslem organizations workshop on Islam and Plainfield.
considering the irreversibility of reproductive rights, P3M. 20. Hassan R, 1996. Women's rights
the method an interference with 14. Only a minority of ulama from and Islam: from the ICPD to
divine will. the Maliki School allows a Beijing. Draft.
8. Senior ulama endorses surgery shorter period, namely 40 days. 21.At-Tawbah:71.
for birth control. The Jakarta 15. Peranan keluarga dalam 22.A1-Baqarah:137
Post. November 6,1995. pencegahan dan 23. Al-Baqarah: 228, as translated
9. Reference here is to the two penanggulangan HIV/AIDS. by Abdullah Yusuf Ali, 1989. The
Hadith collections of Sahih HR Republika, 17 September 1995. Holy Qu'ran. Brentwood, MD.
Buhari and Sahih Muslim. It is See: Dadang Hawari, 1995. The 24. The other four fundamental
interesting to note that Islamic concept in fighting rights are: hifdz al-din (right to
supporters of modern family against AIDS. Paper presented religion); hifdz al-'aql (right to
planning within the Moslem at the AIDS Seminar FKM-UI, 14 knowledge and opinion); hifdz
community view these sayings September. al-mal (right to social welfare)
and their interpretation by Imam 16. MUI, 1995. Mimbar Ulama. and hifdz al-nasl (right to
Ghazali differently, as approving November-December: 38-45. descendants). Imam Al-Ghazali.
all kinds of contraception. 17. Abdurrahman Wahid KH, 1995. Al-Mustashfa. Vol. I, p. 287. Dar
10. Sampoerno D, Paxman JD, Moll B Kendala-kendala di bidang el-Fikr, Beirut.
95
Sciortino, Marco es Natsir, Mas'udi
25.A1-Baqarah:233 Mediation in Indonesia. KITLV, Indonesian Moslems is

26. P3M's advocacy program is Leiden. grounded on this view although
supported by the Ford 29. It should be stressed here that slightly different - allowing a
Foundation. such verses and related Moslem woman to request a
27. Inspiring references have been interpretations are not divorce if her husband does not
in this context. See: Engineer necessarily known among other fulfil her psychological and
Asgar Ali, 1992. The Rights of Moslem groups either in physical needs for six months.
Women in Islam. C Hurst, Indonesia or abroad. 34.A1-Baqarah:223.
London. Mernissi F, 1991. 30. Wahbah az-Zuhailiy, 1989. Al 35.An-Nisa:34.
Women and Islam: An Historical Fiqh al-Islami Wa-Adillatuhu. 36.An-Nisa:19.
and Theological Enquiry. 7:734. Dar-el-Fikr, Beirut. This 37. Wahbah az-Zuhailiy, 1984. Al
Blackwell, Oxford. Hassan R, text ought to be seen within its Fiqh al-Islami Wa-Adillatuhu.
1996. Women's rights and Islam: historical context, reflecting a Dar-el-Fikr, Beirut.
from the ICPD to Beijing. Draft. feudal society in its reference 38. As prescribed by Ibn. Majah.
Ahmed L, 1992. Women and only to non-slave women, who 39. Zainuddin Ibn Najim 1993. Al
Gender in Islam. Yale University were honoured in society and Asybah wa al-Nadha-ir. 85. Dar
Press, New Haven and London. therefore considered unsuitable al-Kutub al-flmiyah, Beirut.
Sisters in Islam, 1993. Islam, for work (syarifah). 40. A difficulty in its production has
Gender and Women's Rights: An 31.Luqman: 14 and Al-Ahqaf: 15. In been the scarcity of international
Alternative View. Kuala Lumpur. these verses God defines references and the total lack of
28. Mubalighat are a common pregnancy as wahnan ala wahnin Indonesian references providing
feature in Malaysia and or 'hardship upon all hardships'. a progressive interpretation of
Indonesia, but not so in the 32. The National Household Health reproductive health and rights in
Middle East, showing the Survey estimated in 1992 a Islam.
greater autonomy of Moslem maternal mortality rate of 437 41. Sheba Ali and Omar
women in the Malay world. For per 100,000 live births. Muhammad. The dilemma of
more information see: Marcoes 33. Najib Muthi'iy, y.u.. Takmilah al Muslim lesbians, gays and
L, 1992. The female preacher as a Majmu. XV:260. Maktabah Al bisexuals. (Source and year of
mediator in religion. Van Irsyad, Jeddah. The present publication unknown to the
Bemmelen et al. Women and divorce legislation for authors.)
R?sum? Resumen
En Indon?sie, o? la religion est consid?r?e En Indonesia, donde la religi?n es considerada
comme un ?l?ment essentiel de la vie sociale, un elemento esencial de la vida social, las
la discussion des probl?mes de sant? g?n?sique discusiones sobre salud reproductiva adquieren
prend in?vitablement une dimension th?ologique. inevitablemente dimensiones teol?gicas. Este
Cet article expose l'approche novatrice adopt?e ensayo se centra en el innovador m?todo utilizado
par YIndonesian Society for Pesantren and por la Indonesian Society for Pesantren and
Community Development pour replacer les droits Community Development, para la mejor
de la femme en mati?re de sant? sexuelle et comprensi?n de los derechos femeninos en
g?n?sique dans le contexte socioculturel cuanto a salud sexual y reproductiva dentro del
indon?sien, par l'?tude et la r?interpr?tation des contexto sociocultural indonesio, mediante el
textes sacr?s de l'Islam. Il explique comment le estudio y reinterpretaci?n de los textos sagrados
groupe a li? les questions des r?les respectifs dedel islam. El ensayo describe c?mo la agrupaci?n
l'homme et de la femme, de la sant? de la establece v?nculos entre temas de justicia social,
reproduction et de la justice sociale ? la g?nero y salud reproductiva en el marco de la
jurisprudence islamique et comment il a organis? jurisprudencia isl?mica, y conduce talleres para
? l'intention des femmes en charge d'?coles et de mujeres que trabajan en internados isl?micos en
pensionnats musulmans dans les zones rurales zonas rurales de Java y Madura, en los que se
de Java et Madura, des ateliers sur des th?mes discute temas como el embarazo, la crianza de los
comme la grossesse et l'?levage des enfants, la hijos, la mortalidad materna, el aborto
mortalit? maternelle, l'avortement clandestin, les clandestino, las relaciones sexuales y el VIH/SIDA.
relations sexuelles et le VIH/SIDA.
96

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Learning from Islam: Advocacy of Reproductive Rights in Indonesian Pesantren

In Indonesia, where religion is considered an essential component of social life, discussion of

References and Notes

25.A1-Baqarah:233 Mediation in Indonesia. KITLV, Indonesian Moslems is

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