t

UNIT 13 RISE OF TURKS AND

MONGOLS IN CENTRAL ASIA
Structure

Objectives
Introduction
Central Asia
13.2.1 Central Asia: A More Detailed View
13.2.2 Central Asia: An Ensemble of Micro-Regions
Pastoral Nomadism
Civilhition and Turkish Nomads: Early Contacts
13.4.1 The Tiukiu Empire
13.4.2 Two Forms of Contact
Turkish Irruptions
The Mongols
13.6.1 Chengiz Khan and the Steppe Aristocracy
.13.6.2 Conquests and Expansion
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers t b Check Your Progress Exercises

The rise of the Turks and Mongols; their rapid conquests and expansion over the
regions of Central Asia and the adjoining territories between the tenth and thirteenth
centuries, marks the beginning of a momentous period in history. Its consequences
#or India were direct, palpable and far-reakhing. After reading this Unit you should
be able to:
know who the Turks and Mongols were and what precisely was their role in an
exciting period of history,
acquaint yourself with the geography and some of the characteristics of Ce~tral
Asia as a region of considerable historical sigdicance, and
place medieval India in a larger historical contep of political and social
developments.

13.1 INTRODUCTION
1

I
The tenth century witnessed a westward movement of a warlike nomadic pimple
inhabiting the eastern corners of the Asian continent. Then came in wave upon wave,
each succeeding invasion more powerful and more extensive than the last. In a
relatively short span of time, the barbarian hordes had overrun and brought down the
once prosperous empires and kingdoms of Central and West Asia, reaching the .
shores of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. While between the tenth and twelfth
centuries the invaders were primarily 'Turks', the invasion of the thirteenth to
fifteenth centuries involved a kindred but more ferocious people, the Mongols.

Nthough the devastations caused by these dovements here immense-particularly

those wrought by the Mongols-they left behind a trail'of blood and gruesome
massacre wherever their advance was resisted. These invaders were eventually
tamed by the civilizations they had conquered. Settling down in conquered territories,
the resulting fusion between them and their new environments became the basis of a
new order.

Mahmud of Ghazni's invasions of India at the close of the tenth century, followed
some hundred years later by the Ghorian invasions (both Ghami and Ghor are in
Afghanistan) were distant proieitiorh of these vast nomadic movec --'9. As in other
 .1 .
"mdependent political !entity;the Delhi Sultanate in the early years of the thirteenth
' century. The term 'W Sultanate' signifies the rule of Turks over large parts of
Northern India from their capital at Delhi. in more than two centuries of existence,
the Sultanate gave bifh to institutions-political, social and economic-which though
greatly different from the ones existing earlier, were a unique combination of what
the Turks had brought with and what they found in India. One could say the same
?bout the Mughal empire which succeeded the Delhi Sultanate. -
In this Unit we will be taking a w s - e y e vim o f . d m d o ~
Central Asia by the dse of Turks and Mongols.

13.2 ' CENTRAL ASIA

-1

.Before we discuss the rise of Turks and Mongols, it is necessary to form a mental
p i m e of the regions comprising Central Asia and to acquaint ourselves with some
of their outstanding features. 'Central Asia' is a loose geographical term that refers to
the huge and varied territory bounded in the South by an immense chain of
mountains of which the Himalayas form a part. Its northern limits may be roughly
placed around the Ural mountains; the western alonn the Aral and Cas~ianSeas; and
the eastern somewhere between the lakes Balkash and Baikal, perhaps around lhe
Thfer Irtysh (S=W).
As the name of a region Central Asia has at least one other competitor, namely,
hukestan, though not identical in geographical spread, Turkestan does cover a very
large portion of the territories one includes in Central Asia. Perhaps it also offer$ a
more apt descriptioa of a region whose population is @ominanrly Turkic in
pornposition. But, when using the term in an historical context, one has to remember
that 'Turkestan' is an ethnonym: it signifies an e t l d c temtory as well as a human
community. And, in both respects, changes down the centuries have b e b profound.
Both the physical and human boundaries of Turkestan hzive shifted, contracted and
expanded by turnsiuntil perhaps our own times when modem states acquired
relatively stable bou~dariesand populations. In terms of modern political frontien, it
comprises the Soviet Sociplist Republic of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan,
bghizia and 'Chinese ~hkestan'.

133.1 Cential Asia: A More Detailed View

As we close in on Central Asia, focusing attention on its distinctive natural features,
an area of considerable complexity comes into view. It looks like an extraordinary
mosaic of mountains, deserts, oases, steppes and river valleys. The foothills and the
valleys contain oases, i.e. fertile islands of cultivation surrounded by desert. And
beyond the deserts are the Eurasian steppes-those limitless expanses of arid and
patchy vegetation. Towards the north and east the Steppes once again disappear into
the great Siberian desert.

As we shall see latet, the steppes have been crucial in determining the course of
, history of Central Asia and indeed of the world. For, atjeast, a few thousand years
the steppe environment could support only one kind of fife-the nomadic as opposed
to sedentary.

The oases, by contrast, were the rallying points of settled existence. The history of
civilized communities in Central Asia goes back to a few thousand years at least.
Periods of peace, intermittently ruptured by barbarians churning on the periphery,
led to the extension of imgation works and agriculture. With the growth of trade and I
handicrafts, towns sprouted. Together these enabled garden kingdoms and dates to
flourish. The oases Were thus real counterpoints to the preponderance of deserts and
steppes. Owing to them Central Asia could emerge as the centre piece in a
commercial highway connecting the far-flung civilizations of India, China,
Mesopotamia, and Europe. We will talk more about this a little later.

13.2.2 Central Asia: An hscrn~leof Micro Regions

At another level, Central Asia could be seen as composed of distinct micro regions,
or, in other words, territorial units that owe-tbeir identity to a peculiar & of
~eographyand history-Khwarizm, Khurasan, Transoxiana, Soghdiana, Semireck
Farghana-these are same of the names you will frequently come across in any
btorical literature dealing with the area. Most of these regions have been broadly
bdicated on the map.

~ransoxiana (i.e. Land across the Oxus) is the region carved out by the rivers Oxus
m d Jaxartes (also knom as, the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya respectively). Both
)low into the inland Arhl Sea arid are the two most important rivers of Central Asia.
The Arabs, who conquered Transoxiana in the eighth century (A.D.), called it
wawaraunnalu, literally meaning "that which is beyond the river". Along the middle
of the Oxus-Jaxartes babin flows the Zarafshan river, after whose ancient name
Aghd, the region came to be called Soghdiana. The two. most famous towns of
Central Asia, Samarqmd and Bukhara, are located within this tract.

T o the south of the Aral Sea, around the fertile delta of the Oms, is the region
b o w n as Khwatizm (niodern Khiva). Here, as early as the seventh or sixth century
(B.C.), a large centraked state came into existence which lasted a few centuries. At
-
?he end of the first centiry A.D., KhwariPn became part of the vast Kushan empire
which straddled the Hindukush and included the whole of North India within its fold.
Cultural contacts between India and Central Asia were greatly strengthened as a
consequence.
To the west of Transoxiana begins the region of Khurasan. As a land-locked region;
IUl(msan has no access' to the sea. Its rivers peter out into lakes and swamps. But
around its oases excellent pastures abound. These have recurrently attracted nomads
to descend into its valleys from across the steep mountains that jut out into Central
Asia from the Eurasian steppes. "Because of such movements of people Khurasan
inevitably became a cockpit...."The Arabs used it as a springboard to conquer
Central Asia.

To the east of the Jaxartes, along its middle reaches is the Farghana valley-the
pncestral home of Babur, the first Mughal ruler of India. As early as B.C. 102.the
Chinese subdued Farghana and, henceforth, Chinese influence over Central Asia
remained an abiding factor.
U

Check Your Progress 1

1) Give the main geographical features of Central Asia.

..............................................................................................................................................
- 2) Name a few Micro-regions of Central Asia giving their geographical extent.
..............................................................................................................................................

.............................................................................................................................................
Write five lines on the region called Turkestan.
 Rise of Turks rind Mongols
in Contra1 Asia

13.3 PASTORAL NOMADISM.

st'#
The Turks and Mongols were the product of deserts and steppes that encircle Central
Asia in a massive area, extending north and east of Transoxiana. More specifically,
they descended from the mass of nomads who roamed in the area of the Altai
mountains, south of Lake Baikal-regions that are now part of outer Mongolia. They
had a primitive mobile civilization based on tribal organization and ownership of
herds of cattle, sheep and horses. In addition, the tribes often possessed camels,
mqles and asses. The animals supplied most of the essential needs of the nomad in
the way of food, clothing and shelter. Milk and flesh gave him nourishment. The hide
of animals was used as clothing, and also to make tents, yurts, in which he lived.
Pastoral nomadism was governed by one great drive-the searchfor grazing lands.
This kept the nomads constantly on the move, from place to place, with their flocks
and herds. In the absence of agriculture and fixed habitation, the 'nomads
attachment to land was minimal, lasting only as long as it yielded fodder for the
animals. When the tribes camped, each tent or household was allotted a piece of land
for its exclusive use. Once exhausted, the tribes migrated in search of new pastures.

Mobility, thus, was central to nomadic society, and the horse its most outstanding
asset. One description of pastoral nomads aptly characterises them as a people whose
country was the back of a horse. In consequence, among the Mongols, for instance,
no offence was greater than stealing a horse. It invited execution.
\

Horsemanship combines with skill in archery made the nomads a formidable fighting
force. The Mongols brought the art to perfection in the thirteenth century. Galloping
at full speed, they could rain arrows in every direction-forward, rear, and
sideways-with deadly accuracy.

Opportunities for testing and amplifying these skills were provided in plenty by the
steppe environment where conflict over grazing lands were normal occurrences.
Periodically, these magnified into large-scale bloody battles.

It would, however, be too simplistic to see all nomadic irruptions into settled areas as
merely a spill over of conflicts within the steppes. The inadequacies of a pastoral
economy have as much to explain. Although it met most of the basic needs of the
nomads, specially when supplemented with hunting or fishing, pastoralism had one
serious drawback: ~nlikeagriculture,it produced no durable reserves. Its produca
were rapidly consumed. Therefore, nomadic urge was not only to acquire more and
better foraging lands but also products of agrarian communities. Pastoralism by its
very nature veered to a 'mixed economy'-secured by trade and alliance or by
aggression.

13.4 CIVILIZATION AND TURKISH NOMADS:

EARLY CONTACTS
According to an old view, it was the Oxus that clearly demarcated civilization from
barbarism. The classic expression of this view was the one given by Firdausi, the
famous tenth century poet at Mahmud Ghazni's court. In his Shahnama, Firdausi
poses a stark antithesis between the two worlds of Iran and Turan: "Two elements
fire and water which rage against each other in the depths of the heart." For Firdausi,
Iran was the realm of the Turks, of barbarism. A natural antipathy, born of opposed
ways of life, set apart the two racial groups.
I
However a closer look at the Oxus regions reveals that the two worlds had been in
 '
tenth century. Although the Oxus had been the historic bastion against nomadic
incursions, it was relentlessly breached by the nomads, no less in times of peace than
during violent collisions. Far from being stark and clear, by the tenth century the
boundary had become greatly blurred.

13.4.1 The Tiukiu Empire

The fitst contact betwesn civilization d d Turkish nomads dates back to the mid-sixth
century when a vast nomad empire, extending all the way from the borders of China
to Byzantium, came int6 existence. The empire, known as the Tiukiu empire, was
really a confederacy of twenty-two tribes of a people then called the Toghuz-Oghuz.
It lasted for close to two hundred years. During the next three centuries, the Tiukiu
dominions in Central Asia came to be partitioned and repartitioxied between its
constituent tribes and other newly arrived Tlirkic nomads (the Qipchaqs, the
Qarlughs and the Oghw called Ghur). Stray elements of the Oghuz had already
found their way into the upper Oxus lands a couple of centuries earlier. The en bloc
migration of the Oghuz across Siberia during the eighth century brought them "into
the field of Muslim Writers." The appellation of 'Turks' or 'Turkeman', which came,
into use in the late tenth century, was initially applied by these writers to Oghuz
tribesmen. Its gradual extension to Turkic nomads in general appears to have
proceeded alongside a progressive weakeningeof the Oghuz ethnlc identity as tribes
either broke away from the larger confederacy or new ones were incorporated into it ,
, after being defeated.

13.4.2 Two Forms of Contact 1

'I
'
The contact between the Turks and settled people took two major forms: (i) military
conflict, and (ii) commercial transactions. In either event the result was mutual
assimilation and acculturation. Let us first discuss the military conflict.

The natural instinct of the nomads was to conduct raids into settled areas south of
the Oxus. To ward off these attacks, states in western Asia evolved active defence
policy centred on Transoxiana-the principal staying zone for invasions from the east.
During the sixth century the Sassanids, who ruled Iraq and Persia, were the bearers
of this-mission. In the eighth century it was the Arabs. After penetrating Transoxiana
and displacing a considerable Turkish population east of the Jaxartes, the Arabs laid
out fortified walls and rabats (frontier-posts) along the frontier, manned by aemilitary
guard system. On either side, Muslim and Turkish, the frontier bristled with colonies
of guards. On the Muslim side, they were called ghazis, i.e. men whose business it
was to defend the faith against infidel hordes. Though belonging to hostile camps,
both groups nonetheless "came to live the same kind of borderline existence,
adopting each other's weapons, tactics and ways of life and gradually forming a
common military frontier society, more similar to each other than to the societies
-from which ihey came and which they defended."

In TrCQ.oxiana the distinction between Turk and non-Turk had been worn thin by
the time of the Arab takeover in the eighth century. Internal disturbances had often
prompted Transoxianean leaders to enlist Turkish mercenaries as a
counterbalancing force. At least one account has it that the earliest settlers of the
Bukhara oasis came from 'Turkestan'.

The second form of contact was established through trade and commerce. The centre
of a nomad empire has always attracted merchants because of the ready market it
provided for products of the settlements. In the case of the Tiukiu empire, the
attraction was more pronounced because it lay across the great Silk Road, the
premier channel of international commerce. The bulk of these materials was of every
day use, like lather, hides, tallow, wax, and honey. It also included luxuries like furs.
Then there was the regular traffic in slaves-also procured from the steppes. From
these northerly regions the foods anived in Khurasanian towns lying on caravan
routes and eventually reached Iraq and Baghdad, the supreme centres of
consumption in West Asia, via the transit trade.

Tenth century accounts refer to numerous settlements of the Turks &I the lower Syr
in-....--A,...
- ...L,.~~ ;..L~I.;+~..~~Y .A+
. . . ~ ~ ~ ..rrmnrlr I... ..n.-n
t n ~ c r rn nttle--i~~~
! fishermen and agriculturists." Most of these Turks were of Oghuz extraction, the
group under whose leadership the Turks emerged the rulers of Central and West
Rise of Turb and Mnnprols
in Centrrl Anis
.

i Asia!

Check Your Progress 2 .

1) Write' in brief the main features of nomadic life of peOple in Central Asia.

...............................................................................................................................................
2) Write flve lines on Tiukiu Empire.

3) Discuss the main items of trade between Turks and settled people. Which trade
route was followed by them?

13.5 TURKISH IRRUPTIONS

Not only were the Turks known, settled, or commercially active in the civilized parts
of Central Asia, they often rose to positions of considerable influenze iu the
prevailing military administrative apparatus. The dominant social . a s e s of
pre-Islamic Transoxiana, the dihqans (small landed propriefors) inerchants had
made increasing use of Turkish mercenaries as the coercive arm for guarding and
extending their patrimony.

The Arabs, who conquered Transoxiana (in the early eighth) century, pushed the
Turks beyond the Jaxartes, converting Mawaraunnahr into a bulwark against
barbarian inroads. However, in the long run, the idea of employing Turks as soldiers
was not lost upon the Arabs either. The hardy steppe background made the Turk a
warrior. With training and discipline he could be made into a first rate
machine. Moreover, he could be bought like any other commodity: markrrs
/'
Transoxiana abounded in slaves captured from Central Asian st:-ppes
north of Mawaraunnahr.
Establishment of Delhi Under the Omgyyads (A.D. 661-750) recruitment to the military was almost totally
Sultanate confined to the Arabs. The replacement of the Omayyads by the Abbasids in
A.D. 750 as undermined the Arab monopoly of the army especially in the decades
after the Caliphate-of Harun a1 Rashid (d. 809 A.D.). The civil wars among the sons
and successor of this last great Caliph shook the foundations of the Abbasid empire.
In these circumstances, recruiting mercenaries of foreign origin, not involved in the
internal affairs of the empire, see,med to be the answer.

The Caliph Mu'tassim (A.D. 833-842) was the first to surround himself with a large
body of Turkish slaves and make it the base of his troops. In order to impart them a
distinct and separate identity, the Turkish soldiery was kept well away from the
indigenous population and could only marry women of the same origin: "Thus he
created a sort of military class, whose role-was to protect the Caliph and the regime
without taking part iri the palace struggles or in the political or religious internal
quarrels. But the reverse happened, and the interference of this cl?ss in the conduct
of the state took on proportions which became more and more disastrous as the
officers of the guard, divided into rival clans ....supporting different claimants ...and
did not hesitate in so doing to trigger off palace revolutions."
Withethe weakening of the power of Abbasid Caliphs their control over Islamic world
became nominal and limited just to issue farmans to confirm their authority. It gave
way to the emergency of a number of small independent kingdoms during the 10th
century the Jahirids, the Saffavids, the Buwaihids, Qara-Khanids and the Samanids.

Alaptgin, the Samanid governor and slave of the Turkish origin, established an
independent kingdonl at Ghazna. The Ghaznavid kingdom became prominent under
Mahmud Ghamavi (A.D. 998-1030). Under him, the Iranian influence reached its
peak. Mahmud claimed to have traced his descent from Iranian mythical hero
Afrasiyab. This process Islarnised and Persianised the Turks completely. Mahmud -
also made regular inroads in India. As a result, Punjab became part of the Ghamavid
Empire.

Mahmud's death was followed by the emergence of the mighty Seljuqs. They soon
overran Iran, Syria and Transoxiana. These developments gave a great jolt to the
power of the Ghaznavids which became confined to Ghazna and parts of Punjab
only.

During t h i twelfth century, the Seljuq power was destroyed by a group of Turkish
tribes. The vacuum created by the Seljuqs led to the rise of the Khwarizmian in Iran
and the Ghorid power in north-west Afghanistan. T o begin with, the Ghorids were
vassals of Ghazna. On the other hand, the Khwarizmian ruler's started in a big way
engulfing Ghazni and almost whole of Central Asia and )an. ~ n b e such
r
circumstances it was not possible for the Ghorids to expand at the cost of the
Khwarizmian power. The possible direction left was India. This process of expansion
started towards the end of 12th century.

13.6 THE MONGOLS

In the early decades of the thirteenth century Asia and Europe experienced a new .
wave of nomad conquerors from the east, an invasion more formidable and
devastating than any other known to history before. These new invaders were the
Mongols, who are best known'for the great empire which they formed under Chengiz
Khan. By the close of the thirteenth century, the Mongol empire covered a vast
portion of the known world: China, Manchuria, Korea, North Vietnam, Tibet,
Turkestan, Afghanistan, Iran, Mesopotamia, Southern Russia and Siberia.

Before rising to world dominion, the Mongols were dwellers of the steppe region,
north of China and eadt of Lake Baikal. T o their east lived a kindred people, the
Tatars, presumably M~ngolisedTurks, who lent the name-of 'Tartars' to the Mongols
in European literature in conjunction with Tartarus, the Greek word for ell. T o the
west of the Mongols lived the Keraits and Naimans, once again people Qfturkish
origin and speech. All these people were in different stages of development,
mrnhinino h ~ r d i n ok i t h h ~ ~ n t i n
and
o fichino2n varvino tieoreec
 Rise of Turks and Mongols
The sudden rise of Mongols to power appears t o fall in line with ah old pattern in Ccntml Asia
characteristic of the steppes. Long periods of internecine conflict between bands of
nomads would throw up a leader of outstanding ability who after ironing out
diierences between the warring hordes welded them into a powerful coalition.
Through choice or compulsion, the smaller, fragmcntcd nomadic groups were
absorbed into the coalition. The next stage saw the nomads aggressively directed at
the surrounding sedentary societies.

13-6.1 Chengiz Khan and The Steppe Aristocracy

Chengiz Khan built the Mongols into a stupefying striking force. Born of a powerful
Mongol chief sometime in the sixties of 12th century. Chcngiz Khan (also spelt as
Chingiz, Chengez Khan), or Temuchin as hc was originally called. Three decades of a
bitter struggle within the steppes paved the way for Tcmuchin, who eve~tually
emerged as the pre-emir:ent leader of the Mongols. During this time he developed his
skill both as a warrior and a canny tactician who cxccllcd in dividing and
circumventing. his enemies.

The nucleus of Chengiz Khan's army, and his imporial government, came from a
mrps of carefully selected guards (bahadur). Units of the Mongol army were put
under command of generals drawn from it. Military mobilisation reached its peak
under Chengiz Khan. Using a well-established nomadic tradition, he enrolled all
adult males into mingghan, literally "units of ten thousand". The mingghan in turn
were divided into smaller units of ten and hundred. Ten mingghans constituted a
tuman and these were deployed for largescale operations. Each of these units was
placed under the command of a general whose worth had been personally tested by
Chengiz Khan. The~authorityof the commander extended over the soldiers and their
families. Thus, administrative control and military mobilisation were parts of a single
mechanism.

13.6.2 Conquests and Expansion ,

The first military efforts of Chengiz Khan were devoted to bringing the pastoral tribes
of the eastern steppes under his sway. Temuchin now ruled over an immense
confederacy of Mongol, Turkic and Manchurian tribes. He was the head of all their
kibitki (tents) and his family held the conquered/hordes in patrimony.

At a k d t a i (assembly of nomad chefs) held in 1206, Temuchin was declared

"Qaghan of all Mongolia" and received the title of Chengiz Khan.

Internally consolidated, the Mongols burst out of the confines of Mongolia. At the
end of a series of annual campaigns beginning in A.D. 1211, they breached the Great
Wall of China and laid hold of Peking.
Soon after, their attention was drawn to Transoxiana and Khurasan which formed the
dominions of the Khwarizm Shah. The defence of the Khwarizm empire crumbled
before Mongol siege-craft which used battering rams, flame-emitting machines (using
naphtha), mangonels or catapults (manjaniq), etc. ~ u k h a r aand Samarqand fell in
1220 in the midst of fearful carnage. A witness reporting on the state of Bukhara
said: "They came, they sapped, they burnt, they slew, they plundered, they
departed."

It had taken the Mongols just about three years, 1219-22, to complete the
annexation of Transoxiana and Khurasan. Two years after, returning to Mongolia in
1225, Chengiz Khan died. By then the whole of northern China had been annexed.
The empire was divided among his sons. Ogedei, his third son, was declared the
Great Khan in 1229. They as yet unconquered Eurasian steppes went to Jochi. The
second son, Chaghtai, received Turkestan, and Tolui, the youngest, got the
Mongolian homeland.

Hulagu, one of the successors of Chengiz Khan, attacked Baghdad in A.D. 1258.
The city was the capital of the Abbasids. It perished in blood and flame. According
to a conse -timate some 800,000 were savagely murdered. The Abbasid
Cab d himself mel a &lent end.
 1. hinqjdq
Emally, four great empires a y d b e d out of the .Moog01 conquests:The Golder
Horde rule1 the Volga steppe land and southern RuSsia; the nLbrnn who contra
Afghanista and Iran; the Chaghtai empire which hduded most of Central Asia,
and the em re of KuMai Khan which ruled over China and neighbouring territonz
These empha lasted Well into the 15th century.
Check Your Progress 3
1) How Turks got in~~olved
with the Arab caliphate?

2) How Cxengiz K h a ~rose to.Power?

.
 3) Give a brief account of Chengiz Khan's conquests outside Mongolia. Hiw of Turks and illongols
in Central Asia

13.7 .LETUS,SUM UP

We hope this Unit has given you a general overview of the developments in Central
Asia during 10-13th century. Now you know briefly the geographical features of
Central Asia. You have also learnt about the nature of pastoral nomadism. In due
course, the Turks, who were mainly nomadic tribes, established powerful e g d o m s .
We also described the consolidation of Mongol power under Chengiz Khan and the
Mongols' expansion into Central Asia, etc. In the next Unit, we will narrate the
expansion of the Turks towardq India, and the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate
by them.

13.8 KEY WORDS

Nomad: Groups of people who do not have a settled habitation.

Eurasian Steppes: A geographic region on the borders of Europe & Asia.
Kushan Empire: The Empire covered the north-westem part of India and ruled
from mid first century A.D. to the end of third century A.D.
Land-locked region: A geographic region which has no access to sea.
Shahnama: A tenth century poetic work written by Firdausi in Persian.
Silk Route: Overland route-srarting from China passes through the
North-West frontier of India, across Central Asia and Russia
to the Baltic.
Omayyads: The dynasty of Caliphs which ruled from A.D. 661-A.D. 750.
Tatars: A nomadic tribe.

13.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOURPROGRESS

I Check Your Progeae 1 Check your PrbgFegs 3

1) See Sec. 13.2 1) See Secl. 13.5
I
I 2) See Sub-sec. 13.2.2 2) See Sub-sec. 13.6.1
I *.
3) See Sub-sec. 13.2.2 3) See Sub-sec. 13.6.2
f
Check Your Progress 2
1) See Sec. 13.4
2) See Sub-sec. 13.4.1
UNIT 14 ESTABLISHMENT AND
CONSOLIDATION

14.0 Objectives
14.1 Introduction
14.2 India from 7th to 12th Century: An Overview
14.3 Initial Conquests up' to Circa 1190 A.D. . .
14.4 The Ghorian Invasions, 1192-1206
14.5 Why the Turks Succeeded?
14.6 Conflict and Cansolidation 1206-1290
14.7 The Mongol Problem
14.8 Political Consequences of the Turkish Conquest of India /
14.9 Let Us Sum Up U.

14.10 Key Words

14.11 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

14.0' OBJECTIVES

After reading this Unit you will know:

the political and socio-economic condition of India during the centuries

preceding the Turkish conquest,
the stages in which Northern India was conquered,
the 'causes' of Turkish success; and
the conflicts, nature, and basis of power of the class that ran the Sultanate.

14.1 INTRODUCTION

In the last Unit, we took an overview of the region called 'Central Asia', its peculiar
environment, and its volatile population of nomad wamors. These nc~madsset out of
their steppe habitat in great numbers and came into contact and collision with the
surrounding civilizations of China, Europe, West Asia and India.

The empires of the Ghamavids and the Seljuqs were built on the ruins of the
Abbasid Caliphate. In the final analysis, both these states were products of the
acculturation of the Turks in the institutions of settled societies. The latter, too, saw
considerable changes iri their own mode of organisation and direction after coming
into contact with the hbngols.

Under the Seljuq umbrella, the Turks had expanded into the Meditarranean and
Byzantine territories. Anatolia (modem Turkey) was conquered and settled by the
'Ottoman Turks'. The Seljuq empire which warded off pressure from incoming tribes
was itself engulfed by political developments drawing upon nomadic movements. The
Khwarizmian empire which undermined the Seljuqs, was swept away by the Mongols.
These cataclysmic and cyclical developments convened the 'Old World' into a vast
melting pot.

In this Unit we will be looking at the conquest of India by the Turks, leading to the
~ctahlichmentnf the nelhi Sirltanate at the heoinnino nf the 1 Bth rentiirv
 Establishment and
14.2 INDIA FROM 7TH TO 12TH CENTURY: AN Consolidation

OVERVIEW
We have already discussed the political, social and economic conditions of lndia
during this period in Blocks 1 to 3 of this course. In this section, we will recapitulate
in brief the conditions prevalent in lndia during this period. It will help you in
understanding this Unit.

Politico-economic Order, A.D. 700-1200

The five centuries or so preceding the Turkish invasions have been described by
Indian historians as 'feudal'. Though the use of this concept in characterising the era
has been subjefted to some criticism, the political and socio-economic realities of
lndia during this time answer to many of the general, and some of the specific,
features of feudalism.

The central essential feature of feudalism in India (as in other parts of the world
where it came into vogue) was the grant of land by the king among his officers and
certain sections of society. In return, the grantees (or feudatories, vassals) were under
obligation to serve the king and supply him with men and materials whenever he
called for them. A portion of the revenue collected by the feudatory went to the king
by way of annual tribute. T~G-remainderwas used by them to maintain armed levies
which were put at the disposal of the king in times of war.
."
The ~ ~ r q m \ l l e r f feudatories
ul were permitted to grant land, in turn, thus creating
t 6 r own sub-'teudatories and in the process giving birth to a hierarchy of commands
and obligationi. In India, the feudatories came to adopt various titles. The more
impp~tant-&Yescalled themselves mahasamantas, m_ahamandaleshvara, etc. The
-*6ser ones took the titles of raja, ranaka, samanta, thakura, bhoghika, etc.

The origins of this system-the alienation of rights over land by the king-have been
traced back to the land grants made to Brahmans from the 2nd century onwards.
These Brahmans, who were the beneficiaries of these grants not only collected the
land tax, but also looked to the maintenance of law and order. From the 7th century
onwards, the practice was extended to other sections of society also. In particular, the
officers of the king were granted land in lieu of cash salaries, With time there was a
tendency for these grants to become hereditary, leading to the disappearance of the
distinction between royal officials and 'feudatories', hereditary feudatories being
appointed to royal offices, and officials being granted the titles and, presumably, the
privileges of feudatories.

From 7th century the ruling class was inevitably ruralised. The tendency reinforced
an environment in which urban life had steadily declined (since the Mauryas) along
with commerce as witnessed by the extreme paucity of coins for the period under
consideration. In such conditions, the officials and aristocracies 'lived off the land'.
Dislocation of centralised political power, the appearance of landed magnates and
crystallisation of warrior castes, notably the Rajputs, Were the natural fallout of this
environment.

14.3 INITIAL CONQUESTS UP TO CIRCA 11 90 A.D.

The period between the 9th and I lth century saw the emergence of 'warrior
castes'--military ruling clans which ultimately coalesced into a single caste, that of the
Rajputs, the term being derived from the Sanskrit word rajaputra. The four Rajput
clans that claimed a special status during his timepere the Pratiharas, the Chalukyas,
the Chauhans (also called Chahamanas), and the Solankis.

1) Mahmud of Ghazni
w
In political and military terms, the invasions of Mahmud of Ghami were the actual
precursors of the Delhi Sultanate. Beginning in A.D. 1000, when the Shahiya king,
Jaypala was routed, the incursions became almost an annual feature of Mahmud and
came to an ead only with his death in A.D. 1030. After taking Multan, he occupied
Punjab. Later, Mahmud made incursions into the Ganga-Yamw doab. The major
interest of Mabmud in India was its fabulous wealth, vast quantities of which (in the
form of cash, jewdery, and golden images) had been depoeited in temples. From
1010 to 1026, the inva8ions were thus directed to the temple-towns of l b m w a r ,
Mathura, Kannauj and,finally !bmnath. The ultimate result was the breakdown of
Iudian dstance, pa*g the way for Turkish conquests in the future. More
importantly, the afternlath of the campaigns had exposed the inadequacy of Indian
politics to offer a unit4 defence agairlst external threats.

Within a short time'of Uahmud's death, his empire met the fate of other empires.
Newly emerging cemtre$ of powers, formed around growing clusters of Turkish .
soldieradventurers,replaced the older ones. The Ghamavid possessions in Khurasan
and Transoxiana were thus annexed, first by the Seljuqs (Unit 13), and later by the
K h w a r h Shah. In their own homeland, Afghanistan, their hegemony was brought
to an end by the principality of Ghor under the Shansabani dynasty. However, in the.
midst of these buffeting, the Ghaznavid rule survived in Punjab and Sind till about
A.D. 1175.

The extent of the Ghaznavid territory in the north-west India is difficult to ascertain.
Towards the north, it included Sialkot and probably, Pesbewar. The southern limits
w a r steadily plshed),back by the Chauhan Rajputs who re-established control over *
portions of h j a b .

hthe initial phase of invasions, Muhammad Ghori's military objective was to gain
contrd over Punjab and Sind. Unlike earlier invaders, he decided to enter the Indus
plains through the G o a d pass and not through the more common Khyber pass
W e r north. By 117g1Peshawar, Uchh and Multan were seized.Later, Lahore was
~ttacked.Muhammad Ghori now pressed his conquests further into India. Within a
short time, military operations cam6 to be directed against the Rajput kingdoms
controlling the Gangetic plains. The Chauhans faced the most acute pressure as they
ruled the territory from Ajmer to Delhi-the gateway to Hindustan. Bhatinda was
besieged in 1191. The garrison quickly surrendered, but the Chauhans, under
Rithviraj, speedily retrieved it after inflicting a humiliating defeat on the Ghorians.
In the following year, Muhannmad Ghori returned with a larger force. At the famous
battle of Tarain, fought in 1192, he conclusively defeated the Chauhans. All places of
military importance-Hansi, Kuhram,Sarsuti-were immediately occupied and
garrisoned. Muhammad Ghori returned to his projects in Central Asia, leaving
behind 'an occupation army at Indraprasth (near Delhi) under the command of
Qutbuddin Aibak'. The latter was given wide powers to extend and consolidate the
conquests.

check Your Progress 1

1) What were Mahrnud Ghazni's main objectives for invatling India?

.............................................................................................................................................
2) Briefly mention the initial conquests of Muhammad Ghori in India.

14.4 THE GHQRIAN INVASIONS:1192-1206

 way for the ascendancy of the Turks. From this date onwards, the Rajput power
eritered the phase of irreversible decay. For some time to come, the Ghorians did not
think it convenient to immediately take over the administration of all the conquered
territories. Wherever it seemed feasible, they allowed the Rajputs to continue,
provided Turkish suzerainty was acknowledged. Thus Ajmer, for instance, was
allowed to be retained by Prithviraj's son as a vassal ruler. This uneasy balance,
powever, was often disturbed by the recurrent conflicts between the imperial designs
of the Ghorians and local rulers.
I ,
Under Aibak's leadership, the Turks continued to make territorial advance in all
bedions. After having refortified Hansi towards the end of 1192, Aibak crossed the
Yamuna to establish a military base in the upper Doab, Meerut and Baran (modem
Bulandshahr) capitulated iri. 1192. In 1193 Delhi was occupied. Its location and
historical tradition made it most suitable as a capital for Turkish power in India. It
was both close to the Ghorid stronghold in Punjab as well as conveniently placed for
sending expeditions towards the east. In 1194 Aibak ~ ~ o s s ethed Yamuna for the
1 second time and captured Kol (Aligarh).

The a ~ o v military
e successes encouraged Muhammad Ghori to confront king
I
Jayachandra of the Gahadavala dynasty in the vicinity of Chandwar (between Etah
and Kanpur). Jayachandra, eventually lost. Afterwards, Turkish military stations
were placed at Bharas, Asni and other important towns. However, the capital city of
Kannauj could not be occupied until 1198-99.

I
The other important areas over which the Ghorians were able to extend their sway
were Bayana, Gwalior and Anhilwara in 1195-96, and Badaun in 1197-98. The
opening of the 13th century saw action against the 'last surviving imperial
Rajputs'-the Chandellas of Bundekhand. Around 1202, Kalinjar, Mahoba and
Khajuraho were occupied and grouped into a military division.

I
From 1203 onwards, the Turks made forays into the eastern provinces of the Indian
subcontinent with varying degrees of success. Magadha was conquered for the
'Sultanate' by Bakhtiyar Khalji and his tribesmen. Under him,the Turkish intrusions
could also penetrate Bengal (ruled by the Lakshrnanas).

In general, during this phase, the Ghorians were able to extend their hegemony over
a very considerable part of Northern India. But, as yet, they stood on shaky ground.
Areas once conquered tended to slip out of control. It took several decades before
their control found firm ground.

14.5 WHY THE TURKS SUCCEEDED ?

Various reasons have been assigned for the success of the Turkish conquests of North
India. Many of the contemporary chroniclers do not go beyond the standard
explanation of attributing this major event to the 'Willof God'. Some British
historians, who initiated the study of Indian history in greater depth, accounted for
the success of the Turks as follows: The Ghorian armies were drawn from the warlike
tribes inhabiting the difficult region lying between the Indus and the Oxus. They had
gathered military powers and expertise fighting the Seljuq @es and other fierce
tribes of Central Asia. On the other hand, <heIndians were pacifist and not given to
war. Moreover, they were divided into small states which hampered expansionist
ambitions.
!I
I The explanation is inadequate and unbalanced insofar as it leaves out of
1 consideration well-known facts of Indian history as well as the history of countries
Erom where the invaders came. It should be remembered that the large-scale conquest
.and destruction of the so-called warlike Islamic regions by the Mongols in 1218-19
I I was camed out without any real resistance. On the other hand, the Rajputs, whom

the Turks conquered, were not lacking in bravery and martial spirit. The period from
the 8th to the 12th century is one long story of warfare and violent internal struggles.
It is, therefore, hardly worthwhile to emphasise the peaceful or docile temperament
of the Indian populations as the cause of the Turkish success. -
 Some Indian historians have traced the Turkish success to the peculiar social htnblishment .and
structure created by Islam. Jadunath Sarkar, for instance, lays stress on three unique Consolidation
characteristics which Islam imparted to the Arabs, Berbers, Pathans, and Turks: first
complete equality and social solidarity as regards legal and religious status. Unlike
India, the Turks were not divided into castes that were exclusive of each other.
Secondly, an absolute faith in God and his will which gave them drive and a sense of
mission. Finally, Islam secured the Turkish conquerors from drunkenness which,
according to Sarkar, was the ruin of the Rajputs, Marathas, and other Indian rulers.
Whatever partial truth it might contain, this explanation, too, seems insufficiently
grounded in history.

, Aleastmoretwocomprehensive view of the Indian debacle must perhaps take into account at
major factors: the prevailing socio-political system in India and her military
preparedness.

After the fall of the Gujara-Pratihara empire, no single state took its place. Instead,
there arose small independent powers like Gahadavalas in Kannauj, Parmaras in
Malwa, Chalukyas in Gujarat, Chauhans in Ajmer, Tomars in Delhi, Chandellas in
Bundelkhand, etc. Far from being united, they tended to operate within the confines
of small ~emtoriesand were in a state of perpetual internal conflicts. Lack of
centralized power was an important factor in emasculating the strength and efficiency
of the armed forces. Fakhr Mudabbir in his Adab-ul Harb wa al-shuja't mentions
that Indian forces consisted of 'feudal levies'. Each military contingent was under the
command of its immediate overlord/chief and not that of the king. Thus, the army
lacked 'Unity of Command'. Besides, since only few castes and clans took military
profession, the bulk of the population was excluded from military training. This made
the general population of the country totally detached from the defence of the
country; when the Turks came, we find the Indian masses hardly came to the rescue
of their kings. The concept of physical pollution (Chhut) also hampered military
efficiency since it made the division of labour impossible; the soldiers had to do all
their work on their own, from fighting to the fetching of water.

Another important reason for the success of the Turks was their superior military
technology and art of war. These nomads from the steppes could be credited with
introducing the age of the horse'. The Turks used iron stirrup and horse-shoes that
reinforced their striking power and the stamina of the cavalry, while horse-shoes
provided greater mobility to the horse, stirrup gave the soldiers a distinct advantage.

The popular notion that the Indians were defeated on account of the use of elephants
does not seem plausible now, we do not find any evidence in the Tabaqat-i Nasiri or
other sources in support of this view. Jayapala's case is an exception where his elephants
took to flight:Such examples are hard to come by. In fact, Mahmud of Ghazni is
reported to have maintained large number of elephants that he took to his Kingdom
from India and employed them with success.
Check Your Progress 2

1) Match the following:

A B
Battle Year
i) Kol 1193
Tarain 1194
Delhi 1 1 98-99
Anhilwara 1192
Kannauj 195-96

ii) Match the following:

A B
Dynasty Place
Gahadavalas Bundelkhand
Chauhans Delhi
Tomars Ajmer
Chalukyas Kannauj
Chandellas Gujarat
 2) Write in about ten lines the causes for the Turkish Success.
I

...............................................................................................................................................
..............................................................................................................................................
..............................................................................................................................................

14.6 CONFLICT AND CONSOLIDATION, 1206-1290

The period from 1206 to 1290 constitutes the formative and the most challenging
period in the history of the Delhi Sultanate. It was marked by a prolonged,
multi-cornered cbnflict within the Ghorian ruling class as well as against the renewed
Rajput resurgence.

Muhammad ~ h o r i ' ssudden death in 1206 resulted in a tussle for supremacy among
his three important generals, Tajuddin Yalduz: Nasiruddin Qubacha and Qutbuddin
Aibak. Yalduz held Karman and Sankuran on the route between Afghanistan and
upper Sind. Qubacha held the important charge of Uchh, while Aibak had already
been deputed as the 'viceroy' of Muhammad Ghori and the over all commander of
the army in India. Though, technically still a slave, the title of sultan was conferred
upon him soon after the death of his master. The formal establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate, as an entity in its own rights, is traced back to this event. Subsequent ,
developments made this a reality.
t.
Early in* brief reign of four years, Aibak (d. 1210) moved his capital to Lahore in
brder to frustrate Yalduz's ambition of annexing Punjab. With the Khwarizm Shah
keadly advancing on Ghor, there was partly a compulsion in Yalduz's attempt to
-
kstablish himself in India.

'Aibak 'was succeeded on the throne by his son-in-law Iltutmish who brought back the
I capital to Delhi. Large portions of the territories conquered by the Turks had slipped
.'out of control and subjugated Rajput chieftain had 'withheld tribute and repudiated
allegiance'. Iltutmish's quarter century reign (1210-1236) was distinguished by a
concerted drive to re-establish the Sultanate's authority on areas that had been lost.
in 1215, Yalduz was defeated at Tarain and in 1217 Iltutmish wrested the province
of w o r e from Qubacha and placed it under his own governor.

.Within three years of this event, t h e ' ~ o n ~ o lunder

s, Chengiz Khan's leadership,
appeared on the banks of the Indus in pursuit of Jalduddin Mangbarni (the son of
the Khwarizmian ruler) who had taken refuge in Punjab. In Unit 13, we have
discussed the destruction of Islamic lands by the Mongols. Henceforth, the Mongols
remained a constant factor among the concerns of Delhi Sultans. We will discuss
Mongol intrusions during the 13-14th century in the subsequent section.
Though the Mongol presence had upset ~ltutrnish'splan of consolidation on the
north-west, it also created conditions for the destruction of Qubacha who held Uchh
and faced the brunt of Mangbami's invasion. As a consequence, lltutmish was able to
seize Bhatinda, Kuhram, and Sarsuti. About 1228, he launched a two-pronged attack
on Multan and Uchh. Defeated; Qubacha drowned himself in the Indus. Unified
control over the north-west now became posib!e for the Delhi Sultanate. In
Rajputana, the Turks were able to reclaim Ranthambhor, Mandor, Jalor, Bayana and
 DELHI SULTANATE
0 KABUI
c* 1235 AoDo

,
APPROXIMATE BOUNDARY ,,,
,

BHATNAIR

ANHILWARA

UJJAlN

*
 Thangir. After 1225, IPtutmish could turn towards the east. Apart from sporadic Fstnblishment and
Consolidation
military successes, however, Lakhnauti (in Bengal) and Bihar continued to evade the
authority of the Sultanate. A modern historian asseses the Sultan's achievement as
follows:

"to him the Sultanate owed the first outline of its administrative system. He laid
. the foundations of an absolutist monarchy that was to serve later as the
instrument of a military imperialism under the Khaljis. Aibak outlined the Delhi
I Sultanate and its sovereign status; litutmish was unquestionably its first king."

lltubnish's death saw more sharpened factionalism and intrigue among the Turks. In
a period of some thirty years, four rulers, (descendants of Iltutmish) occupied the
I throne. The most prominent group t o decide the course of high politics during these
years is identified as the k L . 4 & M g d brreQgm SLoaPsi (the 'forty' Turkish
slave "officers" of Iltutmish). The fourteenth century historian, Ziauqdin Barani, has
left behind concise and insightful account of these critical years:
II
"During the reign of Shamsuddin - (Iltutmish), ....owing to the presence of
t1 peerless m&ks, wazirs....educated, wise and capable, the court of the
Sultan (Sharnsuddin) had become stable....But after the death of the Sultan....his
'forty' Turkish slaves got the upper hand ....So owing to the supremacy of the
Turkish slave officers, all these men of noble birth....were destroyed under
.various pretexts during the reigns of the successors of Shamsuddin....".

In the main, Barani's account is borne out by contemporary developments. Between

1235-1265 political developments revolved round a conflict between the crown and a
military aristocracy,determined to retain its privileged position with the balance often
increasingly tilting in favour of the latter.

In these circumstances, the very survival of the Sultanate was under question.
Pditical instability was exacerbated by the recalcitrance of smaller Rajput chiefs and
local leaders. Moreover, the Mongols were constantly active in and around Punjab.

The accession of Balban in 1265 provided the Sultanate with an iron-willed ruler.
Balban addressed himself to two major objectives:

i) to raise the prestige of the crown through elaboratecourt ceremonials, and

inculcation of Sassanian traditions that distanced the ruler from ordinary folks,
converting him into a symbol of awe; (ii) consolidating Turkish power: rebellions
were put down with determination and administrative procedures were streamlined.

After the death of Balban, struggle for the throne started. Balban had nominated Kai
Khusrau, son of Muhammad (Balban's eldest son) but the nobles helped Baiqubad,
son of Bughra Khan, to ascend the throne. Intrigues continued for more than two
years. Finally, Jalaluddin Khalji, who was a prominent noble during this period,
managed to capture the throne which was strongly resented because it was thought
I that the Khaljis were not Turks but belonged to a different race. Barani does not
I
speafy the race to which the Khaljis belonged. The Khaljis had been occupying
impartant positions during the period 1206-1290. For example, Bakhtiyar Khalji was
the m.qti of Bengal. Even Jalaluddin Khalji was the muqti of Sunam in Western
I
Punjab.

Jalaluddin Khalji started consolidating his kingdom but was killed in 1296 by his
nephew Alauddin Khalji who captured the throne. For almost 20 years, the Sultanate
under Alauddin Khalji fdoweh a policy of conquests. You will read about this in.
Unit 15.

CLeeLYoerPIogess3
1) Write in five lines how Qutbuddin succeeded in crushing the power of Yalduz.
EstPMishment of Delhi
Sultanate ..............................................................................................................................................
b

2) Iltutmish was the teal founder of the Turkish rule in India. Explain.

14.7 THE MONGOL PROB-

We have already discussed the &e of the Mongol power in Central Asia and Persia
in Unit 13. Here our emphasis would be on the Mongol threat on the north-west
border of India and its kepurcussions.

For the Delhi Sultans, wntrol over Kabul-Ghazni-Qandahar line flanked by the
Hindukush, was impo-t not only for stabilizing the 'scientific frontier' but also for
the fact that it connected India with the major silk-route passing from China through
Central Asia and Persia. But the development in Central and West-Asia did not
permit the newly founded Turkish state to do the job. The situation on account of the
Mongd onslaught (as p u would see)compelled the Delhi Sultans t o take comfort
along the Chenab, while the cis-Sutlej region became the cock-pit of ccmfrontatio~ls.
Thus, the "Indus remaiOed only the cultural boundary of Iadia," and for all practical
purposes the line of codtrol was confined to the west of the Indus only.

Professor K.A.Nizami has categorised the response of the Sultanate towards, the
M o w challenge into three distinct phases: (i) .loehess,(ii) and (iii)
reswlmce.

lltutmish followed the @icy of 'd-.The Delhi Sultans had to face the Mongol
threat as early as A.D. 1221 when, after destroying the Khwarizmi empire, Chengiz
Khan d e d the Indiap frontiers in pursuit of the crown-prince Jalaluddin
Mangbarni. The latter seeing no alternative, crossed the Indus and entered the
cis-Indus region.

lltutmish had to take ndte of the Mongols who were knocking at the Indian frontier,
but equally p i m e was the p r m w of Mangbarm in the cis-Indus region. The Sultan
feared a W b l e alliance of Qubacha and the Khokhars with Mangbarni. But,
Qubacha and Maugbami locked their horns for political ascendancy, and meanwhile
bonds of friendship developed between Mangbarni and the Khokhm through a
matrimonial alliance. Tbis strengthened the position of Maugbarni in the northwest.
Ata MaliL Juwaini in hid T d - i JPhPn Gaehp decisively opines that Ututmish smelt
danger from Mangbarni who might "gain an ascendancy over him and involve him in
ruin." Besides, lltutmishlwss also aware of the weaknesses of the Sultanate. These
factors compelled Utu- to follow the pohcy of 'doofnecas'.

Chengiz Khan is reported to have sent his envoy to Iltutmish's court. It is difficult to
say anything about the Sultan's response, but so long as Chengiz Khan was alive
(d. A.D.1227), Iltutmish did not adopt an expansionist policy in the north-west
region. An understanding of non-aggression against each other might have possibly
been arrived at. Iltutmisln shrewdly avoided any political alliance with the Khwarizm
Prince.The latter sent hi+ envoy Ain-ul Mulk t o lltutmish's court requesting for
asylum which lltutmish denied by saying that the climate was not codgenial for his
my. On the other hand, Ihe put the envoy to death. Minhaj Siraj mentions that
11tgtmishled an e x p d t i m against Mangbarni but the latter avoided any
confrontation and finallylleft the Indian soil in A.D.1224.

shift from ~ltbtmish'spolicy of 'aloofness' to 'appeasement' was the result of the

extension of the sultanate frontier up to Lahore and Multan which exposed the
 Sultanate d h d y to the Mongol incursions with no buffer state left between them. K%tablishmentand
Consolidation
Razip's dkowa& rapooae to anti-Mongd alliance, proposed by Hasan Qarlugh
of Bamym is t)le indicata of her appmmmmt policy. We must bear in mind that
this policy of nak-- mdue pnmanly to the partitioning of the Chengiz's
empire among his stma which weakened their power; and also on account of the
hlongd p.esccuptioos in West-Asia.

At any rate, between 1240-66, the Mongols for the first time embarked upon the
~ofPaacrrtionofIndiP~dthegoldenphaseofmutual'.oll-.ggeseionp.ct'
with Delhi ended. During this phase, the Sultanate remained under serious Mongol
t h a t . 'Ibe main reaeoa mthe change in the situation in Central Asia.The Mongol
Khan of Tnumxiana found it difficult to face the might of the Persian Khanate and,
thus, was left with no alternative except to try his luck in India.

In 1241, Tair Bahadur invaded Lahore and completely destroyed the city. It was
followed by two successive invasions in A.D. 1245-46. In spite of the best efforts of
I Balban during the reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud, the Sultanate frontier during
1 AD. 1 ~ 1 6m 6 at &ar ~ n dyet, , the y t pdicy mtinued for
sometime. In A.D. 1260 Halagu's envoy to Delhi was well received and this
diplometic gesture was reciprocated by Halagu also.

A distinct change in Delhi Sultan's policy can be seen from Balban's reign onwards.
On the whde, it was the phase of 'resiebce'. By and large, Balbm remained in
Delhi and his energies concentrated mainly in keeping away the Mongols, at least
from the Beas. Barani mentions, when the two nobles Tamir Khan and Adil Khan
suggested the conquest of Malwa and Gujarat and advised him to pursue an
expansionist policy Balban replied:

'When the Mongols have occupied all lands of Islam, devastated Lahore and
made it a paint to invade our country once in every year....If I move out of the
capital the Mongols are sure to avail themselves of the opportunity by sacking
Delhi and ravaging the Doab. Making peace and consolidating our power in our
own kingdom is far better than invading foreign territories while our own
kingdom is insecure."
Balban used both 'force and diplomacy' against the Mongols. He took some
measures to strengthen his line of defence. Forts at Bhatinda, Sunam and Samana
were reinforced to check any Mongd advance beyond Beas. Balban succeeded in
oclWing Multan and Uchh but his forces remained under heavy Mongol pressure in
Punjab. Every year Prince Muhammad, Balban's son, led expeditions against the
~~. 'Ibe Prince died in AD. 1285 while defending Multan. Actually, till A.D.
1295, the Mongols did not show much enthusiasm to occupy Delhi.
During Alauddin Khalji's reign, the Mongol incursions extended further and they
atmnpkd to ravage Delhi for the first time in'A.D. 1299 under Qutlugh Khwaja.
Since then, Delhi became a regular target of the Mongols. For the second time,
Qutlugh Khwaja in A.D. 1303 attacked Delhi when Alauddin Khalji was busy in his
Chittor campaign. The attack was so severe that the Mongols inflicted large-scale
c b t r u d o n and so long as the Mongols besieged Delhi, Alauddin could not enter the
aty.
Constant Mongol attacks pressed Alauddin to think of a permanent solution. He
recruited a huge standing army and strengthened the frontier forts. As a result, the
Mongols, were repulsed in 1306 and 1308. Another reason for the Mongol reversal
was the death of Dawa Khan in 1306, followed by civil war in the Mongol Khanate.
It weakened the Mongols greatly, and they ceased to remain a power to reckon with.
This situation helped the Delhi Sultans to extend their frontier as far as the Salt
Range. The last signidcant Mongd invasion was under the leadership of Tarmashirin
&uing the reign of Sultan Muhammad Tughluq.

Thus, the Delhi Sultans succeeded in ta&8 the Mongol problem and succeeded in
teeping their kingdom intact. It shows the strength of the Sultanate. Besides, the
Mongol destruction of Central and West-Asia resulted in large-scale migration of
(rholars, mystics, artisans and others to Delhi, which transformed it into a great town
i.f la la mi^ nrlhrre-area
bla~lishrnentof Delhi -
Sultanate POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE
TURKISH CONQUEST OF INDIA
f i e Turkish conquest of Jndia brought about some far reaching changes in the
polltical economic and axial conditions of India.

Its first major consequence was to replace the 'feudal', multi-centred, polity of the
buntry by a centralised state, in which the king enjoyed practically unlimited powers.
m e 'Sultanate' which we briefly referred to in Unit 16, was the form in which this
power was expressed.

The chief institution which made the Sultanate possible was that of the iqta:
transferable revenue assignments, an institution which the Seljuqs found in operation
In the Abbasid ruled areas and which they updated in the light of their own
fequirements. In Block 9 and 6, you will be reading the history of the iqh system in
w a in greater detail. Here we will simply touch upon its principal features to
hlustrate how it provided the basis of a different polity. Under this system, the
.rfficers of the king were assigned territories to realise revenue and maintain troops
md cavalry cuntingents. The holders of such assignments were known .as rnoqti .
Unlike the pre-Turkish system wherein the land grantees had acquired permanent
tights of ownership, the iqta-holders were regularly transferred and their tenure in.
particular places or localities was normally for 3 to 4 years.

Taking the Delhi Sultanttte as a whole, such a system made the assignee dependent
on the central authority to a far greater extent than it was +ble under the earlier
Indian politics. While the rais, ramw and thakures failed to unite the country, the
Turks succeeded in establishing an "all-India administntion by bringing the chief
-
cities and the great routes under the control of the government of Delhl."

Much as the iqta system provided the base for a despotic state, it was also a means of
e x m c b g the agricultural surplus. The Turks had brought with them the tradition of
Cving in the cities and, as a result, the large surplus produce of the countryside found
p way into the cities in the fonn of land tax. This led to a c o n d d l e grbwth of *;
urban economy. Turks also brought with them the Persian wheel and the spinning
wheel. The former helped greatly in inaeasing the agricultural production (for
further details see Block 6, Unit 22).

ehecLYoarProgress4
1) Aloobesg t- and resabrce were the thrq w e a p n s ~ u s dby the
Delhi Sultans to face the Mongd challenge. Explain in ten lines.

............................................................................................................................................
2) Match the following
A B . b
i) Falrhr Mudabbii T d - i , Feroa ShPbi
Ata Malik Juwaini T-t-i NIsn
Minhaj Siraj Adab-PI, E b b wa PI-Shja't
.7:---~~2- n---: m - 2 9~ 1~-~--
I~--L-
 A B
'@)~ K b o n ' s d e r r t h 1241
JrLLuddbhh@am?sretum 1260
Hah#u's envoy to India 1227
Tair Bahdur's attack 1224

3) Briedly discuss the political consequences of the Turkish conquest.

.............................................................................................................................:................
............................................................................................................................................. 4

........................................................................
......................................................................

Thii Unit began with the description of Indip p6litical scenario on the eve of
fl;rliish invasion.India was not a mitied political unit but divided into number of
mall states ruled by k+ and autonomous chiefs. Muhammad Ghori tried to
subjugate them, the culmination of which may be seen in the defeat of Prithviraj
Chauhau at the battle of Tarain. This laid the foundation of the Turkish rule in India.
After Muhammad . . Ghori's departure one of his commanders, Qutbuddin Aibak got
busyinestablrsbmg the Turkisb power in Iedia In the proces he suppressed Yalduz,
the Muhi slave who had rival claims to the Muhi throne in India. But, he failed to
suppress Qubacha, 'Ihe task was left to Il~tmis&.Rtutmish not only expanded the
Muhi empire but also organised and strengthened the admiuismtive machinery with
the hdp of the group of nobles called-the 'Forty'. He also introduced certain
Sassanid htituticms like iqta that helped greatly in centralizing the administration.
'Ihio~nithPs&covdthefactorsbehioldthe~urkishsu~andits
coasequences. Turks succeeded primarily because of their superior military
tedmdogy and on account of the fact that hdian armies mainly consisted of 'feudal
levies'. Turkish conquest was not, simply the change of one dynasty by another. It
bad a far reaching affect on Indian society, economy and polity. You will study about
these as- in Blocks 5 to 8.

14.10 HEY WORDS

burlgr m*.Cltutmish's Turkish officers' group

(T--I C L I Y d e ) (popularly called -'the forty')
A tribe in Central Asia
Shocks
Suddexi videnit change
Forays: Sudden attadw
Horseshoe: Horses were nailed to protect their hoofs (Persian MI)
' Inn-s(imp: D-shapediron foot-supports hanging down from a horse's
saddle.
A water-lifting d&ce used to lift the water from some
depth. Fgr details See Block 6
Device for spinning the cotton. This was moved with the
help af meal-handle and had six spindles.
14.11 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
~ Y a ~ 1
1) See Sac. 14.3
2) See Sac. 14.3

CbcdrYaP1ogese2
1) i) 1194,1192,1193,1195-96,1198-99
U j ,Dew, Gujarat, Budelkhand
ii) ~ ~ ~ aAjmem,
I
2) See Sac. 14.5 I

CkdrYaRagess3
1) See Sac. 14.6
2) See Sac. 14.6

CbscLYffProgess4
1) See See 14.7
' 15.0objectives
15.1 In-
15.2 ExpcrasionuntkrtheKhaljis
15.2.1 W a t md Ceadnl
15.2.2 North-West md N a t h Indis
15.2.3 Dccan +SoutLnud Exp.luioa
15.3 E x p r n s i o a u n d c r t h e ~ u ~ s
15.3.1 'Lhe South
15.3.2 Eest Iadir
1%3.3 N n t b W a t m d North
15.4 Let Us Sum Up
15.5 Keywads
15.6 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

You have r d in Unit 14 that after military conquests, the rulers of the Delhi
Sultmate ad thanadvc8 on the t& of d d a t i n g the Sultanate.'Ihe first
buadrea years of the -Ddbi Sultanate did not thus witness any-large-scale expansion of
tbeiaiCbl~~oftheSultsartc.Itwasoalyaftcrfirstesta~gtheroots
d the SulClraate that attention was paid to the expansion of the boundaries of the
Mtmmc in the fommcath century.

Aha reading this Unit you will know about:

a the tedtorial expamion of the Delhi Sultanate in the 14th century in the north,
north-west and north-east, and

'. 'Ibe initial surge of occupation untkr the early Turkish Sultans died down about the
middle of the t b t e.n t .h century. Now the primary obj&ve,of the hter Sultans
hrrune.theconsold.bon of the Sultanate.Tbus, it was not until the establishment of
the Kbslji rule that the boumhies of the Sultanate expanded beyond the early gains.
'ibe werthmw of the Turtirh hegemony at the end of the thirteenth century and its
replacement with the Khaljis, under whom the exclusive racial character of the ruling
dass was thoroughly diluted, is thus an event not without significance. 'Ihe opening
up of the Sultanate and d i v e participation of ruling groups in managing the
& f i r s of the !Wauate made ~~ expansion a feaaiMe propsition. Initial fora
into main and Ranthambhar soon after the accession of Jalaluddin Feruz Khalji to r"
tbeSulclrnrteof~hsd~thomethe~thatterri~~onwasnow
r poWcalnecessity. Ncighbdng kingdoms had become strong and any ;concerted
attamp @mt the Sultpnw coukl cast it dear. Moreover, Alauddin's glittering
p q e c t of the acquisition of wealth, besides extending territorial gains, had sei the
~ a t t h e b ~ d t h e f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y f o r t h e ~ o anexpansionist
nof
policy-

-
154 EXPANSW)N UNWl THE KHALJIS
The first of the Khalji SultansiJalaluddin, did neither have will nor resources to
undertake any large-scale
. . ofexpansionist programme. His six years reign was gripped by
the i n t d ha* to reumcile between the policies of the Sultan
 and the interests of his supporters. The resolution of @ problem came in the
unfortunate assasination of the Sultan. Alauddin Khalji, his assassin and successor,
had a different imperial design. He was to herald an age of territorial annexation and
expansion of the Sultanate which saw the frontiers of the Sultanate reaching close to
the tip of the Southern peninsula by the middle of the fourteenth century.

15.2.1 West and Central India

Alauddin Khalji, after consolidating his position and firmly establishing himself at
Delhi, undertook the first expedition in the region of Gujarat in 1299. This aIso
happened to be the first project of temtorial expansion under him. possibly Alauddin
was attracted by the wealth of Gujarat whose flourishing trade had always lured
invaders.

The imperial army was jointly commanded by Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, two of
Alauddin's best army generals. Gujarat was an easy prey-the province was
plundered and the capital Anhilwara was sacked. The administrative control of
Gujarat was entrusted to Alp Khan as governor.

In the control and westward expansion of the empire, the next kingdom to fall was
hat of Malwa in 1305, It was an extensive region and was governed from the capital
Mandu by Rai Mahalak Dev with the assistance of a powerful rnioister Koka

"I
, .Radhan. The impe army was outnumbered by the forces of Rai but did eventually
wceed and the fort o Mandu was captured. The province of Malwa, after its fall,
was given for adrhinistiation to Ainul Mulk who was known to have soon brought
Ujjain, Dhar and Chadderi, too, under his control.

Malwa was followed by Siwana, a town situated some eighty kilometres to the
south-west of Jodhpur. Alauddin's army had been besieging Siwana for five or six
years beginning 1304-05 without much success. The fort was finally captured in ,/
1309. The ruler of Siwana, Rai Sital Dev, was killed in action and the fort and the '
'territory was put under the charge of Kamaluddin Gurg.

)I the same year (1309), Jalor was attacked and its ruler Kanhar Dev was killed in
the battle and the fort annexed to the Sultanate under the control of Karnaluddin
Gurg.

15.2.2 North-West a
uk North India
Soon after his accession, Alauddin was faced with the problem of suppressing the
prospects of revolt by the surviving member of Jalaluddin's family who had fled to
Multan. Ulugh Khan m d Zafar Khan were entrusted with the job .of eliminating
Arkali Khan at Multarl. Arkali Khan was made prisoner and escorted to Deihi.
Multan once again carbe under the control of Delhi. Strictly speaking, Multan
expedition was not an act of temtorial expansion but formed part of the policy of
consolidation.

In 1300, Alauddin sent Ulugh Khan to march against Ranthambhor ruled by Rai
Harnir. Nusrat Khan, then posted at Awadh, joined Ulugh Khan. The Imperial army
captured Jhain on the way and then laid a siege. Alauddin had to personally take the
~coqmandof the campBign. The siege lasted for over six months. Ultimately, the
women inside the fort performed jauhar and one night the gates of the fort were
o ~ n e by
d Hamir Dev who died fighting.

51pursuance of the saqne policy, Alauddin attacked the kingdom of Chittor in 1303.
After several assaults, the ruler of Chittor suddenly sent an offer of surrender to the
Sultan on his own. The heir apparent KhiP Khan was assigned the governorshipof ,
the temtory. But soonlthefort was bestowed upon Maldeo, a son of the sister of the
leariier ruler of Chittori who remained loyal to Delhi till the end of Alauddin's reign.

By the end of the first decade of Alauddin's rule the frontiers of the Delhi Sultanate
had expanded to cover~almostthe whole of north, west and central India. From
Multan in the north-west to the Vidhyas in central India, and almost the entire
A.D.1290-1320
Approximate Boundary ,-
-
,

BAY OF BENGAL
 Dewgin in the Deccgn had already tasted Alauddin's plunder in A.D. 1296 during
bis tenure as the governor of Kara. The next military campaign in the Deccan was
planned by Alauddin against Rai Ram Chandra Dev of Ddagiri in 1306-7. An
bunedhte cause for this was an unduly long delay in sending the m u d tribute to
Delhi in 12%.
'Lbe command of the ~eccan'cam~ai~n was given to Malik Kafur, and directions
were sent to Ainul Mulk Multani and Alp Khan for providing assistance. Only a
feeble re&tmce was1provided by Ram Chandra Dev as he surrendered to the
lmpenal army under the assurance of personal safety. His,son, however fled with a
part of the army. Ram Chandra Dev was accorded great honour by the Sultan and
nstored to the throne of Devqm in return for the assurance of regular and prompt
payment of an a n n u tribute to the Sultan. The Rai also gave his daughter in
Furriage to the Sult4n. It appears that Alauddin's policy was not to annex Devagiri
but main it as a protectorate and amass as much wealth as possible from the
kiogdom.
.L

Malik Kafur's careful handling of the affair of Devagiri enhanced Sultan's confidence
b his abilities as a military general and he decided to entrust him with the
mspomibility to malce forays in the peninsular region in the South. Acquisition of
'trerlth from southern kingdoms and not actual territorial annexation seems to have
been the prime motive in sending these exped~tions.Accordingly, in October 1309
be impexid army began its southward march under the command of Malik Kafur.
Amir Khusrau has given details of these campaigns in his Kbrrzrrin-d Fatuh. Enroute
a surprise assault wss made by Malilr Kafur on the fort at Sirpur (in Adilabad
W c t ) . The nobles of Sirpur fled to Rai Rudra Dev of Warangal and the fort was
captured by the 1 r n p - d army.
,
By the middle of January 1310, the marching army had reached the suburbs of
warangal.

On 14 February 1310, Kafur attacked the fort. The war came to an end because Rai
Pudra Dev decided to surrender. He agreed to part with his treasures apd pay an
manual tribute as token of submission.

Warangal was a qx$taah success for the Sultanate army: the booty comprised of
20,000horses, 100 dephants, and an enormous stock of gold and precious stones
Men on thousand ~amels.The province was not territorially annexed but accorded
the status of a protectorate. The imperial army came back to Delhi at the beginning
of June 1310. Sultan's avarice now knew no bounds. Since the Sultanate was by this
\
time made secure of Mongol menace and almost the entire country to the north d
the Vindhyas had come under the sway of Alauddin, he planned another military
campaign in the far south.

The sight of the Sultan was now set on Dwarasamudra, further south of Warangal.
M a U Kafur was odce again commanding imperial army and was instructed to
capture nearly 500 elephants besides the treasures of gold and precious stones. The
Port was besieged in February 1311and the very next day a message seeking peace
came from Ballala Dev, the ruler of Dwarasamudra. Like earlier cases the terms
included parting of much wealth and a promise for annual tribute.
Encouraged by his success in Dwarasamudra, Malik Kapur decided to move further
muth. Accordingly, he marched towards Ma'bar in a little less than a month's time
reached-Madura,the capital of the Pandyas. Sundar Pandya, the ruler, had already
led.The elephants and treasure were captured by Malik Kafur. There were 5 12
elephants, 5000 horses and 500 mans of precious stones.

Alauddin's Deccan and southward campaigns *ere aimed at achieving two basic
Ipbjectives: (i) a fortnal recognition of the authority of Delhi Sultan over these
M o m , and (ii) the amassing of maximum wealth at the minimal loss of life. His
 p h c y of not annexing the conquered tenitories but accepting the acknowledgement ; ~erritoriaiExpansion
i ofthe Sultan's suzerainty speaks of Alauddin's political sagacity.
Within a year, however, of Malik Kafur's return from Ma'bar, developments in the
Deccan called for a review of the policy of non-annexation. Ram Dev, the ruler of I

Devagiri, died sometime in the latter half of 1312 and was succeeded by his son
BhiUama. Bhillama refused to accept the suzerain status of the Sultan of Delhi and
1 declared his independence. Alauddin sent Malik Kafur to suppress the rebellion and
instructed him to take temporary charge of the province. But Malik Kafur was soon
I
called back and asked to handover charge of the province of Ainul Mulk. In January
1316, after Alauddin's death, even Ainul Mulk was called back to Delhi, leaving the
affairs of Devagiri unsettled. Thus, Mubarak Khalji, the successor of Alauddin,
I wanted to march to Devagiri soon after his accession, but was advised by his nobles
I
t o take some more time so as to consolidate his position in Delhi. In the second year
of his reign in April 1317, Mubarak started for the campaign. The march was
, uneventful.'Devagiri offered no resistance, and the Maratha chiefs submitted before
I the Sultan. l'he provinq was annexed to the Sultanate.

1
Check Your Progress 1
I
1) From the places given below, identify the first one conquered by Alauddin Khalji
as Sultan of Delhi:
a) Devagiri
b) Malwa
I
c) Gujarat
d) Ma'bar

2) Which of the following places were annexed to the Delhi Sultanate by Alauddin
Khalji:
a) Warangal
b) Siwana
C) Devagiri
d) Jalor '

3) Explain Alauddin's policy with regard to the kingdoms in the Deccan and rar
south.

4) Who from among the names listed below was appointed the first governor of
Devagiri after its annexation by the Sultanate:
I . a) Rai Ram Chandra Dev
b) Malik Kafur
c) Mubarak Khalji
, d) Khusrau Khan

15.3 EXPANSION UNDER TEk 1'iJGHLUQS

The Tughluqs came to power in Delhi When Ghiyasuddin Tughluq ascended the
throne in 1320. The Sultanate was suffering from unsettled political conditions and
demanded immediate attention of the new ruler. The outlying provinces had
proclaimed independence as the effective control of the Sultanate had shrunk only to
the heartland. The administrative machinery was completely out of gear and the
treasury had been completely depleted. Ghiyasuddin naturally addressed himself k t
& ( . ~ ~ s h w nef
c Dclhi to the task of restoring the exchequer and the admhhhtion. But soon after that
Sultrnate
came the question of*testoringprestige and authority in the outlying parts of the
empire.
1

15.3.1 The South

The polttical ccmdition in the Deccan was not assuring in any way. The aaxptance of
Abuddin's sueminty 8nd the promise of loyalty by the rule19 of the South was only
nondaeL Fresh milimy e o n s were cettainiy needed for.the reinforcement of
' h p d d authority in qcvagrri and Telbgana. Dewgbi, as you bave~alreadyread, had
been annexed to the SGltanate by Mubarak Khplji. But the southern states beyond
Devagiri had cqnpletely overthrown whatever little sembbce d imperial authacity
remained there. The Telingana, therefore, chimed Ghiyasuddin's immediate:
attention.

In 1321, Ulugh Khan (later Muhammad Tughluq) started for the swth with a large
army. Without much resistance in the way he r e a d d WarPnepl. After two sieges,
each lasting four or five months, the ruler Rai Rudra Dev finally decided to
surrender. But this time there was no forgiving the recalcitrant: the fort was
occupied,plundered and some demolitions effected. The Rai was made a prisoner
and escorted to Delhi. Warangal was annexed to the Sultanate under dirad imperial
administration.

In continuation of the same policy Ulugh Khan also brought Ma'bar to submission
and set up direct imperial adminimation there. The region of T e h p n a was thus
made a part of the Dew Sultanate and divided into several adminkative units. The
, local talent was abundantly employed in the administration and acts of v e n d a h
against the vanquished were forbidden.

15.3.2 East India

The expedition in the eastern parts of India came as a consequence of the wars in the
South. Bhanudeva 11, the ruler of Jajnagar in .@ksa, had giveh support to Rai Rudra
Dev of Warangal at the time of imperial offensive against the latter. Ulugh Khan,
therefore, after laving Warangal sometime in the middle of 1324, marched against
Jajnagar. A fierce battle 'todr p h in .which victoiy sided with Ulugh Khan. He
plundered the enemy camp and collected large booty. Jajnagar was annexed and
made a part ofthe Sulmate.

Bengal was another kinedm in the east which had always been a hotbed of sedition.
Its governors would not miss any m t y of assexbg independen&. In 1323-24
a fratricidal quarrel b r a e out in Lakhnauti after the death of Feroz Shah, the ruler of
this independent princqdty. Some nobles from Lakhnauti came to Ghiyasuddin for
help who responded and decided to march to Bengal in person. After reaching
Tihut the Sultan himself made a halt and deputed Babrarn Khan with a host of other
officers to march to Lakhnauti. The rival forces confronted each other near
L.akhnauti. In the battle that ensued the forces of Delhi easily pushed back Bengal
army and pursued them for some distance. One of the warring groups led by
Nasiruddin was conferreid a tributary status at Lakhnauti.

15.3.3 North-West Pml North . ,.

>
Sin& Alauddin's expedition to Multan thi-n-6-western &onti& of the S u l t ~ a t e
had remained 6 x 4 . Subsequent Sultans were mostly occupied with the affairs of the
South and Gujarat. It w& after Muhammad Tughluq acceded to the throne that
attention was paid to th+ north-west frontier. Soon after his a d o n , Muhammad
Tughluq led campaigns to Kalanaur and Peshawar. Probably it was a sequel to the
invasion of the Mongols under Tarmashirin Khan in 1326-27 and was aimed at
securing north-western frontier of the Sultanate against future Mongd attacks. On
his way to Kalanaur, the Sultan stayed at Lahore but ordered his army to march and
conquer Kalanaur and Pcshawar. The task seems to.have been accomplished without
much difiiculty. The Sultan settled the administrative arrangement d the newly
conquered regions and rbarched back to Delhi.
 I

DELHI SULTANATE
c.1335
.
Approximate Boundaries ,
, ,
,,,

BAY OF BENGAL

CEYLON
I
Establishment of Delhi S6metime in 1332, Sultan Muhammad Tughluq planned the conquest of the Qarachil
Sultanate
region identified as the modem Kulu in Kangra district of Himachal Pradesh. It
formed part of the plan to fortify north and north-west frontier. For this purpose, he
enlisted a large army under the command of Khusrau Malik. The army succeeded in
occupying Jidya, an important place in Qarachil region, and was then instructed to
return. But in his enthusiasm, Khusrau Malik exceeded the instruction and marched
ahead towards Tibet. Soon the rains set in and the army was overtaken by disease
and panic. The disaster was such that only three soldiers returned to tell the tale of
'
the catastrophe. Qarachil expedition led to tremendous waste of resources and an
erosion in the authority of Muhammad Tughluq.

A little before ~ a r a c h iexpedition,

l Muhammad Tughluq had launched an ambitious
project of bringing Khurasan under submission. A large army of soldiers numbering +

about 370,000 was rdcruited for this purpose and the soldiers were paid a year's
s a l e in advance. Lakge sum was also invested in the purchase of costly equipments
for the army. Ultimately when the project was abandoned as an unrealistic scheme
and the army disbanded, it led to a tremendous financial loss. The authority of the
Sultan also suffered ;Iserious setback and a series of rebellions followed that
hollowed the most efiensive of the empire of Delhi Sultanate.
/

Check Your P r o p s 2
1) When were southern kingdoms annexed to the Delhi Sultanate:
a) Under Alauddin Khalji
b) Under Mubarak Khalji
c) Under Ghiyasuddin Tughluq
d) Under Muhammad Tughluq

2) Which of the following military expeditions was.abandoned:

a) Warangal
b) Qarachil .
c) Jajnagar
d) Khurasan

3) Why was Qarachil expedition a disaster?

..............................................................................................................................................

i 4) Which of the following formed the eastem limit of the Sultanate in 1335?
a) Jajnagar
b) Peshawar
c) Kalanaur
d) Malwa
&

15.4 LET US SUM UP

You have read in Unit 14 how after 'the death of lltutmish in 1235 the process of
expansion of the boupdaries of Delhi Sultanate came to a halt. Following this for
nearly a half century all efforts of the Sultans of Delhi were geared towards
consolidating early territorial gains by strengthening the fiscal and administrative base.
of the Sultanate. The next phase of territorial expansion, therefore, began with the
opening of the fo~rtwnthcentury under the Khaljis. Alauddin's administrative and
economic measures had helped consolidation as well . as
. widen the base
., of the . . r .
 Even then we find Alauddin moving in tbis direction with a reasonable distame from
the central seat of thHultanate for implementing an effective control of the Sultan
over directly annexed territories and made them the provinces of the Sultanate. But
more distant regions were conquered for two main reasons-the acquisition of wealth
- and according the status of a protectorate rather than making them a part of the
Sultanate. This was particularly true of kingdoms\,conquered in the Deccan and in far
south.

.This policy was changed, in the case of Devagiri, by Mubarak Khalji. It w b followed
by Ghiyasuddin Tughluq in the distant kingdoms in far south like Warangal and
Ma'bar. The question of effective administrative control was addressed by
Muhammad Tughluq by making Devagiri the second administrative seat of the
Sultanate. But that experiment was shortlived and failed*due partially due to the
unwillingness of the ruling and other classes of the Sultanate. Nonetheless, under
Muhammad Tughlaq's reign the boundaries of the Sultanate were at their apex
touching Peshawar in the north-west and Ma'bar in the South, and Gujarat in the
West and Jajnagar in Orissa in the East. It was, however, an irony of fate that in the
' closing years of the reign of the same Sultan, the boundaries of the Sultanate shrank
nearly the A.D. 1296 status. The reasons for this decline have been discussed in Unit
18 of Block 5.

15.5 KEY WORDS

Avarice: Greed for wealth

,
Booty: Things captured from an enemy in war
kabru: The practice of committing mass self-immolation.by women in case of
imminent defeat at the hand of enemy followed in some Indian
kingdom
Vand.Lism: Destruction of public and private property
/

15.6 ANSWERS TO CHECK YO- PROGRESS

EXERCISES

Check Yoar Progress 2 '

1) (a) (b)J ( 4 x (d) x

2) (a) (b) x (c) x (dW
3) See Sub-seaion 15.3.3
4) (a)J (b) x ( 4 x (dl x
Appe-
CHRONOLOGY OF THE DELHI SULTANS (A.D. 1206-1526)

Qutbuddin Aibak
Arem Shah
ntutmish
-ya
Behram Shah
M d Shah
Nashddin
Ghiyasutkh Balban
Kaiqubad
KHIUIS
1) Jalaluddin Khalji
2) Aladdb Khalji
3) Outbuddin Mubarsk
NGHLUQS
1) Ghiyasuddin Tu@q
2) MuhammadTughluq
3) FeruzTughluq
4) TTughluq Shah-I1 '
5) Nasiruddin Muhauhmad Shah
6) Mahmud Shah T u a u q
SAYYIDS
1) Khizr Khan
2) Mubarak Shah
3) Muhammad Shah
4) Alauddin Alam Shah

Period between 1412-1414 was a period of internal conflict

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

K.S. Lal, History of the AD.1290-1320, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers

Fvt.Ltd., New Delhi, 1980 (Revised Edition).
(Agha) Mahdi Husain, lbgblq Dynmay.
Mohammad Habib & K.A. Nizami (ed.), C o m p d e d v e H h a q of Ldb, Val. V:
Dclhi Sultanate.
Awdh Behari Pandey, Erty McQkvd Id&Central
, ~ o o k ' ~ e p oAUahabad.
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