Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Catherine E. Walsh
T
o think and speak from the geopo-
litical and historical location of Ecuador and from the colonial difference
formed within this location are processes that guide my reflections here. By
“geopolitical . . . location” I mean not only the physical space, the place on
the map, but also the historical, social, cultural, imagined, and what Wal-
ter Mignolo (2000a) refers to as the epistemologically diagrammed spaces
that provide the ground for political subjectivities, colonial difference, and
struggle. As Adrienne Rich (1987, 212) once commented, “A place on the
map is also a place in history.” In the spacialities of geopolitical location,
boundaries are formed, negotiated, and transgressed, power and politics
played out on both national and transnational terrains. It is also here that
diverse knowledges are generated, produced, and distributed.1
The material conditions of subjectification are always intertwined
with space and place. That is to say, the particular site and temporal junc-
tures within which subjects (and difference) are both marked and con-
structed, where culture-as-political struggle is waged and authors write,
matter. But locating ourselves in relation to places defined and taken up
through experience, identity, and power (Mohanty 1987; Pile 1997), and
in relation to the subjects/objects that we purport to study, is not usual
practice in the academic world. Instead, modernist tendencies in the so-
cial sciences disembody the author from the text and split the subject and
N e p a n t l a : V i e w s f r o m S o u t h 3.1
Copyright 2002 by Duke University Press
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the global. Today indigenous and black peoples’ struggles are waged not
only in local contexts but also in national and transnational spaces that cross
and make fluid geopolitical as well as ethnic or racialized borders. The
joint declaration of black organizations from the Andean region (Comité
Andino de Servicios 2001) about racism, common histories, and continued
experiences of marginalization and exclusion, as well as about economic
globalization, biodiversity and, in the case of Colombia, internal armed
conflict and forced displacements, serves as an example.
Similarly, calls from the Lacandona jungle for new visions of so-
cial and political participation and democracy in Chiapas and in Mexico
as a whole, as well as for an end to neoliberal policies, resonate beyond
geopolitical boundaries. They transcend ethnic divides and fuse local, na-
tional, regional, and global arenas. Thus while Zapatista demands emerge
from localized, geohistorical struggles, they also embrace the concerns of
many throughout the region and the world. They are echoed with differ-
ent localized intonations by Brazil’s Sin Terra, Argentina’s Carpa Blanca,
Chile’s Mapuche organizations, Bolivia’s Coordinadora de Agua, and the
international Social Forum held in Pôrto Alegre in 2001, to name just a few.
In the particularisms of each, there are seeds of universality, cores that, as
Ernesto Laclau (2000, 306) suggests, we should expand “so that we can have
a full social imaginary, capable of competing with the neoliberal consensus
which has been the hegemonic horizon of world politics for the last thirty
years.”
In countries like Mexico, Guatemala, and Ecuador, the most or-
ganized and vocal political opposition continues to come from indigenous
nations. At times in alliance with other social groups and at times enacting
a politics rooted in the particularisms of their own ethnic struggle and colo-
nial difference, these groups continually construct a cultural politics that, as
Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui (1992) notes in relation to the Sendero Luminoso
in Peru, social scientists have been unable to predict or fully understand.
Ecuador affords an interesting example to explore these points,
both because of the organizational strength of the indigenous movement (an
important referent since 1990 for the rest of the region) and because of the
movement’s ability to (re)articulate political subjectivities, challenging and
transforming both cultural politics and political culture. Moreover, with
the recent establishment of an indigenous university—developed by the
movement with the support of nonindigenous individuals, organizations,
and institutions from within the country, as well as from elsewhere in Latin
America, the United States, Canada, and Europe—the case of Ecuador also
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ancestral differences among indigenous peoples that existed before the ar-
rival of the Incas, those maintained as a form of resistance throughout the
Inca colonization, and those that have been subject to other forms of colo-
nization and neglect in the Amazon and coastal regions. The fact that the
push for this reconstitution comes primarily from urban intellectuals and
not from the communities themselves, often going against their preferred
forms of identification, raises some interesting questions about the problem
of social-cultural inscriptions, the (re)production of knowledge, and im-
position within the movement (a different kind of inside-outside-against
tension) in the name of politics. Using ethnic-ancestral and territorial cri-
teria, a series of micro-identities are now named that, although lacking
major significance in daily life, serve to reconceptualize the representativity
and organization of the indigenous movement and substantiate the proposal
for plurinationality. The identification of twenty-eight distinct nationalities
and peoples, while CONAIE recognized only eleven before, is illustrative
of this process.
Also constitutive of this shift are tendencies in some quarters to-
ward a more separatist form of politics. These have included a break with
Afro organizations and indigenous organizations not totally allied with
CONAIE, and a distancing from other social movements. With this break,
CONAIE began to act on its own, establishing a kind of hegemony of
protest in which other groups were expected to support and ally them-
selves with actions decided upon and defined by the CONAIE leadership.
The events of January 2000 were an example of this; few knew what the
strategy of protest was to be, that it would include the alliance with a group
of insurgent colonels, the takeover of Congress, and the eventual assump-
tion of the presidency by a triumvirate composed of an indigenous leader, a
representative of the social movements, and a military man—first a colonel
and later a general (see Walsh 2001b).
The trend toward a separatist politics is also reflected in the recon-
ceptualization and reorganization of the government indigenous-black in-
stitution. Through a presidential decree in 1998 negotiated by the CONAIE
leadership, CODENPE (Council for the Development of the Nationalities
and [Indigenous] Peoples of Ecuador), replaced CONPLADEIN, exclud-
ing blacks and establishing a new form of governance based not on organi-
zational participation but on the election of representatives from each of the
nacionalidades and pueblos.13 This reorganization has engendered protests
and legal claims within the movement itself primarily because it dismantles
the structure of accountability to local communities. Given this context, it
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state has demonstrated, especially in the last several years, a new tolerance
and acceptance of diversity aimed at integrating differences within the
dominant apparatus, controlling social conflict and assuring social stability.
One way to theoretically locate these political strategies is through
the tensions and contingencies of the particular and the universal. Judith
Butler (2000, 165) reminds us that if hegemony is to work, the particular
must come to represent something other than itself. As she explains,
Notes
The stimulus for this text came from dialogues initiated at the workshop “Knowledges
and the Known,” Duke University, Durham, NC, November 2000. I wish to
thank Walter Mignolo for his invitation to participate in this workshop and
he and Freya Schiwy for the subsequent comments that they offered on an
earlier version of this article.
1. For a discussion on the geopolitics of knowledge in relation to Latin America, see the
special issue of Comentario internacional (Quito: Universidad Andina Simón
Bolívar), no. 2 (2001), which includes my interview with Mignolo (Walsh
2001a) and a partial dossier of the “Knowledges and the Known” workshop.
2. I use the notion of “identity politics” here in much the same way as does Charles
Hale (1997), that is, as the “collective sensibilities and actions that come from
a particular location within society, in direct defiance of universal categories
that tend to subsume, erase, or suppress this particularity” (568) and as “a
generalized idiom through which groups engage in politics with one another,
the state, and other powerful adversaries” (572).
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3. For an important and critical discussion of the category of “class” and the current
trend to make it one more link in an enumerative chain of identities associated
with the new social movements, see Laclau 2000.
4. While the indigenous and Afro movements may not speak of colonial difference
or a coloniality of power as such, the sociohistorical past and present of
domination, marginalization, racism, and exclusion serve as clear referents
and reasons for organization and struggle.
5. Ethnoeducation is the term used in Colombia to refer to indigenous bilingual pro-
grams and, with the passing of Colombia’s Law 70, to Afro-centered edu-
cation. In the Andean region, the idea of Afro ethnoeducation has begun
to spread. In Ecuador, for example, there are initial experiences at the com-
munity level that have been shared with both Peru and Colombia. Within
the Afro Workshop—a permanent space for dialogue and debate with Afro
communities and other members of civil society—coordinated by the Univer-
sidad Andina Simón Bolívar in conjunction with Afro organizations, these
experiences are being socialized and discussions initiated regarding national
educational policy.
It is important to note that constitutional reforms, while often
fought for by these social movements, are not necessarily the sole result of
their struggles, nor do they necessarily suggest a new openness or sensitivity
by governments to their interests and demands. Rather, as I discuss later, the
new official attention to diversity in the region also reflects global, neoliberal
interests.
6. This is in contrast to Peru, for example, where the construction of a “cholo” identity
during the period from the Second World War until the 1970s (see Quijano
1999), and newer constructions of a cultura chicha among migrants during
the last thirty years, suggest creative and positive processes of what Quijano
calls “subversion and reoriginalization.”
7. The media has played a particularly crucial role in constructing representations of
the indigenous other. This was made particularly evident during the events of
21 January 2000. For example, isolated incidents of Indians harassing white-
mestizos (e.g., pulling a white-mestizo man by the necktie and making him
dance) were displayed prominently, as if they were widespread occurrences.
These images shared the screen with interviews of right-wing politicians
and ex-presidents, who decried the notion of an Indian president (see Walsh
2001b).
8. I am grateful to Freya Schiwy for pointing this out to me.
9. In fact, the modern-day notion of the intellectual is also distinct. The formation of an
indigenous intellectual class comprised of lawyers, social scientists, medical
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major challenge to the territoriality of the state because they could conceivably
occupy the majority of “national” territory.
15. For a discussion of the elements involved in an internal evaluation of the movement,
see Macas 2000.
16. For a discussion of similar processes among the Zapatistas that imbricate the local,
regional, and global, see Slater 1998.
17. The strong regional conflicts in the country played a major role in Bucaram’s strate-
gies. One of these traditional conflicts has been between Amazonian and
highland indigenous groups, particularly in terms of power within the move-
ment and its organizations. CONAIE until this time had a strong base of
highland control. By putting an Amazonian in charge of the ministry, Bu-
caram succeeded almost immediately in gaining Amazonian support and in
wresting some of the Amazonian organizations away from CONAIE. But
as the first president from the coast in almost a decade and as the leader of
a coastal-based populist party strongly allied with coastal economic interests,
Bucaram also used the coastal-highland conflict to his advantage. His pop-
ulist message and approach aimed at constructing an image of a president “of
the people,” affording a supposed representation to those sectors previously
excluded from national government, including the poor, indigenous people,
and blacks.
18. The Amazonian candidate, Antonio Vargas, won the election. From 1996 to October
2001, Vargas served as the president of CONAIE. He was also the indige-
nous member of the triumvirate that attempted to assume the presidency in
the popular rebellion of January 2000. As a result of demands and internal
evaluations within the movement, Vargas and the rest of the leadership of
CONAIE agreed to leave their positions in March 2001 without possibility of
reelection. However, after the successes of the February 2001 uprising, their
resignation was put off until October. Contributing to the tension between
Vargas and the movement is his announced interest in becoming a candidate
for the presidency of the Republic.
19. This sum is expected to increase with the inclusion of royalty payments on certain
products.
20. Although the indigenous movement continues to develop an oppositional agenda,
neither it nor any other social movement has offered alternative proposals. In
this regard, the threat the opposition presents is just that, opposition without
concrete substance.
21. Adding to this concern and particularly impacting indigenous communities was,
initially, the aerial spray-testing of bacteria-based fungi, and more recently,
the aerial spraying of glisofate, designed to kill coca crops but obviously
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affecting all forms of plant (and possibly human) life. Recent investigative
reports indicate that at least six thousand peasants and indigenous people
have been seriously affected, both with health problems and the destruction
of their crops. This “damnification that has arrived from the heavens,” as the
people call it, continues to be the denied by the Ecuadorian government and
is the source of major current debates among the governments of Ecuador,
Colombia, and the United States, as well as ecological and nongovernment
entities.
22. In 1998, the World Bank began a revision, now in its final stage, of its policy toward
indigenous peoples. Between March and June 2001 a series of new drafts
of operational policies, procedures, and strategies was circulated, directed at
“securing the process of development.”
23. While the design and development of the university is the work of the Ecuadorian
indigenous movement, transnational networks of support from indigenous
universities elsewhere and from U.S., Canadian, and European institutions of
higher education have helped make it a reality, including in terms of legal op-
eration. The rector of the university is Luis Macas, a lawyer, former president
of CONAIE, and former member of the Ecuadorian national congress.
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