Neo-Racism and Neo-Nationalism Within East Asia: The Experiences of International Students in South Korea

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Asia: The Experiences of DOI: 10.1177/1028315316669903
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International Students in
South Korea
Jenny Lee1,3, Jae-Eun Jon2, and Kiyong Byun3
Abstract
This research, based in South Korea, compares the experiences of international
students from within and outside the Asian region and then examines Chinese
international students’ perceptions of discrimination. Utilizing the concept of neo-
nationalism, survey findings revealed that Asian students reported greater difficulties
and unfair treatment compared with students coming from Europe, North America,
and other regions. The interviews further revealed anti-Chinese sentiments resulting
in verbal aggression, challenges securing housing, discriminatory employment
practices, and more.
Keywords
internationalization of higher education, mobility of students and academic staff,
internationalization of teaching, learning and research, globalization and international
higher education, cross-border delivery of education
More than ever before, universities around the world are recognizing the benefits that
international students offer. For some countries, as in the United States, Australia, and
parts of Europe, international students tend to contribute economically with full-pay-
ing tuition and fees. In other parts of the world, as in South Korea and China, interna-
tional students might be partially to fully funded by the host country or university as
1University
of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA
2Semyung University, Jecheon, South Korea
3Korea University, Seoul, South Korea
Corresponding Author:
Jenny Lee, University of Arizona, 305 Education, Tucson, AZ 85721, USA.
Email: jennylee@arizona.edu
Downloaded from jsi.sagepub.com at CORNELL UNIV on October 8, 2016

2 Journal of Studies in International Education
markers of international or Western prestige. Although there are numerous exceptions

and different rationales across different universities, international students have gener-
ally been sought after with a close eye on enrollments.
In the scramble to internationalize, international students are in danger of being nar-
rowly viewed as university commodities for financial and reputational gains (Lee,
2013). What higher education institutions tend to pay less attention to are the experi-
ences of international students once they arrive. Although international students often
report a positive educational experience, especially compared with available options in
their home countries (Lee, 2010), their social experiences are less understood.
Meanwhile, there have been numerous accounts of discrimination against students
from developing countries studying in the United States, Australia, and the United
Kingdom, in forms ranging from subtle stereotyping to physical violence (Beoku-Betts,
2004; Lee & Opio, 2011; Lee & Rice, 2007; Marginson, Nyland, Erlenawati, & Forbes-
Mewett, 2010). The general explanation has been framed as a form of racism from the
dominant White majority against ethnic minorities (Lee & Rice, 2007). However, as
nations in non-Western parts of the world are increasingly internationalizing as host
destinations, what are the experiences of students studying abroad in such regions?
The research on international students in non-English speaking countries is sparse
compared with studies conducted in Western, English-speaking, countries.
Nevertheless, countries beyond North America and Europe are playing an increasing
role as host destinations. Despite limited course offerings in the English language,
several non-English speaking countries have experienced an increase in the proportion
of the world’s international students, including Russia, Spain, and South Korea
(Organization of Economic Co-Operation and Development [OECD], 2014). Although
the numbers of overseas students in the United States and globally have been increas-
ing, the United States has also experienced a significant decline in its global share
since 2000 (7%; OECD, 2014). There is also evidence that regional mobility occurs at
a higher rate than global mobility, with 21% of international students in all OECD
countries studying in an immediate border country (OECD, 2014).
Considering these preceding trends, this study examined the case of South Korea
(Korea hereafter), and in particular, the intercultural experiences of international stu-
dents in this country. Given the past research on the challenges and discrimination
faced by international students in the United States (Lee & Opio, 2011; Lee & Rice,
2007), we were especially interested in what they might encounter in a country where
Whites are not the majority and English is not the official language. Thus, this study
investigated international student experiences in Korea, with an eye on its largest
international student population, Chinese students.
International Student Social Experiences

For the most part, international students have consistently reported being satisfied
with their educational experiences abroad. Lee (2010), for example, found that 83% of
surveyed international students would recommend the institution to friends and family
back home, but the same study also found mistreatment against students from

Lee et al. 3
non-Western countries. Negative experiences included perceptions of biased treatment

from faculty, feelings of unacceptance from peers, and disrespectful conduct because
of one’s ethnicity, all of which were found to be significant influences on an interna-
tional student’s attitude about the host institution.
Among the limited studies that have compared domestic and international students,
Mullins, Quintrell, and Hancock (1995) found that “international students were more
likely than local students to experience problems and to a greater degree” (p. 210)
across three universities in Australia. The study’s pre-selected problems that were
compared between the two groups included finding part-time work, fear of failure,
workload, and nervousness/tension, to name some on their survey instrument. Since
then, Marginson et al. (2010) interviewed more than 200 international students in the
same country and identified similar cases of concern but also identified issues that
may be especially pronounced among non-Australians, particularly personal safety,
lack of finances, sub-standard housing, loneliness, and racism. With regard to the lat-
ter, they identified numerous cases of physical assault against South Asians in particu-
lar, known as “Curry bashing,” combined with a lack of governmental response
(Marginson, 2010).
There have also been limited studies on students’ international experiences in non-
Western countries. According to Roberts, Chou, and Ching (2009), students reported
high rates of satisfaction in choosing to study at a Taiwanese institution, particularly in
the university’s highly regarded Mandarin language program, which was among the
primary draws for most of its students. Yet as reported in Western countries, the inter-
national students, across 22 different countries, reported difficulties in adjusting to the
climate, food, culture, and feelings of loneliness and homesickness while in Taiwan.
From the perspective of host students in Korea, Jon and Jang (2012) identified a range
of attitudes—friendly, indifferent, and discriminatory, based on international students’
country origins, with a preference for those from the West (i.e., North America and
Europe). The study further revealed that despite sharing the same region, Korean stu-
dents espoused discriminatory views against those from less economically developed
nearby countries.
Past research has similarly provided a more critical perspective on how host coun-
tries may inadvertently target international students. Beoku-Betts (2004) reported dis-
crimination in the United Kingdom, particularly White male professors targeting
African female students and instances of being required to take remedial courses with-
out clear justification. Lee and Rice (2007) have since provided a neo-racism frame-
work to explain how the burden is often wrongly placed on international students to
overcome their challenges rather than critically examining how host countries make it
especially difficult for them to succeed. This is the new racism, or neo-racism, in a
globalizing world. Utilizing the same framework of neo-racism, Lee and Opio (2011)
further criticized U.S. institutions for systematically recruiting African student athletes
for their athletic prowess and institutional prestige under the guise of an international
education. Examples of neo-racism included underestimations about the African stu-
dent athletes’ desires to learn and other negative assumptions that undermined their
academic success.

Student Mobility to Korea

With its rising economic development as an economic powerhouse of the East, Korea
has quickly emerged as a major higher education destination within the East Asian
region (Jon, Lee, & Byun, 2014). Among all OECD countries, Korea had the highest
reported change index in international student enrollment (OECD, 2011). The country
experienced a 15-fold increase in international student enrollment at Korean universi-
ties over the past 10 years (the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organisation [UNESCO], 2011) with the highest proportion of international students
originating within the East Asian region (see Table 1). Among all OECD countries,
Korea ranks third in the highest percentage of international students coming from
neighboring countries (75%), after Japan (81%) and Greece (76%; OECD, 2014).
Based on our findings from an earlier phase of this research, we found different
rationales for studying in Korea and the host institution based on geographic origins
(Jon, Lee, & Byun, 2014). Students from Asia were driven by educational, economic,
and other utilitarian reasons compared with students from North America and Europe.
North American and European students, who tended to enroll in short-term study pro-
grams, prioritized cultural interests and personal connections over the particular insti-
tution. Asian students, however, who usually enrolled in long-term degree programs,
weighed the financial and practical aspects of studying in Korea more heavily. Their
rationales for choosing the country included job opportunities after graduation, easier
visa process, geographical proximity, and safety. Their priorities in choosing the insti-
tution were largely based on affordability and the quality of education. Given such
differentiation in the rationales of those who seek study in the country, it is likely that
there may be corresponding differentiation in the experiences upon arrival. Thus,
Korea’s role as a regional hub is worth further investigation.
A key player in spurring Korea’s higher education international exchange is China.
The number of Chinese students studying abroad in Korea, and vice versa, notably
increased since 2000, a period of economic growth for both countries, particularly
after the 1997 Asian financial crisis. This high rate of international exchange corre-
sponds with the high exchange of human, material, and cultural factors following the
economic interdependence between the two countries (Byun & Um, 2014). In the case
of China, its rapid economic growth in recent years has given rise to a larger wealthier
class and thus increased social demand for higher education, which could not be fully met
by China’s domestic capacity. Korea, however, which had been suffering from student
recruitment and income shortage problems caused by a declining domestic population of
college-aged students, was well suited to meet China’s educational needs based on its
geographic proximity and reputable universities. Korea has six top-20 entries in the QS
(2015) Asian University Rankings and 24 ranked institutions overall in the QS World
University Rankings (QS, 2015) as well as eight universities ranked in the top 500 of
Times Higher Education (THE; 2015) World rankings. Korea also has global brand rec-
ognition with companies such as Samsung, LG, Kia, and Hyundai. In addition to these
factors, the Korean government’s efforts (during the aftermath of the 1990s financial cri-
sis) to minimize the country’s educational deficit by changing its policy focus on

Lee et al. 5
Table 1. Changes in Number of International Students Studying in Korea, by Country of

Origin (2001-2013).
2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2012 2013

China 3,221 5,607 12,312 31,829 53,461 59,317 55,427 50,343
Japan 3,565 2,486 1,289 3,531 3,931 4,520 4,093 4,344
The United States 1,297 575 766 1,173 1,898 2,707 2,665 2,668
Vietnam 186 367 705 2,242 1,787 2,325 2,447 2,998
Taiwan 559 631 807 1,037 1,256 1,574 1,510 1,690
Mongolia 201 208 510 1,309 2,724 3,699 3,797 3,902
Total 11,646 12,314 22,526 49,270 75,850 89,537 86,878 85,923
Source. Korean Educational Development Institute (2013).
international students from “outbound” to “inbound” mobility, and thus actively recruit
overseas students, also played a significant role in drawing Chinese students to Korea.1
As also shown in Table 1, Chinese college student enrollment in Korea increased
more than 18-fold from 3,221 in 2001 to 59,317 students in 2011; the Korean student
enrollment in Chinese higher education institutions has also increased almost fourfold
from 16,372 students in 2001 to 63,488 students in 2013 (Korean Educational
Development Institute, 2013). During 2011, when the number of international students
in Korea was at its peak, 59,317 students, or 66.2%, of the total 89,357 foreign stu-
dents studying at universities in Korea were from China.
Table 1 further reveals, however, that the number of international students in Korea has
been on the decline since 2011, and that this decline is mainly due to a decrease in the
number of Chinese students. According to the Korean Ministry of Education, the number
of international students studying at Korean universities decreased by 3,614 in about 2
years, from 89,537 students in 2011 to 85,923 students in 2013. This drop corresponds with
a decrease in number of Chinese foreign exchange students of 9,000 people, from 59,317
in 2011 to but 50,343 in 2013, further showing that the proportion of Chinese students out
of total international students fell by 7.6%, from 66.2% in 2011 to 58.6% in 2013. The
ostensible reasons for this trend may be attributed to policy changes that occurred during
this period: The Korean government actively sought to ensure the quality of international
students coming to study in Korea by introducing the International Educational Quality
Assurance System (IEQAS) in 2011 and also required international students to pass at least
Level 3 of the Test of Proficiency in Korean to qualify for application to Korean universi-
ties. Although the exact reasons remain under-investigated, when considering the fact that
the demand to study abroad is steadily rising in China,2 it is not unreasonable to conjecture
that Korea may be losing its appeal as a study destination for Chinese students.
Korean Attitudes Against Chinese

Korean society has been homogeneous throughout its history considering the interna-
tional standard, and until recently, opportunities to interact with those from abroad

were virtually nonexistent or at least very rare. Consequently, Koreans have histori-
cally been unfamiliar with how to peacefully co-exist with people of other cultures
(Kwak, 2007; Yoon, 2008 cited in D. S. Kim, Kim, & Jung, 2011). As a result, modern-
day stereotypes or prejudices Koreans espouse toward certain ethnic groups tend to be
rooted mostly in indirect experiences through various mediums such as television and
the Internet (H. Kim, 2009). Put another way, Korean stereotypes or prejudices regard-
ing outsiders are not necessarily based on individual biases, but rather, as the literature
suggests, reflect society-wide perceptions and beliefs molded over time.
Overall, Korean perceptions toward Chinese people have shown to be contemptu-
ous. Depictions of Chinese people as dirty, noisy, slow, not to mention wily can easily
be found on the Internet. Previous research on Koreans’, including Korean college
students’, perceptions of foreigners has revealed a very pervasively negative view of
the Chinese (Jon & Jang, 2012; D. S. Kim et al., 2011; Min, 2012; Nam, 2010). This
tendency can be attributed to both subjective and objective factors: The subjective fac-
tors include the relative feeling of superiority Koreans have toward Chinese concern-
ing socioeconomic development and civic consciousness, as well as the sense of
inferiority Koreans may feel due to their history of having been a tributary of China,
and a subject of Sinocentrism. Media attention on the wrongdoings of certain Chinese
people, such as environmental pollution or counterfeiting of products, and their
undemocratic social system, including human rights abuse and lack of freedom of
press, further exacerbate negative perceptions Koreans may hold toward the Chinese
(Korea Times, 2009; Min, 2012; Power, 2015).
According to D. S. Kim et al. (2011), Korean university students generally har-
bored more negative than positive perceptions and stereotypes concerning the Chinese,
as opposed to the dominantly positive perceptions they held toward Americans or the
Japanese. The Korean students reported that although they were wary of some degrad-
ing attitudes on the part of Americans or Japanese, they felt mostly amity toward the
two groups. When it came to the Chinese, however, students reported greater feelings
of disdain. This negative tendency also applied to Korean students’ views about
Southeast Asians. Efforts to better understand what drives these perceptions and
address such tensions are needed. Any negative stereotypes that Korean university
students may hold toward specific ethnic groups could lead them to become inflictors
of on-campus discrimination and prejudice against students of those ethnicities.
Neo-Racism and Neo-Nationalism

Neo-Racism
Past research on discrimination against internationals has framed forms of neo-racism
(Cantwell & Lee, 2010; Jon & Jang, 2012; Lee & Opio, 2011; Lee & Rice, 2007). Neo-
racism refers to a “new racism” based on negative perceptions about an individual’s
region of origin, in addition to his or her race. Beliefs about a hierarchy of cultures
become a basis for discrimination against those from perceived inferior parts of the
world, thereby fueling exclusion and mistreatment in a global society (Balibar, 1991;

Lee et al. 7
Barker, 1981; Hervik, 2004; Spears, 1999). Most of the neo-racism higher education
research has been based in the United States and the United Kingdom and highlighted
how ethnic minorities from low-income countries can be negatively viewed and mis-
treated by the dominant majority group (i.e., Whites; Cantwell & Lee, 2010; Lee &
Opio, 2011; Lee & Rice, 2007). Neo-racism helps to explain this phenomenon against
international students as determined by one’s phenotype and a perceived cultural
order. However, the concept may not adequately explain hostility toward groups
within the same race and with cultural similarities, as in the case of Asian3 internation-
als studying within the same region.
Neo-Nationalism
Whereas nationalism refers to identification with one’s nation, we propose that neo-
nationalism, like neo-racism, extends this traditional concept to the new global econ-
omy. With increasing internationalization, national identity is being reintroduced and
reconceptualized as a form of global competition. Based on his anthropological analy-
sis of Europe, Gingrich (2006) explained, “all major forms of nationalism are intrinsi-
cally linked to capitalist market economy and related forms of statehood” (p. 194) and
neo-nationalism is “nationalism in a globalised period of aggressive postcolonial and
post-Cold War readjustment” (p. 200). Likewise, Paquin (2002) described globaliza-
tion as “changing the nature of nationalism” (p. 58), in which free trade and economic
interests become difficult to separate from national interests. In her case example of
Scotland, she explained this new nationalism has little deference for traditional cul-
ture, such as language. Yet, Gingrich’s (2006) and Paquin’s (2002) description of neo-
nationalism in the European Union does not aptly translate to a region with a less
formal political and economic partnership as in the case of East Asia.
Unlike the political and economic union of the European Union, countries within
East Asia have attempted to collaborate as a regional bloc but have also been in much
competition with one another as trading partners with the West. In a new global society
based on capitalist values, countries then vie for economic and political power. In this
sense, China and Korea are interdependent global rivalries, although China’s eco-
nomic powers far surpass Korea’s. This new nationalism includes maintaining a sense
of national distinctiveness and power, but societal boundaries are reinforced by nega-
tive attitudes against those who are “below” a perceived global hierarchy.
Method
Extending the concept of neo-racism to observe possible forms of neo-nationalism,
this mixed method investigated international students’ perceptions of discrimination in
Korea, with further focus on those from China. Both quantitative and qualitative data
were collected concurrently in a large private research university in Seoul, Korea. The
population of international students at this university has increased noticeably with its
efforts to internationalize the campus. The number of international-exchange students
reached 895 from 154 in 2004, and that of degree-seeking international students

expanded from 411 to 956 between 2007 and 2010. About half of international stu-
dents seeking degrees came from China. The proportion of Chinese students is some-
what lower than that at the national level, 67% in 2011. Considering the highly
regarded reputation of this university in Korea, this university has also attracted inter-
national students from different regions in the world (Jon, Lee, & Byun, 2014).
The research instruments were utilized for a larger study on the role of Korean
higher education in the region (Jon, Lee, & Byun, 2014). Quantitative data were col-
lected using an online survey provided in English and Chinese. The international
affairs office at the university contacted and invited enrolled international students by
email. Among a total of 332 responses used in the analyses, those from Asia consti-
tuted 67% (228), with the majority of Asian respondents from China (156), followed
Malaysia (18) and Vietnam (13). The remaining 12 Asian countries had 10 or fewer
students. Participants from North America were 12% (40), mostly U.S. students (33)
and the rest from Canada (seven). Europe comprised 16% (54), with 10 or less across
17 European countries. Finally, those from the rest of the world were 3% (10) of the
total sample, with only one to two students across nine countries.
For the qualitative data collection, 20 Chinese students enrolled in undergraduate
degree programs were interviewed. We purposely sampled Chinese students for their
prominent presence in Korean higher education and the site university. Moreover, degree-
seeking students’ experiences can be qualitatively different from exchange students who
tend to stay in Korea for a short-term period. A Chinese Korean graduate student, who
was fluent in Korean and Chinese, conducted interviews with Chinese students. The inter-
views were conducted in Chinese to facilitate as much open and candid sharing of the
participants’ experiences and thoughts without a language barrier. Using snowball sam-
pling, eight male and 12 female students participated in interviews. The distribution of
academic majors was 11 in social sciences, five in science and engineering, and four in
humanities. Eight of the Chinese students were juniors, followed by five sophomores,
four freshmen, and three seniors. The semi-structured interview was based on a broad
range of questions adapted from related research on international student experiences and
included reasons for their decision to study abroad in the host country and their academic
experience as well as social experiences (Jon, Lee, & Byun, 2014).
To observe any distinguishable patterns of neo-racism, the quantitative analyses
compared international students’ perceptions and experiences with regard to any pos-
sible discrimination across different regions. Questions related to feeling welcome,
acceptance, and treatment by locals in Korea were analyzed using descriptive statis-
tics, ANOVAs, and post hoc tests. To understand the possible extent of neo-national-
ism, the researchers analyzed the translated interview transcripts. Interview data were
coded inductively using open coding, creating a code list based on anticipated findings
and then modified after further analyses.
Quantitative Findings
The survey analyses revealed that international students generally felt welcome, but
significant differences emerged by their regions of origin, F(3, 324) = 10.09, p < .001

Lee et al. 9
Table 2. Difficulty in Feeling Welcome in Korea by Region of Origin.
Asia North America Europe Other

(n = 28) (n = 40) (n = 54) (n = 10) Post hoc test
Difficulty welcome 2.6 2.1 1.9 1.4 A > N*, A > E***, A > O*
Note. No difficulty = 1; much difficulty = 5. F(3,324) = 10.09, p < .001.

*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Table 3. Feel Accepted and Comfortable in Korea by Region of Origin.
North
Asia (%) America (%) Europe (%) Other (%) χ2 df
Accepted and comfortable 79.3 87.2 96.2 80 9.31* 3
Note. Yes = 1, no = 0.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Table 4. Treated Fairly Compared With Korean Students by Region of Origin.
North
By classmates 59.7 77.5 79.6 90 13.36** 3
By professors 72.7 77.5 81.5 100 5.35 3
By staff 77.8 80.0 92.6 90 6.74 3
On campus 75.1 77.5 88.9 100 7.72 3
Outside campus 50.5 55.0 71.7 60 7.93* 3
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
(see Table 2). Students from Asia felt the least welcome compared with the other
regional groups.
In addition to feeling unwelcome, survey findings revealed that Asian students felt
less accepted and comfortable in Korea than North Americans, Europeans, and those
from other regions (see Table 3). They also believed they were treated the least fairly
compared with Koreans (see Table 4). Asian students consistently reported signifi-
cantly lower rates of fair treatment compared with Korean students by classmates and
outside the university.
The findings also revealed that Asians believed they were not only treated less
fairly than local Koreans but also less fairly than other international students. They felt
they were treated worse than other international students by classmates, professors,
staff, on campus, and off campus (see Table 5).
Given these results, we conducted further analyses to differentiate Asian students.
We found no significant differences by country of origin within the Asian sample.

Table 5. Treated Fairly Compared With Other International Students by Region of Origin.
North
By classmates 65.6 97.5 96.3 90 35.88*** 3
By professors 76.8 92.5 94.4 100 15.24** 3
By staff 80.5 97.5 94.3 100 14.11** 3
On campus 74.1 95.0 98.1 90 22.66*** 3
Outside campus 62.5 90 94.3 90 31.09*** 3
*p <.05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Table 6. Difficulty in Feeling Welcome During Stay in Korea by China and Region of Origin.
North
China Other Asia America Europe Other
(n = 156) (n = 72) (n = 40) (n = 56) (n = 10) Post hoc test
Difficulty welcome 2.7 2.5 2.1 1.9 1.4 C > N*, C > E***,
C > O*, A > E*
Note. No difficulty = 1; much difficulty = 5. F(4,323) = 7.96, p < .001.

*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Table 7. Feel Accepted and Comfortable in Korea by China and Region of Origin.
Other North
China (%) Asia (%) America (%) Europe (%) Other (%) χ2 df
Accepted and comfortable 76.3 85.7 87.2 96.2 80 12.31* 4
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Table 8. Treated Fairly Compared With Korean Students by China and Region of Origin.
Other North
By classmates 54.8 70.4 77.5 79.6 90 17.63** 4
By professors 69.2 80.3 77.5 81.5 100 8.57 4
By staff 77.3 78.8 80.0 92.6 90 6.82 4
On campus 73.6 78.6 77.5 88.9 100 8.44 4
Outside campus 47.1 58.0 55.0 71.7 60 10.21* 4
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
However, in comparing Chinese students with all other Asians and regions, the differ-
ences were significant, with Chinese students reporting greater difficulties and unequal
treatment across all the same measures (see Tables 6-9).

Lee et al. 11
Table 9. Treated Fairly Compared With Other International Students by China and Region
of Origin.
Other North
By classmates 60.0 77.8 97.5 96.3 90 44.22*** 4
By professors 75.0 80.6 92.5 94.4 100 16.28** 4
By staff 77.4 87.3 97.5 94.3 100 17.94** 4
On campus 71.4 80.0 95.0 98.1 90 24.96*** 4
Outside campus 58.2 71.8 90 94.3 90 35.57*** 4
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Qualitative Findings
In-depth interviews with Chinese students in Korea provided a deeper understanding
of the experiences of international students from within the same Asian region. The
major themes included feeling unwelcome, differential treatment, and overt mistreat-
ment. Despite such negative encounters, the interviews revealed that many interna-
tional students managed to maintain a high self-regard and sometimes a positive view
of the local host community.
Lack of Welcome
The interviewed Chinese students revealed a range of opinions about how they are
treated by locals and, consistent with the survey findings, the majority of the inter-
viewees felt unwelcomed. The few affirmative responses were conditional in that
despite feeling welcome, discrimination against Chinese people as a whole was
acknowledged: “In my case, I’m welcomed by native students. Although I could see
elders don’t like China . . . Chinese students are welcomed in general” (11). Another
student shared getting along with Korean students despite being Chinese:
It’s relatively okay. As I just said before, Koreans tend to look down on Chinese a little.
But when it comes to my Korean friends, they never realize I’m Chinese when I hang out
with them. We enjoy chatting, not bringing controversial issues such as politics. There
never have been any conflicts among us. It’s great. (20)
As indicated by this student, his or her “great” relationship with his or her Korean
friends was at least partly attributable to suppressing his or her Chinese identity.
Besides these few exceptions, most Chinese students shared that they were not
welcomed, as simply spoken by one student, “I think most Koreans don’t like Chinese”
(4). Another elaborated,
Though I have a few experiences, I should say that I’ve been rarely welcomed. I also can
say that I’ve been discriminated if I have to list the cases. Generally, there’s little personal
connection between us and Koreans so no conflict was made. Anyway, the discrimination
exists. (1)

According to the latter, there were no direct confrontations due to a lack of interac-
tions to begin with. Recognizing the possibly negative perceptions about the Chinese,
some Chinese students withdrew from social interactions with peers outside their
own ethnicity. One student shared her or his inhibitions: “I have few foreign friends .
. . Korean friends are very friendly but I can’t approach them proactively.” When
asked why, s/he responded, “I’m afraid they hate or ignore me” (1).
Differential Treatment
As demonstrated in the survey findings, not all international students felt marginal-
ized. The interviews further elaborated on patterns of differential treatment based on
nationality despite originating from the same region. Chinese students explained in
their interviews that they observed Korean students favoring international students
from Western countries. In many interviews, they also compared themselves with stu-
dents from Japan, with those from more recent colonizer preferred. A student stated,
“Chinese are not welcomed by everyone on the campus. It depends since there are lots
of Chinese. Some like us but some don’t. I think Koreans like Americans or Japanese
more than us.” Others explained,
Korean students tend to socialize well with students from Western countries and also
not bad with Japanese students. But they don’t do so with particularly Chinese
students. Sometimes they do well to us but sometimes they don’t. I feel distant from
them. (17)
Koreans treat Chinese differently compared to the way they treat Japanese. They treat us
amazingly, when we say that we are from foreign country. However, when I reveal that
I’m Chinese, I can feel that they look down on me. I know that there are many people who
have same complaint. Chinese students sometimes tell me how Koreans looked down on
them. But in my case, all Koreans who I met were kind to me. (16)
Having been colonized by Japan two generations ago and ongoing political dis-
putes to date, Koreans might espouse a more negative view of Japanese students.
Such historically based relations do not appear to play out in current times at the
university setting, according to the Chinese students who were interviewed. Rather,
Chinese students, based on their reported accounts, believed they were treated worse
than the Japanese. Several Chinese students reasoned that Koreans’ negative attitudes
were partly a result of the shared history between Korea and China, for example,
Korea having been invaded by China numerous times throughout history, but not
completely explainable given Korea’s poorer past relations with Japan. The students
explained as follows:
I think the major reason is probably history. They seem to think that there were historically
unpleasant incidents between Korea and China. But such a historical issue is worse with
Japan. It may not be simply the matter of history. I suppose that the second important
point is national economy. And education and other things. (6)

Lee et al. 13
Negative Stereotypes
Such reported lack of welcome against Chinese students in particular appeared linked
to negative stereotypes. According to an interviewee, “Actually Chinese are not like
what Koreans think. I think they regard Chinese as left behind, dirty, and loud, thanks
to deeply rooted prejudice” (16). Many Chinese students shared these views within the
context of their interactions with the local community. A commonly reported stereo-
type was the lack of resources and quality items in China, unlike in Japan. Such exam-
ples included the following:
One Korean has asked me if there’s watermelon in China. I guess it’s because they cannot
understand or don’t know China well. (19)
I heard it happened off the campus like asking about China or saying that there’s no
coffee in China. A Korean once said that the product made in China must be cheaper than
the one made in Korea. One day, I went to a copy shop to print out but paper was too
thick. I asked the clerk for thinner paper. Then, she said such thing is only in China not in
Korea. That kind of discrimination truly gets me mad but nothing else. (15)
One reason that Chinese students might have felt especially unwelcome was that
some reported understanding the Korean language and what was said about them. In
our preliminary analyses for this study, we found a slight negative correlation between
Korean language ability and feeling treated fairly compared with other international
students outside the university (r = −.15, p < .05). In the interviews, the following
student described a negative encounter that she or he was able to understand more
fully because she or he understood the Korean language:
I also have experienced on the campus. When I was walking on the street with my
Chinese friend, three people were drinking alcohol outside and we went by them.
Suddenly, they swore at us when they heard us speaking Chinese. They thought we
wouldn’t be able to understand what they said, but we did. I knew they were drunk but it
made me get mad seeing them insulting my country, China. (6)
Overt Discrimination
Although most discriminatory experiences took place off campus, there were also
negative reports in classrooms.
[A professor] spoke aggressive words to Chinese and mistreated them. I think that’s too
much. If a general person behaved like that, I would think that it’s because he is not well
educated. But the problem is, the professor is highly educated and I can’t understand it.
Some professors are even extreme. (8)
Others described a few related accounts of professors making negative remarks

about China or preferring local students.

Other concerning incidents related to obtaining jobs, lower wages or exploitation

that are left unreported:
I’ve often been discriminated. Once, I was looking for a part-time job for vacation. I made
my best effort to search jobs but I was rejected since I was foreigner. Actually, managers
didn’t recognize [that I was Chinese] while we were speaking, but I told them honestly
since I thought I should not be embarrassed of being Chinese. Then, soon they rejected. (5)
The same student described another experience in which she or he managed to

find a job but the wages were cut from 5,000 won to 4,000 won per hour with added
restrictions once she or he met the manager in person. The student shared, “This
kind of discrimination is very serious and it directly hurt my self-esteem . . . It hap-
pens quite a lot.”
Another student provided another example of employment challenges that stemmed
from discrimination:
I once heard from seniors that [Koreans] don’t give paychecks regularly. They pay late,
less, and even don’t pay. The discrimination is like what I said just before. Otherwise, it’s
the example of not holding the right. (3)
Like many interviewees, this student did not file any complaints. She or he explained,
“It feels like having nowhere to talk. As long as we don’t have right, it’s no use talking
about the problem.”
The most common challenges were related to accommodation. Several reported
cases of being declined housing once the renter learned the student was from China.
The following quote exemplified the repeated sentiment:
A while ago, I was looking for housing. I asked if there is any vacancy, and the person
asked me which country I came from. I answered that I am a Chinese and the person
answered back that there is no vacant house. (13)
There were also reports of price manipulation. According to a student, “I guess [the
landlord] tricked the Chinese on purpose for being a foreigner. It seems really bad
when such things happen. It’s inhuman to do such things to foreigners who are strug-
gling in Korea by themselves” (18).
The reasons stemmed from negative stereotypes, resulting in the following:
It rarely happens, though, for example, when I moved into goshiwon [Korean share
house], the dorm mother said she never accepted Chinese to live since they were dirty
and noisy. But now 6 months later I got in there, she treats me well and really likes
me. Later, more students moved to the share house and it was all Koreans who ran
away leaving 3 months rents to be paid or threw away garbage anywhere messing up
around. (16)
On occasion, tensions can escalate to verbal or physical attacks:

Lee et al. 15
I once worked in a restaurant where my Chinese friend also worked and I felt that the manager
looked down on me as he knew I was Chinese. He was my boss so he spoke rude to me . . . I
had a feeling that there could be some fights between my friend and the manager. (10)
I heard from an exchange student that s/he was talking to friends in a subway and
suddenly a Korean guy came and hit this friend. He said that they were too noisy and
swore and hit them. Isn’t it funny? (12)
Maintaining Agency
Although many reported negative encounters, several worked to change prevailing
views. One Chinese student recounted an incident in which a professor made a stereo-
typical remark about products made in China and how she responded:
I could almost cry. I tried not to cry holding my hands tight. After class, I told the
professor, “You people buy products made in China because they are cheap. You buy
what you don’t need to buy [because they are cheap]. Your companies come to China and
ask us to make products at 5 dollars because our products are cheap while it costs 10
dollars in other countries. How can you ask to improve the quality?” The professor may
not have known that there is a Chinese in class. That’s how they talked about Chinese like
such and such. There are too many such incidents. (6)
Despite many negatively reported incidents, many did not report feeling victimized
but explained such lack of welcome and negative behaviors as reflective of the host
country’s ignorance. As demonstrated by one student, “I think some people ignore
China because they do not know it well. If they knew China well, they would have
thought that it is really great” (2). Another indicated such incidents as reflective of the
naivety of Koreans:
As I said, there are too many Chinese. With so many people, there are all sorts of people.
Great people and not so great ones. China may not have been anything several years ago,
but it has been rapidly developing. But Koreans are still trapped with old memories and
seem to perceive it as poor, left behind, and unclean. (16)
Nonetheless, misunderstanding between the two countries can occur both ways. A
Chinese student shared,
In fact, Koreans are very nice. But in China, people say how Koreans are [in a negative
way]. But every country has both good and bad side. So if I look at the country by
absolute standards, I think there are more good people. (18)
One student explained that there is rivalry between the two countries and that Korea
is “jealous.” Another explained,
I guess Koreans lack experience in dealing with foreigners. Now, things must be changed
gradually with the past World cup and G20 Seoul Summit. The best we can do is to retain

a good image as much as possible. It’s hard to change Koreans. Koreans are globalized
more than before though. (1)
Despite such feelings of unacceptance, such desire to befriend local students was
often shared. For example, a student discussed,
I want to meet more Korean students in Korea University. It’s really sad to have no single
Korean friend until I graduate. I want to meet altogether, greet and get to know them . . .
Anyways I am living in Korea, and there are times when I need their help. Of course, they
may need my help. So I want to make friends who I can be together in intimate
relationships regardless of countries we are from. (17)
Discussion
In the push for universities to internationalize, this research reinforces the importance
of considering the social experiences of international students and in particular, a criti-
cal examination of possible discrimination against particular groups in the host coun-
try. This study examined international student experiences in the understudied region
of East Asia, with particular focus on the social dynamics among regional university
students—domestic Korean students and international Chinese students.
The findings suggest evidence of neo-racism and neo-nationalism in Korea. The
study found that Asian students reported greater difficulties and unfair treatment
compared with students from other regions, suggesting neo-racism, with a preference
for students from the West. The added theoretical contribution of this research is that
neo-racism is not simply discrimination against ethnic minority individuals from
developing, non-Western countries migrating to the West (Balibar, 1991; Cantwell &
Lee, 2010; Lee & Rice, 2007). The interviews further uncovered neo-nationalism, in
the form of anti-Chinese sentiments resulting in verbal aggressions, challenges secur-
ing housing, and more. As this study demonstrated, discrimination can occur with
preference for those outside the region than within one’s own. The findings suggest
that neo-racism may have more explanatory power to capture some of the challenges
of those from developing countries studying in the West, such as in the United States
(Lee & Opio, 2011; Lee & Rice, 2007), the United Kingdom (Cantwell & Lee, 2010),
and Australia (Marginson et al., 2010), and less explanatory power for those studying
in countries within the same geographic region and economic development.
As evidenced by the interviews of Chinese international students, neo-nationalism
might better explain tensions between such groups divided by citizenship but share the
similar cultural values and phenotype (i.e., Asian). According to the Chinese students in
this study as well as past research (D. S. Kim et al., 2011), Korean students appeared to
prefer international students from Japan over China, despite being colonized by Japan
generations ago and its ongoing political tensions. Possible reasons for such neo-nation-
alism should be further explored but may be based on a range of factors that might
include a combination of modern-day stereotypes that are likely formed prior to entering
higher education (Hwang, 2011) and economic rivalries in the new global economy.

Lee et al. 17
There are current efforts underway to add multicultural education in Korean

schools. Multicultural goals include affirming democratic principles, accepting cul-
tural differences, and abolishing discrimination among ethnic groups in the nation
(Hwang, 2011). The limited past research on addressing diversity challenges provides
some evidence that despite efforts to reduce negative stereotypes early on, they still
need much improvement. Hwang (2011) indicated that the problems of multicultural
education in Korean schools include (a) lack of overall vision and philosophy of
multicultural education, (b) one-time (not sustainable) multicultural programs imple-
mented by local government, (c) lack of multicultural programs tailored to specific
cultural/foreign groups, (d) too much concentration on the programs on Korean lan-
guage and culture, (e) lack of multicultural education on Korean people (students), (f)
neglect in efforts to provide multicultural education for cultural groups other than the
students from international marriage families, and (g) lack of educational support for
parents’ language and culture for the students from multicultural families. Research
on further reducing prejudice in the Korean higher education sector is very sparse but
also suggests not enough is being done. Based on a case study investigating multicul-
tural education at a large university in Seoul, Kang (2008) suggested that media (i.e.,
newspapers, TV, movies, and other Internet resources) played was most influential in
forming opinions about diversity and that university attempts to address prejudice
tended to occur in students’ liberal arts courses than in their major courses. Future
research might examine the role of higher education in further multicultural program-
ming (i.e., the intercultural training programs and intercultural understanding courses)
for students and staff in preventing and dealing with any on-campus discrimination.
As regional hubs continue to emerge and strengthen, neo-nationalism should be of
increasing attention in the years to come. The extent to which neo-nationalism is
occurring in other regional hubs and its underlying causes should be further studied.
Future research could also explore possible neo-racism and neo-nationalism by exam-
ining local students’ sentiments toward international students. For this study, the
reported experiences of the Chinese students were not verified, although previous
research has suggested negative stereotyping exists (Jon & Jang, 2012; Kim et al.,
2011; Min, 2012; Nam, 2010). Regardless, international students’ perceptions, whether
verified or not, may still negatively affect their experiences, including their transition
and engagement. Such difficulties may not only be harmful to Korea’s international
students, but may also negatively affect Korea’s ability to attract international students
from its primary market, China, in the future.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of
this article.

Notes
1. Representative policies implemented by the Korean government for purposes of recruiting
international students include (a) the 2004 “Study Korea Project,” which aimed to recruit
50,000 foreign students by the year 2010; the second round of Study Korea Project in 2008,
which changed its original aim to 100,000 by 2012; and the most recent Study Korea 2020
Project, rolled out after the termination of its precedent in late 2012, which aims to procure
200,000 foreign students by 2020, and (b) the Global Korea Scholarship (GKS) program,
initiated in 2009, which aimed to procure students and researchers mostly from developing
countries.
2. The number of Chinese students seeking to study abroad increased 3.5 times from 117,300
in 2003 to 413,900 in 2013, and has increased continually to the present since the early
2000s (Development and Planning Division of Education [2013]).
3. For the purposes of this study, we refer to Asia as a single race that is comprised of many
ethnicities (i.e., Korean, Chinese, Japanese, etc.; Bhopal, 2004; Nei & Roychoudhury, 1974).
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Author Biographies
Jenny Lee is a professor at the Center for the Study of Higher Education at the University of
Arizona and global professor at the University of Korea. Her research have included academic
and administrative labor, student engagement, and internationalization, with particular interest
in international student and scholar mobility and their experiences.
Jae-Eun Jon is an assistant professor in the Faculty of General Education at Semyung
University, South Korea. She obtained her PhD in comparative and international development
education from the University of Minnesota. Her research interests in the internationalization of
higher education include international student mobility, study abroad impact, international stu-
dent experience and intercultural interaction.
Kiyong Byun is a professor in the Department of Education and director of the Higher Education
Policy Research Institute at Korea University. His current research interests include organizational
change, international student mobility, quality assurance, and English-medium instruction.

Neo-Racism and Neo-Nationalism Within East Asia: The Experiences of International Students in South Korea

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669903

Jenny Lee1,3, Jae-Eun Jon2, and Kiyong Byun3

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markers of international or Western prestige. Although there are numerous exceptions

International Student Social Experiences

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non-Western countries. Negative experiences included perceptions of biased treatment

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Student Mobility to Korea

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Table 1. Changes in Number of International Students Studying in Korea, by Country of

2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2012 2013

Source. Korean Educational Development Institute (2013).

Korean Attitudes Against Chinese

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