The Ingenuity Gap

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The Ingenuity Gap

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创新过程的空白
阅读原文
A. Ingenuity, as I define it here, consists not only of ideas for new technologies like computers or
drought-resistant crops but, more fundamentally, of ideas for better institutions and social arrangements, like
efficient markets and competent governments.
B. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society requires depends on a range of factors, including the
society's goals and the circumstances within which it must achieve those goals——whether it has a young
population or an aging one, an abundance of natural resources or a scarcity of them, an easy climate or a
punishing one, whatever the case may be.
C. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society supplies also depends on many factors, such as the nature of
human inventiveness and understanding, the rewards an economy gives to the producers of useful
knowledge, and the strength of political opposition to social and institutional reforms.
D. A good supply of the right kind of ingenuity is essential, but it isn't, of course, enough by itself. We know that
the creation of wealth, for example, depends not only on an adequate supply of useful ideas but also on the
availability of other, more conventional factors of production, like capital and labor. Similarly, prosperity,
stability and justice usually depend on the resolution, or at least the containment, of major political struggles
over wealth and power. Yet within our economics ingenuity often supplants labor, and growth in the stock of
physical plant is usually accompanied by growth in the stock of ingenuity. And in our political systems, we
need great ingenuity to set up institutions that successfully manage struggles over wealth and power. Clearly,
our economic and political processes are intimately entangled with the production and use of ingenuity.
E. The past century’s countless incremental changes in our societies around the planet, in our technologies and
our interactions with our surrounding natural environments have accumulated to create a qualitatively new
world. Because these changes have accumulated slowly, It’s often hard for us to recognize how profound and
sweeping they've. They include far larger and denser populations; much higher per capita consumption of
natural resources; and far better and more widely available technologies for the movement of people,
materials, and especially information.
F. In combination, these changes have sharply increased the density, intensity, and pace of our inter actions with
each other; they have greatly increased the burden we place on our natural environment; and they have
helped shift power from national and international institutions to individuals and subgroups, such as political
special interests and ethnic factions.
G. As a result, people in all walks of life-from our political and business leaders to all of us in our
day-to-day——must cope with much more complex, urgent, and often unpredictable circumstances. The
management of our relationship with this new world requires immense and ever-increasing amounts of social
and technical ingenuity. As we strive to maintain or increase our prosperity and improve the quality of our lives,
we must make far more sophisticated decisions, and in less time, than ever before.
H. When we enhance the performance of any system, from our cars to the planet's network of financial
institutions, we tend to make it more complex. Many of the natural systems critical to our well-being, like the
global climate and the oceans, are extraordinarily complex to begin with. We often can't predict or manage the
behavior of complex systems with much precision, because they are often very sensitive to the smallest of
changes and perturbations, and their behavior can flip from one mode to another suddenly and dramatically. In
general, as the human-made and natural systems we depend upon become more complex, and as our
demands on them increase, the institutions and technologies we use to manage them must become more
complex too, which further boosts our need for ingenuity.
I. The good news, though, is that the last century's stunning changes in our societies and technologies have not
just increased our need for ingenuity; they have also produced a huge increase in its supply. The growth and
urbanization of human populations have combined with astonishing new communication and transportation
technologies to expand interactions among people and produce larger, more integrated, and more efficient
markets. These changes have, in turn, vastly accelerated the generation and delivery of useful ideas.
J. But—and this is the critical "but"——we should not jump to the conclusion that the supply of ingenuity always
increases in lockstep with our ingenuity requirement: While it's true that necessity is often the mother of
invention, we can't always rely on the right kind of ingenuity appearing when and where we need it. In many
cases, the complexity and speed of operation of today's vital economic, social, arid ecological systems exceed
the human brains grasp. Very few of us have more than a rudimentary understanding of how these systems
work. They remain fraught with countless "unknown unknowns," which makes it hard to supply the ingenuity
we need to solve problems associated with these systems.
K. In this book, explore a wide range of other factors that will limit our ability to supply the ingenuity required in
the coming century. For example, many people believe that new communication technologies strengthen
democracy and will make it easier to find solutions to our societies' collective problems, but the story is less
clear than it seems. The crush of information in our everyday lives is shortening our attention span, limiting the
time we have to reflect on critical matters of public policy, and making policy arguments more superficial.
L. Modern markets and science are an important part of the story of how we supply ingenuity. Markets are
critically important, because they give entrepreneurs an incentive to produce knowledge. As for science,
although it seems to face no theoretical limits, at least in the foreseeable future, practical constraints often
slow its progress. The cost of scientific research tends to increase as it delves deeper into nature. And
science's rate of advance depends on the characteristic of the natural phenomena it investigates, simply
because some phenomena are intrinsically harder to understand than others, so the production of useful new
knowledge in these areas can be very slow. Consequently, there is often a critical time lag between the
recognition between a problem and the delivery of sufficient ingenuity, in the form of technologies, to solve that
problem. Progress in the social sciences is especially slow, for reasons we don't yet understand; but we
desperately need better social scientific knowledge to build the sophisticated institutions today’s world
demands.
参考答案
Questions 27-30
Complete each sentence with the appropriate answer, A, B, C, or D
Write the correct answer in boxes 27-30 on your answer sheet.
27. The definition of ingenuity C

28. The requirement for ingenuity A
29. The creation of social wealth D
30. The stability of society B
A depends on many factors including climate.

B depends on the management and solution of disputes.
C is not only of technological advance, but more of institutional renovation.
D also depends on the availability of some traditional resources.
Questions 31-33
Choose the correct letter A, B, C or D
Write your answers in boxes 31-33 on your answer sheet.
31. What does the author say about the incremental change of the last 100 years?
A. It has become a hot scholastic discussion among environmentalists
B. Its significance is often not noticed
C. It has reshaped the natural environments we live in
D. It benefited a much larger population than ever
32. The combination of changes has made life

A. easier
B. faster
C. slower
D. less sophisticated
33 What does the author say about the natural systems?

A. New technologies are being developed to predict change with precision.
B. Natural systems are often more sophisticated than other systems.
C. Minor alterations may cause natural systems to change dramatically.
D. Technological developments have rendered human being more independent of natural systems.
Questions 34-40
Do the following statements agree with the information given in reading passage3?
In boxes 34-40 on your answer sheet, write
TRUE if the statement agrees with the information
FALSE if the statement contradicts the information
NOT GIVEN if there is no information on this
34. The demand for ingenuity has been growing during the past 100 years TRUE
35. The ingenuity we have may be inappropriate for solving problems at hand TRUE
36. There are very few who can understand the complex systems of the present world TRUE
37. More information will help us to make better decisions FALSE
38. The next generation will blame the current government for their conduct NOT GIVEN
39. Science tends to develop faster in certain areas than others TRUE
40. Social science develops especially slowly because it is not as important as natural science. FALSE
参考译文
创新过程的空白
创造，就像笔者在这里定义的一样，不仅仅指那些关于计算机、抗早作物之类的新科技的构想，更重要的是指
那些关于优化制度和社会安排的思想，例如高效市场、法定政府等。
一个社会需要多少创造及哪种创造，取决于多种因素，包括社会目标和达成这些社会目标时所处的社会环境一
一无论它是年轻型社会还是老龄化社会：是自然物资丰富或是物资匮乏;是气候宜人或气候恶劣。
一个社会能提供多少或何种创造，同样取决于众多因素，例如人类创造和理解的本性、有用知识的制造者所
获得的经济回报、以及社会制度改革的政治反对派的力量等。
充足优质的创造非常重要，当然这还不够。例如，我们知道财富的创造不仅取决于充足的、有价值的创意，
还需要更多其他传统生产因素，如资本和劳动力。同样，繁荣、稳定、公正通常取决于对财富和权力的重大政
治斗争的决议,或者至少是针对它们的遏制政策。然而目前，我们的经济创意常常将劳动力排挤在外，随着创意
的增长，机器设备实体通常也随之增长。在现有的政治体系中，我们需要更多的创意来建设社会制度,从而成功
地管控财富和权力斗争。很明显，我们的经济政治进程正紧密地与这些创意产物结合在一起。
过去的一个世纪中，在我们的整个社会范围、科技领域和我们与周围自然环境的互动中产生的不计其数并不断
增加的变化，己经积累到了足以创造一个高品质的新世界。由于这些变化是慢慢积累起来的，所以我们通常很
难认识到它们所影响的深度与广度。这些变化波及了更广泛、更密集的人群，它们使得人均自然资源消耗变得
更高，并提供了更有效、更广泛的交通运输技术，尤其是信息传播技术。
总的来说，这些变化已经大大增加了我们彼此互动的深度、强度和速度：但也显著增加了人类对自然环境造
成的负担;同时也促使人类社会将权力从国家和国际组织转移到个人和群体组织中，例如特殊政治利益和民族
派别。
因此，来自不同领域的人们——从政治经济领袖到我们日常生活中的普通人——必须应对更为复杂、紧迫、
甚至不可预料的社会环境。我们需要大量的、不断增长的社会和技术创新来处理我们与新世界的关系。当人
类努力保持或增强社会繁荣、提高生活质量时，我们必须在比以往更短的时间内做出更精确的决策。
从汽车到环球金融网络，我们再提升任何一个体系的效能时，都会不由自主地把它复杂化。人类赖以生存的自
然环境体系通常也是相当复杂的，例如全球气候和海洋。由于这些复杂体系对微小扰动极其敏感，系统表现可
以从一种模式急剧切换到另一种模式，所以人类很难精确预测它们的各种变化。通常，当我们赖以生存的人造
体系和自然体系越来越复杂时，当我们对这些生存体系的要求越来越多时，我们用来控制这些体系的制度和科
技也会越来越复杂，而这则会进一步增强我们对创意的需求。
好消息是，在社会与技术发生巨大变革的上个世纪中，我们不进增加了对创意的需求，也创造出了大量的创
意.随着人口的增加、城市化进程的加速，新的通讯和物流技术也迅速增长，这大大拓展了人与人之间的交流，
并催生了更广泛、更综合、更高效的市场：反过来，这些变化在很大程度上也加速了这个创意时代的思潮解
放。
但是——用批判的眼光来看——我们不能直接得出结论说，我们的创意能一直跟上需求的脚步：虽然说需求是
创造之母，但我们不能总指望在我们有需要的时候，恰好就有相应的创造产生。今天，在许多情况中，经济、
社会、生态系统运转的复杂性和速度，都远远超出了人类大脑的应变范围。大部分人对这些系统的运转原理
都知之甚少，人们仍然充满了数不胜数的“未知的未知”，这些未知使得人们很难创造出充足的创意来解决生
活体系中的种种问题。
本书中，笔者研究分析了那些可能在新世纪中制约我们设计创意能力的各种因素。例如，许多人认为新的信息
技术增强了社会民主性,并使得人们解决社会群体事件变得更容易，但事实似乎并非如此.日常生活中的信息拥
塞反而分散了我们的注意力，减少了人们对公共政治等重要事件的思考时间，并使得政治观点更加表面化。
现代市场和科学是我们创意设计的重要组成部分。市场的重要性在于，它为企业家创造知识提供了经济动力。
对于科学来说，尽管似乎没什么理论限制，但在实践环节上的制约会减缓科学的实现进程，至少在今后一段时
间内都会如此。随着科学研究的深入，其成本也在逐渐上升。同时，科学的进步速率取决于人们研究的自然
现象的特征，有些现象或领域就是比其他的现象或领域难,所以这些领域中的知识进步会非常缓慢。因此，在人
们发现问题到提供解决问题的创意或技术之间，通常会有一段很长的滞后期。由于某些未知的原因，社会科学
的进步尤其缓慢：但我们迫切需要更好的社会科学理论，以建立起符合现代世界需求的庞大制度体系。
Honey Bees in
Trouble
当人工养殖蜂蜜遇到麻烦
阅读原文
Can native pollinators fill the gap?
A. Recently, ominous headlines have described a mysterious ailment, colony collapse disorder (CCD 蜂群衰竭失
调症),which is wiping out the honeybees that pollinate many crops. Without honeybees, the story goes, fields
will be sterile, economies will collapse, and food will be scarce.
B. But what few accounts acknowledge is that what’s at risk is not itself a natural state of affairs. For one thing, in
the United States, where CCD was first reported and has had its greatest impacts, honeybees are not a native
species. Pollination in modern agriculture isn’t alchemy, it’s industry. The total number of hives involved in the
U.S. pollination industry has been somewhere between 2.5 million and 3 million in recent years. Meanwhile,
American farmers began using large quantities of organophosphate insecticides, planted large-scale crop
monocultures, and adopted “clean farming” practices that scrubbed native vegetation from field margins and
roadsides. These practices killed many native bees outright — they’re as vulnerable to insecticides as any
agricultural pest — and made the agricultural landscape inhospitable to those that remained. Concern about
these practices and their effects on pollinators isn’t new, in her 1962 ecological alarm cry Silent Spring, Rachel
Carson warned of a ‘Fruitless Fall’ that could result from the disappearance of insect pollinators.
C. If that ‘Fruitless Fall’ has not — yet — occurred, it may be largely thanks to the honeybee, which farmers
turned to as the ability of wild pollinators to service crops declined. The honeybee has been
semi-domesticated since the time of the ancient Egyptians, but it wasn’t just familiarity that determined this
choice: the bees’ biology is in many ways suited to the kind of agricultural system that was emerging. For
example, honeybee hives can be closed up and moved out of the way when pesticides are applied to a field.
The bees are generalist pollinators, so they can be used to pollinate many different crops. And although they
are not the most efficient pollinator of every crop, honeybees have strength in numbers, with 20,000 to
100,000 bees living in a single hive. “Without a doubt, if there was one bee you wanted for agriculture, it would
be the honeybee,” says Jim Cane, of the U.S. Department of Agriculture. The honeybee, in other words, has
become a crucial cog in the modern system of industrial agriculture. That system delivers more food, and
more kinds of it, to more places, more cheaply than ever before. But that system is also vulnerable, because
making a farm field into the photosynthetic equivalent of a factory floor, and pollination into a series of
continent-long assembly lines, also leaches out some of the resilience characteristic of natural ecosystems.
D. Breno Freitas, an agronomist in Brazil, pointed out that in nature such a high degree of specialization usually
is a very dangerous game: it works well while all the rest is in equilibrium, but runs quickly to extinction at the
least disbalance. In effect, by developing an agricultural system that is heavily reliant on a single pollinator
species, we humans have become riskily overspecialized. And when the human-honeybee relationship is
disrupted, as it has been by colony collapse disorder, the vulnerability of that agricultural system begins to
become clear.
E. In fact, a few wild bees are already being successfully managed for crop pollination. “The problem is trying to
provide native bees in adequate numbers on a reliable basis in a fairly short number of years in order to
service the crop,” Jim Cane says. “You’re talking millions of flowers per acre in a two-to three-week time
frame, or less, for a lot of crops.” On the other hand, native bees can be much more efficient pollinators of
certain crops than honeybees, so you don’t need as many to do the job. For example, about 750 blue orchard
bees (Osmia lignaria) can pollinate a hectare of apples or almonds, a task that would require roughly 50,000 to
150,000 honeybees. There are bee tinkerers engaged in similar work in many corners of the world. In Brazil,
Breno Freitas has found that Centris tarsata, the native pollinator of wild cashew, can survive in commercial
cashew orchards if growers provide a source of floral oils, such as by interplanting their cashew trees(腰果树)
with Caribbean cherry.
F. In certain places, native bees may already be doing more than they’re getting credit for. Ecologist Rachael
Winfree recently led a team that looked at pollination of four summer crops (tomato, watermelon, peppers, and
muskmelon) at 29 farms in the region of New Jersey and Pennsylvania. Winfree’s team identified 54 species
of wild bees that visited these crops, and found that wild bees were the most important pollinators in the
system: even though managed honeybees were present on many of the farms, wild bees were responsible for
62 percent of flower visits in the study. In another study focusing specifically on watermelon, Winfree and her
colleagues calculated that native bees alone could provide sufficient pollination at 90 percent of the 23 farms
studied. By contrast, honeybees alone could provide sufficient pollination at only 78 percent of farms.
G. “The region I work in is not typical of the way most food is produced,” Winfree admits. In the Delaware Valley,
most farms and farm fields are relatively small, each farmer typically grows a variety of crops, and farms are
interspersed with suburbs and other types of land use which means there are opportunities for homeowners to
get involved in bee conservation, too. The landscape is a bee-friendly patchwork that provides a variety of
nesting habitat and floral resources distributed among different kinds of crops, weedy field margins, fallow
fields, suburban neighborhoods, and semi natural habitat like old woodlots, all at a relatively small scale. In
other words, “pollinator friendly” farming practices would not only aid pollination of agricultural crops, but also
serve as a key element in the overall conservation strategy for wild pollinators, and often aid other wild species
as well.
H. Of course, not all farmers will be able to implement all of these practices. And researchers are suggesting a
shift to a kind of polyglot agricultural system. For some small-scale farms, native bees may indeed be all that’s
needed. For larger operations, a suite of managed bees — with honeybees filling the generalist role and other,
native bees pollinating specific crops — could be augmented by free pollination services from resurgent wild
pollinators. In other words, they’re saying, we still have an opportunity to replace a risky monoculture with
something diverse, resilient, and robust.
参考答案
Questions 27-30
Do the following statements agree with the claims of the writer in Reading Passage 3?
YES if the statement agrees with the claims of the writer

NO if the statement contradicts the claims of the writer
NOT GIVEN if it is impossible to say what the writer thinks about this
27. In the United States, farmers use honeybees in a large scale over the past few years. YES
28. Clean farming practices would be harmful to farmers’ health. NOT GIVEN
29. The blue orchard bee is the most efficient pollinator for every crop. NO
30. It is beneficial to other local creatures to protect native bees. YES
Questions 31-35
Choose the correct letter, A, B, C or D.
31 The example of the ‘Fruitless Fall’ underlines the writer’s point about
A. needs for using pesticides.
B. impacts of losing insect pollinators.
C. vulnerabilities of native bees.
D. benefits in building more pollination industries.
32 Why can honeybees adapt to the modern agricultural system?

A. The honeybees can pollinated more crops efficiently.
B. The bees are semi-domesticated since ancient times.
C. Honeybee hives can be protected from pesticides.
D. The ability of wild pollinators using to serve crops declines.
33 The writer mentions factories and assembly lines to illustrate

A. one drawback of the industrialised agricultural system.
B. a low cost in modern agriculture.
C. the role of honeybees in pollination.
D. what a high yield of industrial agriculture.
34 In the 6th paragraph, Winfree’s experiment proves that

A. honeybees can pollinate various crops.
B. there are many types of wild bees as the pollinators.
C. wild bees can increase the yield to a higher percentage.
D. wild bees work more efficiently as a pollinator than honeybees in certain cases.
35. What does the writer want to suggest in the last paragraph?
A. the importance of honeybees in pollination
B. the adoption of different bees in various sizes of agricultural system
C. the comparison between the intensive and the rarefied agricultural system
D. the reason why farmers can rely on native pollinators
Questions 36-40
Complete each sentence with the correct ending, A-F, below.
Write the correct letter, A-F, in boxes 36-40 on your answer sheet.
36. Headlines of colony collapse disorder state that B

37. Viewpoints of Freitas manifest that F
38. Examples of blue orchard bees have shown that E
39. Centris tarsata is mentioned to exemplify that A
40. One finding of the research in Delaware Valley is that D
A. native pollinators can survive when a specific plant is supplied.

B. it would cause severe consequences to both commerce and agriculture.
C. honeybees can not be bred.
D. some agricultural landscapes are favourable in supporting wild bees.
E. a large scale of honeybees are needed to pollinate.
F. an agricultural system is fragile when relying on a single pollinator.
参考译文
本地传粉者能否坑补空缺？
最近，骇人听闻的新闻头条讲述了一种神秘的疾病蜂群衰竭失调症(CCD )。这种病正在摧毁为许多农作物

授粉的人工养殖蜜蜂。如果没有人工养殖的蜜蜂，事态的发展会演变为：农田变得贫瘠，经济陷入崩溃，
食物也将短缺。
但有些报道认为，这种状态并不是自然天灾所造成的。一方面，尽管美国是首先报道蜂群衰竭失调症的

国家，而且所受影响最大，但人工养殖蜜蜂并不属于美国本地物种。授粉在现代农业中是一个正规行业，而
不是 “神奇的炼金术”。近几年来，参与美国授粉业大规模种植单一农作物，还采用 “清洁农业” 的做
法，将田边到路旁的原生态植物都清理掉。这种做法立马残害了许多本地蜜蜂，它们和农业害虫一样容易受
到杀虫剂的伤害。这种做法也把农田变得不再适合剩余的本地蜜蜂生存了。对这种做法及其对传粉者的影响的
担忧早就存在。1962 年，蕾切尔·卡逊(RachelCarson)曾在她的生态警示类作品《寂静的春天》中提醒人们：
昆虫传粉者的消失会导致 “颗粒无收的秋天”。
如果秋天颗粒无收的情况还没有发生，那可能在很大程度上要归功于人工养殖的蜜蜂。因为当野生传粉者对

农作物的服务能力下降时，农民便开始向人工养殖的蜜蜂求助。从古埃及时起，蜜蜂就被人们半驯化了。选
择人工养殖的蜜蜂并不仅仅是因为对其熟悉，还因为人工养殖的蜜蜂在许多方面对新兴的农业体系具有适应
性。例如，当使用杀虫剂时，人工养殖蜜蜂的蜂巢可以封闭起来，并搬离农药喷洒的区域。人工养殖的蜜蜂
属于传粉者中的多面手，它们能为许多不同的作物授粉。虽然它们不是所有农作物最有效的授粉者，但却具有
数量上的优势。一个蜂巢可养活 20,000 至 100,000 只蜜蜂。美国农业部的吉姆·柯恩(J 皿 Cane)说道：＂毫无
疑问，如果你想选择一种对农业有帮助的蜂族，那就是人工养殖的蜜蜂。“换句话说，人工养残蜜蜂已经
成为现代工业化农业体系中的一个关键环节。该农业体系可以为更多的地方提供更大量、更多种类的食物，
价格也比以往史便宜。但该体系也非常脆弱，因为这相当于把农田变成了进行光合作用的工厂车间，而蜜蜂
授粉则文成了一条装配生产线，从而削弱了自然生态系统的恢复能力。
巴西的衣学家布雷诺· 弗雷塔斯(Breno Freitas)指出，在自然界中，采用这样一个高度专业化的体系通常是

非常危险的：当一切都处在平衡状态时，它能很好地运作；而一旦出现细微的失衡，该体系就会快速消亡。
实际上，如此严重依赖单一传粉者的衣业体系已经使人类陷入过度专业化的险境之中。而当人与蜜蜂的关系
遭到破坏时，例如在蜂群衰竭失调症爆发的情形下，该农业体系的脆弱之处也开始显现。
事实上，有些野生蜜蜂已经被成功驯化，可以为农作物授粉。吉姆·柯恩说：“当谈及要在两至三周甚至更

短的时间内，为每英亩数以百万计的许多农作物的花授粉时，难题是如何在短短几年内提供足量而且来源稳
定的本地蜜蜂作为农作物的授粉工具。”另．一方面，由于本地蜜蜂可以比人工养殖蜜蜂更有效地为特定的
农作物授粉，因此也就无需那么多本地蜂蜜来参与授粉。例如，只需大约 750 只蓝色果园壁蜂(Osmia
lignaria)就可以为一公顷的苹果树或杏树授粉，而同样的任务则大概需要 5 万到 15 万只人工养殖的蜜蜂才能
完成。蜜蜂这种 “能工巧匠 ” 在世界各个角落从事着类似的工作。在巴西，布雷诺· 弗雷塔斯还发现，
如果种植者能提供一种花油的来源，例如在腰果树之间种枝加勒比樱桃树，那么野生腰果的本地传粉者膜
翅目蜜蜂(Centris tarsata)就可以在商业腰果园里存活。
在某些地方，本地蜜蜂的贡献也许已经超过了它们所获得的好评。生态学家瑞秋·温弗瑞(Rachael Winfree)

最近带领了一个团队在新泽西州和宾夕法尼亚州的 29 个农场里观察四种夏季农作物（番茄、西瓜、辣椒和
甜瓜）的授粉情况。温弗瑞的团队确定了 54 种前来为这些农作物授粉的野生蜜蜂，并发现它们是该农业体系
中最重要的传粉者：尽管许多农场都有人工养殖的蜜蜂，但野蜂的授粉量占总授粉量的 62%。在另一项以西
瓜为重点的研究中，温弗瑞和她的同事对 23 个农场进行了监测，统计出单靠本地蜜蜂就可以提供充足授
粉量的农场占总数的 90%。相比之下，单靠人工养殖蜜蜂就可以提供充足授粉量的农场只占总数的 78%。
”在我研究的地区，他们的农耕方式并不像大部分食物的种桂方式那样典型， “温弗瑞承认道。在德拉瓦

河谷，大多数农场和农田相对较小，每个农户通常会种植多种农作物，而且农场都分散在城郊住宅区和其
他类型的用地之间，这意味着房主也有机会参与蜜蜂的保护。这里的环境非常适合蜜蜂的生长，各种较小
规模、形形色色的蜜蜂栖息地与花卉资源就分布在不同种类的农作物、杂草丛生的田边、休耕地、郊区周
边和半自然的古老植林地之中。换句话说，这种 “传粉者友好型” 的农业活动不仅有助于农作物授粉，而
且也是保护野生传粉者总战略中的关键因素，同时还有利于其他野生物种。
当然，并不是所有农民都能如此开展农业活动。研究人员建议采用一种多元化的农业体系。对于一些小规
模的农场，本地蜜蜂的确能够满足需求。而大规模的衣场可以采用一套蜜蜂之间相互搭配的模式，即人工
养殖蜜蜂充当授粉多面手（普适性授粉），其他本地蜜蜂则为特定农作物授粉，这种模式能够通过重获生机
的野生蜜蜂的自由授粉活动增强整体产能。换句话说，研究人员认为，我们仍然有机会实现多样、灵活、健
康的农业体系，进而取代危险的单一农业体系。
High Speed
Photography
高速摄影
阅读原文
A. Photography gained the interest of many scientists and artists from its inception. Scientists have used
photography to record and study movements. such as Eadweard Muybridge's study of human and animal
locomotion in 1887. Artists are equally interested by these aspects but also try to explore avenues other
than photo-mechanical representation of reality， such as the pictorialist movement. military, police, and
security forces use photography for surveillance, recognition and data storage. Photography is used by
amateurs to preserve memories, to capture special moments, to tell stories, to send messages, and as a
source of entertainment. Various technological improvements and techniques have even allowed for
visualizing events that are loo fast or too slow for the human eye.
B. One of such techniques is called fast motion or professionally known as time-lapse. Time-lapse
photography is the perfect technique for capturing events and movements in the natural world that occur
over a timescale too slow for human perception to follow. The life cycle of a mushroom, for example, is
incredibly subtle to the human eye. To present its growth in front of audiences, the principle applied is a
simple one: a series of photographs are taken and used in sequence to make a moving-image film since
each frame is taken with a lapse at a time interval between each shot, when played back at normal
speed, a continuous action is produced and it appears to speed up. Put simply: we are shrinking time.
Objects and events that would normally take several minutes, days or even months can be viewed to
completion in seconds having been sped up by factors of tens lo millions.
C. Another commonly used technique is high-speed photography, the science of taking pictures of very fast
phenomena. High-speed photography can be considered to be the opposite of time-lapse photography.
One of the many applications is found in biology studies to study birds, bats and even spider silk. Imagine
a hummingbird hovering almost completely still in the air. Feeding on nectar. With every flap, its wings
bend, flex and change shape. These subtle movements precisely control the lift its wings generate,
making it an excellent hoverer. But a hummingbird flaps its wings up to 80 times every second. The only
way to truly capture this motion is with cameras that will, in effect. slow down time, To do this, a greater
length of film is taken at a high sampling frequency or frame rate, which is much faster than it will be
projected on screen. When replayed at normal speed, time appears to be slowed down proportionately.
That is why high-speed cameras have become such a mainstay of biology.
D. In common usage, high-speed photography can also refer to the use of high-speed cameras that the
photograph itself may be taken in a way as to appear to freeze the motion, especially to reduce motion
blur. It requires a sensor with good sensitivity and either a very good shuttering system or a very fast
strobe light. The recent National Geographic footage—captured last summer during an intensive
three-day shoot at the Cincinnati Zoo—is unprecedented in its clarity and detail. “I’ve watched cheetahs
run for 30 years,”said Cathryn Hilker, founder of the zoo’s Cat Ambassador Program. “But I saw things in
that super slow-motion video that I ‘ve never seen before”The slow-motion video is entrancing. Every part
of the sprinting cat’s anatomy—supple limbs, rippling muscles, hyperflexible spine—works together in a
symphony of speed, revealing the fluid grace of the world’s fastest land animal.
E. But things can’t get any more complicated in the case of filming a frog catching its prey. Frogs can snatch
up prey in a few thousandths of a second—striking out with elastic tongues. Biologists would love to see
how a frog’s tongue roll out, adhere to prey, and roll back into the frog’s mouth. But this all happened too
fast, 50 times faster than an eye blink. So naturally people thought of using high-speed camera to capture
this fantastic movement in slow motion. Yet one problem still remains ——viewers would be bored if they
watch the frog swim in slow motion for too long. So how to skip this? The solution is a simple one
—adjust the playback speed, which is also called by some the film speed adjustment. The film will
originally be shot at a high frame (often 300 frames per second, because it can be converted to much
lower frame rates without major issues), but at later editing stage this high frame rate will only be
preserved for the prey catching part, while the swimming part will be converted to the normal speed at 24
frames per second. Voila, the scientist can now sit back and enjoy watching without having to go through
the pain of waiting.
F. sometimes taking a good picture or shooting a good film is not all about technology, but patience, like in
the case of bat. Bats are small, dark-colored; they fly fast and are active only at night. To capture bats on
film, one must use some type of camera-tripping device. Photographers or film-makers often place
camera near the bat cave, on the path of the flying bats. The camera must be hard-wired with tripping
device so that every time a bat breaks the tripping beam the camera fires and it will keep doing so
through the night until the camera’s battery runs out. Though highly-advanced tripping device can now
allow for unmanned shooting, it will may take several nights to get a truly high quality film.
G. Is it science？ Is it art? Since the technique was first pioneered around two hundred years ago,
photography has developed to a state where it is almost unrecognizable. Some people would even say
the future of photography will be nothing like how we imagine it. No matter what future it may hold,
photography will continue to develop as it has been repeatedly demonstrated in many aspects of our life
that “a picture is worth a thousand words”.
参考译文
摄影技术从诞生之初就受到了诸多科学家以及艺术家的关注。科学家使用摄影来记录和研究运动，例如埃德
沃德·迈布里奇在 1887 年对人及动物运动的研究。艺术家同样对这些方面很感兴趣，但是除了研究摄影对现
实的机械展示之外，他们也尝试探索其他方面的内容，例如绘画主义摄影。军队、警察和安全部队则利用摄
影进行监视、识别和数据存储。摄影术也被业余爱好者们用来记录会议、捕捉特殊时刻、讲述故事、发送信
息并成为了一种娱乐方式。各种技术进步和技巧使得人们能够看见那些原本对肉眼而言过快或过漫的事物。
其中的一种技巧就是快镜头或者更专业一点叫做延时拍摄。延时拍摄是捕捉自然界中发生的过于缓慢的以至于
人类无法察觉的事物或运动的最佳方法。例如，蘑菇的生长周期在人眼看来是极其微妙的。为了把它的生长
展现在观众面前，拍摄时就要用到一个非常简单的原理：先拍摄一系列的照片，然后按照顺序播放，形成
一个移动画面影像，但是由于每一帧都是在拍摄时间间隔的延迟之后拍摄的，所以当以正常速度回放时，一
个连续的运动过程就产生了，而且运动的速度看起来也加快了。简单来说：我们在压缩时间。平时要花费几
分钟、数天，甚至几个月的事物和事件在经过几十到几百万倍的加速后可以让我们在数秒钟内观察到它们的
完整过程。
另外一种常用的技巧就是高速摄影，它是一种用来拍摄非常快的现象的科学方法。高速摄影可以被看做是与
延时拍摄相反的摄影技术。它诸多应用的其中之一就是在生物学研究中用来观察鸟类、蝙蝠，甚至是蜘蛛
丝。想象一只几乎完全静止地悬停在空中吸食花蜜的蜂鸟。伴随着每一次抹翅，它的翅膀都会弯曲、收缩并
改变形状。这些细微的运动精确地控制着蜂鸟翅膀所产生的升力，使其能更出色地悬停在空中，、但是一只
蜂鸟挔翅的频率是每秒 80 次。唯一能真正捕捉到这个运动的方法就是使用实际上能够使时间慢下来的摄影
机。为了实现这一特技，我们要在一个高采样频率或帧速下拍摄更长的胶卷，这比胶卷实际投射在屏幕上的
速率要快很多。当以正常速度重放时，时间就仿佛成比例地放慢了。这也就是为什么高速摄影机已经成为
了生物学的中坚力量。
在通常的使用中，高速摄影也可以指使用高速摄影机拍摄能使动作看似冻结的照片，尤其是用来减少照片中
的动态模糊。这就需要一个高敏感度的传感器和一个优良的快门系统或者一个非常快的闪光灯。国家地理最
近拍摄的一段影片一去年夏天在辛辛那提动物园经过三天紧张拍摄的视频一一具珛－前所未有的清晰度和细
节。 “我观察猎豹奔跑己 i 至有 30 年了”，动物园猫科动物大使项目创立者凯瑟琳．希尔克如是说道。”
但是在那超慢动作影像中我却看到了我以前从未看到过的东西。“ 慢镜头影像使人身心向醉。这只快速奔跑
中的猫科动物身体结构的每一部分一—柔软的四肢、一条条凸起的肌肉、极具柔韧性的脊柱－在速度的交响
曲下一同发挥作用，展示了世界上最快的陆地动物行云流水般的优雅。
但是在拍摄青蛙捕捉猎物的时候，事情并未变得更复杂。青蛙可以在几于分之一秒内用其富有弹性的舌头捕
获猎物。生物学家会非常乐意观看青蛙的舌头是如何伸出，粘到猎物，再缩回口腔的。但这一切都发生得
太快了，比眨一下眼睛还要快 50 倍。于是人们自然而然地想到利用高速摄影机以慢镜头来捕捉这个惊奇的
动作。但是还有一个问题一观众如果长时间地观看青蛙在慢镜头下游泳，他们会感到厌倦。那怎样才能跳过
这一段呢？解决的方法非常简单——讲 l 节回放速度，也被称为影像速度调节。影像最初是以较高的帧数拍
摄的（通常每秒 300 帧，因为这个帧数可以被轻易地转成较低的帧数而不会产生任何大的问题），但是在
之后的编辑剪切阶段只有高帧频中捕捉猎物的那部分会被保留下来，而游泳的那部分则会被转成每秒 24 帧
的普通速度。瞧啊，科学家现在可以坐下来轻松地观看而不必再痛苦地等候了。
有时候拍摄一张好的照片或者一段好的影像并不完全在于技术，而在于耐心，就如蝙蝠案例中那样。蝙蝠

体型小而且颜色较暗；它们飞行速度快而且只在晚上活动。要想把蝙蝠捕捉进影像当中，就必须使用某种摄
影机触发装置。摄影师或者影片制作人经常把摄影机放置在蝙蝠洞穴附近，就在蝙蝠的必经之路上。摄影
机还必须与触发装置进行连接和匹配，这样只要有蝙蝠阻断了触发光束，摄影机就会自动拍摄，这个过程
会在晚上一直重复直至摄影机的电池耗尽。尽管高度发达的触发装置现在允许无人橾控拍摄，但是要想获得
真正高质量的影像仍然需要花费好几个夜晚。
它究竟是科学还是艺术呢？自从大约两百年前摄影技术被人们首次使用以来，摄影已经发展到一个几乎难以
辨认的状态。有些人甚至说未来的摄影术会使我们难以想象。但是不管未来如何，摄影术会继续发展因为它
在我们生活的诸多方面体现了好图胜却千言万语” 的道理。
Cosmetics in
Ancient Past
古代化妆品
阅读原文
A. Since cosmetics and perfumes are still in wide use today, it is interesting to compare the attitudes, customs
and beliefs related to them in ancient times to those of our own day and age. Cosmetics and perfumes have
been popular since the dawn of civilization; it is shown by the discovery of a great deal of pertinent
archeological material, dating from the third millennium BC. Mosaics, glass perfume flasks, stone vessels,
ovens, cooking-pots, clay jars, etc., some inscribed by the hand of the artisan. evidence also appears in the
Bible and other classical writings, where it is written that spices and perfumes were prestigious products
known throughout the ancient world and coveted by kings and princes. The written and pictorial descriptions,
as well as archaeological findings, all show how important body care and aesthetic appearance were in the
lives of the ancient people. The chain of evidence spans many centuries, detailing the usage of cosmetics in
various cultures from the earliest period of recorded history.
B. In antiquity, however, at least in the onset, cosmetics served in religious ceremonies and for healing purposes.
Cosmetics were also connected with cultic worship and witchcraft: to appease the various gods, fragrant
ointments were applied to the statuary images and even to their attendants. From this, in the course of time,
developed the custom of personal use, to enhance the beauty of the face and the body, and to conceal
defects.
C. Perfumes and fragrant spices were precious commodities in antiquity, very much in demand, and at times
even exceeded silver and gold in value. Therefore they were luxury products, used mainly in the temples and
in the homes of the noble and the wealthy. The Judean kings kept them in treasure houses (2 Kings
20:13).And the Queen of Sheba brought to Solomon "camels laden with spices, gold in great quantity and
precious stones." (1 Kings 10:2,10). However, within time, the use of cosmetics became the custom of that
period. The use of cosmetics became widespread among the lower classes as well as among the wealthy; in
the same way they washed the body, so they used to care for the body with substances that softened the skin
and anoint it with fragrant oils and ointments.
D. Facial treatment was highly developed and women devoted many hours to it. They used to spread various
scented creams on the face and to apply makeup in vivid and contrasting colors. An Egyptian papyrus from
the 16th century BC contains detailed recipes to remove blemishes, wrinkles, and other signs of age. Greek
and Roman women would cover their faces in the evening with a "beauty mask" to remove blemishes, which
consisted mainly of flour mixed with fragrant spices, leaving it on their face all night. The next morning they
would wash it off with asses' milk. The very common creams used by women in the ancient Far East,
particularly important in the hot climate and prevalent in that area of the globe, were made up of oils and
aromatic scents. Sometimes the oil in these creams was extracted from olives, almonds, gourds, sesame, or
from trees and plants; but, for those of limited means, scented animal and fish fats were commonly used.
E. Women in ancient past commonly put colors around their eyes. Besides beautification, its purpose was also
medicinal as covering the sensitive skin of the lids with colored ointments that prevented dryness and eye
diseases: the eye-paint repelled the little flies that transmitted eye inflammations. Egyptian women colored the
upper eyelid black and the lower one green, and painted the space between the upper lid and the eyebrow
gray or blue. The women of Mesopotamia favored yellows and reds. The use of kohl for painting the eyes is
mentioned three times in the Bible, always with disapproval by the sages (2 Kings, 9:30; Jeremiah 4:30;
Ezekiel 23:40). In contrast, Job names one of his daughters “Keren Happukh” —“horn of eye paint” (Job
42:14)
F. Great importance was attached to the care for hair in ancient times. Long hair was always considered a
symbol of beauty, and kings, nobles and dignitaries grew their hair long and kept it well-groomed and cared
for. Women devoted much time to the style of the hair, while not culling, they would apply much care to it by
arranging it skillfully in plaits and "building it up" sometimes with the help of wigs. Egyptian women generally
wore their hair flowing down to their shoulders or even longer. In Mesopotamia, women cherished long hair as
a part of their beauty, and hair flowing down their backs in a thick plait and tied with a ribbon is seen in art.
Assyrian women wore their hair shorter, braiding and binding it in a bun at the back. In Ancient Israel, brides
would wear their hair long on the wedding day as a sign of their virginity. Ordinary people and slaves, however,
usually wore their hair short, mainly for hygienic reasons, since they could not afford to invest in the kind of
treatment that long hair required.
G. From the Bible and Egyptian and Assyrian sources, as well as the words of classical authors, it appears that
the centers of the trade in aromatic resins and incense were located in the kingdom of Arabia, and even as far
as India, where some of these precious aromatic plants were grown. "Dealers from Sheba and Rammah dealt
with you, offering the choicest spices..." (Ezekiel 27:22). The Nabateans functioned as the important
middlemen in this trade; Palestine also served as a very important component, as the trade routes
crisscrossed the country. It is known that the Egyptian Queen Hatsheput (15th century BC) sent a royal
expedition to the Land of Punt (Somalia) in order to bring back myrrh seedlings to plant in her temple. In
Assyrian records of tribute and spoils of war, perfumes and resins are mentioned; the text from the time of
Tukulti-Ninurta II (890-884 BC) refers to balls of myrrh as part of the tribute brought to the Assyrian king by the
Aramaean kings. The trade in spices and perfumes is also mentioned in the Bible as written in Genesis
(37:25-26), "Camels carrying gum tragacanth and balm and myrrh".
参考答案
Questions 15-21
Reading Passage 2 has 7 paragraphs A-G.
Which paragraph contains the following information?
15. recipes to conceal facial defects caused by aging. D

16. perfumes were presented to conquerors in war. G
17. long hair of girls had special meanings in marriage. F
18. evidence exists in abundance showing cosmetics use in ancient times. A
19. protecting eyes from fly-transmitted diseases. E
20. from witchcraft to beautification. B
21. more expensive than gold. C
Questions 22-27
Do the following statements agree with the information given in Reading Passage 2?
TRUE if the statement is true

FALSE if the statement is false
NOT GIVEN if the information is not given in the passage
22 The written record for cosmetics and perfumes dates back to the third millennium BC. NOT
GIVEN
23 Since perfumes and spices were luxury products, their use was exclusive to the noble and the
wealthy. FALSE
24 In ancient Far East, fish fats were used as cream by women from poor households. TRUE
25 The teachings in the Bible were repeatedly against the use of kohl for painting the eyes. TRUE
26 Long hair as a symbol of beauty was worn solely by women of ancient cultures. FALSE
27 The Egyptian Queen Hatsheput sent a royal expedition to Punt to establish a trade route for
myrrh. NOT GIVEN
参考译文
古代化妆
A 由于化妆品和香水至今仍在广泛使用，因此，与此相关的一些看法、风俗和信仰的古今比较就显得十分有趣。
在文明初期，化妆品和香水就已经十分流行。大量相关的考古学文明的发现表明了这一点。这些物品可追溯至
公元前三世纪——细颈的马赛克玻璃香水瓶，石质容器，炉子，烹饪器，黏土罐等等。有些还有工匠亲手刻的
名字。在圣经及其它经典著作中也能找到这样的证据，书中描述道：在古代，众所周知香料与香水是享誉盛名
的产品。国王和王子都对齐梦寐以求。书面和绘画的描述，以及考古学上的发现，都表明了身体的保养和外貌
的美感在古代人们的生活中是多么的重要。这条证据链跨越了数个世纪，详细描述了自有离职记载以来，在不
同文化中化妆品的使用方式。
B 然而，在古代，至少是在古代初期，化妆品只用于宗教仪式或以治疗为目的的行为中。化妆品也和宗教崇拜
与巫术联系在一起：为安抚不同的神，他们的雕像，甚至是随从的侍者，都会被涂上香膏。经过一段时间之后，
为了面部和身体美感的增加以及瑕疵的掩盖，化妆品逐渐发展为个人使用的物品。
C 香水和香料在古代需求很大但十分珍贵，有时甚至超过了金银的价值。因此，它们属于奢侈品，大多用于寺
庙或贵族及富人的家里。犹太国王将它们和珍贵的财产放在一起;所罗门示巴女王把物品带到所罗门时， “用
骆驼满载香料，大量的黄金和珍贵的宝石。”然而，在那段时间里，化妆品的使用成为惯例，在上层的社会和
下层社会被广泛使用。他们用同样的方式沐浴，使用某些物品来软化肌肤，再涂上香油或香膏。
D 那时候，面部护理高度发达，女性对其投入了大量的时间。她们在脸上抹上不同香味的面霜，再化上鲜艳色
彩的妆容。在公园前 16 世纪，一份埃及的纸莎草上详细地记载了去除瑕疵、皱纹及其它衰老迹象的方法。希
腊和罗马的女性会在夜间将脸上涂满一种“美肤面霜”，用于去除面部瑕疵。这种面膜主要由粉末混合香料
而成，要敷在脸上一整夜，第二天早上用驴奶将其洗去。在古代的远东被女性广泛使用的面霜，在炎热的气候
中尤为重要并且在那一地区十分流行。这种面霜由油和芳香味那一地区十分流行。这种面霜由油和芳香味制成。
这些面霜里的油有时从橄榄、杏仁、葫芦、芝麻或者木料和植物中萃取而来。然而，这些方式十分有限，于是
芳香的动物及鱼脂也常常被使用。
E 古代女性常常将色彩涂抹于眼睛周围，此举不仅为美化自己，也带有药用的目的。将有色香料遮盖在眼皮敏
感肌肤处能够防止干燥及眼部疾病：眼部的油彩能够阻挡传播眼部炎症的小飞虫，埃及女性将上眼皮涂上黑色，
下眼睑涂上绿色，然后将上眼皮和眉毛之间的区域涂上灰色或蓝色。美索不达米亚的女性则偏爱黄色和红色，
用于给眼睛着色的眼影粉在圣经中被提及三次，并且总是伴随着圣人们对此的不赞同。与此相反，乔布给他其
中一位女儿起名为“Keren Happukh”——意为“眼部色彩的象征”。
F 在古代对头发的保养也极受重视。长头发总是被视为美的象征。国王、贵族及地位显赫的人物纷纷蓄起长发
并梳洗整洁、小心照料。女性投入大量时间在发型上，虽然并无修剪，但她们会悉心地将头发整齐精巧的编成
辫子,有时借助假发的帮助，将头发“建造起来”埃及女性通常将头发蓄至披肩或更长。在美索不达米亚，女性
将长发视为审美的一部分。将头发蓄至背部，再编一条粗辫并用缎带扎好，这被视为一门艺术。亚述的女性则
留着短一些的头发，她们将头发扎成辫子并在后面束成圆髻。在古代的以色列，新娘在婚礼上要披着长长的头
发以示贞洁。然而，普通人和奴隶则通常留着短发，主要是为卫生起见，因为他们无法承担起长发所需护理的
花销。
G 在圣经、埃及和亚述的资料中，以及经典著作的作者记载中发现，芳香树脂及熏香的贸易中心位于南部阿拉
伯王国，甚至远至印度，一些珍贵的芳香植物在这些地方生长。“从示巴和拉马来的商人用上等的香料与你交
易…”。约旦纳巴泰人在这项交易中起了重要的中间人的作用。巴勒斯坦也是一个非常重要的组成部分，因为
贸易路线在该国中纵横交错。据说埃及哈特谢普苏特女王〔公元前 15 世纪)曾派遣一支皇家探险队前往彭特之
地(索马里〕，只为带问没药的幼苗以种植在她的寺院中。在亚述人贡物及战利品的记载中，提到了香水及松脂。
在图库尔蒂时期的文献中提到，阿拉姆国王将没药的球状物作为贡品的一部分给予亚述国王。香料与香水的贸
易在圣经力吉妮西斯的描述中也被提及，“骆驼在这黄蓍胶(用于制作珐琅制品)香膏及没药。
Monkeys and
Forests
猴子与森林
阅读原文
AS AN EAST WIND blasts through a gap in the Cordillera de Tilaran, a rugged mountain range that splits
northern Costa Rica in half, a female mantled howler monkey moves through the swaying trees of the
forest canopy.
A. Ken Glander，a primatologist from Duke University, gazes into the canopy, tracking the female's
movements. Holding a dart gun, he waits with infinite patience for the right moment to shoot. With great
care, Glander aims and fires. Hit in the rump, the monkey wobbles. This howler belongs to a population
that has lived for decades at Hacienda La Pacifica, a working cattle ranch in Guanacaste province. Other
native primates — white-faced capuchin monkeys and spider monkeys — once were common in this
area, too, but vanished after the Pan-American Highway was built nearby in the 1950s. Most of the
surrounding land was clear-cut for pasture.
B. Howlers persist at La Pacifica, Glander explains, because they are leaf-eaters. They eat fruit, when it’s
available but, unlike capuchin and spider monkeys, do not depend on large areas of fruiting trees.
Howlers can survive anyplace you have half a dozen trees, because their eating habits are so flexible,’，
he says. In forests, life is an arms race between trees and the myriad creatures that feed on leaves.
Plants have evolved a variety of chemical defenses, ranging from bad-tasting tannins, which bind with
plant-produced nutrients, rendering them indigestible, to deadly poisons, such as alkaloids and cyanide.
C. All primates, including humans, have some ability to handle plant toxins. “We can detoxify a dangerous
poison known as caffeine, which is deadly to a lot of animals:" Glander says. For leaf-eaters, long-term
exposure to a specific plant toxin can increase their ability to defuse the poison and absorb the leaf
nutrients. The leaves that grow in regenerating forests, like those at La Pacifica, are actually more howler
friendly than those produced by the undisturbed, centuries-old trees that survive farther south, in the
Amazon Basin. In younger forests, trees put most of their limited energy into growing wood, leaves and
fruit, so they produce much lower levels of toxin than do well- established, old-growth trees.
D. The value of maturing forests to primates is a subject of study at Santa Rosa National Park, about 35
miles northwest of Hacienda La Pacifica. The park hosts populations not only of mantled howlers but also
of white-faced capuchins and spider monkeys. Yet the forests there are young, most of them less than 50
years old. Capuchins were the first to begin using the reborn forests, when the trees were as young as 14
years. Howlers, larger and heavier than capuchins, need somewhat older trees, with limbs that can
support their greater body weight. A working ranch at Hacienda La Pacifica also explain their population
boom in Santa Rosa. “Howlers are more resilient than capuchins and spider monkeys for several
reasons,” Fedigan explains. “They can live within a small home range, as long as the trees have the right
food for them. Spider monkeys, on the other hand, occupy a huge home range, so they can’t make it in
fragmented habitat.”
E. Howlers also reproduce faster than do other monkey species in the area. Capuchins don’t bear their first
young until about 7 years old, and spider monkeys do so even later, but howlers give birth for the first
time at about 3.5 years of age. Also, while a female spider monkey will have a baby about once every
four years, well-fed howlers can produce an infant every two years.
F. The leaves howlers eat hold plenty of water, so the monkeys can survive away from open streams and
water holes. This ability gives them a real advantage over capuchin and spider monkeys, which have
suffered during the long, ongoing drought in Guanacaste.
G. Growing human population pressures in Central and South America have led to persistent destruction of
forests. During the 1990s, about 1.1 million acres of Central American forest were felled yearly. Alejandro
Estrada, an ecologist at Estacion de Biologia Los Tuxtlas in Veracruz, Mexico, has been exploring how
monkeys survive in a landscape increasingly shaped by humans. He and his colleagues recently studied
the ecology of a group of mantled howler monkeys that thrive in a habitat completely altered by humans:
a cacao plantation in Tabasco, Mexico. Like many varieties of coffee, cacao plants need shade to grow,
so 40 years ago the landowners planted fig, monkey pod and other tall trees to form a protective canopy
over their crop. The howlers moved in about 25 years ago after nearby forests were cut. This strange
habitat, a hodgepodge of cultivated native and exotic plants, seems to support about as many monkeys
as would a same-sized patch of wild forest. The howlers eat the leaves and fruit of the shade trees,
leaving the valuable cacao pods alone, so the farmers tolerate them.
H. Estrada believes the monkeys bring underappreciated benefits to such farms, dispersing the seeds of fig
and other shade trees and fertilizing the soil with feces. He points out that howler monkeys live in shade
coffee and cacao plantations in Nicaragua and Costa Rica as well as in Mexico. Spider monkeys also
forage in such plantations, though they need nearby areas of forest to survive in the long term. He hopes
that farmers will begin to see the advantages of associating with wild monkeys, which includes potential
ecotourism projects.
I. "Conservation is usually viewed as a conflict between agricultural practices and the need to preserve
nature, ” Estrada says. ''We 're moving away from that vision and beginning to consider ways in which
agricultural activities may become a tool for the conservation of primates in human-modified
landscapes. ”
参考答案
Questions 27-32
Reading Passage 3 has eight paragraphs, A-H.
Write the correct letter A-H, in boxes 27-32 on your answer sheet.
27. A reference of rate of reduction in forest habitats. G
28. An area where only one species of monkey survived while other two species. A
29. A reason for howler monkeys to choose new leaves as food over old ones. C
30. Mention of howler monkey's diet and eating habits. B
31. A reference of asking farmers' to change attitude towards wildlife. H
32. The advantage of howler monkey’s flexibility in living in a segmented habitat. D
Questions 33-35
Look at the list of places and the following descriptions below.
Match each description with the correct place, A-E.
Write your answers, A-E, in boxes 33-35 on your answer sheet.
List of Places
A. Hacienda La Pacifica
B. Santa Rosa National Park
C. A cacao plantation in Tabasco. Mexico
D. Estacion de Biologia Los Tuxtlas in Veracruz, Mexico
E. Amazon Basin
33. a place where howler monkeys benefit the local region ' s agriculture C
34. a place where it is the original home for all three native monkeys A
35. a place where capuchin monkeys came to a better habitat B
Questions 36-40
Complete the sentences below.
Choose NO MORE THAN TWO WORDS from the passage for each answer.
The reasons why howler monkeys survive

better in local region than the other two species
- Howlers live better in La Pacifica since they can feed themselves with leaves when 36. fruit not
easily found.
- Howlers have better ability to alleviate the 37. plant toxins which old and young trees used to
protect themselves
- When compared to that of spider monkeys and capuchin monkeys, the 38. birth rate of howlers is
relatively faster (round for just every 2years)
- The monkeys can survive away from open streams and water holes as the leaves that howlers eat
hold high content of 39. water, which helps them to resist the continuous 40.drought in Guanacaste
参考译文
峰峦叠起的科迪勒拉山将哥斯达黎加北部一分为二。当一阵东风横扫科迪勒拉山胀间的一个山口时，描摆的
树林间，一只滩性长毛吼痰正在树冠中芽行而过。
来自杜克大学的灵长类动物学家肯·格兰达(Ken Glander)正注视着树冠层，跟踪记录那只雌猴的一举一动。

他举着镖枪，无比耐心地等待着合适的射击时机。格兰达小心翼翼地瞄准目标并射击。镖枪打中了猴子的
臀部，它不停地摇晃。这只吼猴属于拉帕西菲卡庄园(Hacienda La Pacifica)生活了数十载的一个种群。该
庄园是一座位于瓜纳卡斯特省的养牛牧场。当地其他的灵长类动物，比如白面卷尾猴和蜘蛛猴，曾经也经常
出没于此，然而它们却在 20 世纪 50 年代泛美公路修成后消失了。周围大部分土地都被开辟出来做牧场使
用。
"吼猴们之所以能在拉帕西菲卡庄园存活下来，是因为它们都是桂食性动物，“格兰达解释道。在有水果的

季节，它们会吃水果，但它们并不依赖于大片的果林，这一点有别于卷尾猴和蜘蛛猴。“只要有五六棵树，
吼猴们就能够存活，因为它们的饮食习惯很灵活， “他说道。在森林中，树木与无数植食性动物之间的
较量就像是一场“军备竟赛。植物已经进化出各种各样的化学防御系统,轻者是难以下咽的单宁酸,它与植物产
生的养分结合会引起消化不良;重者则是致命的毒药,如生物减和氣化物等。
所有灵长类动物（包括人类在内）都有一定的分解植物毒素的能力。“人类能够解除一种被称为咖啡因的危险
毒素，而对于很多动物来说，咖啡因是致命的，格兰达说道。对于植食性动物而言，长期接触和食用某种特定
的植物毒素可以提高其抵御该毒素和吸收叶片养分的能力。而生长于再生林中的树叶，如在拉帕西菲卡庄园
里生长的叶子，实际上比那些生长在南边亚马孙流域的百年古树的叶子更受吼猴的喜爱。在新生的森林中，
树木会消耗大部分有限的能量供养树干、叶子和果实。因此，相对于那些已经长成参天大树的古树来说，它
们产生的毒素要少得多。
枝繁叶茂的森林对灵长类动物的重要性是圣罗莎国家公园的一项研究课题。这座公园在拉帕西菲卡庄园西北
约 35 英里处。公园里不仅生长着吼猴，而且还生长着白面卷尾猴和蜘蛛猴。不过；那是一片现代森林，大
多数树木的树龄还不到 50 年。卷尾猴是最先在这片森林里生存的猴子，那时树林大概只生长了 14 年。吼猴
比卷尾猴大且重，会依赖更年长的树，因为老树的树枝才能支撑它们的大体型。拉帕西菲卡庄园的人工牧场
也成为解释圣罗莎国家公园中吼猴数量激增的原因的例证。“吼猴比卷尾猴和蜘蛛猴更能灵活地适应生存环
境，这是有许多原因的，“ 费蒂甘(Fedigan)解释道： ”由于吼猴活动范围小，只要树木能够提供合适的
食物即可。然而，蜘蛛猴需要很大的活动范围，因此它们无法在分散的栖息地存活。”
在这一地区，吼猴的繁砬速度也要比其他种类的猴子更快。卷尾猴直到 7 岁时才开始生育，蜘蛛猴甚至更晚，

而吼猴在 3 岁半左右就开始生育。此外，雌性蜘蛛猴大约每 4 年才生育一次，而营养充足的吼猴每两年就
能生育一次。
中美洲和南美洲日益增长的人口压力已经导致了对森林的持续性破坏。在 20 世纪 90 年代间，中美洲每年

约有 110 万英亩的森林被砍伐。墨西哥韦拉克鲁斯州生物研究站的生态学家亚历杭德罗·埃斯特拉达
(Alejandro Estrada)一直在研究猴类是如何在逐渐被人类改造的环境中生存的。最近，他和他的同事研究了
墨西哥塔巴斯科州的可可种植园里的一群长毛吼猴的生态情况。这群吼猴在一个被人类彻底改变的栖息地中
苗壮成长。像许多品种的咖啡豆一样，可可树需要在阴凉处生长，于是种植园主在 40 年前就栽种了无花果
树、猴荚和其他高大的树木，构成了可可作物的防护棚。大约 25 年前，在附近的森林被砍伐之后，吼
猴们便迁移进来。这片奇怪的栖息地上既种植着本土植物，也栽种了外来植物，是一个混合林。它似乎能
够像同等面积的野生森林一样供养相同数量的猴子。吼猴以遮阴树的树叶和果实为食，并没有吃有经济价值
的可可豆荚，因此，农民便默许了它们的存在。
埃斯特拉达认为猴类动物对这些农场的贡献被低估了。它们四处散播无花果树和其他遮阴类树木的种子，它
们的粪便也使得土壤更为肥沃。他指出，吼猴生活在尼加拉瓜、哥斯达黎加以及墨西哥的咖啡树荫和可可
种植园中。蜘蛛猴也在这样的种植园中觅食，尽管从长远来看，它们还需要借助周边的森林区域来生存。他
希望农民能够开始认识到与野生猴 “合作” 的好处，其中也包括潜在的生态旅游项目。
“环境保护通常袚认为是农业实践和自然保护之间的冲突，”埃斯特拉达说道：“我们要抛开这种想法，开
始考虑新的方式，使农业活动能够成为保护灵长类动物在人类改造的环境中生存的手段之一。”
Stealth Forces in
Weight Loss
减肥的各种潜在力量
阅读原文
The field of weight loss is like the ancient fable about the blind men and the elephant. Each man
investigates a different part of the animal and reports back, only to discover their findings are bafflingly
incompatible.
A. The various findings by public-health experts, physicians, psychologists, geneticists, molecular biologists,
and nutritionists are about as similar as an elephant's tusk is to its tail Some say obesity is largely
predetermined by our genes and biology; others attribute it to an overabundance of fries, soda, and
screen-sucking; still others think we're fat because of viral infection, insulin, or the metabolic conditions
we encountered in the womb. "Everyone subscribes to their own little theory," says Robert Berkowitz,
medical director of the Center for Weight and Eating Disorders at the University of Pennsylvania School
of Medicine. We're programmed to hang onto the fat we have, and some people are predisposed to
create and carry more fat than others. Diet and exercise help, but in the end the solution will inevitably be
more complicated than pushing away the plate and going for a walk. "It's not as simple as 'You‘re fat
because you're lazy" says Nikhil Dhurandhar, an associate professor at Pennington Biomedical
Research Center in Baton Rouge. "Willpower is not a prerogative of thin people. It's distributed equally."
B. Science may still be years away from giving us a miracle formula for fat-loss. Hormone leptin is a crucial
player in the brain's weight-management circuitry. Some people produce too little leptin; others become
desensitized to it. And when obese people lose weight, their leptin levels plummet along with their
metabolism. The body becomes more efficient at using fuel and conserving fat, which makes it tough to
keep the weight off. Obese dieters' bodies go into a state of chronic hunger, a feeling Rudolph Leibel, an
obesity researcher at Columbia University, compares to thirst. "Some people might be able to tolerate
chronic thirst, but the majority couldn't stand it,” says Leibel. "Is that a behavioral problem—a lack of
willpower? I don't think so."
C. The government has long espoused moderate daily exercise of the evening-walk or take-the-stairs
variety—but that may not do much to budge the needle on the scale. A 150-pound person bums only 150
calories on a half-hour walk, the equivalent of two apples. It's good for the heart, less so for the gut.
"Radical changes are necessary," says Deirdre Barrett, a psychologist at Harvard Medical School and
author of Waistland "People don’t lose weight by choosing the small fries or taking a little walk every other
day." Barrett suggests taking a cue from the members of the National Weight Control Registry (NWCR), a
self-selected group of more than 5,000 successful weight-losers who have shed an average of 66 pounds
and kept it off 5.5 years. Some registry members lost weight using low-carb diets; some went low-fat;
others eliminated refined foods. Some did it on their own; others relied on counseling. That said, not
everyone can lose 66 pounds and not everyone needs to. The goal shouldn't be getting thin, but getting
healthy. It's enough to whittle your weight down to the low end of your set range, says Jeffrey Friedman, a
geneticist at Rockefeller University. Losing even 10 pounds vastly decreases your risk of diabetes, heart
disease, and high blood pressure. The point is to not give up just because you don't look like a swimsuit
model.
D. The negotiation between your genes and the environment begins on day one. Your optimal weight, writ
by genes, appears to get edited early on by conditions even before birth, inside the womb. If a woman
has high blood-sugar levels while she's pregnant, her children are more likely to be overweight or obese,
according to a study of almost 10,000 mother-child pairs. Maternal diabetes may influence a child's
obesity risk through a process called metabolic imprinting, says Teresa Hillier, an endocrinologist with
Kaiser Permanente's Center for Health Research and the study's lead author. The implication is clear:
Weight may be established very early on, and obesity largely passed from mother to child. Numerous
studies in both animals and humans have shown that a mother's obesity directly increases her child's risk
for weight gain. The best advice for moms-to-be: Get fit before you get pregnant. You'll reduce your risk
of complications during pregnancy and increase your chances of having a normal-weight child.
E. It’s the $64,000 question： Which diets work? It got people wondering: Isn't there a better way to diet? A
study seemed to offer an answer. The paper compared two groups of adults: those who, after eating,
secreted high levels of insulin, a hormone that sweeps blood sugar out of the bloodstream and promotes
its storage as fat, and those who secreted less. Within each group, were put on a low-fat diet and half on
a tow-glycemic-toad diet. On average, the low-insulin-secreting group fared the same on both diets,
losing nearly 10 pounds in the first six months — but they gained about half of it back by the end of the
18-month study. The high-insulin group didn't do as well on the low-fat plan, losing about 4.5 pounds, and
gaining back more than half by the end. But the most successful were the high- insulin-secretors on the
low-glycemic-load diet. They lost nearly 13 pounds and kept it off.
F. What if your fat is caused not by diet or genes, but by germs—say, a virus? It sounds like a sci-fi horror
movie, but research suggests some dimension of the obesity epidemic may be attributable to infection by
common viruses, says Dhurandhar. The idea of "infect obesity" came to him 20 years ago when he was a
young doctor treating obesity in Bombay. He discovered that a local avian virus, SMAM-1, caused
chickens to die, sickened with organ damage but also, strangely, with lots of abdominal fat. In
experiments, Dhurandhar found that SMAM-l-infected chickens became obese on the same diet as
uninfected ones, which stayed svelte.
G. He later moved to the U.S. and onto a bona fide human virus, adenovirus 36 (AD-36). In the lab, every
species of animal Dhurandhar infected with the virus became obese—chickens got fat, mice got fat, even
rhesus monkeys at the zoo that picked up the virus from the environment suddenly gained 15 percent of
their body weight upon exposure. In his latest studies, Dhurandhar has isolated a gene that, when
blocked from expressing itself, seems to turn off the virus's fattening power. Stem cells extracted from fat
cells and then exposed to AD-36 reliably blossom into fat cells—but when stem cells are exposed to an
AD-36 virus with the key gene inhibited, the stems cells don't differentiate. The gene appears to be
necessary and sufficient to trigger AD-36-related obesity, and the goal is to use the research to create a
sort of obesity vaccine.
H. Researchers have discovered 10 microbes so far that trigger obesity— seven of them viruses. It may be
a long shot, but for people struggling desperately to be thin, even the possibility of an alternative cause of
obesity offers some solace. "They feel better knowing there may be something beyond them that could
be responsible，" says Dhurandhar. "The thought that there could be something besides what they've
heard all their lives that they are greedy and lazy— helps."
参考译文
人们对减肥枝域的研究就像古代寓言言中的盲人摸象：每个人都研究了动物的不同部分，然后做了份报告，最
后却困惑地发觉他们的发现大相径庭。
公共卫生专家、医生、心理学家、遗传学家、分子生物学家和营养学家的各种调查结果之间的差异就如同大
象的象牙和尾巴之间的差距一样大。有些人说肥胖很大程度上取决于我们的基因和生理条件；另外一些人
则将之归结于吃了过多的薯条，喝了太多的汽水和总盯着电脑屏幕；还有一些人认为肥胖是因为人还在子
宫里时，遇上了病毒感染、胰岛素或代谢异常。“每个人都支持自己的那套小理论，＂宾夕法尼亚大学医
学院体重和饮食失调中心的医疗主任罗伯特·伯克沃兹(Robert Berkowitz) 如是说道。我们与生俱来就要带着
脂肪，而有些人则注定比其他人生成和携带更多的脂肪。节食和运动有助于减肥，但最后的解决方案将不可
避免地比推开餐盘和散步更为复杂。“这不是＇你懒所以你胖＇那么简单的问题， “巴吞鲁日潘宁顿生物
医学研究中心的副教授尼基尔·杜源德哈(Nikhil Dhurandhar)说道：”意志力并不是瘦人的特权。它在人群中
是均等分布的。
科学可能还需要好几年的时间才能给我们提供一个有奇效的减肥配方。瘦素这一激素在大脑体重管理线路中发
挥着重要作用。有些人分泌的瘦素太少；而其他人则变得对其麻木了。当肥胖的人减肥时，他们的瘦素水平
及新陈代谢会直线下降。他们的身体会更有效地消耗能量和储存脂肪，这使得他们很难减肥成功。肥胖节食
者的身体会进入一种长期饥饿的状态，哥伦比亚大学的肥胖研究员鲁道夫·利贝尔(Rudolph Leibel) 将这种
感觉比作口渴。“有些人可能可以忍受长期的口渴，但是绝大部分人是无法忍受的，“利贝尔说道：”这是
缺乏意志力的问题吗？我认为不是。”
政府长久以来一直支持人们做适当的日常运动，比如晚间散步或爬楼梯，但那可能不会对减肥有很大帮助。

一个 150 磅的人散步半小时只会燃烧 150 卡路里，相当于两个苹果的热量。这对心脏有好处，对肠胃却
没那么好。“彻底的改变是必要的， “ 黛笛儿· 芭瑞特(Deirdre Barrett 沁兑道。她是哈佛大学医学院的心
理学家，同时也是《腰围地带》 (Waist/and ) 的作者。“通过选择小份的炸薯条或隔天散散步来减肥是行不
通的。“ 芭瑞特建议从国家体重控制登记处 (NWCR ) 的成员中找线索。NWCR 是一个自我选择的组织，有
5000 多名成功的减肥者，他们平均减重 66 磅，并且保持了 5 年半之久。有些注册成员通过低碳水化合
物的饮食方式减肥；有些选择摄取低脂食物；其他人则放弃吃精制食物。有些人依靠自已完成了减肥，其他人
则依赖专家指导。也就是说，不是每个人都能减掉 66 磅，而且也不是每个人都需要如此。减肥的目标不
应该是变瘦，而应是变得越来越健康。将你的体重减至你所设定范围的低端就足够了，洛克菲勒大学遗传
学家杰弗里· 弗里德曼 (Jeffrey Friedman ) 如是说。即使只减去 10 磅也能大大降低你患糖尿病、心脏病
和高血压的风险。关锭是不要仅仅因为你看起来不像一个泳装模特那样健美就放弃减肥。
你的基因和环境之间的谈判从笫一天就开始了。你的最佳体重是由基因设定的，而且似乎早早的就按条件编
辑好了，甚至是在出生之前，在子宫里的时候。根据一项对近一万对母子的调查研究所示，如果一位女性
在她怀孕时有高血糖那么她的孩子更容易超重或肥胖。孕产妇的糖尿病可能通过一种叫代谢印记的过程来增
加孩子的肥胖风险，特里萨·希利尔(Teresa Hillier)如是说。她是凯萨永久性健康研究中心的内分泌学家，同
时也是该研究项目的负责人。言下之意很明确：人的体重可能在很早前就确定了，而肥胖在很大程度上是由
母亲遗传给孩子的。对动物和人类的无数研究已经表明，母亲的肥胖将直接提高孩子体重增加的风险。对
准妈妈们最好的建议是：在怀孕前保持健康。这样你将减少孕期并发症的风险，并且更加有机会拥有一个正
常体重的孩子。
哪一种饮食能够起作用？这是一个价值 64,000 美元的问题。它引发人们思考：难道没有更好的节食方式吗？

一项研究似乎提供了一个答案。该研究比较了两组成年人：一组人吃东西后会分泌高水平的胰岛素，这种
激素会扫除血液中的血糖，并促进其存储为脂肪；另一组则是吃东西后分泌较少的胰岛素。在每组中，都
有一半人食用低脂肪食物，另一半食用低血糖负荷的食物。平均而言，胰岛素分泌水平较低的这一组成员
在两种节食方式下取得的成绩相同，均在前 6 个月中减重近 10 磅，但是在为期 18 个月的研究快要结束的
时候，他们的体重又回升了将近 5 磅。而高胰岛素组在低脂计划中的表现并不理想，只减了大约 4.5 磅，并
且在研究结束时体重回升了所减重量的一多半。最成功的是高胰岛素分泌、低血糖负荷饮食那一组，他们减
掉了近 13 磅，而且没有反弹。
那么如果你的肥胖不是由饮食或基因导致的，而是由于细茵一—坟；如病毒引起的呢？这听起来像科幻恐怖
电影，但是研究表明，某些案例中的肥胖可能是由于感染了常见的病毒而引发的，杜源德哈说道。他在 20
年前产生了 “感染性肥胖” 这一想法。当时，他还是一个在孟买冶疗肥胖的年轻医生。他发现当地的禽流
感病毒 SM 凡 vt-1 会导致鸡的器官受损，并使其死亡。但奇怪的是，与此同时，鸡的腹部会出现大量脂肪。
在实验中，杜源德哈发现，在同样的饮食下，感染 SMAM-1 病毒的鸡会变得肥胖，而未感染该病毒的鸡
则能够保持正常的体重。
他后来移居美国，并找到了一个真正的人类病毒，即腺病毒 36(AD-36)。在实验室里，每一种被杜源德哈
感染上这种病毒的动物都长胖了，包括鸡、老鼠，甚至是动物园里的称猴在不小心从环境中感染了该病毒
后，体重也陡然增加了 15%。在他最新的研究中，杜源德哈已经分离出了一种基因。这种基因在自我传递受
阻时，似乎会关闭病毒的发胖力量。从脂肪细胞中提取的干细胞，在与 AD-36 接触后，肯定会发展成脂
肪细胞——但是当关键基因被抑制时，干细胞在接触 AD-36 后则不会分化。该基因似乎是引发 AD-36 相
关肥胖症的充分必要条件，而我们的目标就是利用这项研究来创造一种肥胖疫苗。
The History of
Pencil
铅笔的历史
阅读原文
A. The beginning of the story of pencils started with a lighting Graphite. The main material for producing
pencil, was discovered in 1564 in Borrowdale in England when a lightning struck a local tree during a
thunder. Local people found out that the black substance spotted at the root of the unlucky tree was
different from burning ash of wood. It was soft, thus left marks everywhere. Chemistry was barely out of
its infancy at the time, so people mistook it for lead, equally black but much heavier. It was soon put to
use by locals in marking their sheep for ownership and calculation.
B. Britain turns out to be the major country where mines of graphite can be detected and developed. Even
so, the first pencil was invented elsewhere. As graphite is soft, it requires some form of encasement. In
Italy, graphite sticks were initially wrapped in string or sheepskin for stability, becoming perhaps the very
first pencil in the world. then around 1560, an Italian couple made what are likely the first blueprints for
the modern, wood-encased carpentry pencil. their version was a flat, oval, more compact type of pencil.
their concept involved the hollowing out of a stick of juniper wood. shortly thereafter in 1662, a superior
technique was discovered by German people: two wooden halves were carved, a graphite stick inserted,
and the halves then glued together—essentially the same method in use to this day. The news to the
usefulness of these early pencils spread far and wide, attracting the attention of artists all over the known
world.
C. Although graphite core in pencils is still referred to as lead, modern pencils do not contain lead as the
"lead" of the pencil is actually a mix of finely ground graphite and clay powders. This mixture is important
because the amount of clay content added to the graphite depends on the intended pencil hardness, and
the amount of time spent on grinding the mixture determines the quality of the lead. the more clay you put
in, the higher hardness the core has. Many pencils across the world, and almost all in Europe, are graded
on the European system. this system of naming used B for black and H for hard; a pencil's grade was
described by a sequence or successive Hs or Bs such as BB and BBB for successively softer leads, and
HH and HHH for successively harder ones. Then the standard writing pencil is graded HB.
D. In England, pencils continue to be made from whole sawn graphite. But with the mass production of
pencils, they are getting drastically more popular in many countries with each passing decade. As
demands rise, appetite for graphite soars. According to the United States Geo-Logical Survey (USGS),
world production of natural graphite in 2012 was 1,100,000 tons, of which the following major exporters
are: China, India, Brazil, North Korea and Canada. however, much in contrast with its intellectual
application in producing pencils, graphite was also widely used in the military. During the reign of
Elizabeth I, Borrowdale graphite was used as a refractory material to line moulds for cannonballs,
resulting in rounder, smoother balls that could be fired farther, contributing to the strength of the English
navy. this particular deposit of graphite was extremely pure and soft, and could easily be broken into
sticks. Because of its military importance. this unique mine and its production were strictly controlled by
the Crown.
E. That the united states did not use pencils in the outer space till they spent $1000 to make a pencil to use
in zero gravity conditions is in fact a fiction. It is widely known that astronauts in Russia used grease
pencils, which don't have breakage problems. But it is also a fact that their counterparts in the United
States used pencils in the outer space before real zero gravity pencil was invented. They preferred
mechanical pencils, which produced fine lines, much clearer than the smudgy lines left by the grease
pencils that Russians favored. but the lead tips of these mechanical pencils broke often. that bit of
graphite floating around the space capsule could get into someone's eye, or even find its way into
machinery or electronics, causing an electrical short or other problems. but despite the fact that the
Americans did invent zero gravity pencils later, they stuck to mechanical pencils for many years.
F. Against the backcloth of a digitalized world, the prospect of pencils seems bleak. In reality, it does not.
The application of pencils has by now become so widespread that they can be seen everywhere, such as
classrooms, meeting rooms and art rooms, etc. A spectrum of users is likely to continue to use it into
future: students to do math works, artists to draw on sketch pads, waiters or waitresses to mark on order
boards, make-up professionals to apply to faces, and architects to produce blue prints. the possibilities
seem limitless.
参考译文
铅笔的诞生要从一场雷电说起。 1564 年在英国的博罗戴尔，雷鸣中一道闪电劈中了当地的一棵树，继而
人们发现了石墨一一生产铅笔的主要原料。当地人发现，在这棵不幸的树的根部散落着一种黑色物质，它不
同于木材燃烧后的灰炵。该物质由于质地柔软，留下的痕迹随处可见。当时，化学这门学科才刚刚开始形成，
于是人们将石墨误认为是“铅", 一种同样是黑色但更重的物质。很快石墨便投入使用，当地人用它在羊身
上做记号，以标记所有权和统计数量。
事实上，英国石墨矿藏丰富，适宜开发开采。即便如此，笫一支铅笔却发明于其他地方。由于石墨比较

柔软，必须将其制成一定形状进行封装。在意大利，石墨棒起初是用细绳或羊皮包装固定，这也许是世界
上的第一支铅笔。而后在 1560 年左右，一对意大利夫妇制成了由木材包裹的铅笔，它很可能是现代铅笔的
雏形。这支铅笔呈扁平的椭圆形，也更为结实。他们的设计理念是将桧木挖空。此后不久，在 1662 年，
德国人发明了一种更优越的技术：将切成两半的木头挖槽，然后置入石墨棒，再将两块木头用胶水粘住一从
本质上来说，这与现在所使用的方法是一样的。这些早期铅笔十分好用的消息广泛流传，并引起了世界各地
艺术家的注意。
尽管铅笔是石墨芯，我们仍称之为 “铅 “ 笔，现代铅笔其实并不含铅，笔芯实则是由精细的石墨粉和黏土

混合而成。混合剂至关重要，因为黏土的含量决定了．铅笔的硬度，而混合物的研磨时长则决定了笔芯的质
量。黏土添加得越多，笔芯就越硬。几乎整个欧洲，乃至全球的铅笔规格均使用欧洲标准。这一命名
标准用 B 表示黑度，用 H 表示硬度；一支铅笔的规格是由 H 或 B 字母叠加的个数来表示的，比如： BB
和 BBB, B 的个数越多，铅笔就越软；HH 和 HHH, H 的个数越多，铅笔就越硬。标准的书写铅笔的规格
则是 HB。
在英国，铅笔的制作依旧以纯石墨为原材料。随着大规模的生产和时间的推移，铅笔在许多国家变得更受

欢迎。随着市场需求的上升，石墨的需求也随之飘升。据美国地质勘探局(USGS )发布的数据，2012 年世
界天然石墨产量为 110 万吨，其中主要出口国有：中国、印度、巴西、朝鲜和加拿大。然而，除
了用于生产铅笔之外，石墨也被广泛运用于军事领域。伊丽莎白一世统治时期，博罗戴尔石墨作为一种耐
火材料，被用于在炮弹模具上画线，这使得炮弹变得更圆、更光滑，射程更远，进而增强了英国海军的
实力。这种特殊的石墨矿藏非常纯，也极其软，且易制成棒状。由于其重要的军事价值，英国皇室对这种
独特的矿藏及其开采生产进行了严格的管控。
在花费 1000 美元制造零重力铅笔之前，美国并没有在太空中用过铅笔，这种说法实属虚构。众所周知，

俄罗斯宇航员使用油脂铅笔，因为它不存在断裂的问题。但事实上，他们的美国同行（即美国宇航员）在
真正的零重力铅笔发明之前也在太空中使用过铅笔。他们更偏爱自动铅笔，因其笔触细致，与俄罗斯人钟爱
的油脂铅笔相比，前者线条更为清晰而后者则显得污浊。但是自动铅笔的笔芯很容易折断。断掉的部分会漂浮
在太空舱里，可能会进入宇航员的眼睛，甚至是机器设备中，从而导致短路或其他问题。尽管美国后来的确
发明了零重力铅笔，但他们仍然在许多年里坚持使用自动铅笔。
在这个数字化世界的背景下，铅笔的前景看似暗淡，但事实却并非如此。现如今，铅笔的应用已经变得

非常普遍，它们在教室、会议室和美术室等地方随处可见。不同的用户未来仍可能继续使用铅笔，例如：
学生做数学作业，艺术家画素描，服务员下单，化妆师上妆，建筑师绘制蓝图。铅笔的前景不可限量。
The Impact of the
Potato
土豆的影响
阅读原文
A. The potato was first cultivated in South America between three and seven thousand years ago, though
scientists believe they may have grown wild in the region as long as 13,000 years ago. The genetic
patterns of potato distribution indicate that the potato probably originated in the mountainous west-central
region of the continent.
B. Early Spanish chroniclers who misused the Indian word batata (sweet potato) as the name for the potato
noted the importance of the tuber to the Incan Empire. The Incas had learned to preserve the potato for
storage by dehydrating and mashing potatoes into a substance called Chuchu could be stored in a room
for up to 10 years, providing excellent insurance against possible crop failures. As well as using the food
as a staple crop, the Incas thought potatoes made childbirth easier and used it to treat injuries.
C. The Spanish conquistadors first encountered the potato when they arrived in Peru in 1532 in search of
gold, and noted Inca miners eating chuchu. At the time the Spaniards failed to realize that the potato
represented a far more important treasure than either silver or gold, but they did gradually begin to use
potatoes as basic rations aboard their ships. After the arrival of the potato in Spain in 1570, a few
Spanish farmers began to cultivate them on a small scale, mostly as food for livestock.
D. Throughout Europe, potatoes were regarded with suspicion, distaste and fear. Generally considered to
be unfit for human consumption, they were used only as animal fodder and sustenance for the starving.
In northern Europe, potatoes were primarily grown in botanical gardens as an exotic novelty. Even
peasants refused to eat from a plant that produced ugly, misshapen tubers and that had come from a
heathen civilization. Some felt that the potato plant's resemblance to plants in the nightshade family
hinted that it was the creation of witches or devils.
E. In meat-loving England, farmers and urban workers regarded potatoes with extreme distaste. In 1662,
the Royal Society recommended the cultivation of the tuber to the English government and the nation, but
this recommendation had little impact. Potatoes did not become a staple until, during the food shortages
associated with the Revolutionary Wars, the English government began to officially encourage potato
cultivation. In 1795, the Board of Agriculture issued a pamphlet entitled "Hints Respecting the Culture and
Use of Potatoes"; this was followed shortly by pro-potato editorials and potato recipes in The Times.
Gradually, the lower classes began to follow the lead of the upper classes.
F. A similar pattern emerged across the English Channel in the Netherlands, Belgium and France. While the
potato slowly gained ground in eastern France (where it was often the only crop remaining after
marauding soldiers plundered wheat fields and vineyards), it did not achieve widespread acceptance until
the late 1700s. The peasants remained suspicious, in spite of a 1771 paper from the Facult de Paris
testifying that the potato was not harmful but beneficial. The people began to overcome their distaste
when the plant received the royal seal of approval: Louis XVI began to sport a potato flower in his
buttonhole, and Marie-Antoinette wore the purple potato blossom in her hair.
G. Frederick the Great。:Prussia saw the potato's potential，。help feed his nation and lower the price of
bread, but faced the challenge of overcoming the people's prejudice against the plant. When he issued a
1774 order for his subjects to grow potatoes as protection against famine, the town of Kolberg replied:
"The things have neither smell nor taste, not even the dogs will eat them, so what use are they to us?"
Trying a less direct approach to encourage his subjects to begin planting potatoes, Frederick used a bit of
reverse psychology: he planted a royal field of potato plants and stationed a heavy guard to protect this
field from thieves. Nearby peasants naturally assumed that anything worth guarding was worth stealing,
and so snuck into the field and snatched the plants for their home gardens. Of course, this was entirely in
line with Frederick's wishes.
H. Historians debate whether the potato was primarily cause or effect of the huge population boom in
industrial-era England and Wales. Prior to 1800, the English diet had consisted primarily of meat,
supplemented by bread, butter and cheese. Few vegetables were consumed, most vegetables being
regarded as nutritionally worthless and potentially harmful. This view began to change gradually in the
late 1700s. The Industrial Revolution was drawing an ever-increasing percentage of the populace into
crowded cities, where only the richest could afford homes with ovens or coal storage rooms, and people
were working 12-16 hour days which left them with little time or energy to prepare food. High yielding,
easily prepared potato crops were the obvious solution to England's food problems.
I. Whereas most of their neighbors regarded the potato with suspicion and had to be persuaded to use it by
the upper classes, the Irish peasantry embraced the tuber more innately than anyone since the Incas.
The potato was well suited to the Irish and climate, and its high yield suited the most important concern of
most Irish farmers: to feed their families.
J. The most dramatic example of the potato's potential to alter population patterns occurred in Ireland,
where the potato had become a staple by 1800. The Irish population doubled to eight million between
1780 and 1841, this without any significant expansion of industry or reform of agricultural techniques
beyond the widespread cultivation of the potato. Though Irish landholding practices were primitive in
comparison with those of England, the potato's high yields allowed even the poorest farmers to produce
more healthy food than they needed with scarcely any investment or hard labor. Even children could
easily plant, harvest and cook potatoes, which of course required no threshing, curing or grinding. The
abundance provided by potatoes greatly decreased infant mortality and encouraged early marriage.
参考译文
马铃薯最早种植于三至七千年前的南美洲，尽管科学家们相信早在一万三千年前马铃薯就已经在该地区野蛮生
长了。马铃薯分布的遗传模式表明，马铃薯可能起源于该大陆中西部的山区。
早期的西班牙编年史家误用印度词 batata（甘薯）作为马铃薯的名称，指出块茎对印加帝国的重要性。印加人
已经学会了通过脱水，然后把土豆捣碎成一种叫楚楚的物质来保存土豆，这种物质可以在一个房间里储存长
达 10 年，为防止可能的作物歉收提供了极好的保险。印加人以土豆作为主要农作物，认为食用土豆使分娩更
容易，并用它来治疗伤口。
西班牙征服者到达时，矿工于 1532 年在秘鲁搜索的黄金时遇到了第一个土豆，即现代的印加食的楚楚。当时

的西班牙人没有意识到马铃薯远比银或金更重要，但他们开始逐渐把土豆作为船上的基本口粮。在 1570 年马
铃薯到达西班牙，一些农民开始小规模培育，主要用来作为家畜的食物。
在整个欧洲，土豆被人们怀疑、厌恶和恐惧。一般认为它们不适合人类食用，只用作动物饲料和饥饿者的食物。
在北欧，马铃薯作为一种异国情调的新奇事物，生长在植物园中。甚至连农民也拒绝吃来自异教徒文明的、丑
陋的、畸形块茎的植物。一些人认为马铃薯和茄科植物的相似性暗示了它是巫婆或魔鬼的产物。
在热爱肉类的英国，农民和城市工人非常厌恶土豆。1662 年，英国皇家学会向英国政府和全国推荐种植块茎，
但这一建议几乎没有影响。马铃薯没有成为主食，直到革命战争期间出现了食物短缺，英国政府开始正式鼓励
马铃薯种植。1795 年，农业委员会出版了一本小册子，题目是“关于马铃薯的文化和使用的提示”；紧接着
是《泰晤士报》的亲马铃薯社论和马铃薯食谱。渐渐地，马铃薯的发展由下层阶级开始向着上层阶级的发展。
在荷兰、比利时和法国，英吉利海峡出现了类似的模式。尽管马铃薯在法国东部慢慢地长了起来（那里经常是
劫掠士兵掠夺麦田和葡萄园后剩下的唯一作物），但是直到 1700 年代末它才得到广泛的认可。尽管当时农民
们还怀疑，但巴黎证明土豆不仅无害，而且很有益。人们开始克服他们对土豆的厌恶，这种植物得到皇家印章
的批准：路易十六开始在他的纽扣洞里放马铃薯花，玛丽安托瓦内在她的头发上戴着紫色的马铃薯花。
弗雷德里克大帝：普鲁士看到了马铃薯的潜力，帮助养活他的国家，降低面包的价格，但是面临着克服人民对
马铃薯的偏见的挑战。当他 1774 年下令他的臣民种植马铃薯以抵御饥荒时，科尔伯格镇回答说：“这些东西
不仅闻起来没味道吃起来也没味道，甚至狗都不会吃它们，那么它们对我们有什么用处呢？”弗雷德里克试图
用一种不那么直接的方法鼓励他的实验对象开始种植马铃薯，他使用了一点反向心理学：他种植了一块皇家马
铃薯田，并派了一个重兵保护这块田地免受盗贼的侵害。附近的农民自然认为任何值得守卫的东西都值得偷，
于是偷偷溜进田里，抢走花草为自己的家园服务。当然，这完全符合弗雷德里克的愿望。
历史学家争论马铃薯是否是工业时代英格兰和威尔士人口激增的主要原因。1800 年以前，英国的饮食主要由
肉类组成，辅以面包、黄油和奶酪。很少吃蔬菜，大多数蔬菜被认为营养价值不高，而且可能有害。这种看法
在 17 世纪末期开始逐渐改变。工业革命把越来越多的人吸引到拥挤的城市，只有最富有的人才能买得起烤箱
或储煤室。人们每天工作 12-16 小时，剩下很少的时间和体力去准备食物。高产、易制的马铃薯作物是英国解
决粮食问题的明显办法。
虽然大多数邻居都怀疑这种马铃薯，不得不被上层阶级说服去使用它，但爱尔兰农民是继印加人后能自然
地接受块茎。马铃薯非常适合爱尔兰和当地气候，它的高产量适合大多数爱尔兰农民最关心的问题：养活他们
的家庭。
马铃薯改变种群格局的潜力最引人注目的例子发生在爱尔兰，1800 年马铃薯已经成为了主要作物。在 1780

年至 1841 年间，爱尔兰人口翻了一番，达到 800 万，除了马铃薯的广泛种植之外，没有进行任何工业扩张或
农业技术改革。虽然爱尔兰在占有土地的做法与英国相比是原始的，但是马铃薯的高产量使得最贫穷的农民也
几乎不用任何投资或辛勤劳动就能生产出比他们需要的多的健康食品。即使是小孩子也能很容易地种植、收获
和烹饪马铃薯，这当然不需要打谷、腌制或研磨。土豆提供的丰富性大大降低了婴儿死亡率，鼓励早婚。
Tomas Young The
Last True Know-it-all 无忧雅思阅读机经
托马斯杨：最后一个无所不知的人
阅读原文
A. Thomas Young (1773-1829) contributed 63 articles to the Encyclopedia Britannica, including 46

biographical entries (mostly on scientists and classicists) and substantial essays on "Bridge,”
"Chromatics," "Egypt," "Languages" and "Tides". Was someone who could write authoritatively about so
many subjects a polymath, a genius or a dilettante? In an ambitious new biography, Andrew Robinson
argues that Young is a good contender for the epitaph "the last man who knew everything." Young has
competition, however: The phrase, which Robinson takes for his title, also serves as the subtitle of two
other recent biographies: Leonard Warren's 1998 life of paleontologist Joseph Leidy (1823-1891) and
Paula Findlen's 2004 book on Athanasius Kircher (1602-1680), another polymath.
B. Young, of course, did more than write encyclopedia entries. He presented his first paper to the Royal
Society of London at the age of 20 and was elected a Fellow a week after his 21st birthday. In the paper,
Young explained the process of accommodation in the human eye on how the eye focuses properly on
objects at varying distances. Young hypothesized that this was achieved by changes in the shape of the
lens. Young also theorized that light traveled in waves and he believed that, to account for the ability to
see in color, there must be three receptors in the eye corresponding to the three "principal colors" to
which the retina could respond: red, green, violet. All these hypothesis were subsequently proved to be
correct.
C. Later in his life, when he was in his forties, Young was instrumental in cracking the code that unlocked the
unknown script on the Rosetta Stone, a tablet that was "found" in Egypt by the Napoleonic army in 1799.
The stone contains text in three alphabets: Greek, something unrecognizable and Egyptian hieroglyphs.
The unrecognizable script is now known as demotic and, as Young deduced, is related directly to
hieroglyphic. His initial work on this appeared in his Britannica entry on Egypt. In another entry, he coined
the term Indo-European to describe the family of languages spoken throughout most of Europe and
northern India. These are the landmark achievements of a man who was a child prodigy and who, unlike
many remarkable children, did not disappear into oblivion as an adult.
D. Born in 1773 in Somerset in England, Young lived from an early age with his maternal grandfather,
eventually leaving to attend boarding school. He haddevoured books from the age of two, and through his
own initiative he excelled at Latin, Greek, mathematics and natural philosophy. After leaving school, he
was greatly encouraged by his mother's uncle, Richard Brocklesby, a physician and Fellow of the Royal
Society. Following Brocklesby's lead, Young decided to pursue a career in medicine. He studied in
London, following the medical circuit, and then moved on to more formal education in Edinburgh,
Gottingen and Cambridge. After completing his medical training at the University of Cambridge in 1808,
Young set up practice as a physician in London. He soon became a Fellow of the Royal College of
Physicians and a few years later was appointed physician at St. George's Hospital.
E. Young's skill as a physician, however, did not equal his skill as a scholar of natural philosophy or
linguistics. Earlier, in 1801, he had been appointed to a professorship of natural philosophy at the Royal
Institution, where he delivered as many as 60 lectures in a year. These were published in two volumes in
1807. In 1804 Young had become secretary to the Royal Society, a post he would hold until his death. His
opinions were sought on civic and national matters, such as the introduction of gas lighting to London and
methods of ship construction. From 1819 he was superintendent of the Nautical Almanac and secretary
to the Board of Longitude. From 1824 to 1829 he was physician to and inspector of calculations for the
Palladian Insurance Company. Between 1816 and 1825 he contributed his many and various entries to
the Encyclopedia Britannica, and throughout his career he authored numerous books, essays and
papers.
F. Young is a perfect subject for a biography - perfect, but daunting. Few men contributed so much to so
many technical fields. Robinson's aim is to introduce non-scientists to Young's work and life. He
succeeds, providing clear expositions of the technical material (especially that on optics and Egyptian
hieroglyphs). Some readers of this book will, like Robinson, find Young's accomplishments impressive;
others will see him as some historians have - as a dilettante. Yet despite the rich material presented in
this book, readers will not end up knowing Young personally. We catch glimpses of a playful Young,
doodling Greek and Latin phrases in his notes on medical lectures and translating the verses that a
young lady had written on the walls of a summerhouse into Greek elegiacs. Young was introduced into
elite society, attended the theatre and learned to dance and play the flute. In addition, he was an
accomplished horseman. However, his personal life looks pale next to his vibrant career and studies.
G. Young married Eliza Maxwell in 1804, and according to Robinson, "their marriage was a happy one and
she appreciated his work." Almost all we know about her is that she sustained her husband through some
rancorous disputes about optics and that she worried about money when his medical career was slow to
take off. Very little evidence survives about the complexities of Young's relationships with his mother and
father. Robinson does not credit them, or anyone else, with shaping Young's extraordinary mind. Despite
the lack of details concerning Young's relationships, however, anyone interested in what it means to be a
genius should read this book.
参考答案
Questions 1-7

1. The last man who knew everything has also been claimed to other people. TRUE
2. All Young's articles were published in Encyclopedia Britannica. FALSE
3. Like others, Young wasn't so brilliant when growing up. FALSE
4. Young's talent as a doctor surpassed his other skills. NOT GIVEN
5. Young's advice was sought by people responsible for local and national issues. TRUE
6. Young was interested in various social pastimes. TRUE
7. Young suffered from a disease in his later years. NOT GIVEN
Questions 8-13
Answer the questions below.
Choose NO MORE THAN THREE WORDS AND/OR A NUMBER from the passage for each answer.
8. How many life stories did young write for the Encyclopedia Britannica? 46
9. What aspect of scientific research did young focus on in his first academic paper?
Human eye accommodation
10. What name did Young introduce to refer to a group of languages? Indo-European
11. Who inspired Young to start his medical studies? Richard Brocklesby
12. Where did Young get a teaching position? Royal Institution
13. What contribution did Young make to London? gas lighting
参考译文
托马斯・杨(1773-1829)是《大不列颠百科全书》)中 63 篇文章的作者,这些文章中包括 46 篇传记(大部分都是
关于科学家和古典学者)和大量关于“桥”“色彩论”“埃及中"语言”和潮汐"的论文,一个能够在这么多领域
写出这样多有权成性文章的人该算是一个博学者,还是一个天才,亦或是一个兴趣广泛的业余人士呢?在一篇关
于他的比较激进的新传记中,安德鲁・罗宾逊认为托马斯・杨是一位强有力的竟争者,能够配得这样的墓志
铭:“最后一个无所不知的人。但是杨也要面对竟争:因为罗宾逊给他的这个传记标题,也是另外两本新传记的副
标题:伦纳德沃伦于 1998 年著的关于古生物学家约瑟夫・菜迪(1823-1891)的一生以及保拉・冯徳林于 2004
年著的关于另一位博学者亚塔那修·基歇尔(1602-1680)的传记。
当然，杨的贡献远不止写了很多百科全书上的文章。他在 20 岁的时候将自己的第一篇论文自荐给伦敦皇家

学会，并在 21 岁生日后的一周被选为皇家学会院士。杨在该篇论文中解释了人类眼睛的调节机制—托马斯·杨
在 1804 年和伊丽莎·麦克斯威尔结婚，而且据罗宾逊所述：”他们的婚姻是幸福的，因为他的夫人欣赏他的
工作。“我们对于他夫人的了解几乎仅限于她在她丈夫备受一些关于光学理论方面的争议时总是坚定地支持
他，并且当他的医学生涯慢慢起飞的时候，她开始担心钱的问题。关于杨和他父母之间错综复杂的关系的记述
也存世极少，罗宾逊在提到杨的非凡的头脑时也并没有将其归功于他的父母或其他任何人。尽管对杨的人际关
系缺少细节描述，但是，任何一位对 “作为一个天才意味着什么 “ 感兴趣的人，关于眼晴如何通过不同的
距离聚焦在物体上。杨推测这是通过晶状体形状的改变来达到的。他还推论到，光是以波纹的形式传播的，
为了能看见颜色，眼中必须要有三个感受器对 “三原色” 进行感应，而视网膜能对其产生感应的三种颜色
分别是红、绿、紫。所有这些假设在后来都被证明是正确的。
在他人生的晚些时候，也就是他 40 多岁的时候，杨试图用密码破译技术破解罗塞塔石碑上的未知文字，这

个石碑是 1799 年在埃及被拿破仑的军队发现的。该石碑上包含了三种文字：古希腊文、不可辨识的文字以
及古埃及的象形文字。其中不可辨识的文字现在被认为是世俗体文字，正如杨所推断的，是和象形文有直
接相关的。他最初的有关这方面的著作出现在《大不列颠百科全书》埃及部分的词条中。在另一个条目中，
他创造了术语 “印欧语系” 来描述在欧洲大部分地区以及北印度使用的语言群。这些都是他获得的里程碑式
的成就，他从小就展露出了惊人的天赋，但不同于许多天才儿童，他长大后并没有泯然众人。
托马斯．杨于 1773 年出生在英国萨默塞特郡，他从小和外公一起长大，最后去了寄宿学校。他从两岁的时

候就开始博览群书，并且通过自学熟练掌握了拉丁语、希腊语、数学以及自然哲学。离开学校后，他在很大程
度上受到了叔祖父理查德·布罗克兹比的鼓励，他的叔祖父是一位内科医生，也是英国皇家学会的一位院士。在
布罗克兹比的引导下，杨决定要在医学方面有所建树。他曾先后在伦敦大学、爱丁堡大学、格丁根大学和剑桥
大学学习医学。 1808 年，杨在完成剑桥大学的医学学习后，在伦敦开了一家诊所很快，他就成为皇家内科
医学院的院士，并且在几年后被任命为圣乔治医院的一名内科医生。
杨作为内科医生的医术却赶不上他作为自然哲学学者或是语言学家取得的成就。早在 1801 年，他就已被任

命为英国皇家研究所的自然哲学教授，他每年都在那里举办多达 60 场的讲座。这些讲座内容在 1807 年以
两本书的形式进行出版。1804 年杨就已经成为英国皇家学会的秘书，而他也担任这个职务直至去世。许多市
政和国家事务都会征求他的看法，比如在伦敦引进煤气照明和造船方法。从 1819 年起，他就是航海天文历的
主要负责人，也是经度委员会的秘书。从 1824 年到 1829 年，他担任 PaUadian 保险公司的统计检查官和
内科医生。在 1816 年至 1825 年间，他为《大不列颠百科全书》编纂了许多词条,而且穷其一生,著作、论文
无数。
作为一本传记的主题人物,杨是完美的一一完美而令人生畏。很少有人能够在如此们多的科技领城做出如此巨大
的贡献。罗宾逊的目的是向非科学研究人士介绍杨的工作和生活。他成功地将科学的实质清晰地展现了出来(尤
其是关于光学和古埃及象形文字方面的内容)这本书的有些读者会像罗宾逊一样,觉得杨的成就令人印象深刻,其
他人则会像一些历史学家一样,认为他只是一知半解者。尽管这本书写了许多关于杨的事迹但读者也无法直观了
解他。我们通过杨在医学课上胡乱写的希腊文和拉丁文短语以及他位年轻的女士写在避暑山庄墙翻译成希腊挽
歌的举他的幽默。他被引入社会精英阶层,参加戏剧演出,学会跳舞和吹长笛。此外,他还是一位杰出的马术师。
但是,他的个人生活也因为他在事业和研究方面的耀眼成就而略显苍白和黯淡。
托马斯·杨在 1804 年和伊丽莎·麦克斯威尔结婚，而且据罗宾逊所述：”他们的婚姻是幸福的，因为他的夫人

欣赏他的工作。“我们对于他夫人的了解几乎仅限于她在她丈夫备受一些关于光学理论方面的争议时总是坚定
地支持他，并且当他的医学生涯慢慢起飞的时候，她开始担心钱的问题。关于杨和他父母之间错综复杂的关系
的记述也存世极少，罗宾逊在提到杨的非凡的头脑时也并没有将其归功于他的父母或其他任何人。尽管对杨的
人际关系缺少细节描述，但是，任何一位对 “作为一个天才意味着什么 “ 感兴趣的人。
Musical
Maladies
音乐病
阅读原文
Norman M. Weinberger reviews the latest work of Oliver Sacks on music.
A. Music and the brain are both endlessly fascinating subjects, and as a neuroscientist specializing in
auditory learning and memory, I find them especially intriguing. So I had high expectations of
Musicophilia, the latest offering from neurologist and prolific author Oliver Sacks. And I confess to feeling
a little guilty reporting that my reactions to the book are mixed.
B. Sacks himself is the best part of Musicophilia. He richly documents his own life in the book and reveals
highly personal experiences. The photograph of him on the cover of the book which shows him wearing
headphones, eyes closed, clearly enchanted as he listens to Alfred 1 Brendel perform Beethoven's
Pathetique Sonata--makes a positive impression that is borne out by the contents of the book. Sacks's
voice throughout is steady and erudite but never pontifical. He is neither self-conscious nor
self-promoting.
C. The preface gives a good idea of what the book will deliver. In it Sacks explains that he wants to convey
the insights gleaned from the enormous and rapidly growing body of work on the neural underpinnings of
musical perception and imagery, and the complex and often bizarre disorders to which these are prone."
He also stresses the importance of the simple art of observation" and the richness of the human context.
He wants to combine observation and description with the latest in technology,” he says, and to
imaginatively enter into the experience of his patients and subjects. The reader can see that Sacks, who
has been practicing neurology for 40 years, is torn between the old-fashioned path of observation and the
new-fangled, high-tech approach: He knows that he needs to take heed of the latter， but his heart lies
with the former.
D. The book consists mainly of detailed descriptions of cases, most of them involving patients whom Sacks
has seen in his practice. Brief discussions of contemporary neuroscientific reports are sprinkled liberally
throughout the text. Part I, Haunted by Music," begins with the strange case of Tony Cicoria, a
nonmusical, middle-aged surgeon who was consumed by a love of music after being hit by lightning. He
suddenly began to crave listening to piano music， which he had never cared for in the past. He started to
play the piano and then to compose music，which arose spontaneously in his mind in a torrent of notes.
How could this happen? Was I the cause psychological? (He had had a near-death experience when the
lightning struck him.) Or was it the direct result of a change in the auditory regions of his cerebral cortex?
Electro-encephalography (EEG) showed his brain waves to be normal in the mid-1990s, just after his
trauma and subsequent conversion to music. There are now more sensitive tests, but Cicoria has
declined to undergo them; he does not want to delve into the causes of his musicality. What a shame!
E. Part II, “A Range of Musicality,” covers a wider variety of topics，but unfortunately，some of the chapters
offer little or nothing that is new. For example, chapter 13, which is five pages long, merely notes that the
blind often have better hearing than the sighted. The most interesting chapters are those that present the
strangest cases. Chapter 8 is about “ amusia ， ” an inability to hear sounds as music ， and
“dysharmonia，”a highly specific impairment of the ability to hear harmony, with the ability to understand
melody left intact. Such specific dissociations are found throughout the cases Sacks recounts.
F. To Sacks's credit, part III, "Memory, Movement and Music," brings us into the underappreciated realm of
music therapy. Chapter 16 explains how "melodic intonation therapy" is being used to help expressive
aphasic patients (those unable to express their thoughts verbally following a stroke or other cerebral
incident) once again become capable of fluent speech. In chapter 20, Sacks demonstrates the
near-miraculous power of music to animate Parkinson’s patients and other people with severe movement
disorders, even those who are frozen into odd postures. Scientists cannot yet explain how music
achieves this effect.
G. To readers who are unfamiliar with neuroscience and music behavior, Musicophilia may be something of
a revelation. But the book will not satisfy those seeking the causes and implications of the phenomena
Sacks describes. For one thing, Sacks appears to be more at ease discussing patients than discussing
experiments. And he tends to be rather uncritical in accepting scientific findings and theories.
H. It's true that the causes of music-brain oddities remain poorly understood. However, Sacks could have
done more to draw out some of the implications of the careful observations that he and other neurologists
have made and of the treatments that have been successful. For example, he might have noted that the
many specific dissociations among components of music comprehension, such as loss of the ability to
perceive harmony but not melody, indicate that there is no music center in the brain. Because many
people who read the book are likely to believe in the brain localization of all mental functions, this was a
missed educational opportunity.
I. Another conclusion one could draw is that there seem to be no cures for neurological problems involving
music. A drug can alleviate a symptom in one patient and aggravate it in another, or can have both
positive and negative effects in the same patient. Treatments mentioned seem to be almost exclusively
antiepileptic medications, which "damp down" the excitability of the brain in general; their effectiveness
varies widely.
J. Finally, in many of the cases described here the patient with music-brain symptoms is reported to have
"normal" EEG results. Although Sacks recognizes the existence of new technologies, among them far
more sensitive ways to analyze brain waves than the standard neurological EEG test, he does not call for
their use. In fact, although he exhibits the greatest compassion for patients, he conveys no sense of
urgency about the pursuit of new avenues in the diagnosis and treatment of music-brain disorders. This
absence echoes the book's preface, in which Sacks expresses fear that the simple art of observation
may be lost" if we rely too much on new technologies. He does call for both approaches, though, and we
can only hope that the neurological community will respond.
参考答案
Questions 27-30
Choose the correct letter, A, B, C or D
Write the correct letter in boxes 27-30 on your answer sheet.
27. Why does the writer have a mixed feeling about the book?
A. The guilty feeling made him so.
B. The writer expected it to be better than it was.
C. Sacks failed to include his personal stories in the book.
D. This is the only book written by Sacks.
28. What is the best part of the book?

A. the photo of Sacks listening to music
B. the tone of voice of the book
C. the autobiographical description in the book
D. the description of Sacks's wealth
29. In the preface, what did Sacks try to achieve?

A. make terms with the new technologies
B. give detailed description of various musical disorders
C. explain how people understand music
D. explain why he needs to do away with simple observation
30. What is disappointing about Tony Cicoria's case?

A. He refuses to have further tests.
B. He can't determine the cause of his sudden musicality
C. He nearly died because of the lightening
D. His brain waves were too normal to show anything
Questions 31-36
YES if the statement agrees with the information

NO if the statement contradicts the information
31. It is difficult to give a well-reputable writer a less than favorable review. YES
32. Beethoven's Pathetique Sonata is a good treatment for musical disorders. NOT GIVEN
33. Sacks believes technological methods is not important compared with observation when
studying his patients. NO
34. It is difficult to understand why music therapy is undervalued. NOT GIVEN
35. Sacks should have more skepticism about other theories and findings. YES
36. Sacks is impatient to use new testing methods. NO
参考译文
诺曼·M·温伤格对奥利弗·萨克斯关于音乐的最新作品的评论。
音乐和大脑都是使人无尽着迷的课题，尤其是作为一个声音习得和记忆方面的神经学专家，我发现它们更是令
人着迷。因此，我对于神经病学家兼高产作家奥利弗．萨克斯的最新著作《恋音乐》有着较高的期待。但我不
得不愧疚地承认我对这本书的感受是复杂的。
萨克斯本人是《恋音乐》这本书中最棒的部分。在这本书中，他丰富地纪录了自己的生活并揭示了极具个人
色彩的经历。在书的封面上放着他的照片－戴着耳机，双眼闭合，聆听着阿尔弗雷德·布伦德尔演奏贝多芬的《悲
沧奏鸣曲》时那种肉醉的神情一给人留下了正面的印象。当然，书的内容也证实了这一点。整本著作里，萨
克斯的语气沉稳而博学，但又决不自以为是。他既不害羞，也不自我标榜。
前言部分很好地介绍了书的主要内容。其中，萨克斯解释说他想传达从“大量及快速增长的关于音乐认知和音
乐意象的神经学以及其易导致的复杂且经常奇特的失调案例” 中获得的灵感。他也强调了“观察这门简单艺
术”和“人文环境的丰富性”的重要性。他说他想”把观察和描述与最新的技术结合在一起“，同时充满想象
力地去领会自己的病人和研究对象的经验。读者可以看到，萨克斯，一个具有 40 年经验的神经学家，在“过
时的“观察研究和最新的高科技研究方法之间左右徘徊：他知道后者的必要性，但是他的心却在前者。
这本书主要包含了对案例的详细描述，其中大多数涉及萨克斯在自己的学术生涯中见到的病人。对当代神经学
报道的简要讨论遍布全书。第一部分“音乐幽灵”以一个奇怪的病例开头：托尼．西科里拉，一个不懂音乐的
中年外科医生在一次被闪电击中之后疯狂地爱上了音乐。他突然开始渴望聆听钢琴乐，而在此前却对钢琴乐全
然不感兴趣。他开始弹奏钢琴，然后开始谱曲，这些曲子就像是一波又一波的乐符自发地在他的大脑中形成。
这是怎么回事呢？是心理学因素导致的吗（当闪电击中他时，他经历了一场濒死体验）？还是他大脑皮层中的
听觉区域改变的直接结果呢？在 20 世纪 90 年代中期，也就是在那场创伤和“皈依“音乐之后不久，脑电波
图还显示着他的脑电波都是正常的。现在还有更敏感的测试可以做，但是西科里拉拒绝参与；他不想深入研究
这突如其来的乐感的缘由。这真是令人遗憾！
笫二部分 “不同的乐感” 所涉及的话题更广，但是不幸的是，有些章节几乎甚至没有给人带来任何新意。

例如，长达五页的第十三章仅仅提到了失明者的听力比正常视力的人要好。最有趣的章节要数那些讲述不同
寻常病例的章节。第八章是关于 “失音症”和合音错乱症”，分别指无法欣赏音乐的症状和不能听到合音但
是却能欣赏音乐旋律的特定障碍。这些特定的 “不协调” 在萨克斯所描述的病例中都能找到。
值得赞赏的是，萨克斯在第三部分 ”记忆、运动和音乐” 中带领我们进入了未得到充分赏识的音乐治疗领

域。第十六章解释了 “旋律声调治疗法” 是如何被用来帮助表达性失语症患者（指那些在中风或大脑损伤后
不能口头表达自己的想法的人）再次流利地说话。在第二十章中，萨克斯展示了音乐近乎奇迹般的力量。这
种力量使得帕金森氏症患者和其他具有严重运动协调障碍的人，甚至那些肢体已经僵化形成奇怪姿势的人，
再次充满活力地运动起来。科学家现在还不能解释音乐是如何达到这个效果的。
对于不熟悉神经科学和音乐行为的读者来说，《恋音乐》可能是一本具有启发性的读物。但是这本书却并不能
满足那些寻找萨克斯所描述的这些现象的原因和含义的人。原因之一就在于萨克斯仿佛更愿意讨论病人，而
不是讨论试验。并且，他倾向于毫无保留地接受科学发现和理论。
固然，人们对于与音乐相关的大脑奇异现象了解极少。但是，萨克斯其实本可以发挖掘出更多关于他和其他
神经学专家所做出的观察以及那些成功治疗案例所带来的启迪。例如，他本应该指出在音乐欣赏的诸多组成
部分中，许多特定的不协调（比如，丧失辨别合音而非旋律的能力）就意味着大脑中不存在音乐中枢。正因
为很多读过此书的人都极其可能认为所有的思想行为都有对应的大脑中枢，所以这本书错过了一个很好的纠
正观念的机会。
人们能够得出的另外一个结论是，我们似乎并没有一个能治愈有关音乐的神经学疾病的 “灵药”。一种药物

也许能减轻一个病人的症状，但却能使另一个病人的病情恶化，或者能在同一个病人的身上体现出好坏两种
截然不同的效果。书中提及的治疗方法几乎毫无例外地都采用了抗癫痫的药物，这些药物一般来说不过是
“ 浇灭” 了大脑的兴奋度；这些治疗方法的有效性也各不相同。
最后，在书中所描述的许多案例中，患有与音乐相关的大脑病症的病人都显示出 “正常的“ 脑电波测试结果。

尽管萨克斯知晓存在更先进的技术，而且其中还具有和标准神经学脑电波测试相比更灵敏的分析脑电波的方
法，但他却并没有使用。事实上，尽管他显示出了对病人的极大同情，但是他并没有传达出追寻新的诊断
和治疗与音乐相关的大脑疾病的方法的紧迫性。这一点正好对应了前言中萨克斯所表达出的担忧，即如果我
们过分依赖新技术,“观察研究这一简单艺术就会消失”。虽然他也确实呼吁两种方法并行,但是我们只能奇期
望于神经学界能作出回应。
The Rainmaker
造雨者
阅读原文
A. Sometimes ideas just pop up out of the blue. Or in Charlie Paton’s case, out of the rain. “I was in a bus in
Morocco travelling through the desert,” he remembers. “It had been raining and the bus was full of hot,
wet people. The windows steamed up and I went to sleep with a towel against the glass. When I woke,
the thing was soaking wet. I had to wring it out. And it set me thinking. Why was it so wet?”
B. The answer, of course, was condensation. Back home in London, a physicist friend, Philip Davies,
explained that the glass, chilled by the rain outside, had cooled the hot humid air inside the bus below its
dew point, causing droplets of water to form on the inside of the window. Intrigued, Paton-a lighting
engineer by profession-started rigging up his own equipment. “I made my own solar stills. It occurred to
me that you might be able to produce water in this way in the desert, simply by cooling the air. I wondered
whether you could make enough to irrigate fields and grow crops.”
C. Today, a decade on, his dream has taken shape as giant greenhouse on a desert island off Abu Dhabi in
the Persian Gulf ---the first commercially viable Version of his “seawater greenhouse”. Local scientists,
working with Paton under a license from his company Light Works, are watering the desert and growing
vegetables in what is basically a giant dew-making machine that produces fresh water and cool air from
sum and seawater. In awarding Paton first prize in a design competition two years ago, Marco
Goldschmied, president of the Royal Institute of British Architects, called it “a truly original idea which has
the potential to impact on the lives of millions of people living in coastal water-starved areas around the
world.”
D. The design has three main parts (see Graphic). The greenhouse faces into the prevailing wind so that
hot, dry desert air blows in through the front wall of perforated cardboard, kept wet and cool by a constant
tickle of seawater pumped up from the nearby shoreline. The evaporating seawater cools and moistens
the air. Last June, for example, when the temperature outside the Abu Dhabi greenhouse was 46°c, it
was in the low 30s inside. While the air outside was dry, the humidity in the greenhouse was 90 percent.
The cool, moist air allows the plants to grow faster, and because much less water evaporates from the
leaves their demand for moisture drops dramatically. Paton’s crops thrived on a single liter of water per
square meter per day, compared to 8 liters if they were growing outside.
E. The second feature also cools the air for the plants. Paton has constructed a double-layered roof with an
outer layer of clear polythene and an inner, coated layer that reflects infrared light. Visible light can
stream through to maximize photosynthesis, while heat from the infrared radiation is trapped in the space
between the layer, away from the plants.
F. At the back of the greenhouse sits the third element, the main water-production unit. Just before entering
this unit, the humid air of the greenhouse mixes with hot, dry air from between the two layers of the roof.
This means the air can absorb more moisture as it passes through a second moist cardboard wall.
Finally, the hot saturated air hits a condenser. This is a metal surface kept cool by still more seawater-the
equivalent of the window on Paton’s Moroccan bus. Drops of pure distilled water from on the condenser
and flow into a tank for irrigating the crops.
G. The greenhouse more or less runs itself. Sensors switch everything on when the sun rises and alter flows
of air and seawater through the day in response to changes in temperature, humidity and sunlight. On
windless days, fans ensure a constant flow of air through the greenhouse. “once it is tuned to the local
environment, you don’t need anyone there for it to work,” says Paton. “we can run the entire operation off
one 13-amp plug, and in future we could make it entirely independent of the grid, powered from a few
solar panels.”
H. The net effect is to evaporate seawater into hot desert air, then re-condense the moisture as fresh water.
At the same time, cool moist air flows through the greenhouse to provide ideal conditions for the crops.
The key to the seawater greenhouse’s potential is its unique combination of desalination and air
conditioning. By tapping the power of the sun, it can cool as efficiently as a 500-kilowatt air conditioner
while using less than 3 kilowatts of electricity. In practice, it evaporates 3000 liters of seawater a day and
turns it into about 800 liters of fresh water---just enough to irrigate the plants. The rest is lost as water
vapor.
I. Critics point out that construction costs of £25per square meter mean the water is twice as expensive as
water from a conventional desalination plant. But the comparison is misleading, says Paton. The natural
air conditioning in the greenhouse massively increases the value of that water. Because the plants need
only an eight of the water used by those grown conventionally, the effective cost is only a quarter that of
water from a standard desalination. And costs should plummet when mass production begins, he adds.
J. Best of all, the greenhouse should be environmentally, friendly. “I suppose there might be aesthetic
objections to large structures on coastal sites,” says Harris, “but it is a clean technology and doesn’t
produce pollution or even large quantities of hot water.”
参考答案
Questions 27-31
Do the following statements agree with the information given in reading passage3?
27. Paton came up with the idea of making water in desert by pure accident. TRUE
28. The bus Paton rode in had poor ventilation because of broken fans. NOT GIVEN
29. Paton woke up from sleep to discover that his towel was wet. TRUE
30. Paton started his greenhouse project immediately after meeting up with his friend. FALSE
31. Paton later opened his own business in the Persian Gulf. TRUE
Questions 32-36
Complete the diagram below using NO MORE THAN THREE WORDS from the passage.
32. Infrared light
33. Hot dry air
34. moisture
35. Condenser
36. Pure distilled water
Questions 37-40
Complete the summary below using NO MORE THAN TWO WORDS from the passage.
The greenhouse Paton built is installed with 37.fans to keep the air flowing if the wind stands still, and it is
expected in the future to rely on electricity provided solely by 38.solar panels Despite the high
construction costs compared to desalination plant, the plants grown in Paton’s greenhouse need much
less water, and if produced in large quantities the 39.costs could be reduced remarkably. In addition to all
these advantages, it is also 40.environmentally friendly because it is clean and pollution free.
参考译文
有时候灵感会不期而至。查理·佩顿的灵感来自雨。他回忆说：＂我在一辆穿过摩洛哥的沙漠的旅游车上。当时
下着雨，车上挤满了又热又潮湿的人。车窗上布满了水汽，我枕着毛巾靠着车窗睡着了。当我醒后，我发现
毛巾都湿透了。我只好拧干它，然后想：
它为什么这么湿呢？”
答案当然是冷凝。佩顿回到伦敦的家后，他的物理学家朋友菲利普·戴维斯解释说，车窗玻璃受到外面雨的影
响而变冷，车内的湿热空气遇冷，低于露点，从而在内窗上形成了水滴。佩顿被此激起了兴趣，职业是照明师
的他开始装配设备。“我制造了自己的太阳能蒸熘器。我突然想到，或许能通过冷却空气在沙漠造水。只是我
不知道能否造出足够的水来灌溉土地和供作物生长。”
如今十年过去了，他的梦想成形了，一个巨大的温室在波斯湾阿布扎比的一个荒岛上矗立。用他的话说，这是
笫一个商用“海水温室”。当地的科学家和佩顿的照明工程公司签约，从事浇灌沙漠和种植蔬菜的工作。这个
温室通过一个巨大的机器制造水滴，这个机器能把海水变成淡水，把干热的空气变得凉爽湿润。在两年前的
一个设计比赛中，当英国皇家建筑师学院主席马科尔·戈德施米德授予佩顿一等奖时，他称佩顿的想法是“一
个真正有创意的想法，它有可能影响全世界数百万生活在沿海而缺乏淡水资源的人们。
这个设计主要由三个部分组成（见图）。温室面朝盛行风，干热的沙漠空气可穿过温室前墙墙面上的有孔面板，
从海岸线附近引入的海水水流会让该穿孔纸板保持湿润凉爽。蒸发的海水会使空气冷却并变得湿润。例如去年
六月，阿布扎比温室外的温度是 46°C,而温室内的是 30°C。室外的空气干燥，而室内的湿度达 90%。凉爽湿
润的空气有利于植物更快地生长，而且，因为在这种环境下，叶子蒸发的水分更少，所以它们对水分的需求大
幅下降。佩顿的作物每天每平方米只需一升的水就能苗壮生长，相比之下，在温室外生长则需要八升的水。
第二个部分同样可以冷却空气，从而有利于作物生长。佩顿在温室建了两层的屋顶，外层是透明的聚乙烯

层，内层则可以反射红外线。阳光穿过屋顶，为植物的光合作用提供条件，而红外线产生的热量则被隔离
在两层之间的空间里，远离植物。
温室后部的造水装置是第三个主要部分。在进入这个造水装置之前，夹在温室屋顶两层之间的热气会与温

室内的湿气混合。这意味着空气在通过第二道面板时能吸收更多的水分。最后，饱和的热空气会撞上一个
冷凝器。这是一个金属表层，通过更多的海水保持着低温一—这和佩顿摩洛哥之旅的车窗是一个道理。纯
净的蒸熘水在冷凝器上形成，然后流入地下储水槽，以供灌溉作物之用。
这个温室几乎是自主运行的。当太阳升起时，感应器会启动所有设备，并会根据温度、湿度和阳光的变化

来调节一天中空气和海水的流向。在无风的时候，温室的风扇会保证室内空气持续流通。 “一旦这个温室
适应了当地的环境，你就不需要任何人工操作了，＂佩顿说， “我们靠一个 13 安培的插头保证整个运作，
将来我们可以使它完全不需用电，而靠太阳能板发电运行。”
整个运作原理是将海水在干燥的沙漠空气里蒸发，然后再凝结成淡水。与此同时，阴凉湿润的水汽在温室内

流动，为作物生长创造理想的条件。这个海水温室的特色是把海水脱盐与空气调节很好地结合起来。通过
对太阳能的利用，温室冷却空气的效率相当于一个 500 千瓦的空调，却只需少于 3 千瓦的用电。实际
上，温室每天能蒸发 3000 升海水，使其变成 800 升淡水，这足够灌溉之用。其余的变成水蒸汽流失了。
有批评家指出，这个温室的建筑成本达每平方米 25 英镑，这是传统脱盐工厂造水成本的两倍。不过佩顿

说，这样的比较具有误导性。温室的天然空气调节系统大大提高了水的价值，因为与传统种植方式相比，
温室内的植物只需要其八分之一的水，所以其实际成本只有标准脱盐工厂造水成本的四分之一。他还说，当
开始大规模生产时，成本还会大幅下降。
最重要的是，这个温室是环保的。 “我想会有人从美学角度反对在沿海地区建造这种大型的建筑。不过，

这是清洁技术，它不产生污染，甚至不产生大量的热水，“哈里斯说道。
Source of
Knowledge
知识的来源
阅读原文
A. What counts as knowledge? What do we mean when we say that we know something? What is the status of
different kinds of knowledge? In order to explore these questions we are going to focus on one particular area
of knowledge-medicine.
B. How do you know when you are ill? This may seem to be an absurd question. You know you are ill because
you feel ill; your body tells you that you are ill. You may know that you feel pain or discomfort but knowing you
are ill is a bit more complex. At times, people experience the symptoms of illness, but in fact they are simply
tired or over-worked or they may just have a hangover. At other times, people may be suffering from a disease
and fail to be aware of the illness until it has reached a late stage in its development. So how do we know we
are ill, and what counts as knowledge?
C. Think about this example. You feel unwell. You have a bad cough and always seem to be tired. Perhaps it
could be stress at work, or maybe you should give up smoking. You feel worse. You visit the doctor who listens
to your chest and heart, takes your temperature and blood pressure, and then finally prescribes antibiotics for
your cough.
D. Things do not improve but you struggle on thinking you should pull yourself together, perhaps things will ease
off at work soon. A return visit to your doctor shocks you. This time the doctor, drawing on years of training and
experience, diagnoses pneumonia. This means that you will need bed rest and a considerable time off work.
The scenario is transformed. Although you still have the same symptoms, you no longer think that these are
caused by pressure at work. You now have proof that you are ill. This is the result of the combination of your
own subjective experience and the diagnosis of someone who has the status of a medical expert, You have a
medically authenticated diagnosis and it appears that you are seriously ill; you know you are ill and have
evidence upon which to base this knowledge.
E. This scenario shows many different sources of knowledge. For example, you decide to consult the doctor in
the first place because you feel unwell-this is personal knowledge about your own body. However, the doctor's
expert diagnosis is based on experience and training, with sources of knowledge as diverse as other experts,
laboratory reports, medical textbooks and years of experience.
F. One source of knowledge is the experience of our own bodies: the personal knowledge we have of changes
that might be significant, as well as the subjective experience of pain and physical distress. These
experiences are mediated by other forms of knowledge such as the words we have available to describe our
experience and the common sense of our families and friends as well as that drawn from popular culture. Over
the past decade, for example, Western culture has seen a significant emphasis on stress-related illness in the
media. Reference to being 'stressed out has become a common response in daily exchanges in the workplace
and has become part of popular common-sense knowledge. Itis thus not surprising that we might seek such
an explanation of physical symptoms of discomfort.
G. We might also rely on the observations of others who know us. Comments from friends and family such as
"you do look ill' or 'that's a bad cough' might be another source of knowledge. Complementary health
practices, such as holistic medicine, produce their own sets of knowledge upon which we might also draw in
deciding the nature and degree of our ill health and about possible treatments.
H. Perhaps the most influential and authoritative source of knowledge is the medical knowledge provided by the
general practitioner. We expect the doctor to have access to expert knowledge. This is socially sanctioned. It
would not be acceptable to notify our employer that we simply felt too unwell to turn up for work or that our faith
healer, astrologer, therapist or even our priest thought it was not a good idea. We need an expert medical
diagnosis in order to obtain the necessary certificate if we need to be off work for more than the statutory
self-certification period. The knowledge of the medical sciences is privileged in this respect in contemporary
Western culture. Medical practitioners are also seen as having the required expert knowledge that permits
them legally to pre-scribe drugs and treatment to which patients would not otherwise have access. However
there is a range of different knowledge upon which we draw when making decisions about our own state of
health.
I. However, there is more than existing knowledge in this little story: new knowledge is constructed within it.
Given the doctor's medical training and background, she may hypothesise "is this now pneumonia?" and then
proceed to look for evidence about it. She will use observations and instruments to assess the evidence
and-critically-interpret it in the light of her training and experience. This results in new knowledge and new
experience both for you and for the doctor. This will then be added to the doctor's medical knowledge and may
help in future diagnosis of pneumonia.
参考答案
Questions 27-34
Reading Passage 3 has nine paragraphs, A-I
Write the correct letter A-I, in boxes 27-34 on your answer sheet.
NB You may use any letter more than once.
27. the contrast between the nature of personal judgment and the nature of doctor's diagnosis E
28. a reference of culture about pressure F
29. sick leave will not be permitted without professional diagnosis H
30. how doctors' opinions are regarded in the society H
31. the illness of patients can become part of new knowledge I
32. a description of knowledge drawn from non-specialised sources other than personal knowledge
G
33. an example of collective judgment from personal experience and professional doctor D
34. a reference that some people do not realise they are ill B
Questions 35-40
Complete the notes below.
Choose NO MORE THAN THREE WORDS from the passage for each answer.
Source of knowledge Examples
Symptoms of a 35.bad cough and tiredness

Personal experience Doctor’s measurement by taking 36. blood pressure and temperature
Common judgment from 37.friends and family around you
Medical knowledge from the general 38.practitioner
e.g. doctor’s medical 39.diagnosis
Scientific evidence
Examine the medical hypothesis with the previous drill and
40.background
参考译文
什么是知识？我们说我们知道什么是什么意思？不同知识的地位是什么？为了探究这些问题，我们将重点放在
知识医学的一个特定领域。
你怎么知道你什么时候生病的？这似乎是一个荒谬的问题。你知道你生病是因为你感觉不舒服；你的身体告诉
你你生病了。你可能知道你感到疼痛或不适，但知道你生病了会更复杂一些。有时，人们会经历疾病的症状，
但事实上，他们只是疲劳或过度工作，或者他们可能只是宿醉。在其他时候，人们可能正遭受疾病的折磨，直
到疾病发展到晚期才意识到疾病。那么，我们怎么知道自己生病了，什么是知识呢？
想想这个例子。你感觉不舒服。你咳嗽得厉害，似乎总是很累。可能是工作压力大，或者你应该戒烟。你感觉
更糟。你去看医生，医生会倾听你的胸口和心脏，测量你的体温和血压，最后为你的咳嗽开抗生素。
事情没有改善，但你在想你应该振作起来时很挣扎，也许事情很快就会在工作中得到缓解。医生的回访让你震
惊。这次，医生利用多年的训练和经验，诊断肺炎。这意味着你需要卧床休息和相当长的休息时间。场景已经
改变。尽管你仍然有同样的症状，但你不再认为这些症状是工作压力造成的。你现在有了生病的证据。这是你
自己的主观经验和对一个具有医学专家地位的人的诊断相结合的结果，你有一个经过医学鉴定的诊断，并且你
似乎病得很重；你知道你病了，并且有证据来作为这一知识的基础。
这个场景展示了许多不同的知识来源。例如，你决定首先咨询医生，因为你感觉不舒服，这是关于你自己身体
的个人知识。然而，医生的专家诊断是以经验和培训为基础的，知识来源与其他专家、实验室报告、医学教科
书和多年的经验一样丰富。
知识的一个来源是我们自身身体的经验：我们对可能有重大变化的个人知识，以及对疼痛和身体痛苦的主观体
验。这些经验是由其他形式的知识所介导的，例如我们可以用来描述我们的经验、我们的家人和朋友的常识以
及来自流行文化的常识。例如，在过去的十年里，西方文化在媒体上对与压力有关的疾病表现出了显著的重视。
提到“压力过大”已经成为工作场所日常交流中的一种常见反应，并已成为流行常识的一部分。因此，我们可
能会寻求对身体不适症状的这种解释，这并不奇怪。
我们也可能依赖于其他认识我们的人的观察。来自朋友和家人的评论，如“你看起来真的生病了”或“这是严
重的咳嗽”，可能是另一个知识来源。补充的健康实践，如整体医学，产生了他们自己的一套知识，我们也可
以利用这些知识来决定我们生病的性质和程度以及可能的治疗方法。
也许最具影响力和权威性的知识来源是全科医生提供的医学知识。我们希望医生能获得专家知识。这是社会认
可的。通知我们的雇主我们只是觉得太不舒服而不能去上班，或者我们的信仰治疗师、占星家、治疗师，甚至
我们的牧师都认为这不是一个好主意，这是不可接受的。如果我们需要在法定的自我认证期以外的时间内下班，
我们需要一个专家医疗诊断来获得必要的证书。在当代西方文化中，医学知识在这方面享有特权。医生也被视
为具有所需的专家知识，允许他们合法地预先编写药物和治疗，否则患者将无法获得。然而，当我们决定自己
的健康状况时，有一系列不同的知识可供我们借鉴。
然而，在这个小故事中，现有的知识不止这些：新知识是在其中构建的。考虑到医生的医学训练和背景，她可
能会假设“现在是肺炎吗？”然后继续寻找证据。她将使用观察和仪器来评估证据，并根据她的培训和经验对
其进行批判性解释。这为你和医生带来了新的知识和新的经验。这将被添加到医生的医学知识中，并有助于将
来诊断肺炎。

The Ingenuity Gap

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The Ingenuity Gap

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无忧雅思阅读机经

The Ingenuity Gap

27. The definition of ingenuity C

A depends on many factors including climate.

32. The combination of changes has made life

33 What does the author say about the natural systems?

Can native pollinators fill the gap?

YES if the statement agrees with the claims of the writer

32 Why can honeybees adapt to the modern agricultural system?

33 The writer mentions factories and assembly lines to illustrate

34 In the 6th paragraph, Winfree’s experiment proves that

36. Headlines of colony collapse disorder state that B

A. native pollinators can survive when a specific plant is supplied.

最近， 骇人听闻的新闻头条讲述了一种神秘的疾病 蜂群衰竭失调症(CCD )。 这种病 正在摧毁为许多农作物

但有些报道认为， 这种状态并不是自然天灾所造成的。 一方面 ， 尽管美国是首先报道蜂 群衰竭失调症的

如果秋天颗粒无收的情况还没有发生， 那可能在很大程度上要归功于人工养殖的蜜蜂。 因为当野生传粉者对

巴西的衣学家布雷诺· 弗雷塔斯(Breno Freitas)指出， 在自然界中， 采用这样一个高度专业化的体系通常是

事实上， 有些野生蜜蜂已经被成功驯化， 可以为农作物授粉。 吉姆·柯恩说：“当谈及要在两至三周甚至更

在某些地方， 本地蜜蜂的贡献也许已经超过了它们所获得的好评。 生态学家瑞秋·温弗瑞(Rachael Winfree)

”在我研究的地区， 他们的农耕方式并不像大部分食物的种桂方式那样典型， “温弗瑞承认道。 在德拉瓦

有时候拍摄一张好的照片或者一段好的影像并不完全在于技术， 而在于耐心， 就如蝙蝠案例中那样。 蝙蝠

15. recipes to conceal facial defects caused by aging. D

TRUE if the statement is true

The reasons why howler monkeys survive

来自杜克大学的灵长类动物学家肯·格兰达(Ken Glander)正注视着树冠层 ， 跟踪记录那只雌猴的一举一动。

"吼猴们之所以能在拉帕西菲卡庄园存活下来， 是因为它们都是桂食性动物，“格兰达解释道。 在有水果的

在这一地区，吼猴的繁砬速度也要比其他种类的猴子更快。卷尾猴直到 7 岁时才开始生育， 蜘蛛猴甚至更晚，

中美洲和南美洲日益增长的人口压力已经导致了对森林的持续性破坏。 在 20 世纪 90 年代间 ， 中美洲每年

政府长久以来一直支持人们做适当的日常运动 ， 比如晚间散步或爬楼梯， 但那可能不会对减肥有很大帮助。

哪一种饮食能够起作用？这是一个价值 64,000 美元的问题。 它引发人们思考：难道没有更好的节食方式吗？

事实上 ， 英国石墨矿藏丰富 ， 适宜开发开采。即便如此， 笫一支铅笔却发明于其他地方。由于石墨比较

尽管铅笔是石墨芯，我们仍称之为 “铅 “ 笔，现代铅笔其实并不含铅， 笔芯实则是由精细的石墨粉和黏土

在英国， 铅笔的制作依旧以纯石墨为原材料。 随着大规模的生产和时间的推移， 铅笔在许多国家变得更受

在花费 1000 美元制造零重力铅笔之前， 美国并没有在太空中用过铅笔， 这种说法实属虚构。 众所周知，

在这个数字化世界的背景下， 铅笔的前景看似暗淡， 但事实却并非如此。 现如今， 铅笔 的应用已经变得

西班牙征服者到达时，矿工于 1532 年在秘鲁搜索的黄金时遇到了第一个土豆，即现代的印加食的楚楚。当时

马铃薯改变种群格局的潜力最引人注目的例子发生在爱尔兰，1800 年马铃薯已经成为了主要作物。在 1780

A. Thomas Young (1773-1829) contributed 63 articles to the Encyclopedia Britannica, including 46

TRUE if the statement agrees with the information

当然， 杨的贡献远不止写了很多百科全书上的文章。 他在 20 岁的时候将自己的第一篇论文自荐给伦敦皇家

在他人生的晚些时候， 也就是他 40 多岁的时候， 杨试图用密码破译技术破解罗塞塔石碑上的未知文字， 这

托马斯．杨于 1773 年出生在英国萨默塞特郡，他从小和外公一起长大，最后去了寄宿学校。他从两岁的时

杨作为内科医生的医术却赶不上他作为自然哲学学者或是语言学家取得的成就。早在 1801 年，他就已被任

托马斯·杨在 1804 年和伊丽莎·麦克斯威尔结婚，而且据罗宾逊所述：”他们的婚姻是幸福的，因为他的夫人

Norman M. Weinberger reviews the latest work of Oliver Sacks on music.

28. What is the best part of the book?

29. In the preface, what did Sacks try to achieve?

30. What is disappointing about Tony Cicoria's case?

YES if the statement agrees with the information

笫二部分 “不同的乐感” 所涉及的话题更广， 但是不幸的是， 有些章节几乎甚至没有给人带来任何新意。

值得赞赏的是， 萨克斯在第三部分 ”记忆、 运动和音乐” 中带领我们进入了未得到充分赏识的音乐治疗领

人们能够得出的另外一个结论是， 我们似乎并没有一个能治愈有关音乐的神经学疾病的 “灵药”。一种药物

最后，在书中所描述的许多案例中，患有与音乐相关的大脑病症的病人都显示出 “正常的“ 脑电波测试结果。

第二个部分同样可以冷却空气， 从而有利于作物生长。 佩顿在温室建了两层的屋顶， 外层是透明的聚乙烯

温室后部的造水装置是第三个主要部分。 在进入这个造水装置之前， 夹在温室屋顶 两层之间的热气会与温

这个温室几乎是自主运行的。 当太阳升起时， 感应器会启动所有设备， 并会根据温度、 湿度和阳光的变化

整个运作原理是将海水在干燥的沙漠空气里蒸发， 然后再凝结成淡水。 与此同时，阴凉湿润的水汽在温室内

有批评家指出， 这个温室的建筑成本达每平方米 25 英镑， 这是传统脱盐工厂造水成 本的两倍。 不过佩顿

最重要的是， 这个温室是环保的。 “我想会有人从美学角度反对在沿海地区建造这 种大型的建筑。 不过，

Symptoms of a 35.bad cough and tiredness

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最近，骇人听闻的新闻头条讲述了一种神秘的疾病蜂群衰竭失调症(CCD )。这种病正在摧毁为许多农作物

但有些报道认为，这种状态并不是自然天灾所造成的。一方面，尽管美国是首先报道蜂群衰竭失调症的

如果秋天颗粒无收的情况还没有发生，那可能在很大程度上要归功于人工养殖的蜜蜂。因为当野生传粉者对

巴西的衣学家布雷诺· 弗雷塔斯(Breno Freitas)指出，在自然界中，采用这样一个高度专业化的体系通常是

事实上，有些野生蜜蜂已经被成功驯化，可以为农作物授粉。吉姆·柯恩说：“当谈及要在两至三周甚至更

在某些地方，本地蜜蜂的贡献也许已经超过了它们所获得的好评。生态学家瑞秋·温弗瑞(Rachael Winfree)

”在我研究的地区，他们的农耕方式并不像大部分食物的种桂方式那样典型， “温弗瑞承认道。在德拉瓦

有时候拍摄一张好的照片或者一段好的影像并不完全在于技术，而在于耐心，就如蝙蝠案例中那样。蝙蝠

来自杜克大学的灵长类动物学家肯·格兰达(Ken Glander)正注视着树冠层，跟踪记录那只雌猴的一举一动。

"吼猴们之所以能在拉帕西菲卡庄园存活下来，是因为它们都是桂食性动物，“格兰达解释道。在有水果的

在这一地区，吼猴的繁砬速度也要比其他种类的猴子更快。卷尾猴直到 7 岁时才开始生育，蜘蛛猴甚至更晚，

中美洲和南美洲日益增长的人口压力已经导致了对森林的持续性破坏。在 20 世纪 90 年代间，中美洲每年

政府长久以来一直支持人们做适当的日常运动，比如晚间散步或爬楼梯，但那可能不会对减肥有很大帮助。

哪一种饮食能够起作用？这是一个价值 64,000 美元的问题。它引发人们思考：难道没有更好的节食方式吗？

事实上，英国石墨矿藏丰富，适宜开发开采。即便如此，笫一支铅笔却发明于其他地方。由于石墨比较

尽管铅笔是石墨芯，我们仍称之为 “铅 “ 笔，现代铅笔其实并不含铅，笔芯实则是由精细的石墨粉和黏土

在英国，铅笔的制作依旧以纯石墨为原材料。随着大规模的生产和时间的推移，铅笔在许多国家变得更受

在花费 1000 美元制造零重力铅笔之前，美国并没有在太空中用过铅笔，这种说法实属虚构。众所周知，

在这个数字化世界的背景下，铅笔的前景看似暗淡，但事实却并非如此。现如今，铅笔的应用已经变得

当然，杨的贡献远不止写了很多百科全书上的文章。他在 20 岁的时候将自己的第一篇论文自荐给伦敦皇家

在他人生的晚些时候，也就是他 40 多岁的时候，杨试图用密码破译技术破解罗塞塔石碑上的未知文字，这

笫二部分 “不同的乐感” 所涉及的话题更广，但是不幸的是，有些章节几乎甚至没有给人带来任何新意。

值得赞赏的是，萨克斯在第三部分 ”记忆、运动和音乐” 中带领我们进入了未得到充分赏识的音乐治疗领

人们能够得出的另外一个结论是，我们似乎并没有一个能治愈有关音乐的神经学疾病的 “灵药”。一种药物

第二个部分同样可以冷却空气，从而有利于作物生长。佩顿在温室建了两层的屋顶，外层是透明的聚乙烯

温室后部的造水装置是第三个主要部分。在进入这个造水装置之前，夹在温室屋顶两层之间的热气会与温

这个温室几乎是自主运行的。当太阳升起时，感应器会启动所有设备，并会根据温度、湿度和阳光的变化

整个运作原理是将海水在干燥的沙漠空气里蒸发，然后再凝结成淡水。与此同时，阴凉湿润的水汽在温室内

有批评家指出，这个温室的建筑成本达每平方米 25 英镑，这是传统脱盐工厂造水成本的两倍。不过佩顿

最重要的是，这个温室是环保的。 “我想会有人从美学角度反对在沿海地区建造这种大型的建筑。不过，