Professional Documents
Culture Documents
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only for YOUR use in connection with the course that you are enrolled in. LEARNING
MATERIALS INCLUDED IN YOUR COURSE PACK ARE NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION OR SALE.
Permission should be obtained from your instructor for any use other than for what it is
intended.
Appendices
A-6 The Rise of Globalization and Its Effect on the Autonomy of State and
Political Economy
A-13 Philippines: Country faces health and human rights crisis one
year into the COVID-19 pandemic
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5. We respect each other and work as a team. We collaboratively maximize
our talents and capabilities. We hold each other in high regard and
passionately realize our shared purpose, priorities and promises.
VISION
The College of Arts and Sciences is a dynamic, and proactive provider of foundation
STATEMENT
courses that will develop academicians, researchers, and responsible leaders and
citizens through quality education.
MISSION The College acts as catalyst of development in the pursuit of quality education
STATEMENT across the humanities, the arts and the sciences.
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2. Examine the contemporary world from both Philippine and global
perspectives; and
3. Use technology responsibly.
COURSE INFORMATION
Program General Education
Term, School Year 1st Semester of SY 2021-2022
Course Code TCW
Course Title The Contemporary World
Course Description This course introduces students to the contemporary world by examining
the multifaceted phenomenon of globalization. Using the various disciplines
of the social sciences, it examines the economic, social, political,
technological, and other transformations that have created an increasing
awareness of the interconnectedness of people and places around the globe.
3. Assess and Articulate personal positions on various global issues and the
effects of globalization.
Faculty In-Charge Percival S. Tordilla, Ll. B.
Contact Information Email: percival.tordilla@unc.edu.ph
Mobile Phone: 09217328997
Consultation Hours Wednesday - 9 am to 4 pm, Any other day of the week – by appointment
Mode of Delivery
This course will be delivered remotely which means that there will be a combination of
generally asynchronous (on- demand but time bound tasks UNC LMS, Facebook Messenger,
Email) and strategically planned synchronous sessions (live online meetings thru Google Meet).
The College of Arts and Sciences uses the Blackboard as a learning management system.
This means that all instructions, study guides, learning materials, discussion forums, and
assignment submissions will be done through the said platform. All course announcements or
updates will be posted in the Blackboard LMs, so please check our course site regularly.
3
A regular once a week synchronous session with you, mainly for consultations,
clarifications, and monitoring purposes will be conducted. This will be conducted via Google Meet
following the schedule below:
In a face-to-face mode of delivery, we meet during class hours at an assigned room. That
has changed in a remote set up. Instead of meeting every week at a pre-assigned time and place,
a large portion of your work will involve independent study tasks. This means you will need to
pace yourself, direct your own learning experience, be disciplined in managing your time, and
target to complete assignments on or before the due date.
Every week, I designed a Study Guide which provides details on how you should engage
with the core topic and whether this will be supported by a live meeting via Google Meet. The
lesson/topic for each week is designed following the UNC outcome-based education delivery
format. You must view these study guides at the start of the week to give you clarity of what lies
ahead and what is expected of you during the week.
TOTAL 100%
GRADING SYSTEM
Range Numerical Grade Interpretation
99% - 100% 1.0 Excellent
4
78% - 80% 2.75 Fair
ASSESSMENT TOOLS
Rubrics for Social Media Post or Comment and The Terminal Project
(Adapted from https://www.rcams.com/rubrics)
Criteria Below Average Average Above Average
Identifies and Does not identify or Accurately identifies Accurately identifies
summarizes the summarize the the the
problem/questi problem/question problem/question and problem/question
on at issue accurately if at all. provides a brief and provides a well-
(Max. 20 pts) (10-13 pts.) summary. developed
(14-17 pts.) summary.
(18-20 pts.)
Identifies and Merely repeats Examines evidence and Provides a well-
assesses the information questions the quality. developed
quality of provided. Does not justify Distinguishes between examination of the
supporting position or distinguish fact and opinion. evidence and
data/evidence between fact and opinion. (14-17 pts.) questions its accuracy,
(Max. 20 pts) (10-13 pts.) relevance, and
completeness. Clearly
distinguishes between
fact and opinion.
(18-20 pts.)
Identifies and Does not explain Accurately identifies Accurately identifies
considers the contextual issues; and provides an and
influence of the provides inaccurate explanation of potential provides a well-
context on the information; or merely contextual issues. developed
issue provides a list. (14-17 pts.) explanation of
(Max. 20 pts) (10-13 pts.) contextual issues with
a clear sense of scope.
(18-20 pts.)
Demonstrates Does not explain, Accurately identifies Accurately identifies
higher level provides inaccurate meaning and/or bias the author’s meaning
thinking by information, or merely and provides a brief and/or potential bias
interpreting lists potential bias or explanation. and provides a well-
the author’s inferred meanings. (14-17 pts.) developed
meaning or the (10-13 pts.) explanation.
potential bias (18-20 pts.)
(Max. 20 pts)
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Identifies and Does not explain, Accurately identifies
Accurately identifies
evaluates provides inaccurate conclusions, conclusions,
conclusions, information, or merely implications, andimplications, and
implications, provides a list of ideas; or consequences with a
consequences with a
and only discusses one area. brief evaluative well-developed
consequences (10-13 pts.) summary. (14-17 pts.)
explanation. Provides
(Max. 20 pts) an objective reflection
of own assertions.
(18-20 pts.)
Rubrics for Article Analysis (Adapted from https://www.rcams.com/rubrics)
Criteria Below Average Average Above Average
The content somewhat The content The content clearly
Focus and does not answer the satisfactorily answers answers the
Critical question(s) asked or the question(s) asked question(s) asked and
Thinking somewhat does not or discusses the given directly talks about
(Max. 20 pts) discuss the topic given. topic. the topic given.
(10-13 pts.) (14-17 pts.) (18-20 pts.)
Effective use of There is some difficulty in There is good use of There is strong and
the English using English in English in expressing effective use of
Language (Max. expressing one’s thoughts one’s thoughts in English in expressing
20 pts) in writing. writing. one’s thoughts in
(10-13 pts.) (14-17 pts.) writing.
(18-20 pts.)
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Rubrics for Discussion Forums
Criteria Below Average Average Above Average
Observations Rarely engages with other Adequate degree of Sophisticated and
and Insights group members, relevant observations, some thoughtful
(Max. 50 pts) literature or factors on insight and analysis, observations, high
the pertinent issues and reflection and outcomes degree of insight and
discussion. considered but lack analysis. Evidence
(20 pts) depth that outcomes have
(45 pts) been processed and
reflected upon.
(50pts)
Comments and The presentation/output Engages with other Actively engages with
Discussions has very little creative group members, other group members,
(Max. 30 pts) combination of textual relevant literature or relevant literature or
content and graphics. factors on the pertinent factors on the
There is also very little issues and discussion or pertinent issues and
creative use of support the argument discussion or support
technology. with relevant evidence. the argument with
(7-9 pts.) (25pts) relevant evidence and
introduces new
perspectives.
(30pts)
Language and Not well organized, Better structure with a Excellent coherence
Structure predominantly logical progression, use and progression, ideas
(Max. 20 pts) descriptive with little of limited and observations are
interpretation or interpretation and well structure,
reflection, poor reflections, competent effective and accurate
vocabulary and grammar, vocabulary and use of vocabulary and
numerous errors. grammar, occasional grammar, very few to
(10 pts) errors. no errors at all.
(15 pts) (20pts)
COURSE SCHEDULE
Week/ Topics/ Teaching & Learning Activities
Expected Output
Date POs & COs Asynchronous Synchronous
Orientation Reading of course Setting of None
Week 0 guide and providing expectations
Introduction contact details to the
and Discussion faculty handling the
of the Terminal class.
Project
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Week 1-2 PO 1, PO 2, PO 3 For Flexi-tech For Flexi-tech students Social Media
students: only: Setting of Post or
CO 1, CO 2, CO 3 Expectations- Comment
Discussion of the Orientation Week
Introduction to activity guide Discussion of
the Study of questions. Expected
Globalization Output
Synthesis Organization of
Learning Teams
Presentation of
For Flexi-kit students: Source of
Content
Work on the output Teaching and
based on the activity Learning
guide questions. Rhythm
Learning
Theme
Session
Gaining Attention-
Contextualization
Week
Contextualization
of the Course
with Careers
Red Kindler
Reflections
Contextualization of the
Course with Nueva
Caceres/ Bicol
Situation/Problems
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Discussion of the Principles,
activity guide Standards,
questions. Laws, Trends,
Issues
Synthesis Discussions
/Debates
9
For Flexi-kit students: Practitioner s
Additional
Answer the Activity Coursera/
Guide Questions LinkedIn
Course
Enhancing
Retention-
Enrichment Week
(Student led)
Additional
Coursera/
LinkedIn
Course
Additional
SPREAD
Readings
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OTHER COURSE POLICIES
General Requirements
Each student is expected to perform in a number of positive ways so as to develop and/or
enhance both tangible and intangible competencies and skills. As a facilitator of learning in these
areas, the following expectations must also be met:
1. Thoroughly read and submit all course requirements by the due dates and in the
prescribed mode.
2. Communicate with the faculty via LMS, email, the provided mobile phone number,
Class Group Chat and Facebook Group.
3. Conduct yourselves in a professional and ethical manner.
4. Check the LMS regularly, the class and Facebook Group and Class Group Chat.
Feedback Mechanism
Feedback will be done during consultation via the mode which the students and faculty agree on
and find to be the most effective. The faculty handling the class will provide a schedule for
consultation and the communication of feedback.
Written Works: Accuracy and Attribution
All work submitted to the instructor for a grade in the class must be typed or word-
processed unless otherwise provided. It should follow the format recommended by the APA
(American Psychological Association) citation guidelines (6th Edition) unless it is provided
otherwise. The faculty will adhere to all university policies regarding the originality of work,
examination protocols and behavior, and grading practices. Students are expected to be familiar
with them. Individual and group work submitted by students must be original. Using other works
not properly referenced, especially long passages, may result in a grade reduction or other
appropriate actions as required by the severity of the situation, including reporting the infraction
to the Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences and the Program Chair of Political Science. Accurate
and complete referencing will avoid any and all problems in this regard. If you use a reference from
the Internet, the complete URL is required in your bibliography per APA citation standards (6th
Edition). The submitted outputs must also follow the format and specifications provided by the
faculty handling the class.
Keeping Second Copies of Your Work
Students should retain second copies of all material submitted to the faculty. All written
work submitted to the mode provided must contain the student’s name, student number and class
code.
Course and Faculty Evaluation by Students
Students will be provided with an opportunity to evaluate the course and the faculty, as
well as relevant materials and activities used in the course delivery. Student feedback is welcome
any time. The best avenue is LMS, email, faculty or GS Dean mobile phone number.
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Prepared by:
Recommending Approval:
Romeo Layones
General Education Coordinator
Approved:
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Study Guide 1: Introduction to the Study of Globalization
Week/Date: Week 1 to 2
READ
o Any other reference that the faculty handling the class may provide
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Learning Task 2
5. The content will be posted or submitted as a comment in the social media group
of the class or a similar platform that the faculty in charge will setup.
Task 3
SYNCHRONOUS SESSION
DISCUSSION OF
Expected Output
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Terminal Project
The Terminal Project is the same as the final output in the professional or major subjects of the
students when possible.
In instances where students cannot submit the finals output in their major or professional
subjects, an alternative final output will be provided.
For Flexi-tech students, submission of the terminal project will be through a mode or platform
that will be provided by the faculty handling the class.
For Flexi-kit students, submission of the terminal project will be printed in printed form.
SYNCHRONOUS SESSION
DISCUSSION OF
References
Any other reference that the faculty handling the class may provide
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Study Guide 2: Global Economy
Week/Date: Week 3 to 4
READ
o Any other reference that the faculty handling the class may provide
Learning Task 2
For Flexi-tech students go to the class LMS page or the class Facebook Group.
For Flexi-kit students write your output in a short-sized bond paper.
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FORUM #1
Instructions:
1 This will be submitted via the University's Learning Management System and/or via
the Google drive folder for submission that will be provided.
In Class Activities
Learning Task 3
SYNCHRONOUS SESSION
DISCUSSION OF
SYNCHRONOUS SESSION
DISCUSSION OF
References
The Global Economy: Organization, Governance, and Development by Gary Gereffi (2005)
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281870242_The_Global_Economy_Organization_Gover
nance_and_Development
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How does the global economy work?
https://www.edology.com/blog/accounting-finance/how-does-global-economy-work/
Any other reference that the faculty handling the class may provide
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Study Guide 3: The Global Interstate System
Week/Date: Week 5 to 6
Presentation of 1 exemplary
student output
READ
o The Rise of Globalization and Its Effect on the Autonomy of State and Political Economy
by Zangin M. Awdel, Naji M. Odel and Wzhar F. Saadi (2020) (Appendix A-6)
o Has Globalisation Altered the Role of the State? by Shona Buchanan (2012)
(Appendix A-7)
o Any other reference that the faculty handling the class may provide
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Learning Task 2
For Flexi-tech students the submission of the output will be via the mode or
platform provided by the faculty handling the class.
For Flexi-kit students the output will be written in a short-sized bond paper.
Article Analysis
Instructions:
1. Study the Article entitled: “Has Globalisation Altered the Role of the State?”
2.Write a brief Analysis of the article. The analysis should include the following:
a. 1 paragraph summary with emphasis on the main point or message of the
article
b. 1 paragraph evaluation if the article has a balanced, biased or indifferent point
of view regarding the issue it covers and a brief explanation for this assessment
c. Discussion of whether you agree with the article regarding the issue it talks
about
d. You can also make use of the following guide questions in the construction of
your analysis:
i. How does the Global Interstate System work?
ii. What are some examples of the Global Interstate System in action?
iii. How is the Global Interstate System related to globalization?
In Class Activities
Learning Task 3
SYNCHRONOUS SESSION
DISCUSSION OF
Initial Outputs
SYNCHRONOUS SESSION
DISCUSSION OF
Feedback
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For Flexi-kit students:
The sessions will be recorded and all students will be given access to the recordings.
References
The Rise of Globalization and Its Effect on the Autonomy of State and Political Economy by Zangin
M. Awdel, Naji M. Odel and Wzhar F. Saadi (2020)
http://www.jcreview.com/fulltext/197-1588575637.pdf
Has Globalisation Altered the Role of the State? by Shona Buchanan (2012)
https://www.e-ir.info/2012/11/24/has-globalisation-altered-the-role-of-states/
Any other reference that the faculty handling the class may provide
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Study Guide 4: Global Citizenship and Peace
READ
o Philippines: Country faces health and human rights crisis one year into the COVID-19
pandemic (2021) (Appendix-13)
o Conflict Resolution and Human Rights in Peacebuilding: Exploring the Tensions by Eileen
Babbitt (Appendix A-15)
o Any other reference that the faculty handling the class may provide
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Learning Task 2
For Flexi-tech students go to the class LMS page or the class Facebook Group.
For Flexi-kit students write your output in a short-sized bond paper.
FORUM #2
Instructions:
1 This will be submitted via the University's Learning Management System and/or via
the Google drive folder for submission that will be provided.
In Class Activities
Learning Task 3
SYNCHRONOUS SESSION
DISCUSSION OF
SYNCHRONOUS SESSION
DISCUSSION OF
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For Flexi-kit students:
The sessions will be recorded and all students will be given access to the recordings.
References
Philippines: Country faces health and human rights crisis one year into the COVID-19 pandemic
(2021)
https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2021/04/philippines-faces-health-human-rights-
crisis-covid/
Conflict Resolution and Human Rights in Peacebuilding: Exploring the Tensions by Eileen Babbitt
https://www.un.org/en/chronicle/article/conflict-resolution-and-human-rights-peacebuilding-
exploring-tensions
Any other reference that the faculty handling the class may provide
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Study Guide 5: Social Media and Globalization
Week/Date: Week 8 to 9
READ
o Is Social Media Really to Blame For Our Toxic Web Or Is It Globalization And Will
Community Fix It? by Kalev Leetaru (2019) (Appendix A-11)
o Publics in Emerging Economies Worry Social Media Sow Division, Even as They Offer
New Chances for Political Engagement by Aaron Smith, Laura Silver, Courtney Johnson
and Jingjing Jiang (2019) (Appendix A-12)
Here are some guide questions to consider when studying the provided content:
a. What is your understanding of the role of Social Media in Globalization?
b. What is the impact of Globalization on Social Media?
c. How effective is Social Media in promoting an advocacy in a Globalized World?
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Learning Task 2
In Class Activities
Learning Task 3
SYNCHRONOUS SESSION
DISCUSSION OF
References
The Globalization of On-Screen Sociability: Social Media and Tethered Togetherness by Ralph
Schroeder (2016)
https://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/download/5729/1846
Is Social Media Really to Blame for Our Toxic Web or Is It Globalization and Will Community Fix
It? by Kalev Leetaru (2019)
https://www.forbes.com/sites/kalevleetaru/2019/06/13/is-social-media-really-to-blame-for-
our-toxic-web-or-is-it-globalization-and-will-community-fix-it/?sh=75c4c82557db
Publics in Emerging Economies Worry Social Media Sow Division, Even as They Offer New
Chances for Political Engagement by Aaron Smith, Laura Silver, Courtney Johnson and Jingjing
Jiang (2019)
https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2019/05/13/publics-in-emerging-economies-worry-
social-media-sow-division-even-as-they-offer-new-chances-for-political-engagement/
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APPENDICES
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Appendix A
Appendix A-1
When Chinese e-commerce giant Alibaba in 2018 announced it had chosen the ancient city of
Xi’an as the site for its new regional headquarters, the symbolic value wasn’t lost on the
company: it had brought globalization to its ancient birthplace, the start of the old Silk Road. It
named its new offices aptly: “Silk Road Headquarters”. The city where globalization had started
more than 2,000 years ago would also have a stake in globalization’s future.
Alibaba shouldn’t be alone in looking back. As we are entering a new, digital-driven era of
globalization – we call it “Globalization 4.0” – it is worthwhile that we do the same. When did
globalization start? What were its major phases? And where is it headed tomorrow?
This piece also caps our series on globalization. The series was written ahead of the 2019
Annual Meeting of the World Economic Forum in Davos, which focuses on “Globalization 4.0”. In
previous pieces, we looked at some winners and losers of economic globalization, the
environmental aspect of globalization, cultural globalization and digital globalization. Now we
look back at its history. So, when did international trade start and how did it lead to
globalization?
Silk roads (1st century BC-5th century AD, and 13th-14th centuries AD)
People have been trading goods for almost as long as they’ve been around. But as of the 1st
century BC, a remarkable phenomenon occurred. For the first time in history, luxury products
from China started to appear on the other edge of the Eurasian continent – in Rome. They got
there after being hauled for thousands of miles along the Silk Road. Trade had stopped being a
local or regional affair and started to become global.
That is not to say globalization had started in earnest. Silk was mostly a luxury good, and so
were the spices that were added to the intercontinental trade between Asia and Europe. As a
percentage of the total economy, the value of these exports was tiny, and many middlemen
were involved to get the goods to their destination. But global trade links were established, and
for those involved, it was a goldmine. From purchase price to final sales price, the multiple went
in the dozens.The Silk Road could prosper in part because two great empires dominated much
of the route. If trade was interrupted, it was most often because of blockades by local enemies
of Rome or China. If the Silk Road eventually closed, as it did after several centuries, the fall of
the empires had everything to do with it. And when it reopened in Marco Polo’s late medieval
time, it was because the rise of a new hegemonic empire: the Mongols. It is a pattern we’ll see
throughout the history of trade: it thrives when nations protect it, it falls when they don’t.
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Spice routes (7th-15th centuries)
The next chapter in trade happened thanks to Islamic merchants. As the new religion spread in
all directions from its Arabian heartland in the 7th century, so did trade. The founder of Islam,
the prophet Mohammed, was famously a merchant, as was his wife Khadija. Trade was thus in
the DNA of the new religion and its followers, and that showed. By the early 9th century,
Muslim traders already dominated Mediterranean and Indian Ocean trade; afterwards, they
could be found as far east as Indonesia, which over time became a Muslim-majority country,
and as far west as Moorish Spain.
The main focus of Islamic trade in those Middle Ages were spices. Unlike silk, spices were
traded mainly by sea since ancient times. But by the medieval era they had become the true
focus of international trade. Chief among them were the cloves, nutmeg and mace from the
fabled Spice islands – the Maluku islands in Indonesia. They were extremely expensive and in
high demand, also in Europe. But as with silk, they remained a luxury product, and trade
remained relatively low volume. Globalization still didn’t take off, but the original Belt (sea
route) and Road (Silk Road) of trade between East and West did now exist.
The Age of Discovery rocked the world. The most (in)famous “discovery” is that of America by
Columbus, which all but ended pre-Colombian civilizations. But the most consequential
exploration was the circumnavigation by Magellan: it opened the door to the Spice islands,
cutting out Arab and Italian middlemen. While trade once again remained small compared to
total GDP, it certainly altered people’s lives. Potatoes, tomatoes, coffee and chocolate were
introduced in Europe, and the price of spices fell steeply.
Yet economists today still don’t truly regard this era as one of true globalization. Trade certainly
started to become global, and it had even been the main reason for starting the Age of
Discovery. But the resulting global economy was still very much siloed and lopsided. The
European empires set up global supply chains, but mostly with those colonies they owned.
Moreover, their colonial model was chiefly one of exploitation, including the shameful legacy of
the slave trade. The empires thus created both a mercantilist and a colonial economy, but not a
truly globalized one.
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First wave of globalization (19th century-1914)
This started to change with the first wave of globalization, which roughly occurred over the
century ending in 1914. By the end of the 18th century, Great Britain had started to dominate
the world both geographically, through the establishment of the British Empire, and
technologically, with innovations like the steam engine, the industrial weaving machine and
more. It was the era of the First Industrial Revolution.
The “British” Industrial Revolution made for a fantastic twin engine of global trade. On the one
hand, steamships and trains could transport goods over thousands of miles, both within
countries and across countries. On the other hand, its industrialization allowed Britain to make
products that were in demand all over the world, like iron, textiles and manufactured goods.
“With its advanced industrial technologies,” the BBC recently wrote, looking back to the era,
“Britain was able to attack a huge and rapidly expanding international market.”
The resulting globalization was obvious in the numbers. For about a century, trade grew on
average 3% per year. That growth rate propelled exports from a share of 6% of global GDP in
the early 19th century, to 14% on the eve of World War I. As John Maynard Keynes, the
economist, observed: “The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning
tea in bed, the various products of the whole Earth, in such quantity as he might see fit, and
reasonably expect their early delivery upon his doorstep.”
And, Keynes also noted, a similar situation was also true in the world of investing. Those with
the means in New York, Paris, London or Berlin could also invest in internationally active joint
stock companies. One of those, the French Compagnie de Suez, constructed the Suez Canal,
connecting the Mediterranean with the Indian Ocean and opened yet another artery of world
trade. Others built railways in India, or managed mines in African colonies. Foreign direct
investment, too, was globalizing.
While Britain was the country that benefited most from this globalization, as it had the most
capital and technology, others did too, by exporting other goods. The invention of the
refrigerated cargo ship or “reefer ship” in the 1870s, for example, allowed for countries like
Argentina and Uruguay, to enter their golden age. They started to mass export meat, from cattle
grown on their vast lands. Other countries, too, started to specialize their production in those
fields in which they were most competitive.
But the first wave of globalization and industrialization also coincided with darker events, too.
By the end of the 19th century, the Khan Academy notes, “most [globalizing and industrialized]
European nations grabbed for a piece of Africa, and by 1900 the only independent country left
on the continent was Ethiopia”. In a similarly negative vein, large countries like India, China,
Mexico or Japan, which were previously powers to reckon with, were not either not able or not
allowed to adapt to the industrial and global trends. Either the Western powers put restraints
on their independent development, or they were otherwise outcompeted because of their lack
of access to capital or technology. Finally, many workers in the industrialized nations also did
30
not benefit from globalization, their work commoditized by industrial machinery, or their
output undercut by foreign imports.
In the years between the world wars, the financial markets, which were still connected in a
global web, caused a further breakdown of the global economy and its links. The Great
Depression in the US led to the end of the boom in South America, and a run on the banks in
many other parts of the world. Another world war followed in 1939-1945. By the end of World
War II, trade as a percentage of world GDP had fallen to 5% – a level not seen in more than a
hundred years.
In the early decades after World War II, institutions like the European Union, and other free
trade vehicles championed by the US were responsible for much of the increase in international
trade. In the Soviet Union, there was a similar increase in trade, albeit through centralized
planning rather than the free market. The effect was profound. Worldwide, trade once again
rose to 1914 levels: in 1989, export once again counted for 14% of global GDP. It was paired
with a steep rise in middle-class incomes in the West.
Then, when the wall dividing East and West fell in Germany, and the Soviet Union collapsed,
globalization became an all-conquering force. The newly created World Trade Organization
(WTO) encouraged nations all over the world to enter into free-trade agreements, and most of
them did, including many newly independent ones. In 2001, even China, which for the better
part of the 20th century had been a secluded, agrarian economy, became a member of the WTO,
and started to manufacture for the world. In this “new” world, the US set the tone and led the
way, but many others benefited in their slipstream.
At the same time, a new technology from the Third Industrial Revolution, the internet,
connected people all over the world in an even more direct way. The orders Keynes could place
by phone in 1914 could now be placed over the internet. Instead of having them delivered in a
31
few weeks, they would arrive at one’s doorstep in a few days. What was more, the internet also
allowed for a further global integration of value chains. You could do R&D in one country,
sourcing in others, production in yet another, and distribution all over the world.
The result has been a globalization on steroids. In the 2000s, global exports reached a
milestone, as they rose to about a quarter of global GDP. Trade, the sum of imports and exports,
consequentially grew to about half of world GDP. In some countries, like Singapore, Belgium, or
others, trade is worth much more than 100% of GDP. A majority of global population has
benefited from this: more people than ever before belong to the global middle class, and
hundred of millions achieved that status by participating in the global economy.
Globalization 4.0
That brings us to today, when a new wave of globalization is once again upon us. In a world
increasingly dominated by two global powers, the US and China, the new frontier of
globalization is the cyber world. The digital economy, in its infancy during the third wave of
globalization, is now becoming a force to reckon with through e-commerce, digital services, 3D
printing. It is further enabled by artificial intelligence, but threatened by cross-border hacking
and cyberattacks.
At the same time, a negative globalization is expanding too, through the global effect of climate
change. Pollution in one part of the world leads to extreme weather events in another. And the
cutting of forests in the few “green lungs” the world has left, like the Amazon rainforest, has a
further devastating effect on not just the world’s biodiversity, but its capacity to cope with
hazardous greenhouse gas emissions.
But as this new wave of globalization is reaching our shores, many of the world’s people are
turning their backs on it. In the West particularly, many middle-class workers are fed up with a
political and economic system that resulted in economic inequality, social instability, and – in
some countries – mass immigration, even if it also led to economic growth and cheaper
products. Protectionism, trade wars and immigration stops are once again the order of the day
in many countries.
As a percentage of GDP, global exports have stalled and even started to go in reverse slightly. As
a political ideology, “globalism”, or the idea that one should take a global perspective, is on the
wane. And internationally, the power that propelled the world to its highest level of
globalization ever, the United States, is backing away from its role as policeman and trade
champion of the world.
It was in this world that Chinese president Xi Jinping addressed the topic globalization in a
speech in Davos in January 2017. “Some blame economic globalization for the chaos in the
world,” he said. “It has now become the Pandora’s box in the eyes of many.” But, he continued,
“we came to the conclusion that integration into the global economy is a historical trend. [It] is
the big ocean that you cannot escape from.” He went on the propose a more inclusive
30
globalization, and to rally nations to join in China’s new project for international trade, “Belt
and Road”.
It was in this world, too, that Alibaba a few months later opened its Silk Road headquarters in
Xi’an. It was meant as the logistical backbone for the e-commerce giant along the new “Belt and
Road”, the Paper reported. But if the old Silk Road thrived on the exports of luxurious silk by
camel and donkey, the new Alibaba Xi’an facility would be enabling a globalization of an entirely
different kind. It would double up as a big data college for its Alibaba Cloud services.
Technological progress, like globalization, is something you can’t run away from, it seems. But it
is ever changing. So how will Globalization 4.0 evolve? We will have to answer that question in
the coming years.
Appendix A-2
Q: what is global?
A: the expansive interconnectivity of localities -- spanning local sites of everyday
social, economic, cultural, and political life -- a phenonmenon but also an spatial
attribute -- so a global space or geography is a domain of connectivity spanning
distances and linking localities to one another, which can be portrayed on maps by
lines indicating routes of movement, migration, translation, communication,
exchange, etc.
Q: what is globalization?
A: the physical expansion of the geographical domain of the global -- that is, the
increase in the scale and volume of global flows -- and the increasing impact of
global forces of all kinds on local life. Moments and forces of expansion mark the
major turning points and landmarks in the history of globalization
1. c.325 BCE: Chandragupta Maurya becomes a Buddhist and combines the expansive powers of a world
religion, trade economy, and imperial armies for the first time. Alexander the Great sues for peace with
Chandragupta in 325 at Gerosia, marking the eastward link among overland routes between the Mediterranean,
Persia, India, and Central Asia.
32
2. c.1st centuries CE: the expansion of Buddhism in Asia -- makes its first major appearance in China under
the Han dynasty, and consolidates cultural links across the Eurasian Steppe into India -- the foundation of the
silk road.
4. 960-1279: the Song Dynasty in China (and contemporary regimes in India) which produced the economic
output, instruments (financial), technologies, and impetus for the medieval world economy that linked Europe
and China by land and sea across Eurasia and the Indian Ocean.
5. 1100: The Rise of Genghis Khan and the integration of overland routes across Eurasia -- producing also a
military revolution in technologies of war on horseback and of fighting from military fortifications.
6. 1300: the creation of the Ottoman Empire spanning Europe, North Africa, and Middle East, and connected
politically overland with Safavids and dynasties in Central Asia and India -- creating the great imperial arch of
integration that spawned a huge expansion of trade with Europe but ALSO raised the cost for trade in Asia for
Europeans ---a side effect of this was the movement of Genoese merchant wealth to Spain to search for a
Western Sea route to the Indies
7. 1492 and 1498: Columbus and da Gama travel west and east to the Indies, inaugurating an age of European
seaborne empires.
8. 1650: the expansion of the slave trade expanded was dramatic during the seventeenth century -- and it
sustained the expansion of Atlantic Economy, giving birth to integrated economic/industrial systems across the
Ocean – with profits accumulating in Europe during the heyday of mercantalism and rise of the Enlightenment.
(estimates of slave trade population)
9. 1776/1789: US and French Revolutions mark the creation of modern state form based on alliances between
military and business interests and on popular representation in aggressively nationalist governments -- which
leads quickly to new imperial expansion under Napoleon and in the Americas -- the economic interests of "the
people" and the drive to acquire and consolidate assets for economic growth also lead to more militarized
British, Dutch, and French imperial growth in Asia. These national empires expand during the industrial
revolution, which also provokes class struggles and new ideas and movements of revolution within the national
states and subsequently in their empires as well. The historical chronology of modernity coincides with the
chronology of globalization from the eighteenth century.
10. 1885: Treaties of Berlin mark a diplomatic watershed in the age modern imperial expansion by European
and American overseas empires, beginning the age of "high imperialism" with the legalization of the Partition
of Africa, which also marks a foundation-point for the creation of international law. In the last decades of the
19th century, the global "white man's burden" became a subject of discussion. (Here is an old syllabus for an
undergraduate course on "US Empire" with some useful links.)
11. 1929: the great depression hits all parts of the world at the same time -- in contrast to depression of late
19th century, but following rapid, simultaneous price rise in most of the world during the 1920s. Preceded by
first event called World War and followed by first really global war across Atlantic and Pacific.
12. 1950: decolonization of European empires in Asia and Africa produces world of national states for the first
time and world of legal-representative-economic institutions in the UN system and Bretton Woods. --- perhaps
1989 and the end of the cold war and globalization of post-industrial capitalism which appears to be
eroding the power of the national states is on a par with the watershed of the 1950s.
33
Part II: globalization since the fourteenth century
34
2. The European Seaborne Empires, 1500-1750
a. Phase One: the militarization of the sea, 1500-1600
Vasco da Gama rounded Africa in 1498 and forced rulers in the ports in the Indian Ocean system to pay tribute
and to allow settlements of Portuguese military seamen who engaged in trade, supported conversion, acquired
local lands, and established a loose network of imperial authority over the sea lanes, taxing ships in transit in
return for protection. The militarization of the sea lanes produced a competition for access to ports and for
routes of safe transit that certainly did not reduce the overall volume of trade or the diversity of trading
communities -- but it did channel more wealth into the hands of armed European competitors for control of the
sea. The Indian Ocean became more like Central Asia in that all routes and sites became militarized as
European competition accelerated over the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, as the Portuguese were joined
by the Dutch, French, and British.
35
3. The World Empires of Industrial Capitalism, 1750-1950.
a. Phase One: the formation of national economies
Basic eighteenth century economic conditions continued well into the nineteenth century, until the railway and
steam ship began lower transportation costs significantly, and to create new circuits of capital accumulation that
focused on sites of industrial production in Europe and the US. But important structural changes in the world
economy began in the later decades of the eighteenth century.
First, European imperial control of the Americas was broken, first in the north and then the south. This
accelerated
the rise of capital and capitalists as a force in the reorganization of nationally defined states, whose professes
purpose was the political representation of the interests of their constituent property owners and entrepreneurs.
The
independence movements in the Americas and revolutions in Haiti and France produced new kinds of national
territoriality within the world economy, and states that strove for greater control of resources within their
boundaries
than any before. Adam Smith and Frederick Hegel were two important theorists of this transitional period --
both of
whom took a universal few of national issues, and theorized a great transformation away from an age of kings
and
emperors toward an age ruled by peoples and nations.
Second, European imperial expansion shifted into Asia, where the use of military power by European national
states
for the protection of their national interests became a new force in the process of capital accumulation.
Chartered
companies were criticized by Adam Smith as a state-supported monopoly -- for the English East India Company
had
a monopoly on the sale of all commodities imported into England from the "East Indies," which included all the
land
east of Lebanon -- and this early version of the multi-national corporation expanded its power base in India
with government support but without official permission. The British empire expanded without official policy
sanction throughout most of the nineteenth century, as British troops went in simply to protect the operations of
British nationals operating as merchants overseas. The national state thus became both a mechanism for the
control of territory within its own borders and for the expansion of national enterprise around the world. The US
expanded over land and into Latin America by the expansion of the enterprise of its citizens and expansion of
its military power, as the British empire expanded into Asia and then Africa -- along with the French and Dutch.
In the discourse of nationalism, the "nation" and "empire" lived in their opposition to one another; but
"economic imperialism" was standard practice for economically expansive nation states, and "gun boat
diplomacy" became a typical feature of economic transactions among hostile states. The 1840s form a
watershed in the institutionalization of a world regime of national expansion and international economic
organization -- when the British navy forced open the interior of China to British merchant settlements with
military victories waged during the Opium Wars to protect the right of British merchants to trade in opium in
China; and when the US Admiral Perry forced the Japanese to open their ports to American trade.
36
1830s, (2) the depression of 1880-1900 and its impact on Africa. Regional Cases: (1) the US South, (2) the
world cotton economy, (3) jute in Bengal.
Appendix A-5
The global economy has changed significantly over the past few decades, in the way that it is
organised and governed by collaborating nations. These changes have repercussions that not
only affect the flow of goods and services between countries, but also the movement of people.
As we’ve seen on occasions over the last century, too great a fluctuation in this international
economic system can lead to a global economic crisis.
So what exactly is the global economy, how does it function, and how does it affect our lives?
Here we take a closer look to help you understand the complexities of the force that governs the
modern world!
International finance: Money can be transferred at a faster rate between countries compared to
goods, services, and people; making international finance one of the primary features of a global
economy. International finance consists of topics like currency exchange rates and monetary
policy.
37
Global investment: This refers to an investment strategy that is not constrained by geographical
boundaries. Global investment mainly takes place via foreign direct investment (FDI).
Why is the global economy important?
We can understand the importance of the global economy by looking at it in relation to
emerging markets:
Economic importance at a micro and macro level: The increase in the world’s population has led
to emerging markets growing economically, making them one of the primary engines of world
economic growth. The growth and resilience shown by emerging markets is a good sign for the
world economy. Before delving into the next point, you need to understand the concept of
microeconomics. It refers to the study of the behaviour of households, individuals, and firms
with respect to the allocation of resources and decision-making. In simpler terms, this branch of
economics studies how people make decisions, what factors affect their decisions, and how
these decisions affect the price, demand, and supply of goods in the market. Therefore, from the
perspective of microeconomics, some of the largest firms with high market value and a few of
the richest individuals in the world hail from these emerging markets, which has helped in the
higher distribution of income in these countries. However, many of these emerging countries
are still plagued by poverty, and work still needs to be done to work towards eradicating it.
Long-term world economic outlook: According to financial and economic projections based on
demographic trends and capital productivity models, the GDP in emerging market economies in
2019 are likely to keep increasing at a positive rate. According to an emerging markets
economic forecast for 2019 conducted by Focus Economics, the economy is set to increase by
7.5% in India, 6.6% in Philippines, 6.3% in China, 5.3% in Indonesia, 5.1% in Egypt, 4.9% in
Malaysia, 3.8% in Peru and 3.7% in Morocco.
“Here are a few examples. Morgan Stanley imported 4 million barrels of oil and petroleum
products into the United States in June, 2012. Goldman Sachs stores aluminium in vast
warehouses in Detroit as well as serving as a commodities derivatives dealer. This “bank” is also
expanding into the ownership and operation of airports, toll roads, and ports. JP Morgan
markets electricity in California.
In other words, Goldman Sachs, JP Morgan and Morgan Stanley are no longer just banks – they
have effectively become oil companies, port and airport operators, commodities dealers, and
electric utilities as well.”
38
between different countries. International trade includes the exchange of a variety of products
between countries. It ranges all the way from fruits and foods, to natural oil and weapons. Such
transactions have a number of benefits including:
Providing a foundation for worldwide economic growth, with the international economy set to
grow by 4% in 2019 (source: World Trade Organisation);
Encouraging competitiveness between countries in various markets;
Raising productivity and efficiency across countries;
Helping in the development of underdeveloped countries by allowing them to import capital
goods (machinery and industrial raw materials) and export primary goods (natural resources
and raw materials).
What are the effects of global economy?
Nearly every country in the world is in some way affected by things that happen in what may
seem at times, like unrelated countries - due to the influence of the global economy. A good
example of this is the economic impact that the Brexit vote will have other countries, not only in
Europe, but across the globe. Brexit was referendum decision for the United Kingdom to
withdraw from the European Union (EU).
The main cause of these effects is economics — based on the production and exchange of goods
and services. Restrictions on the import and export of goods and services can potentially
hamper the economic stability of countries who choose to impose too many.
The purpose of international trade is similar to that of trading within a country. However,
international trade differs from domestic trade in two aspects:
The currencies of at least two countries are involved in international trade, so they must be
exchanged before goods and services can be exported or imported;
Occasionally, countries enforce barriers on the international trade of certain goods or services
which can disrupt the relations between two countries.
Countries usually specialise in those products that they can produce efficiently, which helps in
reducing overall manufacturing costs. Then, countries trade these products with other
countries, whose product specialisation is something else altogether. Having greater
specialisation helps countries take advantage of economies of scale. Economies of scale refer to
the proportionate saving in costs gained by an increased level of production. Manufacturers in
these countries can focus all their efforts on building factories for specialised production,
instead of spending additional money on the production of various types of goods.
Occasionally countries add barriers to international trade. Some of these barriers include trade
tariffs (taxes on imports) and trade quotas (limitation on the number of products that can be
imported into a country). Trade barriers often affect the economies of the trading countries, and
in the long run, it becomes difficult to keep employing such barriers.
Free trade: Free trade is an excellent method for countries to exchange goods and services. It
also allows countries to specialise in the production of those goods in which they have a
comparative advantage.
39
Movement of labour: Increased migration of the labour force is advantageous for the recipient
country as well as for the workers. If a country is going through a phase of high unemployment,
workers can look for jobs in other countries. This also helps in reducing geographical inequality.
Increased economies of scale: The specialisation of goods production in most countries has led
to advantageous economic factors such as lower average costs and lower prices for customers.
Increased investment: Due to the presence of global economy, it has become easier for
countries to attract short-term and long-term investment. Investments in developing countries
go a long way in improving their economies.
Factors affecting global economy
According to the latest economic news, here are some of the key factors that influence and
affect how well the global economy works:
Natural resources;
Infrastructure;
Population;
Labour;
Human capital;
Technology;
Law.
If you are interested in learning more about the global economy and how it works, Edology
offers a Certificate Course for Policy Issues in the Global Economy.
Appendix A-7
In our ever modernizing planet, globalization is compressing the world through changes in the
‘spatial organisation of social relations and transactions creating transcontinental and
interregional flows and networks’ (Held et al 1999: 16). Hyperglobalists believe that
globalization has made the state superfluous (Heywood, 2007: 103) while others
believe it is ‘globaloney’ and has had no effect on the state’s role whatsoever (Brown & Ainley,
2009: 177): the most likely option is between the two, that globalization has changed the role of
the state to some extent. The original state role was created from the Westphalian Model,
portraying the state as the highest power with complete sovereignty,
with an internal role to provide to and govern for the people of the state and an external role as
an actor in world politics; the current role of the state is different politically, socially,
technologically and economically. Globalization has changed the role of the state politically
because of strengthened interstate relationships and dependence on one another. States were
created to be sovereign but now, due to globalization, often give their sovereignty away to
‘pooling’ (Shaw, 2000: 185) in conventions, contracting, coercion and imposition (Krasner,
1995/6). This has led to increasingly similar jurisdictions across states and to power being seen
as economic rather than political progress (Shaw, 2000: 186-187) because states now make
political progression and regression together, causing states to become more developmental
40
(Heywood, 2007: 100). The state role has changed because most states now have high
dependence on others. It is hard to imagine Britain
governing and acting as a state independently of the USA’s influence and relationship. Since the
Second World War,
Britain and other Western states have become ‘structurally dependent, militarily and financially
on the USA’ (Shaw,2000: 116). Britain, along with many other countries, relies on the US as a
guiding force because although all states supposedly have sovereignty, they naturally look for
authoritative power to lean on. Without a ruling global power, the
US is a figure of authority to rely on that has ‘generally played a leading role’ (Shaw, 2000: 241)
since 1945 because it has had the ‘capacity, will and acceptance to provide leadership’ (Brown
& Ainley, 2009: 143). This has resulted in a lack of clarity by Britain and other states in acting
autonomously: many of the government’s decisions for the state
are based on the judgements of the state’s friends, allies and even enemies. Thus, the state’s role
has changed from being an authoritative figure to a dependent figure relying on others making
decisions or making decisions based on other’s beliefs. However, this could be seen as positive,
as a strong state relies on strong allies. Socially, globalization has had a problematic effect,
making people and states more at risk and causing the state’s
role to change to encompass solving these issues and becoming a protector rather than a
controller. The main example of globalization’s negative state impact is the formation of
terrorism. Our world’s ‘old wars’ of armies and battles are being replaced by ‘new wars’ where
nuclear weapons and terrorism rule (Kaldor, 1999). Terrorism is a
new controlling power with its own network system, showing a decrease in the role of the state
socially, as people are creating their own authorities to control their people and take over the
role of the state. The new terrorist threat has caused the state to work in areas that were
previously unnecessary, controlling the threat’s impact. After the 9/11
terrorist attacks, the US believed that states should become more sovereign as a result of the
increasing terrorist threats to our society (US National Security Strategy, 2002). Since the
Treaty of Westphalia, state sovereignty has decreased greatly, but now terrorism is possibly
having a reverse effect, making our states more like they were
originally rather than differing them further. This is a debatable move, as faced with an
increasingly powerful network, would we not be stronger if forces were united rather than
states separating and standing alone? This idea is supported in the European Security Strategy
(2003: 1) released after 9/11, which says that ‘no single country is able
to tackle today’s complex problems on its own’, illustrating how globalization problems have
decreased state power and effectiveness. The expanding epidemic of AIDs and other deadly
diseases due to amplified cross-border movement is a social problem of globalization changing
the role of the state. In 1988, just seven years after AIDs was recognised, there was 150,000
cases worldwide and more than 400,000 by 1991 (Baylis & Smith, 1999: 25). Although a global
issue, in which global companies, campaigns and NGOs all work to help, the state has also had
an important role to play in combating further spreading of this disease by ‘activating their
public health systems, both individually and through regular intergovernmental consultations’
(Baylis & Smith, 1999: 25). The state’s role in this area should be further enhanced as a vital
method to stop future spreading of AIDs through education, provided by positive relationships
between developed and non-developed states. Our progressively clever world allows barriers
between states to be broken through technological globalization (Cable, 1999: 32). The media is
a major factor: worldwide newspapers and television stations are now commonplace, creating
the impression of the world being one state and raising awareness of events elsewhere in the
world because states are no longer separated. An example of the globalizing media is BBC
Worldwide, our own state’s media system which has become a global organization whose
41
mission is ‘to maximise profits…by creating, acquiring, developing and exploiting media content
and media brands around the world’ (http://bbcworldwide). The state’s role has changed due
to the forming of an interstate shared media because it now has reduced control over the
information being provided to the state’s people. The increased use of the internet is a second
aspect of technological advancements affecting the state’s role. People are easily contactable
across the world, creating stronger relationships between states. Similar to the media, the
internet makes information available to everyone so the state does not now need to transfer
information to its people. The state can no longer control all in-state language and education
due to the global mass media (Baylis & Smith, 1999: 21) and, as a result, the state is now not
completely relied on for educating its citizens. Finally, globalized economic changes have a
substantial effect on the state’s role. The global economy has been created by online banking,
stock markets and, largely, global franchises. Although these franchises often are stereotypical
representations of globalization easily seen around the world – with businesses such as
McDonalds coating Asia and uncoiling in Africa – the global franchise system is still overrun by
USA origin. In 2011, just over 15% of the Top 100 Global Franchises were businesses with an
origin outside the USA and in the top 20 only one was (http://franchisedirect). America still
overpowers all states on the global market and its state role is much stronger than the rest of
the world’s economically. Has this form of globalization had a positive impact on states and
interstate relationships, or is it just allowing the USA to exercise more economic power over the
rest of the world than previously? The global economy can be viewed positively because it has
enhanced trade between states and thus the economy and interstate relations benefit. However,
negatively because America is overpowering and other states cannot control their own global
companies because they are not in their territories. National economies have had a downturn
due to the global economy’s development and strengthening interstate relations. Brown and
Ainley (2009: 180) say that ‘when what was being produced was things, where they were
produced was crucial and one could possibly think about a national economy’ but now much of
the economy is tied up in intangible assets or goods are imported, therefore not helping our
own state’s national economies. The state no longer controls currency because of intangible
assets and importation as well as online and electronic banking and a shared currency between
many states, like in much of Europe (Baylis & Smith, 1999: 21). Globalization has changed the
role of the state in many ways: politically through interdependence and independence of states,
socially through the problems and threats of terrorism and deadly diseases, technologically
through the media and internet and economically through the change from national to global
economies. The state has moved from a controlling to a protecting role internally in facing the
problems that globalization has caused, but also from an authoritative to a dependent figure
externally between the sovereign state age to current unfailing interdependence. Globalization
is often seen to have lowered the importance of the state, but in the end, the states that will
remain the most successful in the face of globalization is those who adapt to the changes their
role makes. In the words attributed to Charles Darwin (1809 – 1882), ‘It is not the strongest of
the species that survives, nor the most intelligent, but rather the one most responsive to
change.’
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Appendix A-9
Global Citizenship
Evelina Osiadacz
Brock University
Evelina Osiadacz graduated from the Master of Education Program at Brock University, with a
specific focus on global citizenship and the discrepancy of the framework in Ontario curriculum
documents. After researching the different ways in which teachers in Ontario approach global
citizenship in their classrooms, Evelina intends to continue her research while living abroad to
understand how global citizenship is interpreted, and to draw comparisons between methods
in Ontario.
The Ontario Curriculum: Social Studies, Grades 1 to 6; History, and Geography, Grades 7 and 8,
2013 revision includes a citizenship education framework that directs teachers to provide
students with opportunities “to learn about what it means to be a responsible, active citizen in
the community of the classroom and the diverse communities to which they belong within and
outside of the school,” (Ministry of Education, 2013, p. 9). Similar frameworks have been
implemented by other provincial Ministries of Education, but as I work in Ontario, I will use our
provincial guidelines paradigmatically. By exercising responsibilities both locally and globally,
the aim of the framework is to encourage students to assume roles as informed global citizens.
In practice, however, global citizenship education means anything from attending a “Me to We”
day to a sleepover in the gym without dinner to recognize global poverty and hunger. The term
“global citizenship,” however, is not more clearly defined in the guidelines although there is a
vague assertion that global citizenship should be included in the curriculum teachers are
expected to teach. There are no clear guidelines, however, explaining how teachers are
supposed to assess whether or not the curriculum expectations on global citizenship have been
met. What a global citizen is and what the implications of assuming the responsibilities of a
global citizenship are remains unclear.
The phrase “global citizenship” is made up of an adjective and a noun: “global” and “citizenship”
are combined to indicate membership in a community made up of all the people in the world. As
the term “citizenship” originated in the local and the particular and specified both rights and
responsibilities, the idea that citizenship could be global presents immediate problems. The
Oxford English Dictionary (OED, 2011) defines “citizen” as an inhabitant of a city or town,
possessing civic rights and privileges. An early use of citizen is in The Wycliffite Bible (early
version, c.1384) in Acts 21:39 where Paul associates himself with being a citizen from Tarsus,
an ancient city in southern Turkey. Further uses indicate a similar pattern of a person or groups
of people relating themselves as associated or obligated to specific places — William Caxton’s
Chronicles of England (1480), Edward Earl of Clarendon’s The History of the Rebellion III (1704).
The examples indicate a membership under the rule of a governing body, the point being that
one does not assume the role of a citizen, but is somehow accepted into the privilege.
Once membership is identified, there are obligations that follow as the OED defines
“citizenship” as the status of being a citizen, as well as the engagement in the duties and
responsibilities of a member of society. John Howe’s Blessedness of Righteousness (1668) depicts
a discussion regarding judgment day and how an apostle mentions that trade, business, and
daily negotiations are responsibilities of their citizenships which will not matter when the
Saviour comes. The religious context poses a debate on its own for believers and non-believers,
but the central point is that the apostle confirms the understanding that citizenship duties are
43
local. The expansion of a larger societal context is seen about a century later in 1783 in Thomas
Paine’s Thoughts on the Peace and the Probable Advantages Thereof to the United States of
America as Paine explains that citizenship is a national character and a distinction of a larger
society shortly after the result of the American Revolution. There is a shift in addressing an
individual as part of a local distinction, to identifying a person with a sense of rights and
responsibilities to a larger domain, such as a country. Notable is Paine’s use of the word
‘citizenship’ as the description of belonging to a nation is spoken from a person of authority
being one of the Founding Fathers of the United States.
If “citizenship” defines people living in space under the provision of a governed body with
responsibilities, the question of belonging and the allocation of rights arises as world history
depicts disparities in the allocation and access to rights. For example, pivotal historical events
exemplify citizenship as a discourse that is contingent on the cause and effect of events. Colonial
domination stripped Indigenous people in the Americas and Australia of their cultures and
rights to their own land (Darity, 2008). The transatlantic slave trade was one of the largest
forced migrations in history, and the dispossessed people of the African diaspora were denied
rights in the places where they were forced to be slaves (Moore, 2008). The Nazi removal of
citizenship from the Jews and other groups began in Germany and spread to other European
countries, depriving them of their rights, freedoms, and lives (Levine & Hogg, 2010). While
these descriptions do not do these events and the people affected justice, the point is to identify
that the deprivation of rights associated with being citizens of a place have had consequences
for the globe, as well as the debate of who belongs and where. The result of mass migrations
and the notion that rights and responsibilities can move beyond local distinctions initiates a
movement in citizenship to adopt a global identification.
In the early twentieth century, as politics and economics became increasingly global rather than
local affairs, educational discussions soon followed suit. “Globalization” is first recorded in 1930
in Boyd and Mackenzie’s Towards New Education in a discussion regarding a new vision of
Western education indicating the integration of skills and ideas to global contexts. In their view,
students are expected to gain competencies that allow them to be knowledgeable beyond their
school and national communities. Globalization contributes to the understanding of a potential
belonging to a broader category of belonging and responsibility. Movements towards human
rights initiate the emergence of “global citizenship” since global issues-- such as access to clean
water or climate change--are recognized as responsibilities of every inhabitant on the planet.
The Encyclopedia in Diversity in Education identifies the emergence of global citizenship in the
last decade of the 20th century, particularly in schools, as a response to the recognition of the
need for humans to learn to live together (Banks, 2012). The shift into schools is a collective
effort to changing societal understandings of human rights. The Encyclopedia of Race and
Racism examines the acceptance of global communities when analyzing the rise of anti-
American democracy after World War II and the Cold War (Kuhlenberg, 2013). The belief that
certain races were unfit to participate in society highlighted the hypocrisy in American
campaigns for defending democratic societies, thus initiating the extending of rights to different
groups of individuals.
Considering the movement from local to global as pivotal in describing the status of citizens,
“citizenship” emerges as a multi-dimensional concept that encompasses national identity,
political and civic participation, and cultural belongings (Kymileka, 1998). The Salem Press
Encyclopedia acknowledges that global citizenship has multiple connotations, but it is most
often used in relation to global advocacy (Bullard, 2017). Thus, adherence to global advocacy is
the target of school practices in Ontario that seemingly respond to the call to be global citizens.
Classrooms may focus on in-class discussions about rights of children, whereas others may
venture to another country as a chartable trip to experience the inequality of water distribution
44
(UNICEF n.d; WE Charity, 2017). There are no scales to determine which practice is most
relevant to being a global citizen. Questions such as: “who determines global responsibilities?”
and “how are global rights maintained?” do, however, repeatedly emerge. The ambiguity of
“global” and “citizenship” together reveal that the term is too vague to be useful. Ontario
educators remain charged with the responsibility to inspire global citizens under a framework
that seemingly is not supported or applicable globally.
Appendix A-11
Is Social Media Really To Blame For Our Toxic Web Or Is It Globalization And Will
Community Fix It?
It has become an accepted truism of the digital era that social media lies at
the root of our increasingly toxic Web. Its anonymity, prioritization of viral
content and historical emphasis of free speech at all costs is widely seen as
having fostered the horrific and hateful speech that has made the Web
increasingly unwelcoming. A key unanswered question, however, is
whether social media has merely become a scapegoat for the broader
problems of globalization and the forced deemphasis of community in the
place of perpetual bombardment from strangers. Could the loss of
community in favor of globalized connectivity be a factor in our polarized
times?
That single question lies at the root of what the future of the Web will look
like.
If anonymity was the problem, then forcing social users to adopt the name
they utilize in public, with connection back to their LinkedIn and other
profiles would rid the digital sphere of most of its harmful speech. Of
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course, the most prominent hate speech propagators would be little
dissuaded by such policies, but much like doxing has had a meaningful
impact on public protesters, stripping away online anonymity could have a
very real effect on reducing the day-to-day toxicity of individuals, restoring
them to the speech they utilize in person rather than their flame war nom
de guerres.
Such a policy would harm dissidents and activists living under repressive
regimes, but exemptions could be made for those in more repressive
countries.
Hateful and toxic speech is more likely to prod us into engagement, actively
consuming, sharing and authoring content in response, creating behaviors
and posts that can be monetized through ads.
If that were the case, forcing longer and more clinical posts and enforcing
thoughtful discourse rather than profanity-laden emotional diatribes could
help blunt the impact of virality.
Could the platforms’ focus on free speech at all costs be behind the rise of
Web toxicity? Certainly in their early days, platforms ferociously fought
back against even the slightest notion of censorship or acceptable speech
guidelines, with Twitter famously rebuking the US Congress for daring to
suggest that it curtail the use of its platform by terrorists to recruit and
promote violence.
46
meaning the opportunities for hateful users to come into contact with those
they seek to hurt was far more minimal.
Could it be that the Web of today has no more toxicity than its earliest days
– it is only that we notice that toxicity now due to the increasing diversity of
its netizens meaning harmful users are finding more opportunities harm
those they hate?
Under this hypothesis, it is the loss of community that spurred today’s toxic
Web, in which like-minded individuals that once lived their entire lives in
one place, surrounded by others demographically and culturally like
themselves, were suddenly plucked from their communities and placed into
a global free-for-all in which the loudest and most destructive bully wins. In
essence, the hateful members of society who were long kept at bay were
suddenly unleashed as the communities that once protected their members
from such hateful persons were broken down.
The graph below plots the average “tone” of global print, broadcast and
online media worldwide from 1979 to 2011 using the public archive of BBC
Monitoring.
47
Average tone of all BBC Monitoring articles published by year 1979-2010
Look closely and you will notice that the gradual slow shift towards
negativity over the 1980’s abruptly plunges negative in a linear collapse of
global media sentiment from the late 1990’s through the 2011 end of the
study.
Percent of all BBC Monitoring articles sourced from online news outlets by
year 1979-2010
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One possible conclusion from these paired graphs is that the Web’s
removal of geography as a barrier to information access meant news outlets
could more readily access global events in ways formerly restricted to the
handful of outlets that could support global bureau networks. Yet this
would not explain such a steady plunge towards negativity, since there is
much happiness in the world that could be reported on.
Putting this all together, whatever the underlying causes, our modern Web
today is filled with an undercurrent of toxicity and hate that is increasingly
poisoning its future. Bold new approaches are needed to rethink how the
Web works before it is too late. Perhaps the Web’s return to its community
roots will isolate harmful users and reestablish the support networks that
once shielded vulnerable communities, while restoring the personal
connection that once fostered civility in speech.
In the end, perhaps the future of the Web lies in a return to its past.
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Appendix A-13
Philippines: Country faces health and human rights crisis one year into
the COVID-19 pandemic
26 April 2021
The Philippine government must urgently address the country’s COVID-19 crisis with reports of thousands
having struggled to access adequate healthcare, said Amnesty International today. Hospitals remain at risk of
being overwhelmed, following a sharp surge in hospitalizations and new cases since March.
“Over a year into the pandemic, the Philippine government’s continued failure to ensure an adequate
response is a serious human rights issue,” said Emerlynne Gil, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional
Director. “The authorities must provide healthcare without discrimination using their maximum available
resources.”
“Specific measures to protect those most affected, including health workers and those most at-risk, must be
taken without further delay. Furthermore, the government must stop attacking human rights defenders and
activists, a practice that only makes a dire situation worse.”
The Philippines currently has the second highest number of new COVID-19 cases in Southeast Asia, with over
116,000 reported cases at the time of writing. Since the beginning of the pandemic, nearly 1 million people
have been infected by the virus and 17,000 people have lost their lives to COVID-19.
From the usual 2,000-3,000 reported cases since October 2020, the country’s daily tally began to surge in
mid-March reaching as many as over 15,000 new cases on 3 April 2021, the highest since the pandemic
began in March 2020. Daily deaths recorded in April 2021 are also the highest on record.
Amid a renewed surge of cases of COVID-19, the mishandling of the pandemic has resulted in a critical lack
of access to healthcare, which has grown especially acute in recent weeks.
Health workers have raised the alarm about hospitals being overwhelmed owing to a lack of beds and
insufficient health personnel. Workers are also experiencing unpaid benefits and lack of medical-grade
personal protective equipment (PPE).
Over the past several weeks, Metro Manila and the nearby provinces of Bulacan, Cavite, Laguna and Rizal
have been under stricter quarantine measures, after several hospitals reported reaching ‘critical’ occupancy
rates following a surge in COVID-19 cases.
“It is heart-breaking to see dozens of ambulances and private vehicles lining outside hospitals. Inside, there
are people with COVID-19 with their families, some of them dying as they wait for medical care. Others are
ferried to different medical facilities kilometres away, only to be turned away again due to lack of healthcare
capacity,” Emerlynne Gil, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director said.
Dr. Pauline Convocar, an emergency medical specialist for both public and private hospitals, described to
Amnesty International the lack of a prepared health care system - which has been the case for the Philippines
for decades but made worse by the pandemic. The government’s pandemic response agencies have been
widely criticised for being led by military officials rather than public health experts. In addition, the 19 billion
PHP (393 million USD) budget of the scandal-hit National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict
(NTF-ELCAC) has also drawn outcry for misallocation of resources.
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Health workers still at risk
The recent surge once again highlighted the severe difficulties that health workers have faced, with very little
improvement from their situation when the pandemic started a year ago. As of April 2021, at least 80 health
workers in the Philippines have lost their lives due to COVID-19, according to the national Department of
Health.
“In any public health crisis, the safety and well-being of every health worker is all the more paramount,” said
Emerlynne Gil. “The government must immediately provide them with adequate and sufficient protective
equipment, as well as just terms and conditions so they can carry out their vital work.”
Alliance of Health Workers - a national organization representing workers from public and private hospitals,
health institutions and agencies - told Amnesty International many health workers have yet to receive their
legally mandated allowances. These include special risk allowance and a hazard pay, as well as allowances
for food, transportation and accommodation and benefits since September 2020, as well as their annual
performance-based bonus since 2018. They also expressed concern about the lack of sufficient healthcare
workers, as nurses and nurse aides are placed under unmanageable pressures.
Marginalised communities continue to suffer at the hands of police and face extra challenges due to COVID-
19, including additional obstacles in access to healthcare and a loss of income as they were unable to work
during pandemic restrictions.
On 13 April, the Philippine National Police announced that quarantine violators would no longer be
arrested, following the death of two men at the hands of police and local officials. Both men were from poor
communities.
Low-income families are exposed to greater health risks and face significant obstacles in accessing quality
and affordable healthcare during the pandemic. During the most recent enhanced community quarantine
(ECQ) that lasted for two weeks, local governments provided 1,000-4,000 PHP (20-80 USD) to the families in
the lowest income bracket, but many complained of the slow distribution of aid.
“All Filipinos are suffering under the pandemic, but the most marginalised are experiencing the worst
impacts, said Emerlynne Gil. “Those most at-risk need access to adequate health care and financial
assistance as well as protection from abuse by law enforcers during quarantine restrictions.”
World leaders including President Duterte have used COVID-19 to launch fresh attacks on human rights. In
the midst of the pandemic, the government launched a vicious campaign of raids, arrests and killings of
activists and human rights defenders who have been ‘red-tagged’ – or accused of links to ‘communist’ and
‘terrorist groups – while killings of suspected drug offenders have continued.
In recent days, individuals and groups that set up “community pantries” in their local neighbourhoods – to
provide food and other essential supplies for free to those in need – have also been accused by police and
government officials of links to ‘communist’ groups, sparking outcry from the public.
The Alliance of Health Workers has also expressed alarm at being ‘red-tagged’ by the government-created
National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict, after calling for increased government support
and better response to the pandemic. The task force is also behind the ‘red-tagging’ of many other human
rights defenders and activists that often leads to increased harassment, attacks and even killings.
“The Duterte administration’s continued practice of ‘red-tagging’ and attacks on human rights only further
exacerbates the dire situation that the country is facing,” Emerlynne Gil said.
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“We call on the President and his government to end its attacks on human rights and urgently focus efforts on
mitigating the devastating effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. Anything less is yet another failure of
governance.”
Appendix A-15
Conflict Resolution and Human Rights in Peacebuilding: Exploring the Tensions
by Eileen Babbitt
Preventing wars and massive human rights violations, and rebuilding societies in their aftermath,
requires an approach that incorporates the perspectives of both human rights advocates and conflict
resolution practitioners. This is easier to assert than to achieve. These two groups make different
assumptions, apply different methodologies, and have different institutional constraints. As a result,
they tend to be wary of one another.
In the short run, both seek to end violence, loss of life, and other suffering as quickly as possible. In
the long run, both human rights and conflict resolution practitioners try to assist societies in taking
steps to ensure that the violence does not recur and that the rights of every human being are
respected. Yet the methods each uses to achieve these goals, as well as their underlying
assumptions, are different. As a result, at times they adopt contradictory or even mutually exclusive
approaches to the same problem. For example, conflict resolvers, eager to achieve a negotiated
settlement to a conflict with minimum loss of life, may insufficiently factor in the relevance of human
rights to the long-term success of their work and to the protagonists they seek to bring together.
Human rights advocates, by limiting their activities to shaming, negative publicity, and judicial
condemnation of responsible individuals, may miss opportunities for human rights improvements
that could be achieved through the use of negotiation and diplomatic techniques upon which conflict
resolvers rely.
In order to explore these apparent differences more explicitly, I worked with a human rights
colleague, the late Ellen Lutz, to commission a set of case studies of conflicts in which both human
rights and conflict resolution professionals have worked extensively: Colombia, Sierra Leone, and
Northern Ireland. Our purpose was to see how these two agendas proceeded in each case, and
whether constructive interaction between their activities was achieved. Our case studies uncovered
two crucial dilemmas that must be addressed if we are to see better understanding and synergy
between human rights and conflict resolution in peacebuilding practice. One is the tension between
establishing sustainable non-violent relations between contending groups within a country, and
prosecuting the members of such groups for human rights abuses and/or war crimes. The second is
the significant role that the international community plays in supporting or undermining norms that
would help to integrate human rights and conflict resolution practices. ACCOUNTABILITY VS.
INCLUSION IS A DOMINANT CHALLENGE DURING ALL PHASES OF CONFLICT, NOT JUST
AFTER A PEACE AGREEMENT HAS BEEN SIGNED.
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One of the most challenging issues in the period after a peace agreement has been reached is how
to deal with war crimes and human rights abuses committed by the previous Government. While
human rights advocates push for accountability for crimes committed and punishment to deter
further abuses, conflict resolution advocates worry that punishing the perpetrators might further
splinter the society, making the healing process more difficult.
One of the interesting findings in our case studies is that this disagreement about whether
perpetrators should be punished or rehabilitated occurs not only after an agreement has been
reached, but also at every other conflict phase. In Colombia, where violence is still occurring and no
agreement has been reached, this tension manifests itself in the Government's response to the
guerillas, particularly the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC). One of our case
writers claims that while there is a real yearning on the part of FARC leaders for inclusion and
dignity, they have come to see violence as the only way they can participate in a Government from
which they have been alienated for generations by the Liberals and Conservatives. However, over
the years these same guerillas have turned to illegal activities, including war crimes and drug
trafficking, to support themselves. This creates a real challenge: to recognize the legitimate interests
of the guerillas to establish that politics, as opposed to violence, is the way to resolve differences
(the conflict resolution perspective), while at the same time to strengthen the rule of law by
prosecuting criminals for their drug activities and kidnappings (the human rights perspective). How
can both views be accommodated?
In Sierra Leone, the conundrum occurred around the issue of amnesty for Fodoy Sankoh, the leader
and founder of the rebel group Revolutionary United Front, as the peace agreement was being
negotiated. It was such an important case that it pushed then United Nations Secretary-General Kofi
Annan, as an institutional policy, to explicitly withhold UN support for the granting of amnesty to
faction leaders for war crimes as an incentive for a peace deal. While the Secretary-General could
not initiate sanctions against such leaders, the withholding of UN approval for amnesty sent a signal
that the United Nations was refusing to be a party to such a deal. Since the Sierra Leone talks, the
International Criminal Court (ICC) has started its operations, making it possible to prosecute leaders
for alleged war crimes. This makes it even less likely that leaders can demand complete amnesty in
return for signing a peace accord. It remains to be seen what the impact of the ICC will be on future
peace negotiations. As of this writing, for example, the ICC investigations into the actions of the
Lord's Resistance Army in Northern Uganda are impeding the conclusion of peace talks there.
The Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland, while containing a strong human rights component
to govern future relations, is silent on acknowledgment of past acts of discrimination against the
Catholics in the region -- which was the original cause for violence when the Troubles began in the
late 1960s. Our case writers note that the founding of the state was based on discrimination and,
even now, the human rights provisions in the Good Friday Agreement are "under-implemented." In
fact, over the years the emphasis shifted from a focus on human rights to a focus on power-sharing.
One might argue that the continuing low-level violence and tenuous implementation of the
Agreement may, in some measure, be because the core of the conflict is still largely not discussable
and has still not been addressed.
These cases do not provide answers to these conundrums, but rather illustrate how complex the
trade-offs are in the context of real world circumstances. For example, no systematic analysis has
been done that determines whether or not amnesty leads to the undermining of rule of law or to the
instability of peace agreements. These cases point to the need for such an analysis to be done. THE
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INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY PLAYS A KEY ROLE IN DETERMINING WHETHER HUMAN
RIGHTS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION PRACTICES COMPETE OR COLLABORATE.
In all three of our cases, outside actors had a huge impact on how human rights and conflict
resolution processes have proceeded. The United States and the United Nations, in particular, set
the tone by their policies and behaviours.
The United Nations was the dominant external actor in Sierra Leone, fielding a strong team of
human rights experts to advise on provisions of the peace agreement, structure a truth commission,
and coordinate the activities of the many human rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that
were active in the country. Even on the conflict resolution side, as discussed above, the Secretary-
General's Special Representative for Sierra Leone took a strong stand against international amnesty
for human rights violations. The United Nations also helped set up a tribunal to prosecute
perpetrators when the violence escalated after an agreement had been reached. The collaboration
that took place between the conflict resolution and human rights actors in Sierra Leone, encouraged
and supported by the United Nations, provides a positive model to draw upon in designing
operations in other countries.
As our cases show, such collaboration has not occurred in Colombia or Northern Ireland. In
Colombia, with both United States military training and financial support, the Government has taken
a military approach toward the guerilla movements, hoping to defeat them and destroy the drug
trade. Neither goal has been accomplished. While the human rights violations get international
attention from NGOs and the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, the
peacemaking process has not received comparable outside support. It appears that international
involvement, especially from the United States Government, has made the situation worse instead
of better, particularly in relation to human rights/conflict resolution collaboration.
To some extent, the same can be said of Northern Ireland. The peacemaking process, conducted
under the auspices of international mediators, reinforced the notion of two tribes engaged in
inevitable competition, according to our case writers. The power-sharing arrangements enshrined in
the 1998 Good Friday Agreement further solidified these divisions. At the same time, thirty years of
violence might have been avoided if the international community had been willing to confront the
discrimination and human rights abuses that took place there much earlier on, before the Troubles
began. Even now, the human rights origins of the conflict are not resolved, and low-level violence
continues. Both the human rights and conflict resolution agendas are suffering.
The international community, therefore, has a responsibility to incorporate human rights norms in
conflict resolution efforts for peacebuilding in cases of extreme power asymmetry. Human rights
norms help address these asymmetries in two important ways. First, they help empower the weaker
party -- a norm that the conflict resolution community already endorses. By strengthening the
salience of human rights norms, third-party conflict resolution processes can achieve greater
efficacy by giving a weaker party the support it might need to negotiate from a more equitable
vantage point. Second, human rights norms are important in reinforcing the notion that a state's
sovereignty carries with it a responsibility to protect the civilians within its borders.
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Most importantly, those designing and implementing conflict resolution processes for peacebuilding
in intra-state conflicts cannot assume that human rights are "not our issue." They are key
components of parties' interests and concerns, significant indicators of power asymmetry and
sometimes power abuses, and often both a cause and a consequence of the conflicts we are trying
to settle or transform. It is crucial that peacebuilders know and understand the strengths and
weaknesses of human rights norms, and how to use these norms in a constructive and appropriate
way. *
For further reading see: Babbitt, Eileen F. and Lutz, Ellen L. (eds.) (2009) Human Rights and
Conflict Resolution in Context: Colombia, Sierra Leone, and Northern Ireland. Syracuse, New York:
Syracuse University Press; Babbitt, Eileen F. (2008) "Conflict Resolution and Human Rights:
Pushing the Boundaries." In Zartman, I.W., et al., (eds.) The Handbook of ¬Conflict Resolution.
San Francisco: Sage Publications.
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