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CHAPTER 2

ANG PAGKATAONG FILIPINO:

A THEORY OF FILIPINO PERSONHOOD

De <1lt'lO, /<attin. 200f. kapwo. : The ftlf m'ffJt Ofher ./~""lcllh'wJJ.

and ,Li(o~ (er of f11i pi¥)0 eM flu re, - ~(Il(J. ttu'g City: AMI)
pf,(blUh'~.
 -19 -

Ileto's mirror reflects the image of the mythic man, the same portrait of the Filipino personality
proposed by Virgilio Enriquez. Many characteristics found by Ileto matched the constructs in
the value-structure of Enriquez's theory. While Ileto's terms were not always identical with the
concepts of Enriquez, the descriptions of the traits by both scholars were compatible.
. ' .
'F or example, Ileto pointed out that the worldview of Filipino revolutionaries was shaped by a
strong belief in man's inner being (loob). It was as real and important to them as the outer world.
This meant that outer or physical beauty had to be matched with inner beauty (such as a good
character) in order to be a true beauty. Another example of loob would be a steadfast willpower
e and vision of the kind that can manifest reality (labas), if only deliberated long enough. ,Ileto's
? findings support the proposition oJ Enriquez that Filipino psychology is unthinkable without
lr both the internal and the external domains (loob l labas).
o
'e Regarding ancestral Filipino values, Ileto mentioned compassion and empathy as highly
s. recommended traitsJofhis mystics-turned-revolutionaries. Those concepts correspond to the three
w core values that Enriquez attributed to the Filipino personality in his theory: the shared Self or
kapwa; an expanded sense of a shared humanity which he dubbed as kagandahang'loob; and a
shared inner perception or pakiramdam, the special sensitivity Filipinos command.
~d
10 Another ancestral Pinoy practice frequently mentioned'by Ileto is talinhaga. He translated this
.P. term as "mystery" or "communication through metaphors and approximations." This practice
was common among nineteenth-century Filipinos. I1eto wrote that Hermano Pule, the leader
of the Cqfradia de San Jose, 5 used powerful metaphors to ignite esprit de corps among his .
revolutionaries. The imagery of the ' bayani enabled his cofradia "to organize their
experiences" towards resistance . Talking through symbols was also manifest in all
installations by Roberto Villanueva (i.e., Panhumuko or Homage to Apo Mallari and others). '

~re Reflecting on talinhaga was not simply a process of thinking, Ileto

)es maintained. Rather, it was part of a whole lifestyle that was anchored
of in prayer and devotion. When the Pulanes walked into the bullet hail
~ep of the Spanish rifles, it was the premeditated meeting of mythic
led man with death. Men and women with their children died
.ted "contemplating mysteries" rather than accepting Spanish
~ III Catholic's comeuppance. The bloody uprising of 1841 was far
;, from a blind attack on superior forces. It was the outcome of a
long and thorough meditation, the final consequence of a process
ano that Ileto described as "the total orientation of one's being toward

··:·
!ver an order of reality in which the disruption of one 's 'normal' role
this in society, including death itself, was a distinct possibility. It was
d to a conscious act of realizing certain possibilities of existence ...

t
fie? through reflection upon certain mysteries and signs." Talinhaga!
. ~ .
'\ '1 ~ , '
 - 21 -

summoned by these revolutionaries, is katwiran. 6 As "the straight and narrow path" to enlightenment,
this expression appears to lean heavily on Christian lore . But the allegory holds multiple meanings
and a cluster of related concepts which Ileto pointed out suggested that it belongs to Pinoy IKSP.
These composites of katwiran as landas (the way) are katwiran (straightness) , liwanag (light,
enlightenment), lakaran (pilgrimage) , kalayaan (freedom) and talinhaga (imagery, vision).

f In the Philippine folk scriptures (i.e. , thePasyon) , katwiran as landas was never merely a symbol
'"v for the road to Golgotha, rather it served the Filipino mystics as a parable for the path through
r life. This may be difficult to find at times , but detemination brings us closer to our goal ,
It illumination . Katwiran, this "path to freedom and enlightenment," does not end at the cross like
in the Christian story. Rather, it ends up in the sky like a shamanic journey. The Katipuneros
were probably inspired by the j argon of the "age of enlightenment" when they called this wa y
it also the "path of reason ." Ileto suggested that katwiran held an implicit moral dimension involving
.0 appropriate conduct and gracious living . This is where the value-structure of Enriquez comes in,
particularly the cor"e concept of kagandahang loob or shared inner nobility.

The last Pinoy value both heralded by Ileto and Enriquez is the one that propelled those centuries
of resistance in the Philippines. Ka.layaan (freedom) , manifested by self-determination, autonomy,
y. independence, sovereignty and free will, is deeply ingrained in the memories of Filipinos. How
at could it be otherwise if the forbearers were wanderers like sailors , food-gatherers , hunters?
l. Freedom is the wind in the sails of Filipino personhood! To Enriquez, kalay aan is a societal
value inherent in the disposition of a people.
ist
no Ileto analyzed the texts of Filipino freedom fighters and kalayaan naturally emerged as a cardinal
is trait. His research on the Tagalog term kalayaan (liberty, independence) and its root word laya
is (free, emancipated , pampered) led the historian to the yet older Tagalog phrase layaw, translated
he as "the satisfaction of one's needs," "pampering treatment by parents," "freedom from strict parental
.en control" and a field of similar meanings. 7 Ileto concluded that the term kalayaan was inseparable
from its connotation of a child-parent relationship. In other words , the pivot of this Filipino
disposition towards freedom could be overbearing Pinoy parental care. The Filipino men and women
me of the revolution inust have viewed themselves as the sons and daughters of a disgraced Inang
)ly Bayan, suggested the scholar. As her children, they had no choice but to fight for her honor.
zes
1ge In the contemporary Philippine urban setting, indulgent parental tendencies are slowly weaning
·ers away. The influx of foreign values such as the cash economy and consumerism enticed many
ask Filipino mothers to work abroad to pay for their children's schooling, medicare and all the other
) to needs that are part of the imported American lifestyle. The clinical child-rearing practice of this
·an. individualistic society segregates infants early from their parents , too. On top of this, media
violence reenacted in homes is on the rise, propelled by increasing economic pressures. Despite
the all these, the Philippines is still a child-centered nation where many youngsters enjoy great
ntly indulgence and caring, even if only at birth and infancy.
 -23 -

Some student researchers once asked Filipino farmers about their concept oftime. None of those
rural folks measured time by such things as a watch, even though some owned one. Instead,
these lumads watched celestial bodies move across the sky, considered planting cycles and seasons
or the time span it takes to smoke a cigarette. 10

To the despair of foreign investors and urban administrators in the Philippines, Filipino time is
enduring. Where no cash exists or where money is not valued, no pressure is on. Time is not
money. This attitude rings from the statement of a character in a film by Kidlat Tahimik. The
t village blacksmith owns not much more than his bolo , a hammer and a small nzpa hut. He is poor
.t as per IMF standards. But he was a wealthy man when h e said, "Kaya kong mamundok ng isang
? buwan, walang mawawala dito sa bahay ko--yan ang ya man ko, (I can disappear in the mountains
for a month , nothing in my house is worth stealing- thi s is my wealth!)"11

How these contemporary Filipino artists create and the way they live put a spotlight on such Pinoy
0.. psychological strattlgies. These approaches are not found in Western academic psychology books
d, as most of them are peripheral and subtle. However, their di stinct cultural style of perceiving,
n, understanding and communicating is clearly reflected in the Philippine personality theory
d, (Pagkataong Filipino) of Enriquez. His theory offers a framework to understand what it means to
~h be proudly Pinoy. It is part of Sikolohiyang Pilipino, the nove l model of psychology that is based
on the Asian worldview and a non-Western interpretation of life . How does this Philippine
indigenous psycholo gy work? What makes thi s theory unique? How valid are its tenets? What are
lm its contributions and aims? Can one study it in school s? What could be its impact?
ItS .
led UNDERSTANDING FILIPINO PERSONHOOD: MY INTRODUCTION
o.ik
rho I had been living for about a year in the Philippines when I picked a creative survival tool
:re. from my filmmaker husband 's grab b ag of Third World approaches. Its basic tenet was " Making
defect into effect! " This formula turned into a ps ychological parachute of some kind which
'ma ultimately unfolde d into the writing of thi s book.
Ine,
had At the time I borrowed that particular phrase, I could barely understand English,
ible let alone any of the Filipino languages. However, turning this defect into effect,
)ice I embarked on a journey of closer looks and tacit encounters. No longer did I
rds, hide in a "Foreign Lady's Club," but quietly, as saling pusa, 17. turned to exploring
Filipino life spaces. Scrutinizing events that pushed my buttons every day, I
tried to squeeze insights from such accumulated cross-cultural contrasts. Like
ess, the tide, the waves of understanding came and went. There were good seasons
and days when I felt like drowning. Persistently, I plowed the shore, eagerly
collecting what I found until the day had arrived when the killer breakers had
receded into the horizon. Looking back, I can discern three distinct levels or
intensities of involvement with my host culture.
 - 25 -

SIKOLOHIYANG PILIPINO
,X;;
'-~
Sikolohiyang Pilipino is a psychology of,about and for the Philippine people. As kapwa psychology,
it is an orientation, an enduring worldview that links with the cultural heritage of indigenous Filipino
people and their IKSP. As liberation psychology, it is an academic discipline which represents a
new awareness of Asian psychology. As a movement, Sikolohiyang Pilipino maintains institutions
and outreach programs, relating it to Filipino language, history, art and religion.

The academic discipline Sikolohiyang Pilipino is a response to non-Western critique over the Anglo-
American dominance in the international academe. It is the first indigenous psychology ever taught
as an academic discipline at a university. As a social science program, it .offers theories, concepts,
fie ld methods and a literature on indigenous Filipino topics in psychology. Most of these texts are
t available in the vernacular. The discipline aims to balance prevailing uncritical dependence on
l1 Anglo-centric educational models in studying Philippine social realities.
d J

e Sikolohiyang Pilipino is rooted in the history, language, arts and common experience of a people
of the Malay-Polynesian and Asian heritage. As such, it affirms the native history, values and
characteristics of a region, and develops theories, concepts and methods with the Filipino culture
as source. The emerging culture-fair models are then tried, tested, compared, altered and adjusted
with standard theories, methods and techniques in psychology.

s. Psychology, as presented by the proponents of Sikolohiyang Pilipino, is a multifaceted human

science. It accommodates the findings from the academic-scientific psychologies of industrialized
nations and the clerical psychology of the academic-philosophical schools . However, it enlarges
this scope by including ethnic psychology and oral traditions like the ancestral psycho-medical
systems which are rooted in religious experience. The discipline considers Filipino art, traditional
and contemporary, and the findings from the fields of anthropology, history, humanities,
es. linguistics, sociology and more as sources for psychological knowledge.
he
" I Sikolohiyang Pilipino seeks to develop psychology as a science and an art. It deelares both scientific
and humanistic approaches as valid. It aims to establish a truly universal psychology in the service
of all mankind with emphasis on the Filipino people, with all the material and spiritual aspects . .
ce,
ler ANG PAGKATAONG FILIPINO, A THEORY OF FILIPINO PERSONHOOD
ain
: of One of the many interesting facets of Sikolohiyang Pilipino is its personality theory, which takes off
rer, from the IKSP of Filipinos. Enriquez, who earned his Ph.D. in social psychology from the
hly Northwestern University in Illinois proposed this theory in 1989. Using Western scientific lingo, he
lity established a framework for understanding the ways of Filipino culture-bearers. Pagkataong Filipino
:0 a emerged as the first academic theory that formulated a value system of the Asian personality. While
its framework emulates Western personality theory, its concepts do not. Its value structure is unique.
 TABLE 1: VALUE SYTEM OF PHILIPPINE PSYCHOLOGyI 5

Behavior Patterns and Value Structure: Core, Surface and Societal

CORE VALUES

r Core Value:
i Kapwa (shared identity)
'f
"
Pivotal Interpersonal Value:
Pakiramdam (shared identity)
e {Pakipagkapwatao}
ls
r, Linking Socio-Personal Value:
It Kagandahang-Ioob (shared humanity)
a {Pagkamakatao}
r,

IS SURFACE VALUES
Is Confrontative Surface Value:
:s, Bahala na (determination)
or Lakas ng loob (guts)
Pakikibaka (resistance)

on Colonial/Accommodative Surface Value:

et,
er, Hiya (propriety/dignity)
in Utang na loob (gratitude/solidarity)
)er Pakikisama (companionship/esteem)

Associated Behavioral Pattern:

"la, Biro Uoke)
lon Lambing (sweetness)
ian Tampo (affective disappointment)
ble

SOCIETAL VALUES
ino Associated Societal Values:
,rs, Karangalan (dignity)
Katarungan Uustice)
Kalayaan (freedom)
 -29 -

.(

Kapwa also seemed to be the force that carried out two successful people's movements in the
country. And it was for this kapwa orientation that the Philippines garnered the first ever nomination
of a whole country for the Nobel Peace Prize in the year 2000.

As the heart is central to the body, the shared Self nurtures indigenous Philippine psychology.
Beating at the core of personhood, humanness regulates the lifeblood of the Filipino personality.
However, kapwa does not stand alone at the core. It is manifested by pakiramdam, an interpersonal
pivotal value and emotional quality of Filipinos.

PAKlRAMDAM
.".
,
- Pakiramdam is one of the three core values in the Philippine personality theory. This all-important
"shared inner perception"21 complements the shared identity of kapwa. It is an emotional a priori
inherent in Filipino personhood, a motor that moves motivation. Pakiramdam operates all Filipino
surface values. Thts steering emotion assures the overall framework that is needed to trigger the
voluntary actions that are part of sharing the self. It is the feeling that initiates deeds.
e
f, Because of kapwa , this feeling of pakikiramdam is a participatory event, where emotions are
Ir shared quite naturally and frequently. Enriquez named this "heightened awareness and sensitivity"
of the Filipinos also "shared perception." His student Rita Mataragnon 'saw that pakiramdam as
an "emotional a priori" of the Philippine people. She noted that both the empathic " feeling for
h another" and the Pinoy talent of "sizing up e.a ch other" are active emotional processes that
le involved great attention to subtle cues and other nonverbal behaviors. Filipinos are good in
IN sensing cues (magaling makiramdam), she. upheld. 22 Maria Avela Sta. Maria, who critically
:h evaluated Enriquez 's·theories, equated pakikiramdam with empathy (feeling with others.)23
[n
This Pinoy sensitivity covers both the internal (loob) and the external (labas) dimension. Enriquez,
referring to the private domain, pointed out that without pakiramdam , there would be no sense of
:s. time and perception (kalooban). He elaborated: "It is within one's inner being (loob) that one feels ."24
~ s. This internal dimension offeeling or pahramdam includes many invisible things, such as a heightened
sensitivity, intuition, emotion, putting one's heart into something, sentiment, sensual impressions
a (feeling well or sick). The external dimension includes physical sensations (hot or cold), the overall
'l 9
body feeling , the sense of touch, the kinesthetic sense and the like. The interrelational, social
dimension of pakiramdam additionally covers feelings about somebody or something, and so on.
In,
la, Regarding the importance of heightened sensitivity, it is obviously important in a society where
ho much human interaction is nonverbal. Without pakiramdam , a person would have a hard time
:ly joining in and blending with groups, sensing when and how to plea for favors, carefully feeling
lly out others, or appropriately navigating unclear conditions. All these ambiguities can be unravelled
as with pakiramdam. It can be viewed as a cognitive style of Filipinos , a unique social skill inherent
m. in Filipino personhood that provides sure tacit leads in all kinds of social situations.
 -31 -

the Philippine-American War. Vanquishing the archipelago-wide uprising cost the US many more
~
~."-~
battalions than expected. The Katipunan showed immense courage, waging a war of bolos against
y automatic rifles. It is known that some American troopers were so impressed with the tenacity of
:t their enemy that they defected from their ranks to join the Filipinos Y The fact that the spirit of
" resistance could not be easily crushed by centuries of occupation points to a psychology that is
fired by values of valor and confrontation. And yet, most US-sponsored studies on the psychology
of Filipinos ignored such grit. Surely, Filipino aggression remained undesirable to the colonial
it powers and not amenable to its academe. A cultural blindness towards aggressions that are not
n vented in blunt and direct ways contributed ~o that bias. Their sublime dynamic must have eluded
Ie the eyes of Western observers. However, this oversight changed with the advent of Sikolohiyang
s. Pilipino , where a triad of confrontative traits- bahala na (determination);samallakas ng loob
(resentment/guts) and pakikibaka (resistance)- made up the surface values of Pagkataong Filipino.
;e
ht BAH4.LANA
Iy J

ts The root word bahala as a noun refers to responsibility, care, management, as well as
apprehension. An older version of the term refers to God and the aptitude of augury. In Enriquez's
value structure bahala na is defined as "determination in the face of uncertainty."28

This Filipino coping mechanism deserves a closer look. Bahala na was long misinterpreted as
us passivity whereas it challenges people to act in their best capacity regarding problematic situations.
by This value inspires confidence via gathering experience through the effective mastering of all
Irk kinds of challenges. Thus spurring the growth of an individual's experience potential, this concept
:he stimulates resourcefulness and the creativity to improve, master and survive.

Like a double-bladed sword , bahala na involves both taking a risk in the face of possible failure
)th and accepting the nature of things, including one's limitations. It operates in uncertain and uncharted
ue situations. Faced with an obstacle, a person is impelled not to run away but to utter "Bahala na"
ain and brave the confrontation. Due to the improvisational character of this value, it correlates with
led fields of chaos and complexities rather than with linear prediction and control.
~he
tter Examples of bahala na-propelled behaviors are: buying a one-way ticket to a previously unknown
::ed destination as many overseas contract workers do; checking into a hospital without sufficient funds;
the or taking an exam despite a lack of preparation. Such situations require guts and confidence in
:pts one's ability to cope with the difficulties as they arise.

LAKAS NG LOOB

The dictionary defines this Filipino phrase as bravery, courage, courageousness and fearlessness. Its
the root word lakas means physical strength and vigor as well as power and healthiness. Loob, aside
rted from the previously mentioned inner being, also means will, state of mind, disposition, and so on.
 -33-

Finally, the culture-fair reading of utang na loob (debt of gratitude) shows this as
merely one of many facets of the broad concept of loob .

HIYA
r
i The common translations of this term point to shame or embarrassment. Alternative interpretations
r by Filipino anthropologist F, Landa locano render the concept as shyness, self-esteem as well as
.t losing face. The scope of hiya, according to him, covers a wide range of situations. For example,
n the inability to accomplish what one has set out to do for fear of vulnerability; the hesitation to act
for fear of losing face ; a general reluctance to interact; and so on . The relevance of the concept as
propriety is determined by the context, where a community defines the boundary of what is
appropriate. Falling out with the spoken or unspoken codes of conduct results in the feeling of hiya. 3J

1S
Seve!"al Filipino social scientists criticized the evaluation of hiya by foreign researchers for being
)r generally off targe}. The historian Zeus Salazar showed that the spectrum of meaning of hiya
It exceeded the realms perpetuated by the US-trained academe. He did that with a groundbreaking
rs lexical analysis where he winnowed a gamut of Tagalog expressions with diverse meanings from
m the contested concept.32 Enriquez reframed the term hiya in the context of kapwa psychology. He
.c, pointed out that the implicit moral dimension of the value had been often overlooked and suggested
)n that the more important aspect of hiya was dignity. In his theory of the Philippine personality, hiya
lis emerged as propriety. Although more culture-fair, this is a less popular interpretation.
ry
;A Proper conduct in the context of kapwa psychology often implies less obvious domains. Propriety
by can include respect towards another or not taking simple things such as friendliness or little gifts
)w for granted. Yet deeper domains of hiya include developing openness towards life 's lessons like
learning from mistakes . However, it must be understood that Filipino personhood never emphasizes
the mistakes but rather the learning. The indigenous interpretation of propriety is far from the
punitive Christian concept of sin. Cognitive ambiguities, which are part and parcel of Filipino
IKSP, take away the absoluteness of personal failure and, therefore, nip the sting of sin.
les,
ion Embedded in the context of the shared Self, hiya helps a person to build strength. It approximates
:ise the humility stressed by the mystics. When one has learned to move through life like water, ready
sed to lose everything in order to win, tacit knowing provides the information of what is appropriate at
rhe any given moment. At this point, hiya as propriety has matured into hiya as human dignity.
'his
lish UTANG NALOOB
~ as

are The most common English translation of utang na loob is debt of gratitude or favor where the verb
lese utang means borrowing and the noun loan or obligation. Loob, indicates the inner self. Literally
ther translated, utang na loob means inner debt. Idiomatically, this implies a sense of gratitude, a reciprocal
ve." feeling of obligation between two actors, according to locano. Behavioral examples from his research