Intersections Between Diasporas and Crime Groups

TRADE SECRETS: Intersections between Diasporas and Crime Groups in the Constitution
of the Human Trafficking Chain

Author(s): Jackie Turner and Liz Kelly
Source: The British Journal of Criminology , MARCH 2009, Vol. 49, No. 2 (MARCH
2009), pp. 184-201
Published by: Oxford University Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23639517
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doi: 10.1093/bjc/azn079 BRIT. J. CRIMINOL. (2009) 49, 184-201
Advance Access publication 14 November 2008
TRADE SECRETS
Intersections between Diasporas and Crime Groups in the Constitu

Human Trafficking Chain
Jackie Turner* and Liz Kelly
Human trafficking is an old, but increasingly complex, phenomenon. In an age

and transnationalism, demand for cheap labour and services fuels a trade deeply r
cultural and historical contexts. Human traffickers share those roots with their r
the world over. This paper examines the case for an empirical investigation, an
analysis, of the connections between crime networks engaged in international
and their respective diasporas in countries of transit and destination. It proposes
research into, and analysis of, the extent to which, and how, diasporas may pla
processes that constitute the cross-border trade in human beings.
Introduction
Trafficking in persons, as the term suggests, involves movement—the movement of

persons from one place to another by a variety of means and for a variety of exploitative
purposes. Movement, however, is also associated with migration, and the accelerated
migratory flows of recent decades and changes in patterns of contemporary migration,
fuelled by the forces of globalization, have revitalised interest in diasporas. Globalization,
however, has also fuelled the growth of transnational organized crime groups, among
them those that engage in human trafficking. And it is this that points to a hitherto
under-explored theme in the literature (Kelly 2002; 2005), namely possible intersections
between crime networks involved in human trafficking and their respective
diasporas.
Members of diasporas are recognized as facilitating much legitimate commerce
between home and host countries. They can generate trade, for example, through a
demand for home-country products and foods, and the networks they establish can
form the basis of new international business connections (Kapur and McHale 2005).
Many of their attributes give them an edge in the global economy. As Cohen (1997:
168) suggests, ' [i]n the age of globalization, their language skills, familiarity with other
cultures and contacts in other countries make them highly competitive'. These same
attributes, however, also lend themselves to activities of an illicit nature, to facilitate a
different kind of trade, or to create a demand for different home-country commodities.
Kapur and McHale (2005: 128-9) go as far as to assert that ' [d]iasporas have been a
boon to international crime', and suggest that '[m]uch like any international industry,
many criminal networks rely on expatriated populations to help facilitate their activities
* London Metropolitan University, Department of Applied Social Sciences, Ladbroke House, 62-66 Highbury Road, London N5
2AD, UK; jackieturner57@yahoo.co.uk.
184
© The
© The Author
Author2008.
2008.Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Centre for Crime and Justice Studies (ISTD).
All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oxfordjoumals.org

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TRADE SECRETS
abroad'. The cross-border trade in human beings is an international indus

it is a low-risk-high-profit enterprise that has the added advantage that,
trafficked people can be sold repeatedly (Shelley 2007:117). However, also
or other inert commodities, the victims of human traffickers must first
and then controlled during their transportation and subsequent exploitat
this, traffickers arguably require networks throughout transit and destina
connections that will facilitate the movement and control of trafficked
Establishing the Connections
This paper explores the extent to which, and how, diasporas may play
processes of human trafficking through presenting a typology and d
current, albeit still limited, evidence base on this question.
The proposed typology hypothesizes four possible primary diaspori
with trafficking groups.
( 1 ) Integrated diasporic model: a fully diasporic closed criminal network a

trafficking chain, linked by ethnicity and/or family connections, th
the trafficking of own country nationals only and that profit
exploitation.
(2) Partially integrated diasporic model: a fully diasporic closed criminal network across
the entire trafficking chain, save that the group's activities end with delivery of
trafficked persons to the country of destination and/or the group traffics foreign
country nationals.
(3) Instrumental diasporic model: a partially open diasporic network that operates in
collaboration with other indigenous/foreign crime groups, trafficking and/or
exploiting individuals of varying nationality/ethnicity, and that uses diasporas
instrumentally, such as to render themselves less visible, to provide a market for
trafficked persons, or to provide the means of laundering the proceeds of
trafficking operations.
(4) Fully open model: the final model comprises a criminal group, engaged in human
trafficking and/or exploitation of trafficked persons, but in which any links to
diasporas are purely incidental and form no part of the group's structure or modus
operandi.
In both the first and second models, it might be anticipated that the success of the
group's activities will draw heavily on knowledge, trust and loyalty through links of
ethnicity and identity. Additionally, separate variables would be employed to interrogate
each model according to the gender composition of the trafficking chain, and the types
of exploitation engaged in. For example, (1) single sex for multiple exploitation; (2)
single sex for sexual exploitation; (3) mixed sex for multiple exploitation; and (4)
mixed sex for sexual exploitation. The purpose of such further disaggregation is to
make both women and men more visible within the trafficking process, as perpetrators
and as victims, and to pave the way for a more critical approach to both constructs. This
is particularly important when considering the systemic and structural inequalities that
underpin trafficking in persons, particularly with regard to gender and ethnicity.
The paper explores a number of themes. The first section sets the scene, focusing
particularly on the overlap between migration, smuggling and human trafficking, and
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TURNER AND KELLY
the conditions, in a global world, that render individuals vulnerable

strategies of technology-sawy crime groups, well connected to past a
second section examines more closely the role of transnational org
human trafficking operations. It highlights the peculiar absence o
perspective in the discourse on organized crime generally, and explor
implications of this with respect to the trade in human beings—a trade r
traditions and complex interconnections of ethnicity and gender. This is
explored further in the third section, which, again, argues the need
perspective on diasporas and transnationalism in a globalized w
connections facilitate not only legitimate commercial trade; they ma
networks of crime groups engaged in human trafficking. As globalizatio
rather than narrowed the inequalities that shape the world's landscape, th
implications for women, increasingly forced to migrate but frequent
access to legitimate migration channels. The fourth section sets out t
specifically how a global trade is managed locally, by considering th
between criminal networks and their diasporas, while section five dr
known of some crime groups and their activities, and examines this again
typology, emphasizing again the need for a more detailed exploration
ethnicity. The final section then seeks to pull together the arguments a
way for a more rigorous, empirical study of intersections between diasp
trafficking networks.
Setting the Scene
The international legal definition of human trafficking can be found

Nations (UN) Optional Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Traffick
Especially Women and Children (the Palermo Protocol), which sets out, a
Trafficking in persons shall mean the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbour

persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of the ab
a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to a
of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.
include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms
tion, forced labour or services, slavery or practices akin to slavery, servitude or the
Under the terms of the Palermo Protocol, it is clear that individuals can
internally within the boundaries of a nation-state. This is a significant p
of the world, and one warranting serious attention, but the focus here is
human trafficking. The offence itself can be divided into its constituent
means and purpose. Viewed more succinctly, however, trafficking is bette
a process, involving recruitment, transportation and exploitation, respectiv
of origin and, for these purposes, through countries of transit, to countrie
or centres of exploitation, hence reference to the trafficking chain, wh
and facilitates the trade in human beings. It should, however, be noted t
can, and does, occur at all stages of the human trafficking process (Kelly
Trafficking is sometimes described as a form of modern-day slavery—
highly evocative and illustrative of many of the processes and outcomes o
persons. However, most victims of human traffickers do not begin or end
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TRADE SECRETS
shackled and chained. Instead, they are drawn into what Salt and Stein
'migration business'. Described variously as a 'continuum of facilitation' (S
or as a 'trafficking-migration nexus' (Piper 2005), the overlap between
smuggling and other forms of irregular migration has been well docume
Kelly 2002; 2005; Anderson and O'Connell Davidson 2002), and they share
same root causes. Wars, conflicts and the social and economic crises gener
regions of the world by the destabilizing effects of globalization and tra
contributed to large and irregular population flows, creating 'fertil
exploitation' (Kelly 2007: 81). Those with limited prospects of securit
prosperity at home may see little option but to barter what few resources
families, have and take their chances in the lottery of the assisted migra
And lottery it is, for the 'fertile fields' are also the hunting grounds of human
in their many deceptive guises.
There are few, if any, regions of the world that can be described as huma
zones. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (U
virtually all countries are now implicated, as countries of origin, transit
and sometimes as all three. As has already been suggested, intra-coun
regional trafficking is a significant problem in parts of South-East Asia
but trafficked individuals are also being found further and further from
countries, indicating that international trafficking is on the rise. Alt
estimates of its scale are hard to come by, a well grounded study by the
Labour Organisation (ILO 2005) suggests that, at any given time, a mi
million people are trapped in situations of forced labour throughout
these, some 43 per cent are believed to have been trafficked for th
commercial sexual exploitation, 32 per cent for other economic exploitati
remaining 25 per cent trafficked for unknown reasons or some mix of t
The victims of human traffickers are found in the world's sex industries, in
agriculture, catering, the clothing and other manufacturing industries, a
households across the globe in conditions of domestic servitude and b
This is an illustrative, rather than exhaustive, list. Demand for ever
cheaper goods and services can be met only by ever more and ever ch
Against this backdrop, the formal economy merges with the informal econ
shades into the illicit, and the margins and grey areas are inhabited by tho
both, to control and profit from others whose 'space for action' (Kell
been limited by adverse conditions at home, and elsewhere by those w
business and household aspirations, or assumed sexual entitlements, are b
the cheap or unpaid labour of others.
The rise and spread of international human trafficking are linked to th
transnational organized crime groups (UNODC 2006), able to take adv
new infrastructures and technologies associated with the global age. If gl
be characterized as the free movement of capital, goods and services acro
aided by advanced systems of communication and transportation, hum
can, and certainly do, corrupt those systems to aid the movement of 'un
But they still face formidable logistical and other problems. Access to th
well mean that 'organized crime groups in India and Russia are able t
women with the ease of a mouse-click' (Shelley 2007: 119), but the purcha
persons via the worldwide web do not simultaneously beam them f
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TURNER AND KELLY
destination. The trade in human beings pre-dates modern comm

transportation systems. Indeed, it is 'as old as trade itself (Lee 2
traffickers may take advantage of new infrastructures and technol
recruitment, transportation and exploitation practices will vary greatly a
specific circumstances of their intended victims, as well as the prev
cultural and socio-economic conditions in countries of origin, transit and
Indeed, one of the enduring features of human trafficking is the exten
embedded in different cultural and historical contexts (Bales 2005).
Criminal networks will share with their diasporas those historic roots,
on knowledge of patterns of movement and trade that have been i
centuries. Simultaneously, through global diasporas, they can access vita
about local conditions, notjust to overcome the logistical problems of oft
movement, but also to assess conditions of supply and demand. A better
of such connections, therefore, will not only add to the knowledge b
contribute to deeper reflections on how cultural traditions and practices
both to sustain and to resist, the continued trade in human beings.
Trafficking in Persons and Transnational Organized Crime
The Palermo Protocol supplements the UN Convention Against Transnati

Crime, thereby establishing the link between trafficking in persons and
groups that operate transnationally. Even so, the role of organized c
trafficking is a matter of continuing debate. In part, this is due to the div
trafficking operations that defy easy categorization, but it is also d
conceptualizations of organized crime. Writing of Russian organized crim
(2001) defines true or 'real' organized crime groups as those that p
sophistication, structure and identification with the group. They have a
and the capacity to use, violence to facilitate or maintain their dom
criminal underworld, and they have the resources and connections to co
political systems at the highest levels. By contrast, Finckenauer argues, hu
often comprise smaller, ad hoc groups, loose networks of individu
characterized as criminal entrepreneurs who engage in crimes that a
the field of human trafficking, true organized crime may play som
activities, such as debt collectors or by demanding a mob tax to perm
through their territory, but to label all human traffickers as organized
as mafia, he asserts, is both incorrect and unwise.
For Louise Shelley (1995; 1999; 2007), on the other hand, groups in
border activities such as human trafficking emerge as clear examples of
organized crime. Also writing of organized crime in the former Sov
attributes its growth to factors such as the technological explosion during
of the last century, as well as the geopolitical situation as it evolved
dissolution of the Soviet Union. Indeed, according to Shelley, post-So
crime defies traditional conceptions of organized crime groups in
composition of professional criminals and former members of the Party
security apparatus. And, whilst many trafficking groups may be relativel
Shelley (2007: 122-3) challenges the 'erroneous perception that traff
small scale entrepreneurs', who engage exclusively, or primarily, in hum
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TRADE SECRETS
activities, as opposed to the multiplicity of activities identified by Finc

characteristic of 'real' organized crime groups. Indeed, as UNOD
noted, whilst some organized crime groups may specialize in human tra
will also simultaneously engage in a range of other forms of illicit activi
at least, they cannot be distinguished from 'real' organized crime group
What is striking in the debate on organized crime, however, is not th
views as to what it actually is, and how it is to be distinguished from
activity; it is instead the curious neutrality of the discourse with re
Organized crime is rarely considered to be a gendered issue, although it
the territory of men, in which women are at best marginal actors or inc
but are otherwise absent. Moreover, this absence, for the most par
unremarked, or is deemed adequately dealt with by way of a passing, or
reference (see, e.g. Abadinsky 2007: 4). The point is further demo
literature on gangs. Although criminological discourse tends to treat or
and gangs as separate subjects, 'a distinctive gang culture does underpin
crime groups' (Wright 2006: 27); and, as Moore (2007: 187) puts it, 'w
"gangs", most researchers confine themselves to males. As usual, this b
of gender'. The consequence of this is that 'criminology, despite the fact
subject matter is male offenders, focuses hardly at all on men and mas
with men without acknowledging this and hence creates theories
without a conceptualization of gender' (Gelsthorpe and Morris 1990:
Human trafficking, on the other hand, is very much considered t
issue, as reflected in the title of the Palermo Protocol itself. Whilst
problematizes complex issues of agency and victimhood, particu
continuum of migration, smuggling and trafficking, the focus on gende
be welcomed. However, locating a gendered issue within a context not c
gendered presents something of a conundrum. Does it force gender ont
criminological discourse on organized crime, or does it take organiz
criminological approaches to human trafficking? Finckenauer (2001) app
the latter, as is further evident in his analysis of the impact of organize
suggests, criminal organizations that qualify as true organized crime gr
capacity to inflict significant harms of the type identified by Malt
economic, physical, pyschological and societal harms. It is this, he asser
out as an instance of sophisticated criminal organization and sets it apar
groups that lack such harm capacity, although, as he notes, their indivi
certainly harmed. On this basis, he again concludes, true organized
peripheral, if any, involvement in human trafficking activities.
This not only puts him at odds with the views of Louise Shelley, as h
also presupposes a particular assessment of what constitutes 'harm'. Cer
harms outlined above are embodied in trafficking; however, the log
the argument is to diminish the significance of the harms when set agai
of organized crime groups. In fact, when viewed through the lens of gen
conclusion is a more accurate one. In the context of the aforement
indicating the prevalence worldwide of the trafficking of women into
other forced labour, it is arguable, to say the least, that this can be
instance of harm against individuals, namely the women who have the
exploited in this manner, as opposed to some greater harm. Indeed, if 't
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TURNER AND KELLY
crime is to be assessed by its capacity to inflict significant harms, human

would certainly seem to fit the bill, as it is difficult to envisage what migh
greater 'economic', 'physical', 'psychological' and 'societal' harm, even
linked to the root causes of trafficking and the 'fertile field' that re
especially vulnerable. In downgrading the impact of women trafficked int
or other exploitation to harms affecting predominantly individual women,
argument is revealed as skewed towards the dominant, masculinist d
organized crime.
The answer, then, is not to take organized crime out of criminological d
human trafficking, but to re-position the discourse on organized crime to
as a gendered issue. This would allow for a much-needed focus on men and
it would also pave the way for a more nuanced analysis of the role of organ
human trafficking and, specifically, of the ways in which masculinity oper
create conditions, not only favourable to the trafficking of women for sexu
but also those which serve to conceal the trafficking of men and, more par
trafficking of young boys into prostitution—'... thus far a terra incognit
sociological research' (Morawska 2007: 99).
Furthermore, such an approach would raise the profile of women in
operations where they are found not just among the victims, but also figure
themselves. Indeed, they may occupy key or prominent positions (S
although the majority of women appear to be among the lower ranks, par
recruiters, and may, perhaps, be better described as part of a 'second wav
trafficked women 'who have been offered, or perhaps taken, the option o
rather than continued sexual exploitation' (Kelly 2005:46). Writing of hum
in the Central Asian Republics (CARs), Kelly notes the range of fact
contributed to a rise in trafficking from the CARs into established sex ind
them the declining status of women and the re-emergence of traditional
and practices. These not only create conducive contexts for the traf
exploitation of women, but also undermine their potential reintegration i
and communities, such that some may choose to stay in countries of desti
others may return to their homes, but do so to recruit from there, and eff
part of the crime networks by which they were once entrapped.
Shelley (2007) also notes the ways in which different cultural and politic
impact on the practices of human traffickers. This is particularly import
the context of a global era, as it signals the impact of ethnicity within or
networks and, like masculinity, points to the ways in which ethnic ties ope
facilitate the trade in human beings. Again, to borrow from the sister lit
the keys to understanding gangs are the processes of globalization—th
space, the strengthening of traditional identities, and the undergro
(Hagedorn 2007: 3). These issues are discussed further below; however
recognized to play a part, particularly at the recruitment stage, when tru
critical issue. As Shelley (2007: 126) asserts, ' [i]nitial victimisation of t
person is usually by a member of his/her own ethnic group. For exam
Mexican or Russian groups recruit in their own communities. There are m
that recruitment occurs within one's own group. Proximity and access are
But equally important is trust'. Once recruitment has occurred, differ
seen to emerge among the various ethnic groups. 'Recruiters, especial
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TRADE SECRETS
Slavic countries, the Indian subcontinent and parts of the Middle East of
their victims to other ethnic groups subsequently. Other traffickers suc
African and Latin American tend to retain control past the recruitment
2007: 126-7).
Key to understanding the nature of human trafficking and its organization, then, is
an appreciation of the different contexts from which it derives, the conditions that
enable it to flourish, and the cultural and traditional practices in which it remains
embedded and that shape the organizing activities of the crime groups that engage in
the cross-border trade in human beings. Again, as Kelly suggests (2007: 85), reflections
such as these 'illustrate the necessity of deeper explorations of the many ways in which
gender and ethnicity play a part in the complex structuring and diverse consequences
of trafficking in persons'. Whilst caution must be urged to avoid the demonization of
certain ethnic and cultural groups as representing alien organized crime conspiracies
(Woodiwiss 2001 ), more nuanced considerations of gender and ethnicity will contribute
to a deeper understanding of organized crime and its role in transnational human
trafficking in a global age.
Globalization, Diasporas and Transnationalism
Globalization has not only promoted the growth of crime beyond borders; it has also
exerted transformative influences on populations and migration flows, and on the
world's political, economic and social landscape (UNODC 2002). Like organized crime,
it is a contested construct that has attracted many different meanings and interpretations.
Kelly et al. (2005: 1) suggest it 'may be roughly defined as the emergence of a variety of
systems or activities of economic and commercial production, trade and services that
are worldwide rather than national or regional in scope and that are generally not
controllable by nation-states'. But it is not just the unconstrained movement of goods
and services that is so valued. The international mobility of human capital is as prized in
the global economy as is the free flow of other capital, trade and commerce. Liberal
economic and trade policies, and the new infrastructures and advanced technologies
characteristic of globalization, have not only greatly accelerated migration, they have
also fuelled changes in patterns of contemporary migration. This has created new
opportunities for diasporas to emerge and flourish (Cohen 1997). Traditionally
conceived as exilic populations forcibly expelled from their homelands by a traumatic
event, diasporas are conventionally characterized by reference to three key features
(Butler 2001). In the first instance, there must be dispersal to at least two destinations
as a prerequisite to the establishment of internal networks that link various populations
in diaspora; secondly, some relationship with the homeland, or the idea of a homeland,
must persist as a foundation for the development of diasporan identity; and, finally,
diasporan communities are consciously part of an ethno-national group, such that there
exists a self-awareness of the group's identity.
The emerging forms of migration associated with the forces of globalization, however,
suggest that population movements may no longer be characterized only by outward
migratory flows, and diasporas may no longer have as a goal permanent settlement in,
or citizenship of, a host country. As Cohen (1997: 170) suggests, ' [tjhere is no longer
any stability in the points of origin, no finality in the points of destination, and no
necessary coincidence between social and national identities'. In this sense, the internal
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networks that link at least some populations in diaspora are, arguably

coming to resemble the social formations of transnational relatio
transnationalism remains, for the time being, under-theorized, it can be p
in terms of a restructuring of 'place' or 'locality', in which national bord
rather than maintained (Vertovec and Cohen 1999). As new or 'emerg
(Muenz and Ohliger 2003) adapt to the conditions of a globalized worl
much in common with the transnationalism of migrant communities. If
has seen the emergence of supra- or transnational trade and comme
unbounded by the borders and controls of nation-states, it has also seen t
of new, sojourning diasporas, capable of existing and operating beyon
borders and controls.
These special attributes of present-day diasporas lend themselves well to life in th
global economy. The ease of movement, the ability to 'switch codes' (Woodward 199
social, cultural and economic—together with knowledge of home and hostlands, ena
members of a diaspora to forge connections between home economies and internati
businesses that facilitate all manner of economic exchanges. 'Emigration diaspo
(Butler 2001) now co-exist with, or are transformed into, transnational communitie
reflecting patterns of migration involving a to-ing and fro-ing across national bounda
and creating cosmopolitan or transnational identities linked by a sense of 'non-
based solidarity' (Woodward 1997). Permanence gives way to a certain fluidity
multilocality, unbounded by the nation-state or a given place of residence. Even
Smith and Guardizo ( 1998) sound a note of caution. They argue that conceptualizati
of place need to take account of the specificities of a given locality. The assump
inherent in notions of unboundedness are open to challenge precisely because
local sites of global processes do matter. The social construction of "place" is st
process of local meaning-making, territorial specificity, juridical control, and econo
development, however complexly articulated the localities become in transnati
economic, political, and cultural flows' (Smith and Guardizo 1998:12). Transnationalis
then, does not imply a disconnectedness from the local—far from it. Transnational
as those authors suggest, are sustained by the constraints and opportunities found
given locality, and diasporas, specifically ethnic diasporas, as perhaps the most visib
paradigm of transnationalism (Vertovec and Cohen 1999), embody the local and
global through social formations and internal networks that span borders.
Another note of caution must be sounded here. Globalization is said to be frequen
discussed in curiously apolitical terms (Cohen 1997:156), to which might also be adde
curiously gender-neutral terms, similarly characteristic of much theorizing
transnationalism and diasporas. As with debate on organized crime, apparent ge
neutrality serves to obscure a predominantly masculinist perspective, with ideologie
masculinity masquerading as 'universal'. However, global markets, whether legal, qu
legal or wholly illicit, operate in a distinctly gendered fashion. The 'invisible hand' is
invisible and more of a sleight of hand when viewed through the lens of gender, si
by every indicator of well-being—income, employment, health, education or ot
women fare significantly worse than men (Steiner and Alston 2000). If ideologi
masculinity are peddled through global markets, they flow across borders thr
global diasporas, linked by transnational ties rooted in the cultures and traditions f
which they emanate. Those ties may well be sustained by the specificities of a g
locality, but those specificities will include the ways in which masculinities—w
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diaspora and host communities—operate locally to create conditions

exploitation. And 'however complexly articulated the localities become in
economic, political and cultural flows' (Smith and Guardizo 1998: 12),
women are rarely heard, or heeded, in those articulations.
This is particularly relevant in the context of the trafficking of wome
and Cohen (1999) suggest, the migratory flows of women have large
from history. Studies have tended to deal with women as a residual categ
behind, or those crossing borders as dependent family members. As such
likely to experience life in a diaspora very differently, commencing with i
Here, Cohen (1997: 26) lists as a first criterion 'dispersal from an orig
often traumatically, to two or more foreign regions'. The traumatic even
include slavery, famine and genocide and certainly apply to the Afr
Armenian diasporas and, more recently, to those affected by ethnic clean
in the former Yugoslavia and elsewhere. Such crises invariably disp
impact on women, though other events may be more hidden and not
sufficiently traumatic to force mass migration, including domestic violen
abuse, rape and other forms of violence against women in the com
discrimination against women in the fields of education, employment
course, such conditions may be said, in varying degrees, to character
women everywhere and, therefore, even if mass migration were an option
to see where in the world women might go to escape them. However,
'expulsion factors' may go unrecognized, or be subsumed within the dyn
' féminisation of poverty', individual women are nevertheless migrating in
numbers, and now comprise nearly half the total expatriate populati
(Monzini 2005: 58). Despite a 'peculiar blindness to the direct effects o
shifts on women' (Moore 2007: 190), their work has increasingly become
source of family income (ILO 2004). These pressures arguably lie
migration, together with the ever growing demand for women in
industries, including sex industries. And yet, migration does not in itsel
gender-specific risks and dangers to women. The hidden expulsion factor
them on their journeys and, if anything, are exacerbated, as regul
migration and forms of employment are often denied them, creating fu
vulnerability and opportunities for exploitation along the murky c
migration, smuggling and human trafficking.
Reflections such as these callforagenderedinterrogation,notonlyof conc
of globalization, but also of notions such as the 'ethno-national' conscious
to underpin diasporic identity, or the sense of 'non-placed based solidarit
day, transnational communities. And, in the world of human trafficking,
may reveal intersections between old and new to which traffickers are k
sharing the historic roots of their respective, stratified diasporas and, th
access to a detailed knowledge and understanding of local contemporary c
a global scale—so essential to the success of their operations.
Diasporas and Human Trafficking: A Global Trade under Local Manage
In defining the phenomenon of human trafficking in terms of recruitment

and exploitation, the focus has often been on methods of recruitm
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TURNER AND KELLY
transportation and forms of exploitation. Trafficking, however, as ha

indicated, is a process. Moreover, it is a process that is advanced throu
Cross-border human trafficking involves the movement of persons
boundaries, inviting consideration of the mechanisms and networks th
flows possible, particularly those intersecting and crossing two states. Thus
(2005: 44) refers to a 'borderland'—an area he describes 'as a zone or r
which lies an international border, [while] a borderland society [is] a socia
system straddling that border'. Those who inhabit such a borderland will
that pre-date the formation of the border, networks that are restrained
and networks that develop as a result of the existence of the border, all o
incorporate cross-border flows, including those of a clandestine nature. Su
transnational!ty', argues van Schendel (2005: 57), means that even those bo
not 'involved in illegal trade networks as smugglers, illegal migrants,
humans, or receivers of migrants' remittances' will be well aware of these
their impact on the transnational landscape.
Shifting borders are, of course, nothing new, but, in recent decades, th
the former Soviet Union and the reconfiguration of boundaries there
Europe have spawned new borderland societies in which strong and highly
cross-border networks are maintained. Some networks may be constrained
border formations, but many old and well established networks will persi
networks will develop. However, these border changes may also have created
for a number of networks to extend borderland societies to inlan
established in host societies, through the formation, reinforcement or re
of connections with emigration diasporas. These new forms of internationa
or transnationalism, 'could easily yield a diasporan community with a
continuity with the homeland' (Butler 2001: 195), and a unique underst
political, cultural and socio-economic systems of their host countries, be th
trafficking purposes, countries of transit or destination.
For those engaged in cross-border human trafficking, then, such border
may provide vital links in the chain, more so when the connections th
extend through diasporic networks and transnational ties to establish
populations. Ethnic communities may well provide crime groups with
opportunities, cover and support for criminal operations and ... serv
criminal activists prepared to engage in trafficking activities' (Kelly et al.
the spaces in between must be connected to link the chain from rec
exploitation. Turning first to recruitment, knowledge of local economic c
traditional customs and practices, not to mention a shared language or dia
the predatory ways in which traffickers target, select and groom their int
(UNODC 2006). Where crime groups have their origins in source countr
retain members in those countries and/or maintain other connections to ensure a
continued supply. Similarly, in destination countries, established communities can
prove to be a vital resource. On the one hand, they can be an important source of
support and assistance to new arrivals. In illustrating the different ways in which illegal
migrants (from Indonesia) enter and remain in West Malaysia, Wong (2005: 87)
emphasizes the significance of the presence of friends and relatives already in possession
of permanent residence status in that region, many with established homes and
businesses. She found that such 'ethnic businesses and settlements were an important
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TRADE SECRETS
focal point for fresh migrants in search of work, residence, and knowle
skills'.
On the other hand, they can also be an important resource for human traffickers, for
whom 'survival' consists of remaining undetected and of selling or putting to work those
they have trafficked, in order to recoup any costs and maximize their profits. Above all,
they must be assured that demand exists to meet supply. Here, too, diasporas may be a
pull factor. As has been noted above, they can generate trade by a demand for home
country commodities or food stuffs. Furthermore, by introducing these to host
communities, they can greatly expand the market for those products and thereby
generate more demand. And it is demand that enables traffickers to accrue considerable
wealth from the illicit trade in human beings.
A brief comment on some aspects of the nature of that demand is in order here. It is
not suggested that demand exists for the labour or services of trafficked persons. Indeed,
Anderson and O'Connell Davidson (2003) suggest that an exploiter will be indifferent
to the means by which a person comes to be vulnerable to exploitation. On the other
hand, they point to evidence that indicates demand exists for 'embodied' labour or
service providers from those exhibiting particular qualities pertaining to sex, age, race,
caste and ethnicity. A closer examination of the nature of that demand might reveal
differences among different crime groups as to how they source and recruit their
victims, as well as the markets they create and/or supply. This may have particular
relevance to commercial sex industries and the numbers of women trafficked into
prostitution in a given destination country, especially one in which the

sexual services is not prohibited by law. A wander through any red-light dis
reveal a bewildering array of advertisements for all 'types' of women. And,
with the stomach to do so, even the briefest trawl of the internet will locate
containing material explicitly promoting women on the basis of ethnic
stereotypes, under the guise of offering 'choice'. Indeed, recent research in t
Kingdom suggests that men who express a preference for women of a specif
ethnic background tend to fall into one of two categories: those who prefer
the same ethnic background, and those seeking the 'exotic other' (Coy et al. 2
That said, such stereotypes are not just exploited in commercial sex indus
may also influence the purchasers of cheap labour who tend to seek out 'm
groups that not only lack social protection but that are also socially ster
"naturally" servile or otherwise "naturally" suited to working in poor con
little recompense' (Anderson and O'Connell Davidson 2002: 25). In th
traffickers may exploit existing demand within an established community, a
exploiting intersecting racial and gender stereotypes to meet, reproduce
create a demand for their human commodities.
Human traffickers, then, prey on the vulnerable in source countries, and exploit
vulnerabilities in destination countries, but, to do so, they must first get them th
Where the intended destination country is a long way from the country of o
journeys can sometimes take months and range across and through several o
countries. International trafficking operations, therefore, also depend on access to
knowledge in transit countries. They will need information about routes, safe hou
and transportation; they may require the services of document forgers and ac
stolen identity papers, and they will need strategies to avoid border controls and
operations. Such information may, of course, be provided to crime groups by loca
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TURNER AND KELLY
members along the trafficking routes (Schloenhardt 1999) and in each of

concerned but, arguably, the complexities of a global trade require
reliable networks of individuals with a more detailed knowledge of loc
Here, again, members of a group's diaspora can provide the all important
just in terms of information and local services. 'As with any business
criminal activity requires enforcement mechanisms and trust, which dias
can easily internalize' (Kapur and McHale 2005: 128). And, in a g
characterized by the more fluid patterns of contemporary migration 'in wh
come and go but institutions and networks become established in the host
2001: 202), be they countries of transit or destination, such diasporic
offer unique opportunities to crime groups engaged in human trafficking
where the traffic has come from, they know where it is going, and they k
to get it there. In short, they are uniquely placed to constitute the traffick
Theorizing the Connections
It must, of course, be noted that there is no single model of trafficking in

as the European Union (EU) is concerned, Europol (2004: 7) reports th
traffickers often share the same nationality as their victims, the trend is towar
cooperation among networks of different backgrounds. Even so, '[e]th
crime groups are increasingly involving in their activities people of their
ethnic environment, living in Member States'. Furthermore, certain ethn
secured strong footholds in a number of destination countries. Albanians, B
Lithuanians are among the most frequently reported traffickers of wome
into EU countries (Europol 2004), with significant networks of mutual suppo
of origin, transit and destination and, as with other organized crime groups,
appear to be facilitated by the presence of already existing ethnic commun
Similar links have been noted elsewhere. Research indicates, for exam
Israel, much of the sex industry is controlled by Russian organized crime
facilitated, it is suggested, by the presence of a significant Russian diaspo
minority of members are Russian crime bosses (Kelly 2005).
In terms of the proposed typology, then, the first model describes a fu
closed criminal network, which traffics and profits from the exploitation o
nationals. This would seem to fit the profile of some Chinese organized
that control the entire process to smuggle large numbers of their own na
and into Chinese-owned or run businesses. The United Kingdom i
destination in Europe, with so-called 'snakeheads' charging upwards of
person to organize the transportation of would-be migrants. Glenny
suggests that when Serbia lifted the visa requirements for Chinese citizen
1990s, '[t]he Serbian capital witnessed the fastest growth of any Chinatow
late 1990s'. That said, New Belgrade was not their intended final destinatio
hosted planeloads of Chinese migrants and became a friendly staging post
route to Western Europe, thereby easing what had previously been a l
hazardous journey. The arrangement was a gift to the traffickers/smuggl
human cargo. 'No more dodgy boat trips; no more expensive negotiations
and Ukrainian policemen. No more setting up safe houses in Buchare
police in Budapest' (Glenny 2008: 369). This arrangement, then, might be i
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TRADE SECRETS
the integrated diasporic model, although more recent evidence suggests that t
link failed to endure and/or was not always the preferred route to final d
countries. In addition, instances have been noted of the development of co
links between some Chinese and other crime groups. This is discussed further
The second model, the partially integrated diasporic model, describes a fully
diasporic crime network that controls and oversees recruitment and transport
own-country and/or other-country nationals, but that then sells trafficked ind
other exploiters. This model may be said to characterize some Russian traffickin
and their operations. Indeed, according to Shelley (2007: 123), Russian traffick
off human beings as if they were a natural resource like oil or timber'. Such s
occur at the point of final destination or at some prior point in the process. A
numbers are typically difficult to estimate, it has been suggested that Russian sex tr
networks have trafficked thousands of women from Asia into and through Easte
(Salt 1998; Finckenauer 2001; Kyle and Koslowski 2001), before either selling th
other exploiters or placing them within Russian-controlled brothels. In the latte
course, the undertaking more closely resembles the integrated diasporic model
Others, again, may conform more to the instrumental model, to operate in th
of ethnic diasporas and try to both victimize migrants and to involve members
communities in criminal activities on their behalf (Marshall 1997, cited in Fre
2002: 19). Here, again, the activities of some Chinese crime groups can be
only in their apparent control of the trafficking chain, even when coll
with other crime groups, but specifically in their use of established comm
destination countries. A police operation reported in January 2008, Operation
(www.eurojust.europa.en), successfully disrupted the activities of two crim
involved in the smuggling of mainly Chinese nationals across Asia and Eu
France, and from there into the United Kingdom. Those smuggled are believed
paid up to £21,000 each, and travelled often in extremely cramped conditions
boats and trains, on a journey that took up to 18 months. The journey to F
organized by the Chinese network, but once in France, the migrants were han
to a Turkish crime network that facilitated their onward transport to the United
On arrival in London and elsewhere, they were handed back to the Chinese net
the purposes of collecting payment. This suggests that the trafficked/s
individuals were either kept in conditions of debt bondage and/or some ot
were in place to ensure any outstanding sums of money were duly paid ov
network. Typically, this would involve threats or harm to families or friends b
For our purposes, however, the point to note is that, once in the United Kingd
migrants often disappeared into established Chinese communities, makin
detection by authorities more difficult. It is, however, not just Chinese crime g
may operate under cover of, and/or with, the collusion of members of th
constituencies. UNODC (2002: 42) found in a pilot survey of various crime grou
factors contributing to the growth, for example, of West African criminal ne
included reliance on 'historic trading networks operating throughout the r
the presence of a significant West African Diaspora in cities around the world
Finally, there may be networks that truly have a base in no jurisdiction and
fully open—networks that span continents, and that are bound together by in
and overlapping legal and illegal associations. In some instances, crime gro
have evolved and developed cooperative affiliations, as seen above, but in w
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TURNER AND KELLY
diasporic connections are purely incidental. Thus, there is evidence that c

'who previously tended to maintain their own prostitute and brothel netw
along the lines of nationality, are pooling their resources by advertising
other's escort websites and sharing the proceeds when a "booking" i
Independent, Monday 22 October 2007). The latter refers to a UK polic
which Lithuanian and Chinese criminals were found to be cooperating to t
into London from countries as far apart as Malaysia, Lithuania, Brazi
Clearly, it is probable that the Lithuanian network maintained good c
members in Lithuania, but the breadth of the operation, and the like
routes to the United Kingdom, suggests access to, or collaboration with, w
criminal networks in a number of source and transit countries. Whether these networks
can in fact be said to be fully open is not yet clear. They may better be described as
'criminal diaspora', perhaps more akin to the archetypal transnational corporati
(TNCs) that are 'presumed to have jettisoned their national origins' (Vertovec
Cohen 1999: xxi) to operate as fully global organizations.
The 'jettisoning of national origins', however, need not presuppose the dissolution
ethnic ties, or those based on notions of clan, kinship or family. The nodal points in
trafficking chain may still rely on those historic and current connections that
served an ever expanding flow of economic and other transactions between ho
countries and homelands across the globe. And, indeed, alongside the global flow
finance, goods and services typifying the activities of TNCs is the global flow of hu
capital and expertise—a flow sometimes described as a 'diaspora by design' (Kotk
1992). However, this flow and output of TNCs are but a part of the global transactio
involving the movement of capital, including human capital. As Cohen (1997:
suggests, ' [o] ne has to move beneath these visible organizations to glean how a signif
chunk of the "real global market works'". That 'chunk' comprises the mult
transactions among networks of closely integrated co-ethnic members and relationsh
based on family, clan and kinship ties, which provide a stronger basis for trust, and
more effective enforcement mechanisms identified by Kapur and McHale (2005).
However, the precise mechanisms enabling such cross-border flows remain elus
The examples cited above may suggest the presence or absence of more or less signific
diasporic connections but they are, for now, at best illustrative only in the most gene
terms; nor, for the time being, do they contribute further vital detail about the gend
composition of any of these groups and whether or not they engage in trafficking
single or multiple exploitative purposes.
An Agenda for Research
In a post-9/11 world, awash with the rhetoric of terrorism and human security, ma
governments are quick to invoke the use of a 'Mafia shorthand' (Taylor and Jamieson
1999) to justify ever more muscular responses to threats to national security
territorial sovereignty. Such responses invariably favour traditional conceptualization
of organized crime but, to the extent that these were ever 'true', in the field of hum
trafficking, at the very least, they serve to camouflage potentially important nodal po
of international connectivity. And they do nothing to deal with home-grown deman
which is the primary raison d'être of human trafficking, and which itself is rooted
deeply embedded social orders structured by gender and race. Where human traffick
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TRADE SECRETS
draw on members of ethnic communities to 'serve as a pool of criminal a

to engage in trafficking activities' (Kelly et al. 2005: 4), they are ab
precisely because of the marginalization of such groups within host com
as the vast majority of diaspora populations make rich contributions
cultural and socio-economic life of a country.
However, as migration accelerates in the global economy, and diaspora
to shed the traditional mantle of exilic populations and don the cloak of
they play an ever more critical role in dismantling national barriers
international commerce. With their superior understanding and kno
and 'there' and, increasingly, of 'everywhere', they form crucial links i
supply and demand in the cross-border, global trade in commodities, go
But their expertise has also contributed to the success of transnational
and their role in the chain that constitutes the international trade
warrants closer inspection, even as groups change and evolve to meet n
opportunities. Any exploration of such connections must take accoun
contexts—the different social and cultural traditions—from which the trade arises, as
well as the contemporary conditions in which it is able to prosper. This requires a detailed
examination of intersections between gender and ethnicity in specific locations and the
multiple ways these shape the networks that form the basis of both old and new forms of
international connectivity.
This, then, is the under-explored theme in the literature on human trafficking, the
absence of which is readily exploited by traffickers to conceal the tricks of their trade.
The social and gendered networks that span continents and bridge the spaces between
borderland and inland populations in countries of origin, transit and destination draw
both on historic, and on increasingly transnational, diasporic connections. It is through
these connections that criminal groups organize the local management of a global trade,
and through which they sojourn in the shadows, back and forth, along the highways and
through the intersections that map the routes from origin, through transit, to destination
countries, and that constitute the embodied networks of transnational organized crime.
The proposed typology is intended to facilitate empirical study of such connections
by providing a framework for the collection and analysis of data, and is currently being
applied to a sample of UK cases. The suggested models and their variants can be
reworked, or even replaced, by more sophisticated formulations as the knowledge base
expands and deepens. The intention, however, is to provide a starting point for a closer
examination of intersections between crime groups and their diasporas throughout the
trafficking chain, and more nuanced considerations of the intersections with gender
and ethnicity, to better understand the trade secrets of traffickers, and how the global
trade in human beings is organized, managed and maintained.
Funding
London Metropolitan University, Department of Applied Social Sciences.
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