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Music in Japanese Antinuclear Demonstrations: The Evolution of a October 18, 2013 2013年10月18日
Volume 11 | Issue 42 | Number 3
Contentious Performance Model 日本の反原発デモにおける音楽　 第11卷 | 第42期 | 第3期
Article ID 4015 第4015号文件
論議を呼ぶパーフォーマンス様式の展開
Music in Japanese antinuclearning.theprovince
ofacontentiousperomedel 在日本反核电站示威中的音乐，引起争议
的表演风格的展开
Noriko Manabe 真锅纪子
 

Introduction: The Significance of Sound Demos

导论: 声音演示的意义

Since Japan's triple disaster of March 11, 2011, music has served to inform and give voice to unspoken opinions in several spaces—cyberspace, recordings,
festivals and concerts, and public demonstrations. 1 In particular, music has been an integral part of antinuclear demonstrations: here, music functions not
only as an expression to be heard, but also—and perhaps more importantly—as a mechanism for encouraging participation and building solidarity among
antinuclear citizens. Music has long been a part of demonstrations in Japan: percussive instruments and the rhythmic eejanaika (why not) call-and-response
pattern were featured in demonstrations since the end of the Edo Period. Today, demonstrations in Japan include stationary demonstrations (kōgi), in
which protesters voice claims in front of the offices of the offending parties, such as the prime minister, the Diet, or TEPCO. There are also "demos," in
which protesters walk through parts of the city; they are often preceded and/or followed by rallies, in which speeches by politicians and activists alternate
with musical performances. In the weekly Friday kōgi in front of the prime minister's office (Kantei)—among the largest and longest-running weekly
demonstrations Tokyo has ever seen, attracting 200,000 protesters on June 29, 2012, and running without a break for an unprecedented 19 months—
drummers and horn players accompany the protesters' calls and responses of slogans (Sprechchor), while folk singers, traditional drummers, chanters with
uchiwadaiko, and fans of the late rocker Iwamano Kiyoshirō play in different spots around the block. In marching demos—which attracted 15,000–20,000
people per event in 2011, as many as 200,000 in 2012, and up to 60,000 in 2013—drum corps, brass bands, chindon bands,2 and other ambulatory musicians
perform alongside "sound trucks," piled with sound equipment, upon which rappers, singers, DJs, and bands perform. "Sound demos"—the name given to
some demonstrations with sound trucks—have been credited with attracting masses of first-time demonstrators. In addition, protesters often credit the
performances of musicians for establishing the mood of a demonstration. Drawing from the theories of Charles Tilly and Thomas Turino, this article focuses
on the music of ambulatory demonstrations and explains the political catalysts for shifts between two styles: presentational and participatory, which I
define below.

自2011年3月11日日本发生三重灾难以来，音乐在数个空间——网络空间、唱片、音乐节和音乐会，以及公共示威——提供信息，并传达潜在的意见。特别
是，音乐一直是反核示威活动不可分割的一部分: 在这里，音乐不仅是一种表达被听到的方式，而且——也许更重要的是——是一种鼓励反核公民参与和建立
团结的机制。日本自江户时代结束以来，一直以敲击乐器及节奏紧凑的「为什么不」为主题的示范表演。如今，日本的示威活动包括静止的示威(k gi) ，示威
者在违规政党(如首相、国会或东京电力公司)的办公室前发表声明。还有“ demos”，示威者穿过城市的部分地区; 他们通常在集会之前或之后，由政治家和活
动家的演讲与音乐表演交替进行。在日本首相办公室(Kantei)门前举行的每周一次的周五晚会上——这是东京有史以来规模最大、持续时间最长的每周一次的
示威活动之一，2012年6月29日吸引了20万抗议者，并史无前例地持续了19个月，鼓手和圆号演奏者伴随着抗议者的呼喊和口号的回应(sprechor) ，而民歌歌
手、传统鼓手、与 uchiwadaiko 合唱的歌手，以及已故摇滚歌手岩野基泽(Iwamano kiyoshir)的歌迷则在街区的不同地点演奏。游行示威活动在2011年每场
活动吸引了1.5万至2万人，2012年多达20万人，2013年多达6万人，包括鼓乐队、铜管乐队、 chindon 乐队、2人和其他流动音乐家与“音响车”一起表演，车
上堆满了音响设备，说唱歌手、 dj 和乐队在上面表演。“ Sound demos”——这是一些带有音响卡车的示威游行的名字——被认为吸引了大量首次示威者。此
外，抗议者通常认为音乐家的表演营造了示威的气氛。借鉴查尔斯 · 蒂利和托马斯 · 图里诺的理论，这篇文章关注于流动演示的音乐，并解释了两种风格之间
转变的政治催化剂: 表演和参与，我在下面定义。

Sound trucks with musical equipment have a long history: having been popularized in Europe through events like the Notting Hill Carnival in London and
the Berlin Love Parade, they appeared in LGBT parades in Tokyo in the mid-1990s and early 2000s; they also appeared in antiwar demonstrations
organized by Chance! Peace Walk and World Peace Now from 2001 onwards. Nonetheless, the first sound-truck demonstrations named "sound demos"
were organized in 2003 by the collective Against Street Control (ASC) as a series of reclaim-the-streets protests against the war in Iraq (ECD 2007; ECD et al
2005; Hayashi and McKnight 2005; Mōri 2003, 2005, 2009; Noiz 2011; Oda 2003). The format caught on and was replicated in Kyoto, Osaka, Fukuoka,
Sapporo, and other cities. In the later 2000s, the used-goods shop-cum-activist group Shirōto no Ran (Revolt of the Laymen) organized several sound demos
for precariat (precarious proletariat) causes (Matsumoto 2008; Deguchi 2008); sound trucks were also featured in the protests coinciding with the G8
summit in Sapporo in 2008. Hence, sound demos were already an established and popular feature of demonstrations before the antinuclear protests
following the triple disaster.

带有音乐设备的音响卡车有着悠久的历史: 它们通过伦敦的诺丁山嘉年华会和柏林爱的游行在欧洲流行起来，在20世纪90年代中期和21世纪初，它们出现在东
京的 LGBT 游行中; 它们还出现在 Chance 组织的反战游行中！从2001年开始的和平行走与世界和平。尽管如此，第一次名为“声音演示”的声音卡车示威是在
2003年由集体反对街道控制(ASC)组织的，作为一系列反对伊拉克战争的收回街头抗议活动(ECD 2007; ECD 等人2005; Hayashi 和 McKnight 2005; m ri
2003,2005,2009; Noiz 2011; Oda 2003)。这种模式流行起来，并在京都、大阪、福冈、札幌和其他城市复制。在2000年代后期，二手货商店兼活动家组织 shir
to no Ran (门外汉的反抗)组织了几次为不稳定的无产阶级事业(Matsumoto 2008; Deguchi 2008)组织的声音示威活动，2008年在札幌举行的 g 8峰会上，声音
卡车也出现在抗议活动中。因此，在三重灾难之后的反核抗议活动之前，声音演示已经成为一种既定的、受欢迎的示威特征。

Since 2011, several activist groups have formed or regrouped from earlier activist configurations to hold antinuclear demonstrations: Shirōto no Ran, which
held monthly sound demos for the first six months of the crisis, and has since worked with Datsu Genpatsu Suginami; No Nukes More Hearts, which has
been holding demonstrations and other events since 2007 and is led by illustrator Misao Redwolf; TwitNoNukes, which began holding regular monthly
demonstrations in April 2011; and the Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes (MCAN, Shutō Hangenpatsu Rengō, or Hangenren)— composed of fourteen
antinuclear organizations including members of TwitNoNukes, No Nukes More Hearts, and Shirōto no Ran—which organizes the weekly demonstrations
in front of the prime minister's residence and large-scale demonstrations attracting tens of thousands every three to four months. These groups have held
sharply differing philosophies as to the impact music has on a demonstration: some believe it supports it by attracting people, while others believe it
detracts from the political purpose. They also disagree on its role: some believe that music should be for listening, while others consider it an activity to be
shared by as many people as possible. Moreover, activists have shifted their stance as political circumstances have changed. Charles Tilly noted that protest
repertoires tend to change incrementally, in response to changes in political opportunity structure, available models of performances, and connections
among potential actors (Tilly 2008: 90). As I will illustrate, this theory applies well to the case of music in Japanese antinuclear demonstrations.

自2011年以来，几个激进组织已经形成或重组从早期的活动组织配置举行反核示威: shir to No Ran，举行每月的声音演示的前六个月的危机，并已与 Datsu

Genpatsu Suginami; 没有核更多的心，已举行示威和其他活动，自2007年以来，由插画家米索雷德沃夫领导; TwitNoNukes，开始举行定期每月示威活动在
2011年4月;大都会反核联盟(MCAN，shut Hangenpatsu reng，或 Hangenren)由14个反核组织组成，包括 TwitNoNukes，No Nukes More Hearts 和 shir to
No ran 的成员，他们在首相官邸前组织每周一次的示威活动，以及每三到四个月吸引数万人参加的大规模示威活动。这些团体在音乐对示范的影响方面持有
截然不同的观点: 一些人认为音乐通过吸引人来支持它，而另一些人则认为音乐有损于政治目的。他们也不同意音乐的作用: 一些人认为音乐应该是用来听
的，而另一些人认为音乐是一种应该被尽可能多的人分享的活动。此外，随着政治环境的改变，维权人士的立场也发生了转变。Charles Tilly 指出，抗议表
演往往会随着政治机会结构、可用的表演模式以及潜在演员之间的关系的变化而逐渐改变(Tilly 2008:90)。正如我将要说明的，这个理论非常适用于日本反核
演示中的音乐案例。

Part of the debate about music and demonstrations concerns the question: to what extent does a demonstrator engage with a musical performance, and in
what ways? To address this question more generally for musical performances, Thomas Turino has categorized them as being in one of two styles:
participatory, which has "no artist-audience distinctions, only participants and potential participants performing different roles"; and presentational, where
artists play music for an audience who do not participate in the music-making (2008: 26). These approaches differ in both goals and aesthetics. In the
participatory approach, the aim is to involve as many people, as intensely as possible. As such, the music must be easy enough for newcomers to join in; it
is usually comprised of short forms that are repeated over and over. While the repetitiveness may make the music uninteresting to an outside audience, it
adds to the intensity of the performance for the participants. The emphasis is on inclusivity, regardless of the players' ability, at the expense of
showmanship. Because participants must concentrate on each other's actions and sounds, participatory music promotes social bonding (2008: 28–41).

关于音乐和示范的部分争论涉及这样一个问题: 示范者在多大程度上参与音乐表演，以及以何种方式参与？为了更广泛地解决音乐表演的这一问题，托马斯 ·
图里诺将其归类为两种风格之一: 参与式,”没有艺术家与观众的区别，只有参与者和潜在参与者扮演不同的角色”; 表演式，艺术家为不参与音乐制作的观众演
奏音乐(2008:26)。这些方法在目标和美学上都有所不同。在参与式方法中，目的是让尽可能多的人参与进来。因此，音乐必须足够容易让新手加入; 它通常是
由一些反复重复的短音形式组成的。虽然重复性可能使音乐对外界观众来说乏味，但它增加了参与者表演的强度。重点在于包容性，不管球员的能力如何，
而是以表演技巧为代价。因为参与者必须专注于彼此的动作和声音，参与性音乐可以促进社会联系(2008:28-41)。

In contrast, presentational music involves a separation between artist and audience, with musicians performing scripted pieces, as they usually do at
concerts. The goals of these performances are to entertain the audience, so that the emphasis is on showmanship and variability. The performers are not one
with the audience, as in a participatory performance; rather, the audience looks at them, and they may even be heroes to some audience members (Turino
2008: 52–63). Nonetheless, presentational performances can also help to forge feelings of community among audience members, triangulated through
identification with, or adoration of, the performer. Many musical performances involve some elements of both presentational and participatory approaches,
but one approach usually predominates over the other.

相比之下，表现型音乐涉及艺术家和观众之间的分离，音乐家表演照本宣科的作品，就像他们通常在音乐会上做的那样。这些表演的目的是娱乐观众，因此
重点是表演技巧和变化。表演者并不像参与式表演那样与观众融为一体; 相反，观众看着他们，对于一些观众来说，他们甚至可能是英雄(Turino 2008:52-
63)。尽管如此，表演也可以帮助观众建立社区感，通过对表演者的认同或崇拜，形成三角关系。许多音乐表演涉及表演和参与两种方法的某些元素，但一种
方法通常优于另一种。

In sound demos, the protesters and onlookers comprise the audience, but the protesters have also come to participate, whether it be by playing in one of the
ambulatory ensembles, engaging in call-and-response patterns, or simply walking along with the demonstration. Hence, the performers in a sound
demonstration must interact to some degree with both protesters and onlookers, and they will often shift between presentational and participatory
approaches. Nonetheless, it is useful to think of a spectrum of performance styles from the presentational to the participatory; as we will discuss, several
factors, including not only the artist's genre and disposition but also the political context, affect which style predominates. This spectrum is among the
many factors that organizers of demonstrations consider when they are seeking to maximize participation and impact. 

在声音演示中，抗议者和旁观者构成了观众，但抗议者也参与了进来，不管是在一个乐队演奏，参与呼叫和回应模式，或者仅仅是随着示威行走。因此，在
一个良好的示威演出中，表演者必须与抗议者和旁观者进行一定程度的互动，他们往往会在表演和参与方式之间转换。尽管如此，考虑一系列表演风格是有
用的，从表演到参与; 正如我们将要讨论的，几个因素，不仅包括艺术家的风格和性格，还包括政治背景，影响哪种风格占主导地位。当组织者寻求最大限度
的参与和影响时，这个范围是他们考虑的众多因素之一。

The remainder of this article explains the activists' philosophies behind the presentational and participatory performance styles and the political context for
shifts between presentational and participatory style. I focus on rap and reggae performers on sound trucks and on drum corps—forms that easily lend
themselves to both presentational and participatory performance. The article charts the evolution of music in demonstrations from 2011 to 2013,
considering primarily the Shirōto no Ran demonstrations of 2011 and the No Nukes More Hearts and MCAN demonstrations of late 2011 to 2013, and the
influence that more stoic demonstrations—TwitNoNukes, drum corps-driven protests, and the weekly protests in front of the prime minister's residence—
had on this style. Participatory-style rap, as developed by Akuryō in late 2011, has continued to play a major part in demonstrations: changing
combinations of him and fellow rappers ATS and ECD performed in this style in the antiracist demonstration of September 22 as well as antinuclear MCAN
demonstrations on March 10 and October 13, 2013; furthermore, the sound demo has been revived in Osaka, Sapporo, and other cities. Along the way, I
consider the protest organizers' differing ideas regarding the nature of participation, as gleaned through my discussions with them.

本文的其余部分解释了活动家们在表演和参与式表演风格背后的哲学，以及表演和参与式表演风格之间转换的政治背景。我专注于音响卡车和鼓乐队上的说
唱和雷鬼表演者，这些形式很容易表现和参与性表演。这篇文章描述了2011年至2013年示威活动中音乐的演变，主要考虑了2011年的 shir to No Ran 示威活
动，2011年末至2013年的 No Nukes More Hearts 和 MCAN 示威活动，以及更多禁欲主义示威活动对这种风格的影响，这些示威活动包括推特网
(twitnonukes)、鼓乐团驱动的抗议活动，以及每周在总理官邸前举行的抗议活动。2011年底 akury 开发的参与式说唱继续在示威活动中发挥重要作用: 在9月
22日的反种族主义示威以及2013年3月10日和10月13日的反核 MCAN 示威活动中，他与其他说唱歌手 ATS 和 ECD 以这种方式组合演出，此外，声音示威活
动在大阪、札幌和其他城市得到恢复。一路走来，我从与抗议组织者的讨论中得知，他们对于参与的性质有着不同的看法。

Presentational style: Shirōto no Ran demonstrations of 2011

表演风格: 2011年 shir to no Ran 演示

While it was far from the first demonstration after the Fukushima accident,3 the Shirōto no Ran demonstration of April 10, 2011 is often cited as a milestone
in the antinuclear movement because of the masses of people it unexpectedly attracted. This demonstration featured two sound trucks—one with reggae
singer Rankin Taxi, female rapper Rumi, and DJs including techno DJ Mayumi, and the other with punk bands. It was joined by a drum corps headed by
Oda Masanori, an anthropologist who writes under the pen name Illcommonz. Chindon-brass band Jintaramūta, headed by Ōkuma Wataru—a member of
activist band Soul Flower Union Mononoke Summit—played international protest classics such as "We Shall Overcome" and Chilean singer-songwriter
Victor Jara's "El derecho de vivir en paz" (The Right to Live in Peace). Originally envisioned as a smaller demonstration of a thousand or so people, it grew
to 15,000 participants as passers-by joined in the course of the demonstration.

虽然这远不是福岛事故后的第一次示威游行，2011年4月10日的 shir to no Ran 示威游行经常被认为是反核运动中的一个里程碑，因为它出乎意料地吸引了大

量的人。这次演示有两辆音响卡车，一辆是雷鬼歌手 Rankin Taxi，一辆是女饶舌歌手 Rumi，一辆是包括 techno DJ Mayumi 在内的 DJ，另一辆是朋克乐
队。由人类学家 Oda Masanori 领导的鼓乐队也加入了这个行列，他的笔名是 Illcommonz。Jintaramūta 铜管乐队，由活动家乐队灵魂花联盟幽灵峰会的成
员 kuma wataru 带领，演奏了国际抗议经典曲目，如《我们会克服》和智利创作歌手 Victor Jara 的《和平生活的权利》。最初的设想是一个有1000人左右的
小型示威活动，后来增加到15000人参加，路人也加入了示威活动。

As music critic and Shirōto no Ran member Futatsugi Shin explained, the demonstration had been organized because the group was astounded by the lack
of antinuclear viewpoints in the media: "The going assumption seemed to be that nuclear power would continue as if nothing had happened. But people on
the street felt outraged. We had to show something." The group expected a thousand people; 15,000 people came (Futatsugi Shin, in conversation with
Noma Yasumichi, Club Cactus, August 9, 2012). Matsumoto Hajime, the founder of Shirōto no Ran, was himself mystified, explaining, "It wasn't because
our group tried to recruit many people. Rather, it was because everyone was so angry that word got around on its own. We'd never had 10,000 people show
up at an event before" (Matsumoto Hajime, interview with the author, Tokyo, February 12, 2012). Even Noma Yasumichi, an activist and music critic with
mixed feelings about sound demonstrations (demonstrations featuring sound trucks with musicians), conceded, "Many people got into protesting through
the Shirōto no Ran demonstration on April 10 [2011]. One can't deny the importance of those demonstrations" (Noma, Cactus).

正如音乐评论家和 shir to no Ran 成员 Futatsugi Shin 解释的那样，组织这次示威是因为该组织对媒体缺乏反核观点感到震惊: “目前的假设似乎是，核能将继

续，就像什么都没发生过一样。但是街上的人们感到愤怒。我们必须展示一些东西。”该组织预计会有1000人参加，15000人参加(2012年8月9日，Futatsugi
Shin 与 Club Cactus 的 Noma Yasumichi 交谈)。Shir to no Ran 的创始人 Matsumoto Hajime 自己也感到困惑，他解释说: “这并不是因为我们试图招募很多
人。相反，这是因为每个人都非常生气，这个消息自己就传开了。在此之前，我们从未有过一万人参加活动”(Matsumoto Hajime，采访作者，东京，2012年
2月12日)。甚至连活动人士、音乐评论家诺玛•安市(Noma Yasumichi)也承认，“许多人在(2011年)4月10日通过 shir to no Ran 示威游行进行抗议。人们不能
否认这些示威的重要性”(Noma，Cactus)。

Following the success of this demonstration, the group concentrated its antinuclear demonstrations in heavily trafficked central-Tokyo shopping districts—
Shibuya (May 7), Shinjuku (June 11), Ginza (August 6), and Shinjuku (September 11)—each attracting 15,000 to 20,000 participants. This choice of place was
because the target audience for these demonstrations was less the government per se but citizens who were either not aware of the issues regarding nuclear
power or not speaking up, despite being against nuclear power (Matsumoto, interview).

这次示威活动成功后，该团体集中在交通繁忙的东京市中心购物区ー涩谷(五月七日)、 Shinjuku (六月十一日)、银座(八月六日)和 Shinjuku (九月十一日)ー举

行反核示威活动，每区均吸引一万五千至二万人参加。之所以选择这个地方，是因为这些示威的目标受众不是政府本身，而是那些要么不知道有关核能的问
题，要么就是尽管反对核能，却不发表意见的公民(Matsumoto，采访)。

An inclusive philosophy

包容的哲学

Shirōto no Ran's demonstrations of 2011 were all sound demonstrations, usually with a hip-hop/reggae/DJ truck (organized by Futatsugi) and a
hardcore/punk band truck (organized by Anamizu Masahiko of the hardcore band Pinprick Punishment). Futatsugi explained, "We're not really organizers
so much as we invite people to participate. If someone approaches us and says, 'I want to have a reggae truck, a hardcore truck,' or whatever, we invite
them to do it, as long as they take care of renting the truck and sound system themselves" (Futatsugi, interview with the author, Tokyo, August 18, 2012).
Similarly, Matsumoto said, "We don't try to determine the musical genre. Usually those artists with whom our circle has relationships approach us. It
naturally leans toward some genres more than others. Maybe those genres tend to be more politically conscious? There are a lot of punk rockers in Kōenji,
which is why our sound demos tend to involve them. Lots of bands want to participate. We're besieged by them" (Matsumoto, interview).

2011年 shir to no Ran 的演示都是健全的演示，通常有嘻哈/雷鬼/DJ 卡车(由 Futatsugi 组织)和硬核/朋克乐队卡车(由 Anamizu Masahiko 组织的硬核乐队针
刺惩罚)。Futatsugi 解释说: “我们并不是真正的组织者，我们更多的是邀请人们参与。如果有人走过来对我们说，‘我想要一辆雷鬼卡车，一辆硬核卡车,’或者
其他什么，我们邀请他们这么做，只要他们自己租用卡车和音响系统就行”(Futatsugi，作者采访，东京，2012年8月18日)。同样，松本说: “我们不试图确定音
乐类型。通常那些与我们有关系的艺术家会接近我们。它自然更倾向于某些流派。也许这些流派更有政治意识？在 Kōenji 有很多朋克摇滚乐手，这就是为什
么我们的声音小样会让他们参与的原因。很多乐队都想参与其中。我们被他们包围了”(松本采访)。

In allowing individuals to take the initiative, this approach reflects Shirōto no Ran's philosophy that "it's best to have a diversity of people there—
suspicious characters, the shopkeepers and shoppers of the commercial streets (shōtengai), labor unions, families, everyone—showing their individuality
while saying, 'We're against nuclear power'" (Futatsugi, Cactus). "It has more impact if you let passers-by see this chaotic amalgamation, as it naturally is,
saying 'No Nukes' together" (Futatsugi, interview). Such diversity, the group believes, becomes more difficult if a few central people are deciding how
things should be done.

在允许个人采取主动时，这种做法反映了希尔对诺兰的哲学，即“最好有多样化的人——可疑的人物、商业街上的店主和购物者(sh tengai)、工会、家庭、每
个人——在说‘我们反对核能’的同时展示自己的个性”(Futatsugi，Cactus)。“如果你让路人看到这种混乱的融合，就会产生更大的影响，就像自然而然发生的
那样，大家一起说‘不要核武器’”(Futatsugi，采访)。该组织认为，如果少数核心人物决定如何做事，这种多样性就会变得更加困难。

Shirōto no Ran also leaves the booking of performers on each truck up to the person organizing the truck, which typically leans heavily on their personal
connections. As Futatsugi explained, "The people around us have strong connections with underground musicians [i.e., outside of the major record labels],4
so we tend to invite them—acquaintances of acquaintances, friends of friends" (Futatsugi, interview). Hence, the musicians tend to be more underground
and do not include many major-label musicians.

Shir to no Ran 也把每辆卡车上表演者的预定权留给了组织卡车的人，而组织卡车的人通常严重依赖他们的人际关系。正如 Futatsugi 解释的那样，“我们周围

的人与地下音乐家(即主要唱片公司之外的人)有着密切的联系，所以我们倾向于邀请他们——熟人的熟人，朋友的朋友”(Futatsugi，interview)。因此，音乐
家倾向于更地下和不包括许多主要的标签音乐家。

Debates over genres 

关于体裁的争论

Given this reliance primarily on underground performers, the genres that are typically played in such sound demonstrations—hardcore punk, techno,
reggae, and hip-hop—tend to be more subcultural than mainstream. As Noma explained, "These [subcultural] genres tend to attract people who are
different. On the other hand, the mainstream is listening to AKB48 [an idol-pop girl band]. It's a huge gap." (Noma, Cactus). Futatsugi also acknowledged
that the music would attract those who like the genre but drive away those who don't. He noted that the aggressive nature of hardcore punk made it
controversial: "Some people live by it. Those who hate it won't go near it" (Futatsugi, interview). As one example, Miyakoshi Satoko, a member of the artist
collective Sayonara Atom, who expressed horror at the punks around the sound truck in the April 10 demonstration: "Their makeup was scary. They even
had their placards written in blood ink! I had doubts as to whether such a demonstration would attract more people from here on."5 Shirōto no Ran held a
meeting to discuss whether or not its demonstrations should continue to have a hardcore truck; the group decided it was "more important to present these
subcultures and show all that's in the world. . . There are people who can only express their antinuclear stance through hardcore punk. Their expression
should be respected" (Futatsugi, interview). The group rationalized that each demonstration organized itself into segregated blocks, and that those who did
not like the music could choose to be in a different block (Futatsugi, Cactus). This segmented approach made sense: rather than allow the demonstration to
march as one continuous file, the police typically break up the protesters into blocks of several hundred to a few thousand, spacing them a large city block
or two apart. This practice mitigates traffic bottlenecks—and makes the demonstration look smaller. It does, however, help to contain groups of different
sounds and atmospheres. A large demonstration often includes a drum corps block, a family block for protesters with children, a sound truck or two, and
general blocks centered on calling out slogans.

鉴于这种对地下表演者的依赖，通常在这种声音演示中演奏的音乐类型——硬核朋克、电子乐、雷鬼乐和嘻哈乐——往往是亚文化音乐而非主流音乐。正如
Noma 解释的那样，“这些(亚文化)流派往往会吸引不同的人。另一方面，主流是听 AKB48[一个偶像流行女孩乐队]。这是一个巨大的差距。”(诺玛，仙人
掌)。Futatsugi 也承认，这种音乐会吸引那些喜欢这种风格的人，但会赶走那些不喜欢的人。他指出，硬核朋克的侵略性使它备受争议: “有些人以此为生。那
些讨厌它的人不会接近它”(Futatsugi，采访)。例如，宫古子，艺术家组合 Sayonara Atom 的成员，在4月10日的示威中对音响卡车周围的小混混表示了恐惧:
“他们的妆容很吓人。他们甚至用血墨水写下了他们的标语！我怀疑这样的示威游行是否会吸引更多的人。“5 shir to no Ran”举行了一次会议，讨论是否应该
继续使用铁杆卡车，该组织认为“更重要的是展示这些亚文化，展示世界上所有的东西... ... 有些人只能通过铁杆朋克来表达他们的反核立场。他们的表达应该
受到尊重”(Futatsugi，采访)。这个小组辩解说，每次示威游行都是按照隔离的街区组织的，那些不喜欢音乐的人可以选择住在不同的街区(Futatsugi，
Cactus)。这种分割的方法是有意义的: 警察通常会把示威者分成几百到几千个街区，间隔一两个大街区，而不是让示威游行成为一个连续的队伍。这种做法缓
解了交通瓶颈ーー使演示看起来更小。然而，它确实有助于包含不同的声音和大气组。一个大型的示威游行通常包括一个鼓队街区，一个为有孩子的抗议者
设立的家庭街区，一两辆音响卡车，以及以喊口号为中心的一般街区。

Performance style

表演风格

More focus on rappers, singers, words

更多关注说唱歌手，歌手，文字

In the sound demos of the 2000s, the featured music was house and techno, with hardcore punk also included. These musics seemed a propos to the
purpose of music in these demonstrations, which was to attract attention, take over sonic space, and entice dancing, in line with their reclaim-the-streets
subtheme. The focus was very much on the DJ, without much rap or singing. In contrast, the sound demos since 2011 have featured more rappers, with the
likes of Rumi, ECD, and Akuryō. As Oda Masanori, the drum corps leader who was also on the organizing committee for the 2003 demonstrations,
explains:

在2000年的声音演示中，特色音乐是房子和电子乐，硬核朋克也包括在内。这些音乐似乎是这些演示中音乐目的的一个切入点，那就是吸引注意力，占据声
音空间，吸引舞蹈，与他们的“改造街道”次主题相一致。焦点主要集中在 DJ 身上，没有太多的说唱或歌唱。相比之下，自2011年以来的声音小样有更多的特
色说唱，喜欢鲁米，ECD，和 akury。正如2003年示威活动组织委员会成员、鼓队队长 Oda Masanori 所说:

This change in genres allows for calls and responses between the performers and the audience. There wasn't much of that in the early 2000s.
Back then, when DJ Mayuri played the Beastie Boys "You've Gotta Fight for Your Right to Party," people would call out the refrain. But that
was it. (Oda Masanori, interview with the author, Tokyo, August 16, 2012).

这种类型的变化允许在表演者和观众之间的电话和回应。在2000年代早期，这种情况并不多见。那时候，当 DJ 马尤里演奏野兽男孩“你必须为你
的派对权利而战”时，人们会重复这句歌词。但仅此而已。(Oda Masanori，采访作者，东京，2012年8月16日)。

ECD, a rap pioneer who also participated in both the antiwar sound demos of the early 2000s and antinuclear demonstrations since 2011, concurred: "Back
in 2003, there were some call-and-responses, like 'Don't start the war.' But it wasn't that much, and there were almost no speeches." He noted that the
change in music was because of a different sense of purpose between the two periods: "As serious as the war was, Iraq was very distant from us. The
nuclear crisis is right in front of us, affecting every Japanese in his/her daily life. . . This time, we have an urgent message. There's more focus on rappers
and singers, who use words, fitted to music, to deliver those messages" (ECD, interview with the author, Tokyo, December 22, 2011). Hence, the change in
political purpose led to the change in the central musical genre—in keeping with Tilly's theory that changes in political opportunities cause incremental
changes in contentious repertoires.

ECD 是一位说唱先驱，他还参加了21世纪初的反战声音演示和2011年以来的反核示威活动，他同意道: “早在2003年，就有一些呼吁和回应，比如‘不要发动战

争。但是没有那么多，也几乎没有演讲。”他指出，音乐的变化是因为两个时期的目的不同: “尽管战争很严重，但伊拉克离我们非常遥远。核危机就在我们面
前，影响着每一个日本人的日常生活... ... 这一次，我们有一个紧急的消息。更多关注的是说唱歌手和歌手，他们使用适合音乐的词语来传递这些信息”
(ECD，采访作者东京，2011年12月22日)。因此，政治目的的变化导致了中央音乐体裁的变化ーー这与蒂利的理论一致，即政治机会的变化导致有争议的音乐
节目的渐进式变化。

A focus on prepared songs

专注于准备好的歌曲

While performers in the Shirōto no Ran sound demonstrations improvised speeches and engaged the protesters in calls and responses, the vast majority of
their performance consisted of pre-written songs and raps; hence, these performances were in the more presentational end of the performance spectrum.
For example, in the June 11, 2011 Shirōto no Ran demonstration in Shinjuku, DJ Shinco of the hip-hop trio Scha Dara Parr played "Kaese! Chikyū o 2011"
(Return the Earth to Us)—a mashup of Tone-Loc's "Wild Thing" (1988) with the song "Kaese! Taiyō o" (Return the Sun to Us) from the film, Godzilla vs.
Hedorah (1971)—in its multi-verse entirety. When ECD took the microphone, he performed his "Recording Report: Hangenpatsu Remix," an antinuclear
rap he wrote over the track to another of his songs; it has the opening line, "Toketa rashiizo, moreteta rashiizo" (We seem to have had a meltdown, radiation
seems to have been leaking). Next, he performed "Exodus 11," a rap he wrote a few days after 3.11, having temporarily evacuated his family to Hiroshima;
in the refrain, he defiantly declares that no matter how bad the world is, it won't restrain him and his wife from having a third child if they so choose.
Finally, he performed "Mada yume no naka" (Still in a Dream), about his anxieties over bringing up two daughters under straitened circumstances. At the
end of the rap, he passionately repeated an additional phrase, reflecting the fears of many a parent:

虽然表演者在 shir to no Ran 的声音即兴演讲和抗议者的呼吁和回应，他们的表演绝大多数是预先写好的歌曲和说唱，因此，这些表演在表演范围的更多表演

的一端。例如，在2011年6月11日 Shinjuku 的 shir to no Ran 示威活动中，Scha Dara Parr 的嘻哈三重奏 DJ Shinco 演奏了“ Kaese！《还土》(chiky o 2011)ー
托尼•洛克的《野兽》(1988)与歌曲《 Kaese！《太阳回到我们身边》(taiy o)是电影《哥吉拉对黑多拉(1971)中的一个多元的整体。ECD 拿过麦克风，演唱了
他的《录音报告: Hangenpatsu Remix 》(Recording Report: Hangenpatsu Remix) ，这是他在另一首歌曲的音轨上写下的反核说唱歌曲; 歌曲的开头是“
Toketa rashiizo，moreteta rashiizo”(我们似乎已经崩溃，辐射似乎已经泄漏)。接下来，他演唱了《出埃及记11》(Exodus 11) ，这是他在3.11事件发生几天后
写的一首说唱歌曲，当时他已经把全家暂时疏散到广岛; 在这首歌里，他挑衅地宣称，无论世界多么糟糕，只要他们愿意，也不会阻止他和他的妻子生第三个
孩子。最后，他表演了《梦中情人》 ，讲述了在困境中抚养两个女儿的焦虑。在说唱结束时，他热情地重复了一句话，反映了许多家长的恐惧:

Jūnen tatte, gan ni natte,6

江南塔特，干尼塔特，6号

Oya o urandari suru kamo shirenai.

(西班牙语)。

Ten years later, having developed cancer,

十年后，他患上了癌症,

You might come to bear a grudge against your parents.

你可能对你的父母怀恨在心。

Hence, ECD's set list was composed entirely of songs that were
tied to the antinuclear thematic. Most artists, however, perform
a mixture of songs that are thematically connected and those
that are not. Rankin Taxi's set list for the Shirōto no Ran demos
in April, May, and June 2011 included the sexual-humor song
"Chin chin pin pin" and uplifting song "Aozora" (Blue Skies)
along with "Dare mo mienai, nioi mo nai" (You Can't See It, You
Can't Smell It Either), his antinuclear song first recorded in
1989, and "Mental Slavery," a warning against being misled by
politicians or the media. As Matsumoto said, "I think message
songs are important, but it would seem strange to have only
message-oriented songs. I think it's fine for the musicians to
perform as they usually would. It's more important that the
performers also talk and express their thoughts in their own
way" (Matsumoto, interview). Futatsugi added: 

ECD, "Mada yume no naka," Shinjuku demonstration, June 11, 2011 因此，ECD 的歌单完全由与反核主题相关的歌曲组成。然而，
大多数艺术家表演的歌曲混合在一起，主题相关，而主题不相
ECD，“ Mada yume no naka,”Shinjuku 示威，2011年6月11日
关。2011年4月、5月和6月，兰金出租车公司(Rankin Taxi)为
shir to no Ran 乐队制作的音乐清单包括性幽默歌曲《 Chin Chin Chin pin 》和令人振奋的歌曲《奥佐拉》(Aozora) ，以及他在1989年首次录制的反核歌曲
《你看不到，你也闻不到》(Dare mo mienai，nioi mo nai)和警告不要被政客或媒体误导的《精神奴役》(Mental Slavery)。正如 Matsumoto 所说，“我认为
信息歌曲很重要，但是只有信息导向的歌曲似乎很奇怪。我认为音乐家们像往常一样表演是很好的。更重要的是，表演者也要用自己的方式说话和表达自己
的想法”(松本，采访)。Futatsugi 补充称:

While nuclear power is a serious topic, it's not necessarily a good thing to have serious music always playing to support a serious topic. No
matter how you express yourself, it's still going to be serious, because the topic is serious. What I like about Rankin Taxi is his humor; he can
shift the topic in a way that captures your interest. I think it's best if you have musicians with a variety of approaches. You have a comical
performer like Rankin, and you also have someone straight, emotional, and sentimental like Rumi. There are also different types of protesters:
you'll get people who want to shout "No Nukes" in an emotional manner, and you'll also have people who want to say it in a funky way. It's
best for the demonstration if you have artists who could engage people in a variety of ways: those who express themselves through anger,
those through laughter, and those through emotion and sentiment. Then you could appeal to people through different affects (Futatsugi,
interview).

虽然核能是一个严肃的话题，但总是播放严肃的音乐来支持一个严肃的话题未必是一件好事。不管你如何表达自己，这仍然是严肃的，因为话题
是严肃的。我喜欢 Rankin Taxi 的原因是他的幽默感; 他能够以一种吸引你兴趣的方式转移话题。我认为最好的方法就是让音乐家们用不同的方
法。你有像兰金这样的喜剧演员，也有像鲁米这样直率、情绪化、多愁善感的人。也有不同类型的抗议者: 你会听到人们情绪激动地喊出“没有核
武器”，你也会听到人们用一种时髦的方式喊出来。如果你有艺术家可以用各种方式吸引人们，那么这个展示就最好不过了: 那些通过愤怒表达自
己的人，那些通过笑声表达自己的人，还有那些通过情感和情感表达自己的人。然后你可以通过不同的方式吸引人们(Futatsugi，采访)。

Engaging audiences

吸引观众

While the focus of Shirōto no Ran sound demos was on musicians performing pre-
written songs, the musicians also engaged the audience-cum-protesters in more
participatory practices—thus laying the seeds for a more participatory approach
down the line. For example, Rankin Taxi encouraged the protesters to sing along to
the bridge of "You Can't See It, You Can't Smell It Either." This section quotes the
melody of "Old McDonald Had a Farm," the American children's song popularized in
Japan as "Yukai na Makiba" (Happy Farm); its familiarity makes it perfect for a call-
and-response with the audience. Rankin substitutes the refrain, "EE-I-EE-I-O," with
the Japanese near-homonym "iya, iya yo," which expresses annoyance and disgust:

虽然 shir to no Ran 乐队的音乐演示集中在音乐家演奏预先写好的歌曲上，但音乐家们

也让观众和抗议者参与到更具参与性的实践中，从而为今后更具参与性的方法埋下了种
子。例如，兰金出租车公司(Rankin Taxi)鼓励抗议者沿着“你看不见，你也闻不到”的桥
唱歌这一部分引用了在日本流行的美国儿童歌曲《老麦当劳有个农场》(Old McDonald
Had a Farm)的旋律，这首歌的名字是《幸福农场》(Yukai na Makiba，Happy Farm)
，它对听众的熟悉程度使得它非常适合与听众进行电话交流。Rankin 用日语中近乎同
音的词“ iya，iya yo”替换了副歌词“ EE-I-EE-I-O”，表达了厌烦和厌恶: Rankin Taxi, "You Can't See It, You Can't Smell It Either," Kōenji
demonstration, April 10, 2011(see 2:24)
放射能食らって死んじゃうなんて、イヤイヤよ。
兰金出租车公司，“你看不到它，你也闻不到它,”k enji 演示，2011年
我不想被辐射害死，我讨厌这样。 4月10日(见2:24)
いつの間にか漏れてたなんてイヤイヤよ。

我讨厌你不知不觉就泄露出去了。

生まれて来た子供に恨まれるなんて イヤイヤよ。

我不想让我出生的孩子记恨我。

豊で不健康な暮らしなんてイヤイヤよ。

我讨厌丰富不健康的生活。

Do I want to die from radiation? No way!

我想死于辐射吗? 不可能！

It's only a leak, but it can't be stopped? I don't want it!

这只是个漏洞，却无法阻止? 我不要！

Do I want to be hated by children to be born in the future? No way!

我希望在将来出生的时候被孩子们讨厌吗? 不可能！

Do I want an affluent but unhealthy lifestyle? No way!

我想要一种富裕但不健康的生活方式吗? 不可能！

At the April 10 demonstration, the audience easily picked up this repeated scheme and sang louder with each repeat. Several copies of Rankin's song from
22 years ago had already been uploaded onto YouTube prior to the demonstration, making it more likely that some protesters would be familiar with it.

在4月10日的演示中，观众很容易就接受了这个重复的计划，并且每次重复都唱得更响。22年前 Rankin 的歌曲的几个拷贝在示威之前已经上传到 YouTube

上，使得一些抗议者更有可能熟悉它。

Similarly, many protesters at the demonstrations in June and September 2011 were already familiar with ECD's "Recording Report: Hangenpatsu Remix," as
ECD had posted it on YouTube in April 2011. The rap had spawned several remixes and a video by Illcommonz, all of which were posted on YouTube.
Hence, the protesters joined ECD in the refrain, "Acchi mo kocchi mo, nicchi mo sacchi mo" (Here, there, everywhere, we're in deep trouble), as well as the
punchline, "No hōshanō, mō iranaiyo" (We don't need any more radiation).

同样，2011年6月和9月示威的许多抗议者已经熟悉 ECD 的“录音报告: Hangenpatsu Remix”，因为 ECD 于2011年4月在 YouTube 上发布了它。这首说唱歌曲

已经衍生出了好几个混音版本和 Illcommonz 的一个视频，所有这些都被上传到了 YouTube 上。因此，抗议者加入了 ECD，唱起了“ Acchi mo kocchi mo，
nicchi mo sacchi mo”(这里，那里，到处都是，我们有大麻烦了) ，还唱起了“没有山，我们不需要更多的辐射”(我们不需要更多的辐射)。
 , 

Performers also cultivated their signature call-and-response patterns. At the April 10

demonstration, Rankin Taxi improvised a series of antinuclear commentary with a
recurring tagline in a catchy melody, which enticed the protesters to join in the sing-
songy refrain, "Yappari genpatsu dame zettai" (Sure enough, nuclear power is totally
useless!). Futatsugi recalled, "[That call] was a huge hit. Everyone got very excited,
and they reacted really well to Rankin's humor and gentle voice. I thought, 'I'm really
glad I invited him'" (Futatsugi, interview). In addition to these signature calls, the
performers also engaged in the standard calls of "genpatsu hantai" (we are against
nuclear power) and other calls. Nonetheless, these calls were not the centerpiece of
these performances.

表演者也培养了他们标志性的呼唤和回应模式。在4月10日的示威活动中，Rankin Taxi
用一段朗朗上口的旋律即兴演绎了一系列反核评论，吸引了抗议者加入唱歌的队伍，“
Yappari genpatsu dame zettai”(当然，核能完全没用!).Futatsugi 回忆说，“(那通电话)
是一个巨大的打击。每个人都非常兴奋，他们对兰金的幽默和温柔的声音反应非常好。
ECD, "Recording Report: Hangenpatsu Remix," Shinjuku 我想，‘我真的很高兴我邀请了他’”(Futatsugi，采访)。除了这些标志性的叫声，表演者
demonstration, June 11, 2011 (see 1:23)  还参与了标准的叫声“源帕苏汉泰”(我们反对核能)和其他叫声。尽管如此，这些呼吁并
不是这些表演的核心。
ECD，“录音报告: Hangenpatsu Remix,”Shinjuku 演示，2011年6月
11日(见1:23) A move toward Sprechchor7 

迈向 sprechchoro 7 Rankin Taxi, "Yappari genpatsu dame, zettai," Kōenji demonstration, April 10, 2011 (see

While call-and-response patterns were not the primary focus of 1:36) 

the Shirōto no Ran demonstrations, there was a pivotal event in Rankin Taxi，“ Yappari genpatsu dame，zettai,”k enji demonstration，2011年4月10日(见
the April 10 demonstration that hinted at the future shape of 1:36)
demonstrations. As Futatsugi Shin recounted:

虽然呼叫和响应模式不是 shir to no Ran 示威活动的主要重点，

但在4月10日的示威活动中有一个关键事件，暗示了未来示威活
动的形式。正如 Futatsugi Shin 所述:

The sound demo changed after 3.11. An interesting

moment came while DJ Mayuri was DJ-ing. There was a
huge crowd that had gathered around the sound truck.
We were all very tense. It was still too soon after the
disaster, and none of us knew what to do. We were just
following the truck, not raising our voices. When the
truck turned on Oume Kaidō [a major thoroughfare],
Mayuri played a cool, soulful techno track [Dutch DJ
Joris Voorn's "Incident"]. . . She cut the bass for a long
time. As we went into the intersection, she suddenly put
the bass up, and everyone began to dance in unison.
Someone spontaneously yelled out, "Genpatsu yamero!" Without being led by anyone, everyone joined in this call-and-response [in rhythm to
the beats]. The Sprechchor spread throughout the entire block. It was an amazing scene. At that time, people were not yet accustomed to going
to demonstrations, raising their voices, or repeating Sprechchor. Everyone had a hard time doing that. Techno music gave us this huge push,
helping us to cry out in the street. 'Everyone, we can raise our voices!' The music was the trigger. It was one of the highlights of the April 10
demonstration (Futatsugi, interview).

声音演示在3.11之后发生了变化。一个有趣的时刻来了，当 DJ 马尤里是 DJ-ing。有一大群人聚集在音响卡车周围。我们都很紧张。灾难发生

后，时间还太早，我们都不知道该怎么办。我们只是跟在卡车后面，没有提高嗓门。当卡车在 Oume kaid (一条主干道)转弯时，马尤里演奏了一
首冷静的、深情的电子音轨(荷兰 DJ 乔里斯 · 沃恩的《事件》) ... ... 她长时间地切断了贝司。当我们进入十字路口，她突然把低音提高，大家开
始一起跳舞。有人不由自主地喊道: “ Genpatsu yamero!”在没有任何人的指导下，每个人都加入了这种呼唤与回应(随着节拍的节奏)。喷泉遍布
整个街区。这是一个令人惊奇的场景。当时，人们还不习惯去游行示威，提高声音，或重复斯普雷乔。每个人都很难做到。电子音乐给了我们巨
大的动力，帮助我们在街上哭泣。”“各位，我们可以大声说出来！音乐是触发器。这是4月10日示威活动的亮点之一(Futatsugi，采访)。

Continuing this trend, at the next Shirōto no Ran demonstration of May 7, 2011, DJ Tasaka played samples of a child saying "Genpatsu hantai" (we are
against nuclear power), "Genpatsu iranai" (We don't need nuclear power), and "Imasugu tomeyo" (Let's stop [the nuclear reactors] right now) in rhythm.
The crowd engaged in a call-and-response to this child's voice. Such incidents, however, tended to comprise a small part of the sound demo in those early
days, most of which concentrated on rappers and singers performing pre-written songs or DJs playing tracks—i.e., in presentational style.

继续这一趋势，在2011年5月7日的下一次 shir to no Ran 示威活动中，DJ Tasaka 播放了一个孩子的声音样本: “ Genpatsu hantai”(我们反对核能)、“

Genpatsu iranai”(我们不需要核能)和“ Imasugu tomyo”(我们现在就停止核反应堆)。人群对这个孩子的声音作出了呼唤和回应。然而，这些事件往往只占早
期声音小样的一小部分，其中大部分集中在说唱歌手和歌手演唱预先写好的歌曲或 dj 播放的曲目，即表演风格。

Music's contribution to demonstrations 

音乐对示范表演的贡献

Sound demonstrations were credited with attracting people to

DJ Mayuri, playing Joris Voorn's "Incident," Kōenji demonstration, April 10, 2011
马尤里，演奏乔里斯 · 沃恩的“事件”，k 恩吉示威，2011年4月10日
“有许多人最初是通过声音演示吸引到示威活动的，现在他们来
参加社会运动”(Noma Yasumichi，采访作者，东京，2012年12月17日)。音乐也被视为给参与抗议活动的人提供能量。ECD 表示，声音演示和音乐“善于提升
参与抗议者的情绪和兴奋程度”饶舌歌手 ATS 指出，“抗议者告诉我们，当音乐响起时，走路和喊 sprechor 更容易”(ATS，采访作者，东京，2012年8月10
日)。
the protests, particularly at a time when only a small minority
of Japanese citizens were accustomed to demonstrating. As
Noma explained, "There are many people who were first
attracted to a demonstration through a sound demo and have
come to participate in social movements" (Noma Yasumichi,
interview with author, Tokyo, December 17, 2012). Music was
also seen as lending energy to participants at a protest. ECD
said that sound demos and music are "good at lifting up the
feelings and excitement level of the participating protesters."
The rapper ATS noted, "The protesters tell us that it's easier to
walk and shout Sprechchor when music is playing" (ATS,
interview with the author, Tokyo, August 10, 2012).
健全的示威被认为是吸引人们参加抗议活动的原因，尤其是在只
有少数日本公民习惯于示威的时候。正如 Noma 解释的那样，

Many sound demos have been compared with matsuri (festivals). As Matsumoto explains:

许多声音小样都被拿来和音乐节相比较，正如松本所解释的那样:

Music is connected with matsuri in Japanese culture. Having music in a demonstration makes it feel like a matsuri, where
everyone is doing something together and having fun. I think it's very appropriate for a demonstration. It gives you the
feeling that you're united with everyone else. People who are not participating in the demonstration will hear the music as
they walk along and think, "Ah, it's a demonstration." The music has the power to shape the overall atmosphere of the
streets. That, I think is very positive (Matsumoto, interview).

在日本文化中，音乐与松本有着千丝万缕的联系。在示范音乐中听音乐，感觉就像在做一个松鼠，每个人都在一起做一些有
趣的事情。我认为这是一个非常合适的演示。它让你觉得你和其他所有人都团结在一起。那些没有参加示范的人会听到音
乐，然后走过去想，“啊，这是一个示范。”音乐具有塑造街道整体氛围的力量。那，我认为是非常积极的(松本，采访)。

Although social movements around the globe had been incorporating carnivalesque approaches since the late 1990s
(Bakhtin 1998, Reed 2005), this aspect of sound demos made them prone to criticism, as it made the demonstration look Matsumoto Hajime, Founder of
like it was just having fun rather than addressing a serious matter. Matsumoto had been incorporating fun and humor into Shirōto no Ran, at Datsu
demonstrations since his "Ore no chari o kaese" (Gimme Back My Bike) demonstration of August 2005, aligning him with Genpatsu Suginami
the approaches taken at the WTO meeting in Seattle or the antiwar sound demos of 2003. Matsumoto defended this fun- demonstration, May 6, 2012, to
making, saying:   celebrate the temporary
shutdown of all nuclear power
尽管自20世纪90年代末(巴赫金1998年，里德2005年)以来，全球各地的社会运动都在纳入狂欢化的方法，但是声音演示的这
plants for maintenance (Noriko
一方面使它们容易受到批评，因为它使示范看起来只是为了好玩，而不是解决一个严肃的问题。自从2005年8月他的“请把我
Manabe).
的自行车还给我”(Ore no chari o kaese)演示以来，松本一直在将有趣和幽默融入演示之中，使他与世贸组织在西雅图会议上
采取的方法或2003年的反战声音演示保持一致。松本为这种玩笑进行了辩护，他说: 2012年5月6日，shir to no Ran
的创始人 Matsumoto Hajime 在
I don't think there's any negative in having music in a demonstration. It's narrow-minded to think that you can't do Datsu Genpatsu Suginami 的示
a demonstration unless it looks completely serious. I think you must allow for the ability to express your opinions 威游行中，庆祝所有核电站暂时
in a light-hearted manner. It's disrespectful to musicians to say that a demonstration is not serious because there's
关闭进行维护(Noriko
music there. There are musicians who are earnestly playing music, with a proper message, as a way of expressing Manabe)。
themselves. To say that these people are just amusing themselves is wrong. That is a pin-headed way of thinking
(Matsumoto, interview).

我不认为在演示中使用音乐有什么不好。认为除非看起来非常严肃，否则就不能进行示威，这是狭隘的想法。我认为你必须考虑到用轻松愉快的
方式表达自己观点的能力。说游行不严肃是对音乐家的不尊重，因为那里有音乐。有些音乐家认真地演奏着音乐，传递着恰当的信息，以此来表
达他们自己。说这些人只是在自娱自乐是错误的。这是一种呆板的思维方式(松本，采访)。

Police pressure

警察的压力

The large numbers of people that Shirōto no Ran's sound demos were attracting had caught the attention of the police. In the days before the demonstration
in Shinjuku on September 11, 2011, there were signs that a showdown with the police was brewing. Futatsugi explained, "During the June 11 demonstration
in Shinjuku, we completely packed the Alta-mae (plaza in front of Studio Alta). We'd wanted to turn that place into a liberated zone. It was a complete
victory for us. It was a complete fiasco for the police. When we did another demonstration in Shinjuku three months later, they were determined not to let
us do that again, so they came to crush us" (Futatsugi, interview). Shinjuku's reputation as a place for large assemblies and potential rioting, as in the
Shinjuku Riots of 1968, had led it to develop a local police force that was more severe than Shirōto no Ran's home neighborhood of Kōenji.

大量的人，希尔到不然的声音演示吸引了警察的注意。在2011年9月11日 Shinjuku 的示威活动之前，有迹象表明，与警方的摊牌正在酝酿之中。Futatsugi 解

释说: “在6月11日的 Shinjuku 示威活动中，我们把 Alta-mae (在 Alta 工作室前面的广场)完全包围了起来。我们想把那个地方变成一个解放区。这对我们来说
是一次彻底的胜利。对警察来说，这是一次彻底的失败。三个月后，当我们在 Shinjuku 举行另一次示威时，他们决心不让我们再这样做，所以他们来镇压我
们”(Futatsugi，采访)。正如1968年的 Shinjuku 骚乱一样，Shinjuku 素有大规模集会和潜在暴乱之地的美誉，这促使它建立了一支比希尔至诺兰家所在的
Kōenji 社区更为严厉的当地警察部队。

Prior to the demonstration, a number of flowerbeds suddenly appeared in Alta-mae, the location for the pre- and after-rallies; this development reduced the
square footage available, limiting the number of people that could assemble there.8 At the last minute, the police ordered a complete change in the route for
the demonstration, moving its starting point from Alta-mae to Shinjuku Chuo Park, far away on the other side of the railway station. As Futatsugi recalled,
"It was obvious that the police were determined to make arrests from their sheer numbers, the air of tension, the way they were pushing us around, their
facial expressions, their language with us" (Futatsugi, interview). A file of policemen put themselves behind the sound truck, forcing the demonstrators to
walk at a considerable distance behind it. Futatsugi soon found himself arrested:

在示威之前，在前后集会的地点阿尔塔-梅突然出现了一些花圃，这种发展减少了可用的面积，限制了可以在那里集合的人数。Futatsugi 回忆说，“很明显，
警察决心要逮捕我们，因为他们人数众多，气氛紧张，他们推搡我们的方式，他们的面部表情，他们对我们说的话”(Futatsugi，采访)。一队警察站在音响卡
车后面，迫使示威者在卡车后面相当远的地方行走。Futatsugi 很快发现自己被捕了:

I was in charge of the DJ and rap truck, which was the most popular—humongous speakers up to here, the loudest sound. It attracted so many
people from the street that you could no longer distinguish between the people on the sidewalk and the demonstrators on the road. The police
hated that, because the demonstration was going to get bigger and bigger. About twenty minutes into the demonstration, seven policemen
came up to me and ordered me to separate the people on the sidewalk from those on the street. They commanded me to order those on the
sidewalk to get onto the road with the demonstration, or they'd arrest me. I told them that it was the personal decision of these individuals to
stay on the sidewalk, and that I had no right to tell them what to do. The police wouldn't listen. They handed me three written warnings.
Upon the third time, they suddenly rushed about. Someone said, "Arrest him!" All of a sudden, a bunch of them came upon me, knocked me
down, grabbed my limbs, stopped a taxi passing by, and pushed me into it. I got taken straight to the Shinjuku police station, on the suspicion
that I was holding an "improper demonstration." It was all over in an instant (Futatsugi, interview).

我负责 DJ 和说唱卡车，那是最受欢迎的音响ーー最大的喇叭到这里，最大的声音。它吸引了那么多街上的人，以至于你再也分不清人行道上的
人和路上的示威者了。警察不喜欢这样，因为示威活动会越来越大。示威进行了大约二十分钟后，七名警察走到我面前，命令我把人行道上的人
和街上的人分开。他们命令我命令那些在人行道上的示威者上路，否则他们会逮捕我。我告诉他们，留在人行道上是这些人的个人决定，我没有
权利告诉他们该做什么。警察不听。他们给了我三份书面警告。第三次，他们突然冲了出来。有人说: “逮捕他!”突然之间，他们一群人向我袭
来，把我打倒在地，抓住我的四肢，拦住一辆经过的出租车，把我推进车里。我被直接带到 Shinjuku 警察局，怀疑我举行了“不正当的示威”一
切都在一瞬间结束了(Futatsugi，采访)。

Similarly, several demonstrators were pushed down, dragged,

and arrested as the sound truck passed by Shinjuku Station's
crowded South Exit. As ECD said, "People got arrested for
bullshit reasons. The police suddenly claimed my acquaintance
was pushing a girl, then reached out and handcuffed him. It's
harassment." More demonstrators were arrested around the
punk-band truck. All twelve arrested were thrown in jail.
Witnessing the arrests greatly affected Rumi and ECD, who
were on the sound truck. In his performance that day, ECD
screamed a series of sarcastic questions:

同样，当音响卡车经过新宿站拥挤的南出口时，一些示威者被推
倒、拖拽和逮捕。正如欧洲儿童发展基金会所说，“人们因为胡
说八道的理由被捕。警察突然声称我的熟人在推一个女孩，然后
伸手给他戴上手铐。这是骚扰。”更多的示威者在朋克乐队的卡
车周围被捕。12个被捕的人都被关进了监狱。目睹了这次逮捕行

ECD, Shinjuku demonstration, September 11, 2011 动后，音响卡车上的 Rumi 和 ECD 受到了极大的影响。在当天
的表演中，ECD 尖叫了一系列讽刺性的问题:
幼儿园，Shinjuku，2011年9月11日
デモをやってもいいですか?

我可以演示一下吗?

迷惑かけてもいいですか？

我可以打扰你吗？

電気つかってもいいですか？. . .

我可以用灯吗?-当然可以...

子供つくっ てもいいですか?

我可以要个孩子吗?

東京にげ てもいいですか?

我可以去东京吗?

東京にのこってもいいですか?

我可以留在东京吗?

Do you mind if we demonstrate?

你介意我们示范一下吗？

Do you mind if we cause a nuisance?

你介意我们制造麻烦吗？

Do you mind if we use electricity?

你介意我们用电吗？

Do you mind if we have children?

你介意我们有孩子吗？

Do you mind if we escape from Tokyo?

你介意我们离开东京吗？

Do you mind if we remain in Tokyo?

你介意我们留在东京吗？

Shirōto no Ran conducted a campaign to get them all released; half of them, including Futatsugi, were released in two days, while the others were released
within eleven. None were charged, although the police did search some of their homes.

Shir to no Ran 发起了一场运动，让他们全部获释; 他们中的一半，包括 Futatsugi，在两天内获释，而其他人则在11天内获释。没有人被起诉，尽管警察搜查

了他们的一些住宅。

Reflecting on his experience, Futatsugi explained that the Shirōto no Ran ethos had a built-in conflict with the police:

回想起自己的经历，Futatsugi 解释说，希尔至不然的风气与警察有着内在的冲突:

It's not that the police don't like the antinuclear cause. They don't necessarily want to crush it. Their job is to maintain the order of the city. As
police, they dislike anything that disturbs the calm. On the other hand, what distinguishes a Shirōto no Ran demonstration is that it is looking
to see how much chaos it could bring to the street. We believe that if the demonstration has even a little impact on the city, it would
communicate a political message. Our premise is that it is of no use to conduct a meek and obedient demonstration. No matter what we do,
we're going to end up conflicting with the police. Even if we try to do a demonstration in an obedient way, we're inevitably going to clash with
them (Futatsugi, interview).

这并不是说警察不喜欢反核事业。他们不一定想要粉碎它。他们的工作是维持城市的秩序。作为警察，他们不喜欢任何打扰平静的事情。另一方
面，shir 和 no Ran 的不同之处在于，它想看看自己能给街道带来多大的混乱。我们相信，如果示威活动对这座城市有哪怕一丁点的影响，它就
会传递出一种政治信息。我们的前提是，进行温顺顺从的示威是没有用的。不管我们怎么做，我们最终都会和警察发生冲突。即使我们试图以顺
从的方式进行示威，我们也不可避免地会与他们发生冲突(Futatsugi，访谈)。

Futatsugi's view was confirmed while he was in detention, when the examiner told him that "it was fine for us to demonstrate, but that our demonstrations
were against the rules." From the police's point of view, it was against the rules to have more and more people join in the course of a demonstration, or to
have so many people come to watch that they overflow the sidewalk. Futatsugi surmised that the police still considered a proper demonstration to be an
"old-style" one, run out of organizations and their membership: "Those protest organizers know how many participants there will be in advance, because
they have a regular membership. If the organizer says 200 protesters will come, then 200 protesters will come. The police think that's how a demonstration
should be. But we think demonstrations should be allowed to grow organically" (Futatsugi, interview).

Futatsugi 的观点在他被拘留期间得到了证实，当时检查员告诉他，“我们可以示威，但我们的示威是违反规定的。”从警察的角度来看，让越来越多的人参加
示威是违反规定的，或者让这么多人来看他们挤满了人行道。Futatsugi 猜测，警方仍然认为一场合适的示威是“老式”的，没有组织和成员: “那些抗议组织者
事先知道会有多少人参加，因为他们有固定的成员。如果组织者说200名抗议者会来，那么200名抗议者会来。警察认为示威应该是这样的。但我们认为，应
该允许示威活动有机增长”(Futatsugi 在接受采访时表示)。

Impact on Shirōto no Ran demos

对 shir 到 no Ran 的影响

After the arrests in the September 11 demonstration, Shirōto no Ran pulled back from acting as the sole organizer of demonstrations. As Futatsugi
admitted, "The arrest of twelve people in Shinjuku was a big deal. We saw right there the limit of what the loud, rough format of the sound demo could do
for making an impact, at least for our group. If Shirōto no Ran got a reputation as rowdy, and we carried on organizing demonstrations after those arrests,
then we risked worsening the image of the antinuclear movement. We didn't want that" (Futatsugi, interview).

在9月11日的示威中被捕后，shir to no Ran 退出了作为示威活动唯一组织者的角色。正如 Futatsugi 所承认的，“在 Shinjuku 逮捕12人是件大事。我们在这里

看到了声音演示的大声，粗糙的格式对于产生影响的极限，至少对于我们这个团队来说是这样的。如果 shir to no Ran 被认为是粗暴的，而我们在那些逮捕之
后继续组织示威，那么我们就有可能使反核运动的形象恶化。我们不想那样”(Futatsugi，采访)。

Performers and protest organizers saw the arrests as a bad sign. ECD noted, "That Shinjuku demonstration proved that the police are targeting sound
demonstrations. If there were no sound truck, there wouldn't have been so many police" (ECD, interview). Oda noted:

表演者和抗议组织者认为这次逮捕是一个不好的信号。幼儿发展指出: “ Shinjuku 的示威证明警方的目标是健全的示威活动。如果没有音响车，就不会有这么

多警察。小田说:

All the people who were arrested at the September 11 demonstrations were around the sound trucks. It showed those organizing a
demonstration—not just Shirōto no Ran, but anyone—that sound trucks were high risk. Perhaps it was a turning point for sound
demonstrations. In July [2012], there was a 170,000-person gathering in Yoyōgi Park organized by Sayonara Genpatsu, and they had a sound
truck. The police treated that block differently from all the others; they were very strict with it. We know the police target sound demos,
making it difficult to hold them. But they seem easier to do in regional cities, where the police haven't targeted them so much (Oda, interview).

所有在911示威中被捕的人都围着音响车转。它表明，那些组织示威的人---- 不仅仅是希尔，还有任何人---- 声音卡车都是高风险的。也许这是声

音演示的一个转折点。2012年7月，在 yoy gi 公园，由 Sayonara Genpatsu 组织了一个17万人的集会，他们有一辆音响卡车。警察对待那个街区
和其他街区不一样，他们对它要求很严格。我们知道警察的目标是声音试听带，所以很难保留它们。但是在地方城市，他们似乎更容易做到，因
为那里的警察没有那么多的针对他们(织田，采访)。

Matsumoto explained his philosophy:

松本解释了他的哲学:

For the first six months, we all did these demonstrations together with many other people. It was a good way of doing it in the initial stages.
People with different philosophies were coming together to do them. But if you continue doing everything together, you get frustrated that
you can't do it your own way. Then the movement stops getting stronger. You won't succeed if you just hold huge demonstrations with
 everyone over a long period of time. The number of participants will fall off. People will get exhausted and bored because they're continuing
only out of a sense of obligation. That's not good. So we thought we'd go our separate ways, so that each group could protest in the way that it
would have the most impact. The people who were coming to our demonstrations are now staging them themselves (Matsumoto, interview).

在最初的六个月里，我们和许多其他人一起做了这些示威活动。在最初阶段，这是一个很好的方法。拥有不同哲学的人们聚在一起做这些事情。
但是如果你们继续一起做所有的事情，你会因为不能按照自己的方式去做而感到沮丧。然后运动停止变强。如果你只是在很长一段时间内和每个
人一起举行大型示威游行，你是不会成功的。参加人数将会减少。人们会感到疲惫和无聊，因为他们只是出于责任感而继续工作。这可不妙。所
以我们认为我们应该各走各的路，这样每个团体都可以以最有影响力的方式进行抗议。来参加我们示威活动的人们现在正亲自上演他们的表演
(松本，采访)。

Futatsugi echoed the sense that the group's mission had been accomplished: "We saw our role as lighting a fire. . . Half a year is the limit for staging
monthly demonstrations with that level of tension. " (Futatsugi, interview). 

Futatsugi 回应说，该组织的任务已经完成了: “我们认为我们的角色是点火... ... 每月举行这种紧张程度的示威活动的时间限制是半年。”(Futatsugi，采访)。

In addition, some performers also shared this feeling that the sound demo format, as initially conceived by Shirōto no Ran, had run its course. As ECD said
in December 2011, "Up to September 11, we were concentrating on getting as many people out as possible. Sound demos were good for raising interest and
getting people to come. Now, we want to concentrate on delivering the message" (ECD, interview).

此外，一些表演者也有这样的感觉，声音演示格式，最初的构想由希尔没有冉，已经结束了。正如欧洲儿童发展中心在2011年12月所说，“直到9月11日，我
们都在集中力量让尽可能多的人离开。声音演示有助于提高人们的兴趣和吸引人们的到来。现在，我们要集中精力传达信息”。

Refocusing demonstrations at the local level

在地方一级重新确定示威的重点

Shirōto no Ran did not stop organizing sound demonstrations. Matsumoto and his crew refocused on
community-oriented demonstrations primarily around their own ward of Suginami, teaming with local
citizens including Harada Akira, a young councilor of Suginami Ward and a member of the Communist
Party, under the name "Datsu Genpatsu Suginami" (Suginami for the Abolition of Nuclear Power). The
first of these demonstrations was held in Asagaya, Suginami Ward, on February 19, 2012, with subsequent
demonstrations held on May 6, December 22, and April 7, 2013. The sound demonstrations I attended in
February and May attracted about 5,000-6,000 participants of a variety of ages and approaches, from
punk, reggae, and techno fans following their respective sound trucks, to families with small children and
the elderly.

希尔到不然没有停止组织声音示威。松本和他的团队重新聚焦于主要围绕他们自己选区 Suginami 的社区示

威活动，与当地市民合作，其中包括年轻的杉上区议员、共产党员杉田原田(Harada Akira) ，他的名字是 Photo: Rankin Taxi, Datsu Genpatsu Suginami
“杉上大津(Datsu Genpatsu Suginami)”。第一次示威于2012年2月19日在阿佐谷 Suginami Ward 举行，随 demo, February 19, 2012 (Noriko Manabe)
后的示威分别于2013年5月6日、12月22日和4月7日举行。我在二月和五月参加的音乐示范吸引了大约5,000 照片: Rankin Taxi，Datsu Genpatsu Suginami，
至6,000名不同年龄和方法的参与者，从朋克、雷鬼和电子音乐爱好者跟随他们各自的音响卡车，到有小孩 2012年2月19日(Noriko Manabe)
的家庭和老年人。

When I met with Matsumoto prior to the February 19 demonstration, he described its goal as bringing together "a real
mix-up of people at the local level—the aunts and uncles, the mothers, the shopkeepers" (Matsumoto, interview). In
keeping with this goal, the group began holding organizational meetings, open to the general public and held in
community centers, in January 2012 to discuss how these antinuclear demonstrations should be conducted. In a blog post
inviting participants, Matsumoto described a demonstration block for everyone imaginable: a karaoke truck for the "aunts
and uncles," a DJ sound truck, a band truck, a block for parents with baby carts (including a diaper-changing cart), a
Sprechchor block, a right-wing block, an "unprecedented business opportunity" block for local merchants (some of whom
gave discounts to demonstrators), and a "fighting elderly" block, the latter flouting the power bestowed upon them
through traditional respect for the elderly:

Photo: Matsumoto Hajime of
Shirōto no Ran and Amamiya
Karin, Datsu Genpatsu
Suginami demonstration, May
6, 2012 (Noriko Manabe).
照片: shir to no Ran 的
Matsumoto Hajime 和 amiya
Karin，Datsu Genpatsu
Suginami 示威，2012年5月6日
(Noriko Manabe)。
在2月19日的示威活动之前，我与松本会面时，他形容这次活动的目的是把“地方一级的人们——阿姨、叔叔、母亲、店主
——真正的混合在一起”(松本接受采访时说)。为了实现这一目标，该组织于2012年1月开始举行组织会议，对公众开放，并
在社区中心举行，讨论如何进行这些反核示威。在一篇邀请参与者的博文中，松本介绍了一个对所有人都能想象得到的示威
障碍: 卡拉 ok 卡车，音响卡车，乐队卡车，推着婴儿车的父母的街区(包括一辆换尿布的车) ，sprechor 街区，右翼街区，当
地商人的“前所未有的商业机会”街区(其中一些人向示威者提供折扣) ，以及“打架的老年人”街区，后者蔑视传统上尊重老年
人赋予他们的权力:
No one can match the magnificent power of a demonstration block whose average age is 80! If a policeman the
same age as their children fails to remember his gratitude to the elderly, and thoughtlessly tries to place restrictions
on the demonstration, they might well end up shouting, "You idiot!," and deliver a firm smack on the policeman's
head! 9
没有人能比得上一个平均年龄为80岁的示范街区的宏伟力量！如果一个和他们孩子年龄相仿的警察不记得他对老人的
感激之情，并且轻率地试图限制示威活动，他们最终可能会大喊: “你这个白痴！然后给警察的脑袋来一记狠狠的耳
光！图9

In seriousness, Matsumoto was seeking to encourage people to speak up and spark local demonstrations all over Japan; after all, it is local constituents who
elect many Diet members, and it is local governments who have say as to whether or not nuclear plants could be built or restarted in their towns. As he
explained in February 2012:

严肃地说，松本正在鼓励人们大声疾呼，在日本各地引发当地的示威游行; 毕竟，是当地选民选举了许多国会议员，是地方政府决定是否可以在他们的城镇建
造或重启核电站。正如他在2012年2月所解释的:

What would be powerful about this local type of demonstration is that your neighbors would be demonstrating, which itself would be a
surprise. It's a big deal for moms, uncles, and shopkeepers who have not been politically active before to participate in a demonstration.
People would see them and think, hey, these people I know are demonstrating! Most people think nuclear power is unnecessary. If all sorts of
people came to raise their voices, it would have the greatest impact on public opinion. Then it will become a major issue that the government
must face. That would lead to change.

这种地方性的示威活动的强大之处在于，你的邻居们会示威，这本身就是一个惊喜。对于那些之前在政治上并不活跃的妈妈们、叔叔们和店主们
来说，参加示威游行是件大事。人们看到他们会想，嘿，我认识的这些人在示威！大多数人认为核能是没有必要的。如果各种各样的人都来提高
他们的声音，这将对公众舆论产生最大的影响。然后，这将成为政府必须面对的一个重大问题。这将导致改变。

If only a central group of people is demonstrating and everything depends on them, then you would just have "the people who specialize in
demonstrating." The police will think, "We'll show these guys a thing or two." We have to avoid that kind of situation. The world is not going
to change that way (Matsumoto, interview).

如果只有一个中心群体在示威，一切都取决于他们，那么你就会有“专门示威的人”警察会想，“我们给这些家伙点颜色瞧瞧。”我们必须避免这种
情况。这个世界不会以这种方式改变(Matsumoto，采访)。

Criticism against sound demonstrations

对有声的示威游行的批评

While sound demonstrations were credited with attracting people to protests, many activists had qualms about them. As Noma explained: 

尽管声音洪亮的示威活动被认为是吸引人们参与抗议的原因，但许多活动人士对此感到不安。正如诺玛所解释的:

When you have music at a demonstration, it's difficult to avoid the appearance that it's just for fun. . . If there is a famous DJ heading a sound
truck, you'll attract a lot of people, but those people would be coming for the DJ. You reverse the priorities from making a political statement to
entertaining a crowd. You'd see a bunch of people whooping, hollering, and getting excited to music from a sound truck. The police push and
shove, and someone gets arrested. That won't look good for the cause, and the message would be lost to the passers-by (Noma interview).

当你在演示中听音乐时，很难不让人觉得那只是为了好玩如果有一个著名的 DJ 开着一辆音响车，你会吸引很多人，但那些人会来找 DJ。你颠倒

了优先顺序，从发表政治声明到娱乐大众。你会看到一群人在一辆音响卡车的音乐声中大喊大叫，兴奋不已。警察推推搡搡，有人被捕了。对于
这项事业来说，这看起来不是什么好事，而且这条信息将会丢失给路人(Noma 采访)。

Contrary to Matsumoto's view that fun at demonstrations encouraged participation, Noma believed it actually discouraged it: "It gives the impression that
the fun is shared only among an inner circle. It's alienating to outsiders. They will think it's something they shouldn't join" (Noma, interview).

与松本认为游行的乐趣鼓励参与的观点相反，野间认为这实际上阻碍了游行: “它给人的印象是，只有内部圈子才能分享乐趣。它正在疏远外来者。他们会认
为这是他们不应该参加的活动”(Noma，采访)。

Decorum at sound demos was an issue. Because they were originally conceived as a street party, many protesters at sound demos drank beer along the
route. In the context of the antinuclear movement—a serious matter of national policy—activists raised questions as to the appropriateness of this behavior.
As Rankin Taxi commented, "It doesn't look good when demonstrators at a sound demo are seen dancing with beers in their hands. That's fine for events
like LGBT parades, but not for antinuclear demonstrations. It looks too rowdy for the political theme" (Rankin Taxi, Cactus).

声音演示的礼仪是一个问题。因为它们最初被设想为一个街头派对，许多抗议者沿着这条路线喝着啤酒。在反核运动的背景下ーー这是国家政策的一个严重
问题ーー活动家们对这种行为是否恰当提出了质疑。正如 Rankin Taxi 所评论的那样，“当看到示威者在一个有声的示威游行中手捧啤酒跳舞时，情况就不妙
了。这对于 LGBT 游行这样的活动来说是可以的，但是对于反核游行来说就不行了。对于政治主题来说，这看起来太吵闹了”(Rankin Taxi，Cactus)。

As previously mentioned, the musical genres in sound demos were potentially controversial. Indeed, differences in musical taste or social associations of
genres had the potential to undermine attempts at finding a common ground. Noma explained, "In demonstrations, the underground subcultures tend to
come to the fore and dominate. It can make the demonstration look like a gathering of subcultures, or demonstrating itself to be a subcultural activity."
Furthermore, these subcultural musics excluded different groups: "Folk music is associated with an older generation. Punk and techno are associated with a
younger generation. They're all subcultures: they don't represent everyone." He continued:

如前所述，在声音演示中的音乐类型是潜在的争议。事实上，音乐品味或流派的社会联系的差异有可能破坏寻找共同点的努力。Noma 解释说: “在示威游行

中，地下亚文化往往会脱颖而出并占据主导地位。它可以让演示看起来像是亚文化的聚会，或者证明自己是一种亚文化活动。”此外，这些亚文化音乐排斥不
同的群体: “民间音乐与老一代有关。朋克和电子音乐与年轻一代有关。他们都是亚文化群体: 他们并不代表所有人。”他继续说道:

The antinuclear movement can't be seen as a minority rights movement or a subcultural social movement. We have to appeal to the masses.
And from that point of view, the Shirōto no Ran demonstrations reached a limit there. They came to have a reputation of appealing more to
young music lovers, punks, and anarchists. The movement needed to appeal to ordinary men and women, mothers and fathers, the elderly
(Noma, Cactus).

反核运动不能被视为少数民族权利运动或亚文化社会运动。我们必须向群众求助。从这个角度来看，希尔至非然的示威活动达到了极限。他们逐
渐以吸引年轻的音乐爱好者、朋克和无政府主义者而闻名。这场运动需要吸引普通的男人和女人，母亲和父亲，老年人(Noma，Cactus)。

A more stoic model: the TwitNoNukes and Kantei protests

一个更加坚忍的模式: TwitNoNukes 和 Kantei 的抗议

At the same time as the sound demonstrations, a more stoic style of antinuclear demonstrations was taking root. One of the first new series of
demonstrations was TwitNoNukes, its name derived from the fact that it was organized through Twitter. Hirano Taichi, who was then 26 years old, had
attended protests in front of TEPCO headquarters and METI, but had been disappointed by the emptiness of Kasumigaseki on the weekends.10 He then
participated in a Gensuikin-organized antinuclear demonstration in the Ginza on March 27, 2011, where he found 1,200 participants, many of whom, like
him, had learned of the protest through Twitter. Also present at that demonstration were several future participants in TwitNoNukes, including Noma;
Ishiguro Keita, MC in rap group Kimidori and former member of ASC; and the rapper Akuryō. After the demonstration, Hirano found his timeline filling
up with comments such as, "Why aren't there demonstrations in Shinjuku or Shibuya?" On April 5, Hirano tweeted, "Hypothetically speaking, if you would
be interested in participating in a demonstration around Shibuya calling for the end of nuclear power, for which we'd recruit people via Twitter, please
retweet." By the following day, the message had been retweeted over 300 times.11 The first TwitNoNukes demonstration took place in Shibuya on April 30,
2011, attracting about 1,000 people. It was held about once a month until May 2012; took a hiatus while its organizers were overwhelmed with managing
the weekly Friday protests in front of the prime minister's residence, which had grown to 150,000–200,000 participants that summer; then continued again
from August to November 2012, and March and May of 2013. Its format was replicated in several places across the country, including Osaka, Nagoya,
Kanagawa, Hiroshima, Gunma, Fukuoka, and other areas.

与此同时，一种更加坚忍的反核论证方式正在扎根。最早的一系列新的示范活动之一是 TwitNoNukes，它的名字来源于它是通过 Twitter 组织的。2011年3月

27日，26岁的平野太一参加了在东京电力公司总部和经济产业省前举行的抗议活动，但对周末 Kasumigaseki 的空旷感到失望。参加这次示威的还有一些未来
TwitNoNukes 的参与者，包括 Noma; 石黑 Keita，说唱组合 Kimidori 的 MC，ASC 的前成员; 以及说唱歌手 akury。示威结束后，平野发现他的时间表里充
斥着这样的评论: “为什么 Shinjuku 和 Shibuya 没有示威?”4月5日，平野在推特上写道: “假设说，如果你有兴趣参加在 Shibuya 举行的呼吁结束核能的示威活
动，我们将通过推特招募人员，请转发。”到第二天，这条信息已经被转发了300多次。11. 首次 TwitNoNukes 的示威活动于2011年4月30日在 Shibuya 举行，
吸引了大约1000人参加。直到2012年5月，大约每月举行一次; 中断了一段时间，因为组织者忙于管理每周五在总理官邸前举行的抗议活动，当年夏天的参与
人数已增至15万至20万人; 2012年8月至11月，以及2013年3月和5月，抗议活动继续进行。它的模式在全国几个地方被复制，包括大阪，名古屋，Kanagawa，
广岛，群马，福冈和其他地区。

Although the organizing group for TwitNoNukes included well-known musicians, music writers, and bloggers, it decided not to include music in the
demonstration or have live performances at rallies before or after the demonstration. Instead, it aimed for a simple and stoic demonstration, centered on
Sprechchor and placards, without a sound truck. As Noma explained, "For young people who don't belong to a political organization, there were only two
choices of demonstrations: one organized by Shirōto no Ran or one by labor unions. Many people did not want to go to either of these. We wanted to put
together an alternative" (Noma, Cactus).

虽然 TwitNoNukes 的组织团队包括著名音乐家、音乐作家和博客作者，但是他们决定不将音乐纳入示威活动，也不在示威活动之前或之后的集会上进行现场
表演。相反，它的目的是一个简单的和斯多葛主义的演示，集中在 sprechor 和标语牌，没有一个健全的卡车。正如 Noma 解释的那样,”对于不属于政治组织
的年轻人，只有两种选择: 一种是由 shir to no Ran 组织的，另一种是由工会组织的。很多人都不想去这两个地方。我们想把一个替代品放在一起”(Noma，
Cactus)。

The Twitter demos attracted a steady rate of participation of about 1,000 people each time. Its simple concept made it easy to join, while the drum circle,
Kodomo no Mirai Orchestra, and the colorful banners made by Sayonara Atom made the demonstration more inviting to first-time protesters. Several
musicians participated in these demonstrations, but only as participants; they included those who had performed in sound demos, like ECD and Rankin
Taxi, as well as Gotō Masayoshi of the popular rock band Asian Kung-Fu Generation and Nakagawa Takashi of the activist rock group Soul Flower Union.
But when the government began discussing the restarting of nuclear power plants that had been shut down for periodic maintenance, the once-a-month
effort no longer felt sufficient.

Twitter 的演示每次都吸引了大约1000人的稳定参与率。其简单的概念使其容易加入，而鼓圈，Kodomo 没有未来管弦乐团，以及由 Sayonara Atom 制作的

彩色横幅，使示威更加吸引第一次示威者。一些音乐家参加了这些示威活动，但只是作为参与者; 他们包括那些演奏有声演示的人，如 ECD 和 Rankin Taxi，
以及广受欢迎的摇滚乐队亚细亚功夫世代的 got Masayoshi 和摇滚乐队灵魂之花联盟的激进分子 Nakagawa Takashi。但是，当政府开始讨论重新启动因定期
维护而关闭的核电站时，每月一次的努力已经不够了。

From November 2011 onwards, part of this group began shouting criticisms at TEPCO in front of its
headquarters. This type of stationary demonstration did not need permission from the police, as it did not
affect access to roads. These demonstrations served as the seeds for the stationary protests that would
develop in front of the prime minister's residence (Kantei-mae kōgi). Based on the simplest of ideas—
shouting Sprechchor noting one's opposition to nuclear power directly at the politicians in charge—the
Kantei-mae antinuclear protest distinguished itself in its persistence and numbers. As previously
mentioned, the protests had been going without a break for nineteen months, since March 29, 2012. As
tension and outrage grew over the restarting of the Ōi nuclear reactors, these protests attracted impressive
numbers of participants—about 45,000 on June 22, 2012; 200,000 on June 29; 150,000 on July 6 and July 13;
and 80,000–90,000 on July 20, August 3, and August 10 (Noma 2012; Williamson 2012).

从2011年11月开始，这个组织的一部分成员开始在东京电力公司总部门前对其进行批评。这种固定的示威不
需要得到警察的许可，因为它不影响通往道路。这些示威活动为静止的抗议活动埋下了种子，抗议活动将在 Photo: TwitNoNukes demonstration, Aoyama
总理官邸(Kantei-mae k gi)前发展。基于最简单的想法——直接对负责的政治人物大喊反对核能——坎特美 Dōri, Tokyo, August 2012 (Noriko Manabe)
反核抗议在其坚持和数量上表现出色。如前所述，自2012年3月29日以来，抗议活动已经持续了19个月。随
图片: TwitNoNukes 示范，青山德里，东京，
着核反应堆重启引发的紧张局势和愤怒情绪日益高涨，这些抗议活动吸引了大量参与者——2012年6月22日
2012年8月(Noriko Manabe)
约45000人，6月29日200000人，7月6日和7月13日150000人，7月20日、8月3日和8月10日80000至90000人
(Noma 2012; Williamson 2012)。  

Much of this growth was due to word of mouth among individuals or through individuals' tweets. The protests were being organized by the Metropolitan
Coalition Against Nukes—a coalition, formed in late 2011, of several protest organizations, including TwitNoNukes, No Nukes More Hearts, Drums of
Fury, Datsu Genpatsu Suginami, Tanpopo-sha and others. This coalition did not have its own Twitter account until June 21, 2012. Unable to reach the Kantei
itself due to barricades and rerouting by the police, many protesters began protesting in front of other governmental offices at the same time, such as the
Diet Building, METI, MEXT, and the Ministry of the Environment (in which the new nuclear regulatory agency is housed), in what Noma described as
Occupy Nagata-chō (Noma, Cactus). With those types of numbers, not seen since the antiwar protests of the 1960s, the antinuclear movement was no
longer subcultural. It had become mainstream.

这种增长很大程度上要归功于个人之间的口口相传或通过个人的推特。这些抗议活动是由大都会反核联盟(Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes)组织的。这

个联盟于2011年底成立，由多个抗议组织组成，其中包括 TwitNoNukes、 No Nukes More Hearts、 Drums of Fury、 Datsu Genpatsu Suginami、 tanpoo-
sha 等。这个联盟直到2012年6月21日才拥有自己的 Twitter 账户。由于路障和警察改道，许多抗议者无法到达 Kantei 本身，于是开始在其他政府办公室前抗
议，如国会大厦、经济产业省、文部科学省和环境部(新的核管理机构就设在这里) ，Noma 称之为“占领 nagata-ch”(Noma，Cactus)。自从1960年代的反战
抗议活动以来，这样的数字再也没有出现过，反核运动不再是亚文化运动。它已经成为主流。

Participatory models (1): drum corps

参与模式(1) : 鼓乐队

A reliable presence in the TwitNoNukes and Kantei demonstrations is the drum corps TDC, founded by Oda Masanori. He operates on the philosophy that
"music is most powerful and effective [in social movements] when anyone can participate in it. . . It's not about what genre you have or who performs." He
has held this belief in the participatory approach to music since the early days of sound demonstrations:

在 TwitNoNukes 和 Kantei 的示威活动中，一个可靠的存在就是由 Oda Masanori 创办的鼓队 TDC。他的经营理念是“当任何人都可以参与到社会运动中时，

音乐是最有力和最有效的... ... 这不是你有什么风格或者谁表演的问题。”自从有声音乐示范的早期，他就一直坚信参与式的音乐方法:

I was on the planning committee for the Iraq War sound demos, but I had some doubts about having sound systems in demonstrations. Why?
Because there's a DJ, and the DJ plays tracks that the DJ selected. The DJ is the performer. Everyone else dances, which is a form of
participation, but you establish this structure of performer vs. audience. I had real doubts about that. I think one should avoid having a central
figure in a demonstration. It shouldn't be the case that one person is the performer, and everyone else is the audience watching the performer.
Everyone should be a performer. That's why I started TCDC [in 2003] (Oda, interview).

我是伊拉克战争声音演示计划委员会的成员，但是我对在演示中使用声音系统有些怀疑。为什么？因为有一个 DJ，而且 DJ 播放 DJ 选择的歌

曲。DJ 是表演者。其他人都跳舞，这是一种参与的形式，但是你要建立这种表演者与观众的结构。我对此真的很怀疑。我认为一个人应该避免
在演示中有一个中心人物。这不应该是一个人是表演者，而其他人是观众看表演者。每个人都应该成为一个表演者。这就是为什么我在2003年开
始发展技术合作(Oda，访谈)。

The version of the drum corps currently in operation is TDC. This collective was formed in 2010 among drummers who had met at demonstrations against
Nike's buyout of Miyashita Park in Shibuya and its plans to remake it as a fee-collecting park. The group became active again after 3.11, participating in the
April 10 demonstration in Kōenji as the "Doka Doka Urusai Marching Band" (The Boom-Boom Noisy Marching Band). The group also participated in the
TwitNoNukes protests. The collective also formed the project, "Drums of Fury," under which it organizes its own demonstrations and participates in the
weekly Kantei demonstrations.

目前正在运作的鼓队版本是 TDC。2010年，一些鼓手聚集在一起，抗议耐克(Nike)收购 Shibuya (Miyashita Park)及其将其改造为收费公园的计划。三时十一

分后，乐队再度活跃起来，于四月十日在 Kōenji 参与「乌鲁塞步操乐队」示威活动。该组织还参与了 TwitNoNukes 的抗议活动。该组织还组织了一个名为
“愤怒之鼓”的项目，在这个项目下，它组织了自己的示威活动，并参加了每周一次的 Kantei 示威活动。

The philosophy of TDC and "Drums of Fury" remains highly egalitarian. As Oda describes:

TDC 和“愤怒之鼓”的哲学仍然是高度平等的。正如小田所描述的:

There's no leader, conductor, instructor, or facilitator. We only have one rule at TDC. As Henry David Thoreau wrote in Walden, "We must not
find fault with the person who drums to a different rhythm. He might be drumming to a more generous, freer rhythm that you've forgotten."12
We run TDC with that philosophy. That way, people who don't belong to TDC can join us and beat drums with us at demonstrations. We don't
tell them if their playing doesn't go with ours. TDC has a structure where the gap between people who are skilled in music and people who
aren't can be closed. More and more people join us in front of the Kantei who are not part of TDC. We never say, "Your rhythm is wrong," to
any new person (Oda, interview).

没有领导者，指挥者，教练或者辅导者。我们在贸发局只有一条规则。正如亨利·戴维·梭罗在《瓦尔登湖》中写道: “我们不能挑那些跟着不同节
奏鼓点的人的毛病。他可能在鼓吹一种你已经忘记的更加慷慨、更加自由的节奏。“12我们以这种理念经营贸发局。这样，不属于贸发局的人士
就可以加入我们，与我们一起击鼓示范。我们不会告诉他们，如果他们的演奏和我们的不一致。TDC 有一个结构，其中的差距，谁是在音乐方
面的技能和人不能弥合。越来越多非 Kantei 贸易发展局成员的人加入我们的行列。我们从不对任何新人说，“你的节奏不对”(织田，采访)。

The group almost never rehearses. As of August 2012, Oda claimed that TDC had only rehearsed three times, each in advance of special occasions.13 This
lack of polish is cultivated so that anyone would be able to join the group at any time: "If you do anything difficult, new people won't be able to join. If you
get too good, then for the people who've come for the first time, there will be a distinction between player and audience, or master and follower, which I
absolutely hate. So it's best not to get too good, and play really simple music." Furthermore, all but three of the members (at the time of the interview) were
beginners, having just joined after 3.11, and only one of them was a trained musician. Sometimes members of TDC play wind instruments; in keeping with
the DIY spirit, Oda lends them various instruments out of his collection so that they could identify "which instrument makes them happiest when they
blow into it. After that, they buy a cheap instrument on Yahoo Auctions for 1,000 to 10,000 yen [about $10 to $100 US]." Hence, Oda's group practices a
strategic amateurism; it is a similar strategy to the open memberships often espoused by radical marching bands like the Rude Mechanical Orchestra in
Brooklyn and the activist street bands of HONK! festivals (Garafalo 2011). Furthermore, this amateur stance is celebrated: "We rely on the enthusiasm of
amateurs and beginners, who might have no sense of pitch and a bad sense of rhythm. Anyone can join, and no one would mind if your rhythm was off."

这个团体几乎从不排练。截至2012年8月，小田声称 TDC 只排练过三次，每次都是在特殊场合之前。13这种缺乏修养的状态被培养出来，任何人都可以在任

何时候加入这个团体: “如果你做任何困难的事情，新人就不能加入。如果你表现得太好，那么对于那些第一次来的人来说，演奏者和观众，或者大师和追随
者之间就会有区别，这是我非常讨厌的。所以最好不要演奏得太好，而是演奏真正简单的音乐。”此外，除了三名成员外，其他成员(在采访时)都是初学者，
刚刚在3.11之后加入，其中只有一名是训练有素的音乐家。贸易发展局的会员有时会演奏管乐器，小田为了配合 DIY 的精神，会从他的收藏中借出各种乐
器，让他们分辨「哪种乐器能让他们在吹奏时感到最快乐」。之后，他们在雅虎拍卖行(Yahoo Auctions)上以1000至10000日元(约合10至100美元)的价格购买
一种便宜的工具。”因此，小田的团队实践一种战略性的业余性; 这是一个类似的战略，开放的成员往往支持激进的游行乐队，如粗鲁的机械管弦乐队在布鲁
克林和活跃的街头乐队 HONK！节(Garafalo 2011)。此外，这种业余爱好者的立场也是值得赞扬的: “我们依靠的是业余爱好者和初学者的热情，他们可能没
有音调感和糟糕的节奏感。任何人都可以加入，而且没有人会介意你的节奏不对。”

The group also tries not to play songs so much as create simple
riffs. According to Oda, the riff that accompanies the call,
"saikadō hantai," was formed spontaneously in front of the
Kantei and is taken from "the most basic part of the samba
rhythm." The thinking is that if the group plays "simple phrases
that are so easy that you don't need to practice, then there will
be more people who will be able to play along." In contrast to
this inclusivity through simplicity, attempts at playing pieces
had a negative impact:
 乐队也尽量不播放歌曲，而是创作简单的即兴重复。根据织田的
说法，伴随着这个叫法的即兴段子“ saikad hantai”是在 Kantei
前自发形成的，取自“桑巴节奏中最基本的部分”他们的想法是，
如果乐队演奏“简单的短语，你不需要练习，那么就会有更多的
人能够一起演奏。”与这种简单的包容性形成对比的是，尝试演
奏乐器会产生负面影响:

What really was a no-go was when a sax player joined

us, playing a pre-written jazz number. We couldn't
match the rhythm. Even though our drums are big, that
melody ended up dominating the sound. It interfered
with the call and response between the protesters'
Sprechchor and the drums. So when we do a piece, we
try to make it a piece no one knows, or a riff, like a
simplified version of "Tequila." We leave it as a riff so
that it doesn't become a song (Oda, interview).
Drum Corps playing "saikadō hantai" riff at Kantei kōgi, July 6, 2012
实际上，当一个萨克斯风手加入我们，演奏一首预先写好
2012年7月6日，鼓乐队在 Kantei 演奏“ saikad hantai” 的爵士乐曲时，我们没有被邀请。我们跟不上节奏。尽管
我们的鼓很大，但是那个旋律最终还是支配了整个声音。
它干扰了抗议者的呼吁和响应之间的 sprechor 和鼓。因此，当我们做一个片段，我们试图使它成为一个没有人知道的片段，或一个重复，就像
一个简化版本的“龙舌兰”我们离开它作为一个即兴重复，以便它不成为一首歌(织田，采访)。

Despite the potential boredom of repeating simple riffs over weeks and months, Oda found the predictability to be important: "People will see the riffs on
YouTube and come along with the intention of playing them. If you do something different, they'll be disappointed, and that won't be good."

尽管几周几个月重复简单的即兴重复可能会让人感到厌烦，但小田发现可预测性很重要: “人们会看到 YouTube 上的即兴重复片段，并带着播放它们的意图来

到这里。如果你做一些不同的事情，他们会失望的，这不是什么好事。”

Hence, TDC exhibits the characteristics of participatory music, as defined by Turino: an emphasis on inclusivity over technical competence, and a
preference for easy, repetitive riffs that anyone could play. Oda thought of these riffs as an oral tradition and did not feel exclusive ownership of them:

因此，TDC 展现了图里诺定义的参与式音乐的特征: 强调包容性而非技术能力，偏爱任何人都可以演奏的简单、重复的即兴重复段。小田认为这些即兴演奏是

一种口头传统，并不认为它们具有专有权:

The saikadō hantai riff has become a signature number for us. If it gets adopted in demonstrations in Kyushu or Shikoku or Hokkaido, that
would make us very happy. It would make us even happier if they changed the riff in a way we hadn't thought of (Oda, interview).

赛卡德汉泰里夫已经成为我们的标志性数字。如果它能在 Kyushu、四国或北海道的示威活动中得到采用，我们会非常高兴。如果他们以我们从
未想到过的方式改变片段(小田，采访) ，我们会更开心。

Participatory models (2): Combining Drums and Sprechchor

参与模式(二) : 鼓与 Sprechchor 的结合

In the beginning, the TwitNoNukes demonstrations were dominated by protesters shouting Sprechchor a
cappella, sometimes punctuated by tambourine or other percussion instrument. Already there was a beat;
as Akuryō noted, "There was a groove just from everyone shouting, 'Genpatsu hantai.' It was so
awesome."14 As the number of participating percussionists grew, the drums became a more pervasive
accompaniment, providing not only a beat to which the protesters walked but also a rhythmic bed to
which they fitted their Sprechchor. Meanwhile, Drums of Fury staged its own demonstrations on October
9, 2011, November 26, and February 11, 2012; while much of the first was dominated by the sheer sound of
drums, later demonstrations showed the drums increasingly acting as accompaniment to Sprechchor, Photo: Drum Corps, with Oda Masanori (center,
sometimes exchanging turns with the protesters in call and response. Both ECD and Rankin Taxi felt that red drum). (masa, used with permission)
drum corps were more effective than music in a demonstration, as protesters could both walk and shout 照片: 鼓队，和 Oda Masanori (中间，红鼓)。
Sprechchor to the rhythm of the drums. Rankin also felt that "drums lend a sense of urgency, so that the (masa，经许可使用)
words and message might be better communicated" (Rankin Taxi, interview).
 
一开始，TwitNoNukes 的示威活动主要是由高喊 sprechor a cappella 的抗议者主导的，有时会被手鼓或其
他打击乐器打断。已经有节奏了，正如 akury 所说，“每个人都在喊‘ Genpatsu hantai’。真是太棒了。「14随着参与敲击乐演奏的人数增加，鼓成为一种更普
遍的伴奏，不但为示威者带来节奏，而且为他们提供一个适合他们的节奏基础。」。与此同时，2011年10月9日，2011年11月26日，2012年2月11日，愤怒之鼓
组织自己举行了示威游行; 虽然第一次游行的大部分时间都是纯粹的鼓声，但后来的示威游行表明，鼓声越来越多地充当 Sprechchor 的伴奏，有时与示威者
交换呼叫和回应。ECD 和 Rankin Taxi 都认为鼓乐队比示威中的音乐更有效，因为抗议者可以随着鼓声的节奏走路并高喊 Sprechchor。兰金还认为“鼓声带来
一种紧迫感，以便更好地传达文字和信息”(兰金出租车公司，采访)。

When the weekly protests in front of the prime minister's residence began in March 2012, Oda initially refrained from bringing drums, as the area around
the Diet Building is covered by the Noise Regulation Law. Once large crowds began to gather in June, however, he brought drums and found there was no
problem with them:

2012年3月，当每周在首相官邸前举行的抗议活动开始时，小田起初没有打鼓，因为《噪音管制法》(Noise Regulation Law)涵盖了国会大厦周围的区域。然

而，当6月份人群开始聚集时，他带来了鼓，并发现鼓没有问题:

Apparently the Noise Regulation Law isn't as restrictive as we thought. We've never been warned about them—not even once. According to
the letter of the law, what it restricts are megaphones, and there's nothing specifically about drums. The police have led us to a spot and said,
'Please play them here.' Perhaps if the police wanted to, they could include all sorts of noisemakers beyond megaphones. But there have been
so many people around the Kantei and the Diet Building [as of August 2012] that they don't seem to want to force the issue (Oda, interview).

显然，《噪声管理法》并没有我们想象的那么严格。我们从来没有被警告过，一次也没有。根据法律条文的规定，只限制使用扩音器，而且没有
关于鼓的具体规定。警察把我们带到一个地方，对我们说，‘请在这里播放。也许如果警察愿意的话，他们可以包括除了扩音器之外的各种噪音
制造器。但是，[到2012年8月] ，Kantei 和国会大厦周围的人太多了，他们似乎不想强行解决这个问题(小田、采访)。

Akuryō, who had been a frequent participant in the TwitNoNukes demonstrations and led calls on them, was invited to lead Sprechchor on the Drums of
Fury and Kantei demonstrations. Every Friday evening that hot summer, he and the drum corps could be seen making the rounds of Kasumigaseki,
playing in front of various ministries and the Diet, shouting Sprechchor in time to the drum beats. This experience of having participated in the
TwitNoNukes and Kantei demonstrations had a great impact on Akuryō's rap style in sound demonstrations, as he understood how demonstrations work
and how demonstrators act.

经常参加 TwitNoNukes 的示威活动，并领导呼吁他们，被邀请带领 sprechor 参加愤怒之鼓和 Kantei 示威活动。在那个炎热的夏天，每个星期五的晚上，都

可以看到他和鼓队在 Kasumigaseki 巡回演出，在各个部门和国会面前演奏，随着鼓声高喊斯普雷乔尔。这次参加 TwitNoNukes 和 Kantei 示威的经历对
akury 的说唱风格有很大的影响，因为他理解示威是如何运作的，以及示威者是如何行动的。

Participatory model (3): The sound demo, re-stylized

参与模式(3) : 声音演示，重新风格化

Conception

怀孕

In the weeks following the arrests at the Shinjuku demonstration, sound demos became more scant as Shirōto no Ran retreated from organizing sound
demonstrations. To counteract this trend, the illustrator Misao Redwolf took the initiative to organize sound demos herself through No Nukes More Hearts,
the antinuclear group she heads (Akuryō, interview with the author, Tokyo, August 15, 2012). Dubbed the No Nukes All Star Demo, these demonstrations
took place in Shibuya, Tokyo, on September 19 and December 3, 2011, and February 25, May 20, and July 7, 2012.15 These events were filled with
performers, as the rallies held both before and after the sound demo featured musicians ranging from the 1970s rockers Panta (of Zunō Keisatsu, or Brain
Police) and Magical Power Mako, to musicians who had also performed for the Shirōto no Ran demos, like Rankin Taxi and Likkle Mai. Generally the
musicians that performed on the sound truck—Rankin Taxi, Deli, Hibikilla, DJ Mayuri—performed in presentational style, where the emphasis was on
performing prepared songs with occasional call-and-response patterns. But Noma had another idea. As he explained:

在 Shinjuku 示威中被捕后的几个星期里，声音演示变得更加缺乏，因为希尔到不然从组织声音示威的退却。为了抵消这一趋势，插画家米索•雷德沃夫
(Misao Redwolf)主动通过她领导的反核组织“无核心”(No Nukes More Hearts)来组织声音演示。这些被称为无核全明星演示的示威活动分别于2011年9月19日
和12月3日，以及2012年2月25日、5月20日和7月7日在 Shibuya 举行。一般来说，在音响车上表演的音乐家ーー兰金 · 塔西、德利、日比基拉、 DJ 马尤里ー
ー都是表演风格，重点是表演事先准备好的歌曲，偶尔会有呼叫和回应模式。但是诺玛有另一个想法。正如他所解释的:

People were coming to demonstrations because they wanted to shout Sprechchor like 'Genpatsu hantai!' (We are against nuclear power). But
instead, they were just listening to music from the DJ. There wasn't much time for Sprechchor. It was really frustrating. Meanwhile, the blocks
of demonstrators without sound trucks would have someone screaming into a megaphone, "Genpatsu iranai!" (We don't need nuclear power!),
and the protesters were joining in the Sprechchor with that call. We thought, why not lead these Sprechchor from on top of a sound truck? It
will be easier to say the Sprechchor if you put a beat behind it. That was the idea" (Noma, interview).

人们来示威是因为他们想喊 sprechor，就像 Genpatsu hantai！(我们反对核能)。但是相反，他们只是在听 DJ 的音乐。没有多少时间给斯普雷

乔。这真的很令人沮丧。与此同时，在没有音响卡车的示威者街区，有人对着扩音器大喊: “ Genpatsu iranai!”(我们不需要核能!)抗议者们也加入
了这场游行。我们想，为什么不从一辆音响卡车的顶部引导这些 sprechor 呢？如果你在 Sprechchor 这个词后面加上一个节拍，那么说它更容易
一些。这就是我的想法”(Noma，采访)。

Early participatory sound demos: December 2011–February 2012

早期参与性声音演示: 2011年12月至2012年2月

Akuryō's first performance in a sound demo was in the second No Nukes All Star Demo on December 3, 2011—the first demonstration by No Nukes More
Hearts with a sound truck. Misao Redwolf had heard his recordings of "No Nukes" and "For Children" on the internet and had been impressed by them.
Noma, who had met Akuryō at TwitNoNukes demonstrations, extended the invitation.

Akury 的首次声音演示是在2011年12月3日的第二次无核全明星演示中，这是 No Nukes More Hearts 的第一次声音卡车演示。米索 · 雷德沃夫曾在网上听过

他的录音《无核武器》和《为了孩子们》 ，这两首歌给他留下了深刻印象。Noma 在 TwitNoNukes 的示威活动中与 akury 见过面，她对 akury 发出了邀
请。

Having participated in demonstrations for a long time, Akuryō had also seen that "just playing a bunch of songs wasn't motivating the demonstrators" and
had been thinking about another format for sound demos in line with Noma's thinking: "I came to think that you'd rev people up more by doing call-and-
responses to the beats than by doing songs. It would also be more effective in appealing to the people on the street. You can do songs, too, but it's more
worthwhile for a sound demo to be based mainly on agitation and call-and-response" (Akuryō, interview).

长期参与示威活动之后，阿库里还发现，“仅仅播放一些歌曲并不能激发示威者的积极性”，他一直在考虑另一种与诺玛的想法一致的声音演示格式: “我开始
认为，与演唱歌曲相比，通过打电话回应节拍能让人们更加活跃。这也会更有效地吸引街上的人们。你也可以唱歌，但是更值得的是一个声音小样主要基于
鼓动和呼唤与回应”(akury，访谈)。

When Akuryō performed in the No Nukes More Hearts sound demo of December 2011, he split his time evenly between Sprechchor and prepared raps and
got an excited response. Noma was impressed:

当 akury 在2011年12月的《无核武器更多人心》音效演示中表演时，他把时间平均分配给了 Sprechchor，准备了饶舌，并得到了一个激动人心的回应。诺玛

印象深刻:

When Akuryō got on the sound truck, his speeches, Sprechchor, and provocation of the crowd was highly skilled and really effective. I
thought, "This style is just right." What he's saying was so direct and easy to understand that passers-by were responding too.
 当 akury 登上音响车时，他的演讲、 Sprechchor 以及对人群的挑衅技巧高超，而且真的很有效。我想，“这个款式刚刚好。”他所说的是如此直
接和容易理解的，路人也回应了。

Until Akuryō came along, most sound trucks just played music. When he's on the sound truck, you're not just listening to music. You're
interacting. You yell "Genpatsu hantai!" (We are against nuclear power!) and other Sprechchor from the beginning to the end of the sound
demo. That style was completely new (Noma, interview).

在 akury 出现之前，大多数音响卡车只是播放音乐。当他在音响车上的时候，你不仅仅是在听音乐。你在互动。你大喊“ Genpatsu hantai!”(我

们反对核能!)和其他 sprechor 从开始到结束的声音演示。这种风格是全新的(诺玛，采访)。

Akuryō credited his success to his experience participating in demonstrations:

阿克里将自己的成功归功于参加示威游行的经历:

Because I'd participated as a protester in demonstrations from March to December, I knew which calls were familiar and got good responses,
and how everyone wanted to appeal to people in the streets. I had thought for a long time how I would perform in a sound demo if I got the
chance. I would probably have done it differently if I had suddenly been thrust into performing at a sound demo. I'd probably just done some
songs, and that would have been it. If I hadn't had that experience of having walked with everyone else for all that time, I wouldn't have been
able to perform in this style (Akuryō, interview).

因为我作为一个抗议者参加了从三月到十二月的示威活动，我知道哪些电话是熟悉的，得到了良好的回应，以及每个人都想呼吁街头的人。我已
经想了很长一段时间，如果我有机会的话，我会如何在一个声音小样中表现。如果我突然被迫在一个声音小样上表演，我可能会做得不一样。我
可能只是做了一些歌曲，就是这样。如果我没有和其他人一起走过那么长时间的经历，我就不可能有这种风格的表演(akury，访谈)。

Akuryō was invited back to all of No Nukes More Heart's sound demonstrations, as well as the Datsu genpatsu sekai kaigi (Global Conference for a
Nuclear Power Free World) in Yokohama in January 16, 2012. He was also invited to demonstrations organized by Shirōto no Ran's associates, including a
demonstration in Funabashi (Prime Minister Noda's hometown) on June 24, the Datsu Genpatsu Suginami demo in Shinjuku on July 1, and the Datsu
Genpatsu Nakano Mo demonstration in Nakano Ward on July 28, 2012.

Akury 被邀请参加所有的无核武器更多的心声示范，以及2012年1月16日在横滨举行的 Datsu genpatsu sekai kaigi (无核武器世界全球会议)。他也被邀请参加

shir 组织的示威游行，包括6月24日在船桥(首相野田的家乡)的游行，7月1日在 Shinjuku 的 Datsu Genpatsu Suginami 示威，以及2012年7月28日在中野区的
Datsu Genpatsu Nakano Mo 游行。

The pace of sound demos picked up in July 2012 in reaction to the restarting of the Ōi nuclear power plant on July 5. This widespread anger over the restart,
combined with protesters' accumulated experience with demonstrations, helped to solidify the participatory style of demonstrations. As Akuryō recounts,

2012年7月，为了应对7月5日大饭核电站音乐厅的重新启动，声音演示的节奏加快了。这种对重启的普遍愤怒，加上抗议者积累的示威经验，有助于巩固示威
的参与式风格。正如 akury 所说,

What really left an impression on me was the July 1 demonstration in Shinjuku. The Ōi nuclear plant had just restarted. Before I came on, there
were two other groups. They were playing tunes, but the demonstrators weren't paying any attention to them. They were spontaneously
calling out, "saikadō hantai" (we are against restarts) to the beats. It was amazing. If everyone was going to shout "saikadō hantai" on top of
any sound, no performance could possibly beat it. And because everyone was calling out without any prodding, I myself felt much more
motivated. The demonstrators were overwhelming me! Everyone was so hungry. So I played to that, and their reaction was even more
powerful (Akuryō, interview).

真正给我留下深刻印象的是7月1日在 Shinjuku 举行的示威游行。核电站刚刚重新启动。在我加入之前，还有另外两个小组。他们正在演奏曲

调，但示威者根本没有注意到他们。他们不由自主地对着节拍喊出“ saikad hantai”(我们反对重新开始)。太神奇了。如果每个人都要在任何声音
之上大喊“赛卡德汉泰”，那么任何表演都无法超越它。因为每个人都在没有任何刺激的情况下大声呼喊，我自己也感到更有动力了。示威者把我
压得喘不过气来！每个人都很饿。所以我就这样做了，他们的反应更加强烈(akury，采访)。

Noma, ATS, ECD join the sound demo, May–July 2012.

Noma，ATS，ECD 加入声音演示，2012年5-7月。

Noma had never DJ'd himself when he took the (truck) stage during the No Nukes More Hearts sound
demonstration in May 2012. He enlisted ATS, the rapper from his i Zoom i Rockers Afrobeat unit, to
perform as well. As ATS recounted, "I was wondering how we would perform, and Noma said, 'It's fine if
we make call-and-responses the main thing. We don't need to do songs.' I thought that made sense. Noma
suggested inviting Akuryō and doing it with him. And the combination worked," despite an astonishing
lack of rehearsal: the group rehearsed for an hour before the first joint performance in May 2012, but
hasn't had one since. Furthermore, Noma never let the rappers know in advance what he would play,
forcing them to improvise to a wide variety of unexpected tracks during the actual sound demo.16
Photo: "Genpatsu yamero, Noda yamero demo"
2012年5月，诺玛在无核武器更多人的心声演示中登上了卡车舞台，此前他从未亲自做过 DJ。他还邀请了他
(Quit nuclear power! Quit, Noda!), demo by
的 i Zoom i Rockers Afrobeat 单位的饶舌歌手 ATS 来表演。ATS 回忆说，“我想知道我们将如何表现，
Datsu Genpatsu Suginami in Shinjuku, July 1,
Noma 说，‘如果我们把呼叫和回应作为主要的事情，这很好。我们不需要唱歌。我认为这是有道理的。
2012. Note the placards calling for the ouster of
Noma 建议邀请 akury 和他一起做。尽管惊人地缺乏排练，这种组合还是奏效了: 在2012年5月第一次联合
Prime Minister Noda. (Noriko Manabe)
演出之前，乐队排练了一个小时，但从那以后就再也没有排练过。此外，Noma 从来没有让说唱歌手事先
图片来源: “退出核能！退出吧，野田!)演示由 知道他会演奏什么，迫使他们即兴发挥各种各样的意想不到的轨道在实际的声音样本。16
Datsu Genpatsu Suginami 在 Shinjuku，2012年
On July 7, 2012, this ensemble was joined by ECD. The rapper had been turning down invitations to
7月1日。请注意要求野田首相下台的标语牌。(真
perform in sound demonstrations after the arrests at the Shinjuku demonstration in September 2011, as he
锅纪子)
had come to believe that performances were not helping the cause. The July demos hence marked his
return to the sound-truck stage. As ECD was a ECD, Akuryō, ATS, i Zoom i Rockers, Antinuclear demonstration, July 29, 2012
familiar figure at demonstrations, frequently
反核演示，2012年7月29日
participating in protests in front of METI and
TwitNoNukes, he was well-versed in the
rhythms of Sprechchor.

在2012年7月7日，这个团体加入了欧洲儿童发展
中心。在2011年9月 Shinjuku 示威活动中被捕
后，这位说唱歌手一直拒绝接受进行有声示威的
邀请，因为他开始相信，演出对事业没有帮助。
七月的演示标志着他回到音响卡车阶段。由于
ECD 是示威活动中常见的人物，经常参加经济
产业省和 TwitNoNukes 面前的抗议活动，因此
I Zoom i Rockers antinuclear demonstration July 29 2012 Round 1 by Nmanabe on Mixcloud
他熟悉 Sprechchor 的节奏。
年 月 日在
2012 7 29 Mixcloud 上由
Nmanabe 进行的反核演示
MCAN began to organize large protests in the
Hibiya Park-Kasumigaseki area every three to four months, which include a rally, a demonstration march through the area, and a vigil surrounding the
Diet Building. The first of these protests was on the anniversary of the earthquake and tsunami on March 11, 2012, when 14,000 people attended. For the
next demonstration on July 29, 2012, Redwolf suggested adding a sound truck. As Noma recounted, "Since it was neither a static demonstration like Kantei
nor named a TwitNoNukes demonstration, we thought, why not? We suggested asking Akuryō to perform on the truck because he is an effective call
leader" (Noma interview). As in the July 7 demonstration, ECD, ATS, and Noma joined Akuryō on the sound truck.

MCAN 开始每三到四个月在 Hibiya Park-Kasumigaseki 地区组织一次大规模抗议活动，包括一次集会，一次在该地区的示威游行，以及一次围绕国会大厦

的守夜活动。第一次抗议是在2012年3月11日的地震和海啸周年纪念日，当时有14000人参加了抗议活动。在2012年7月29日的下一次演示中，Redwolf 建议增
加一辆音响卡车。正如 Noma 所述，“既然它既不是像 Kantei 那样的静态示威，也不是 TwitNoNukes 的示威，我们想，为什么不呢？我们建议让 akury 在
卡车上表演，因为他是一个有效率的应召领导者”(Noma 采访)。在7月7日的演示中，ECD、 ATS 和 Noma 加入了 akury 的音响卡车行列。

Musical tactics in a participatory sound-truck performance

参与式音响车演出中的音乐策略

Format of a participatory sound demo

参与式声音演示的格式

An analysis of the performance of Akuryō, ATS, ECD, and Noma in the antinuclear demonstration in Kasumigaseki, Tokyo, on July 29, 2012 is shown in a
separate PDF file in Fig. 1; the recording can be heard on Soundcloud.17 True to Noma and Akuryō's intentions, Sprechchor comprised sixty percent of the
time of this performance (Fig. 2); with this emphasis on call-and-response, this sound demo was more participatory than presentational. The rappers also
engaged with the audience and passers-by in several other modes. They talked to the audience, explaining the demonstration to passers-by, introducing the
performers, or talking about their views in regular speech rhythm (without fitting them to the beat); these instances, which I call the speech mode,
accounted for twenty-three percent of the time. Rappers also delivered speeches as improvisations fitted rhythmically to the beats, which I call the freestyle
mode; these instances accounted for five percent of this demonstration. Rappers also performed raps that they had either written or recorded; this mode of
prepared raps, including improvisation and repeating of refrains, accounted for about twelve percent of the performance. Hence, the more presentational
parts of the performance—the prepared raps and freestyle—only accounted for a sixth of the total time. In contrast, in the more presentational
performances of the 2011 Shirōto no Ran sound demos, prepared songs took up most of the performance. Furthermore, the rappers rotated through these
modes—Sprechchor, prepared raps, freestyle, and speeches—with great frequency, with each mode usually lasting less than a minute. The longest lasting
episodes were the Sprechchor.

2012年7月29日，Akuryō、 ATS、 ECD 和 Noma 在 Kasumigaseki 抗核演示中的表现分析见图1中一个单独的 PDF 文件，录音可以在 Soundcloud 上听到。
说唱歌手也参与观众和过路人在几个其他模式。他们和观众交谈，向路人解释示威，介绍表演者，或者用正常的演讲节奏(不适合他们的节拍)谈论他们的观
点; 这些例子，我称之为演讲模式，占了23% 的时间。饶舌歌手也会根据节拍发表即兴演讲，我称之为自由式模式; 这些例子占这次演示的百分之五。饶舌歌
手也表演他们自己写的或者录制的饶舌歌曲; 这种准备好的饶舌歌曲模式，包括即兴演奏和重复的叠句，占表演的12% 。因此，表演中表现力较强的部分----
准备好的说唱和自由式---- 只占总时间的六分之一。相比之下，在2011年 shir to no Ran 的声音演示中，准备好的歌曲占据了表演的大部分。此外，这些说唱
歌手以极高的频率穿梭于这些模式ーー sprechor、预备说唱、自由式和演讲ーー每一种模式通常持续不到一分钟。持续时间最长的是 sprechor。

Fig. 1: Performance at sound demo of July 29, 2012: Akuryo, ATS, ECD, and Noma (please see separate pdf file) 

图1:2012年7月29日声音演示的性能: Akuryo，ATS，ECD，和 Noma (请参阅单独的 pdf 文件)

Sprechchor

Sprechor

Call-and-response Sprechchor existed before sound demonstrations; the incremental change in sound
demos is that they are in metered rhythms, whereas they are not to a beat in an older-style demonstration
(e.g., the Gensuikin demonstration in the Ginza, March 2011). Some typical calls, with their typical
rhythms, are given in Fig. 3. Note that both the tempo (ca. 70 bpm) and rhythm of these patterns (in fours)
are suitable accompaniments to walking. 

在声音演示之前就已经存在了“呼唤与回应”技术; 声音演示的渐进式变化在于它们采用了计时节奏，而在老 Fig. 2: Percent of total time spent in activities;

式的演示中它们并不合拍(例如，2011年3月在银座举行的根水金演示)。图3给出了一些典型的叫声及其典型 July 29, 2012 protest, Round 1
的节奏。请注意，这些模式的节奏(约70 bpm)和节奏(以四为单位)都是适合步行伴随的。 图2: 花在活动上的时间占总时间的百分比; 2012
  年7月29日抗议，第1轮

The rhythms of these patterns tend not to change from performance to performance, despite the diversity
of musical tracks to which rappers enunciate them. This constancy helps protesters to participate, no
matter what track is being played. To give variety to often-repeated slogans, rappers change the pacing.
For example, at 4:07 on the Soundcloud recording, ECD slows down the usual pace of "saikadō hantai" to
 double its length, in an augmentation; conversely, he doubles the speed of "Genpatsu hantai" (26:57 on the
recording), in a dimunition. They also shift their pitches and sometimes sing Sprechchor in easy-to-
remember (and often-repeating) melodies.

这些模式的节奏往往不会改变从表演到表演，尽管音乐轨道的多样性，其说唱者发音他们。这种坚定不移的
态度有助于抗议者参与进来，不管他们走的是什么路线。为了给经常重复的口号赋予多样性，说唱歌手改变
了节奏。例如，在 Soundcloud 录音的4:07，ECD 放慢了“ saikad hantai”的通常速度，使其长度增加一倍;
相反，他在调光弹药中将“ Genpatsu hantai”的速度增加一倍(录音中为26:57)。他们也会改变音高，有时会
Fig. 3: Basic Sprechchor patterns 用容易记住的(经常重复的)旋律唱 sprechor。
图3: 基本的螺旋式样 Sprechchor episodes lengthen when the protesters' emotions are stirred—typically in front of offices of
pronuclear organizations or crowds of passers-by. The longest and most dramatic stretch of Sprechchor in
the July 29 demonstration, lasting over six minutes, occurred in front of METI—the ministry then in charge of promoting and regulating nuclear power, and
thus responsible for the breakdowns in oversight and the restarting of the Ōi nuclear reactors (38:19ff). As the sound truck approached the offices of METI,
Akuryō began freestyling (37:49):

当抗议者的情绪被激发时(通常是在原核组织的办公室或路人的人群面前) ，他们的激动情绪会延长。在7月29日的示威活动中，Sprechchor 历时最长、最引人

注目的一段示威活动持续了6分多钟，发生在 meti 面前。 meti 当时负责推广和管理核电，因此负责监督和重启 i 核反应堆的故障(38:19 ff)。当音响车接近
METI 的办公室时，akury 开始自由支配(37:49) :

みんな見えてるか、左手には　そびえる経産省

大家都看到了吗? 左手边高耸的经济产业省

あいつらが再稼働認めたも同じだぜ

就像他们允许我们重启一样

マジで、くそったれ、経産省　原子力安全保安院？

说真的，混蛋，核安全经济产业省？

マジで、呆然、全てがデタラメで

说真的，目瞪口呆，一切都是胡扯

大飯原発　活断層があるって話じゃねえかよ

大饭核电站，我们不是说有活动断层吗

てめえらはちゃんと仕事しやがれ、この野郎！

你们好好工作，你们这些混蛋！

Everyone, can you see coming up on your left, the towering METI [building]?

各位，你们能看到从你们左边过来的高耸的日本经济产业省吗？

They're the guys who approved the restarting [of the nuclear power plants], the one and the same.

他们就是批准重新启动(核电站)的人，就是他们。

Can you believe that? Scumbags! METI Nuclear and Industrial Safety Agency?

你能相信吗? 人渣! METI 核工业安全局？

Seriously, it's dumbfounding. Everything they say is bogus.

说真的，他们说的每一句话都是假的。

Isn't there talk that there's an active fault at the Ōi nuclear power plant?

不是有传言说大饭核电站存在活断层吗？

Do your jobs right, you bastards!

做好你们的工作，你们这些混蛋！

Riding the groove of the Doors' "LA Woman" at this symbolic location, Akuryō's
freestyle effectively riled the crowd. The shouts of "saikadō hantai" intensified as the
sound bounced between the METI building and the glass exterior of the building
facing it, and the episode was lengthened as the sound truck was stopped at a light. It
made for a dramatic entry back to the starting point of Hibiya Park. Sprechchor also
intensify in front of crowds of passers-by to whom the protesters perform, such as at
intersections, in front of train stations or plazas, or near overhead pedestrian
crosswalks (e.g., 23:28ff, a four-minute episode approaching a crosswalk).

在这个象征性的地点，乘着大门乐队的“洛杉矶女人”的节奏，阿库里的自由式有效地激
怒了观众。随着声音在日本经济产业省大楼和对面大楼的玻璃外墙之间反弹，“赛卡汉
泰”的叫喊声越来越强烈。随着音响卡车在一盏灯前停下，这一集的时间延长了。这让
我们戏剧性地回到了 Hibiya Park 的起点。在抗议者表演的路人面前，如在十字路口、
火车站或广场前，或在人行横道附近(例如，23:28 ff，接近人行横道的四分钟片段) ，抗
议活动也会加剧。

Prepared raps and freestyle

Akuryō's freestyle, July 29, 2012 2012年7月29日(Original video by
准备好说唱和自由式
ken23qu, subtitles by Noriko Manabe).(原创视频: ken23qu，字幕:
As with presentational-style sound Noriko Manabe)。
demos, ECD also performed
prepared raps that are pertinent to the antinuclear theme: the aforementioned "Recording Report
Hangenpatsu Remix"; "Straight Outta 138," in which he implores people to speak out against nuclear
power;18 and "Baby Cart and Placard," an ode to demonstration participants, particularly mothers holding
a baby cart in one hand and a placard in another, who will "surely be the ones who overturn nuclear
power." In the context of a participatory sound demo, a prepared rap has the function of giving the
protesters a break and is particularly appropriate in long stretches of road. Hence, ECD broke into
Photo: DJ Noma and rapper Akuryō, MCAN "Recording Report Hangenpatsu Remix" around the mid-point of the long walk up Sotobori Dōri, which
antinuclear protest, July 29, 2012 (Noriko is empty on Sundays and can therefore bore the protesters. Rather than perform the rap as on their
Manabe) recordings (or as in a presentational-style demo), however, the rappers tended to improvise around the
照片: DJ Noma 和说唱歌手 akury，反核抗议， refrain or repeat it, allowing other rappers and protesters to join in. Hence, ECD only took 34 seconds to
2012年7月29日(Noriko Manabe) recite his verse for "Straight Outta 138" (Time 11:23 on Fig. 1), while he and the other rappers spent more
time (one minute) repeating and responding to its refrain, "Yūkoto kikaseru ban da, oretachi ga" (It's our
turn to make them listen to what we say).19 Similarly, he delivered only one verse for "Recording Report" and "Baby Cart and Placard," taking up only half
a minute each. In contrast, most musicians at a more presentationally oriented demonstration usually sing their entire song, over multiple verses.
Furthermore, in all cases but "Baby Cart," ECD rapped on the track that was playing rather than the background track on his recordings; by not disturbing
the flow of Noma's track choices and using an alternative track, the improvisatory nature of the participatory performance was preserved.

就像表演风格的声音演示一样，ECD 也准备了与反核主题相关的说唱: 前面提到的“录音报告 Hangenpatsu 再混音”; “138号直线”(Straight Outta 138) ，其中

他恳求人们大声反对核能; 18号和“婴儿车和标语牌”(Baby Cart and Placard) ，这是对示威参与者的颂歌，特别是一手拿着婴儿车、一手拿着标语牌的母亲
们，她们“肯定是推翻核能的人”在参与式声音演示的背景下，一段准备好的说唱有让抗议者休息的功能，尤其适合在长长的道路上。因此，ECD 在 Sotobori
d ri 长途步行的中点附近闯入了“录音报告 Hangenpatsu Remix”，这里在周日是空的，因此可以让抗议者感到厌烦。然而，饶舌歌手倾向于即兴演唱副歌或
重复副歌，允许其他饶舌歌手和抗议者加入进来，而不是在他们的唱片上演唱饶舌歌曲(或表演风格的演示)。因此，ECD 只用了34秒就背诵了他的《138小
时》(Straight Outta 138)(图1时间11:23) ，而他和其他说唱歌手花了更多的时间(一分钟)重复并回应它的副歌“ y koto kikaseru ban da，oretachi ga”(轮到我们
让他们听我们说的了)。19同样，他只发表了《录音报告》(Recording Report)和《婴儿车和布拉德》(Baby Cart and Placard)一节，每节只用了半分钟。相比
之下，大多数音乐家在一个更加以提象为导向的示范通常唱他们的整个歌曲，多个诗节。此外，在除了《婴儿车》之外的所有情况下，ECD 都是在播放的音
轨上敲击，而不是在录音中的背景音轨上敲击; 通过不干扰 Noma 选择音轨的流程，并使用替代音轨，参与性表演的即兴性得以保留。

Like prepared raps, a freestyle episode gives the protesters a break from shouting Sprechchor. In the July 29 demonstration, Akuryō freestyled while the
truck was stopped in the middle of the long walk up Sotobori Dōri. More importantly, freestyling gives the rapper an opportunity to comment on
landmarks along the route, as in the aforementioned example in front of METI.

就像准备好的说唱一样，即兴表演让抗议者在喊 sprechor 的时候有了喘息的机会。在7月29日的演示中，当卡车停在 Sotobori d ri 的漫长路途中时，akury 自

由自在地走着。更重要的是，自由式给说唱者一个机会去评论沿途的地标，就像前面提到的在 METI 前面的例子。

Frequent rotation of microphones

麦克风的频繁旋转

Rappers in participatory style rotate the lead microphone frequently; in the July 29 demonstration, the rappers generally did not take the lead for much
above three minutes, one exception being Akuryō's aforementioned episode in front of METI. In contrast, in presentational sound demos, each artist takes
the microphone through a set of about four songs, lasting about 20 minutes. These rotations help to support the aura of a participatory performance rather
than a presentational one, as the performance becomes a team effort, and no single performer hogs the stage to him/herself.

在7月29日的演示中，说唱歌手通常不会在超过三分钟的时间里领先，除了 akury 在 METI 面前的那一集。相比之下，在表象声音演示中，每个艺术家通过一

组约四首歌曲拿到麦克风，持续约20分钟。这些旋转有助于营造一种参与性表演的氛围，而不是表演性表演，因为表演变成了团队合作，没有一个表演者独
自霸占舞台。

Interaction with musical track

与音乐轨道的互动

In addition to frequent rotations of rappers, Noma was constantly changing musical tracks, usually
switching them over every two-to-three minutes. The rappers had to react to the music on the spot,
helping to keep the performance lively. Periodically, Noma would cut out parts of the musical track
during responses in the Sprechchor; doing so allowed the protesters to hear the full force of their own
volume, encouraging them to participate. He also cut the track during prepared raps to emphasize the
punch line; for example, he let ECD rap "That's nuclear power—no doubt about it," the punch line from
"Straight Outta 138," unmasked by accompaniment (11:57). Similarly, he anticipated the punch lines in
Akuryō's freestyles, cutting the track to make stand out the words "Hoanin" (Nuclear and Industrial
Safety Agency) and "Do your jobs right!" (37:49).

除了说唱歌手的频繁轮换，Noma 是不断变化的音乐轨道，通常每两到三分钟切换他们。说唱歌手必须当 Photo: Akuryō in front of METI, July 29, 2012

场对音乐作出反应，以保持演出活跃。在斯普雷克尔的反应过程中，Noma 会定期删除部分音轨; 这样做可 (Noriko Manabe)
以让抗议者听到自己音量的全部力量，鼓励他们参与进来。他还在准备好的说唱中删减了歌曲，以强调重
照片: 日本经济产业省前的 akury，2012年7月29
点; 例如，他让 ECD 说唱“那就是核能——毫无疑问”，这是《直走138》(Straight Outta 138)中的重点，没
日(Noriko Manabe)
有伴奏(11:57)。同样，他也预料到了 Akuryō 独立音乐中的精彩部分，剪切音轨以突出“ Hoanin”(核工业安
全局)和“做好你的工作!”(37:49).

While Noma chose his selections out of musical interest, from time to time he played songs out of thematic interest. In the MCAN demonstration on
December 15, 2012, he began the demonstration by playing "New Kids In The City" (1979) by Lizard, one of Japan's first punk rock bands. He explained,
虽然 Noma 选择他的选择出于音乐的兴趣，有时他演奏的歌曲出于主题的兴趣。在2012年12月15日的 MCAN 演出中，他演奏了日本最早的朋克摇滚乐队蜥
蜴乐队的《城市里的新孩子》(1979)。他解释说:

I played it because the old guy who drives the sound truck is Waka, the bassist from Lizard. Not only does he drive the truck, but he's also the
guy who picks up the truck from the rental company, loads the equipment, and breaks it down after the demo. The sound truck is named after
him—The Lizard. I'd originally decided to play it because I thought it would make him smile. But then I listened to the words, which say that
we should leave a new future for our children. That's very much like our Sprechchor, "Protect our children," and "Protect our future." And I
thought, "I have to play this" (Noma, interview).

我放这首歌是因为开音响车的老头是瓦卡，蜥蜴乐队的贝斯手。他不仅开卡车，而且还是租车公司的人，负责装载设备，并在演示结束后将其拆
卸。音响卡车是以他的名字命名的ーー蜥蜴。我最初决定播放这首歌是因为我觉得这首歌会让他开心。但是后来我听到了这些话，这些话说我们
应该为我们的孩子留下一个新的未来。这很像我们的 Sprechchor，“保护我们的孩子”和“保护我们的未来”然后我想，“我必须玩这个”(Noma，
采访)。

Establishment of the participatory sound demo style

建立参与式声音演示风格

It was a cold day on March 10, 2013, the eve of the second anniversary of the triple disaster and the day of MCAN's quarterly demonstration in
Kasumigaseki. I joined the large crowd following the sound truck, where ATS and Akuryō took turns on the microphone, and Noma provided the tracks.
Some tactics from the July 2012 demonstration had congealed as an expected part of the performance. When we passed METI, Akuryō freestyled about
METI's role as promoter of nuclear power and launched into his sing-song call, "Keisanshō wa genpatsu yamero," just as he had done on his second round
on the sound truck in the July 29 demonstration; protesters pumped their fists in the air. Noma again stopped tracks at the responses of the protesters, so
that they could hear the power of their calls. Meanwhile, the drum corps alternated between Sprechchor and the "saikadō hantai" rhythm.

这是2013年3月10日一个寒冷的日子，也是三重灾难两周年纪念日的前夕，也是 MCAN 在 Kasumigaseki 举行季度示威的日子。我加入了跟随音响卡车的人

群，ATS 和 akury 轮流操作麦克风，Noma 提供音轨。2012年7月示威游行的一些战术已经凝结成了表演的预期部分。当我们经过日本经济产业省时，akury
对日本经济产业省作为核能推动者的角色不以为然，他开始唱起了“ keisansh wa genpatsu yamero”，就像7月29日他在音响卡车上的第二轮游行一样; 抗议者
在空中挥舞着他们的拳头。诺玛再次停止追踪示威者的反应，以便他们可以听到他们的电话的力量。与此同时，鼓乐队在 Sprechchor 和“赛卡德汉泰”的节奏
之间轮流演奏。

I did notice a few changes. Both Akuryō and ATS seemed to fall into presentational style, with prepared
raps and freestyles, more often than in July 2012. Furthermore, the drum corps seemed to have more
people, giving rise to inevitable differences in skill levels. Both may have been consequences of time, as
the rappers and the drum corps had had more time to set their routines and try out a few new things.
They may have also been responses to political circumstances; since the LDP won the Lower and Upper
House elections, the number of people at the weekly Kantei protests had fallen to about three thousand—
still substantial, but not the headline-grabbing 200,000 of summer 2012. While the March 10
demonstration attracted 40,000 people throughout the day, the June 2 demonstration, 60,000, and the
October 13, 2013 demonstration, 40,000, these numbers were lower than the 200,000 that had come to the
July 29, 2012 demonstration. Perhaps this situation pushed the role of music slightly back to that of
attracting attention, so that performances seemed to place a bit more attention on the rappers themselves
Photo: Noma, ATS, Akuryō at antinuclear than in July 2012. Such incremental swings in repertoire would be expected to adjust to political
demonstration, March 10, 2013 (Noriko circumstances.
Manabe)
我确实注意到了一些变化。阿库里和 ATS 似乎都进入了表演风格，有准备的说唱和即兴表演，比2012年7月
图片: Noma，ATS，akury 在抗核演示中，2013 更频繁。此外，鼓队似乎有更多的人，导致不可避免的技能水平的差异。两者都可能是时间的结果，因为说
年3月10日(Noriko Manabe) 唱歌手和鼓队有更多的时间来设置他们的日常事务，并尝试一些新的东西。自从自民党赢得下议院和上议院
选举以来，参加每周一次的 Kantei 抗议活动的人数已经下降到大约3000人，这个数字仍然很大，但不是
2012年夏天引人注目的20万人。虽然3月10日的示威全天吸引了4万人，6月2日的示威吸引了6万人，而2013年10月13日的示威吸引了4万人，但这些数字比
2012年7月29日的示威吸引了20万人还要少。也许这种情况使得音乐的作用稍微回到了吸引注意力的角色，因此演出似乎比2012年7月更多地关注说唱歌手本
身。预计这种逐渐增加的剧目变化会随着政治环境的变化而调整。

Changed circumstances also led to a different performance in MCAN's October 13, 2013 demonstration. With the Ōi reactors shut down for maintenance on
September 15, 2013, the country is once again operating without nuclear power, yet awareness of this fact appears low: in a recent survey, only 15% of
freshmen at Osaka University were aware of this fact.20 In response to this lack of awareness, ECD rapped, "Nando tashikame temo genpatsu zero" (No
matter how many times you check, there's no nuclear power), and called out the names of nuclear power plants that have applied to restart or were under
construction (e.g., Ikata o yamero! Kaminoseki yamero!). ECD and ATS also shifted the focus of their calls to "Osensui tomero" (Stop the contaminated
water), referring to the ongoing leakage at Fukushima Daiichi. The most dramatic performance that day was not in front of METI, but in front of TEPCO,
calling on it to take responsibility.

环境的改变也导致了2013年10月13日的演示中的不同表现。2013年9月15日 i 反应堆关闭进行维护，这个国家再次没有使用核能，然而人们对这一事实的意识
似乎很低: 在最近的一项调查中，只有15% 的大坂大学新生意识到这一事实！Kaminoseki yamero!).ECD 和 ATS 也将他们呼吁的焦点转移到“停止污染的
水”，指的是福岛第一核电站正在发生的泄漏。那天最引人注目的表现不是在经济产业省面前，而是在东京电力公司面前，呼吁它承担责任。

The accumulated experience also helped protesters to voice their own protests. Much
of the route on March 10, 2013 was through the perimeter of the Diet Building and
LDP offices, where the demonstrators were not allowed to play instruments or show
their placards and flags. At the threshold of this silent area, Misao Redwolf stood on a
truck with a megaphone, shouting Sprechchor. Not sure what to do, we marched
silently for a while up the hill toward the Diet Building, until we passed by a few
small speakers, set up discreetly along the road; they were projecting a caller shouting
Sprechchor. Hearing him inspired us to chime in with responses to his calls. Our
Sprechchor revived and maintained a certain rhythm, without the benefit of
accompaniment or clear leaders. Having regained momentum, we carried on to a side
street on which the headquarters of the Liberal Democratic Party are located. The
protesters spontaneously erupted into the Sprechchor, "Abe Shinzō wa genpatsu
yamero" ([Prime Minister] Abe Shinzō, quit nuclear power), shaking their middle
fingers. The scene echoed Akuryō's routines in front of the METI offices, closely
matching his rhythm, even though neither Akuryō nor any other performer was
present; it would have been hard to imagine that scene without the protesters having ATS, speech in front of TEPCO
seen and participated in his routine. It was this accumulated experience of protesting
alongside musicians that allowed us to go on shouting Sprechchor, even without the 在东京电力公司面前的演讲
benefit of their encouragement.

积累的经验也有助于抗议者表达他们自己的抗议。2013年3月10日的大部分路线是通过国会大厦和自民党办公室的周边，在那里示威者不允许演奏乐器或展示
他们的标语牌和旗帜。在这片寂静区域的门口，米索 · 雷德沃夫拿着扩音器站在一辆卡车上，喊着 sprechor。不知道该怎么办，我们默默地向山上的国会大厦
行进了一会儿，直到我们路过几个小喇叭，小心翼翼地在路边竖起来。听到他的声音激励我们一起回应他的呼唤。在没有伴奏和明确的指挥的情况下，我们
的指挥官恢复了活力并保持了一定的节奏。恢复势头后，我们继续前进，走到自民党总部所在的一条小街上。示威者自发地冲进 Sprechchor，“ Abe shinz
wa genpatsu yamero”(日本首相 Abe shinz，退出核能) ，摇着中指。这个场景与阿库里在日本经济产业省办公室前的日常活动相呼应，与他的节奏非常吻
合，尽管阿库里和其他表演者都不在场; 如果没有抗议者看到和参与他的日常活动，很难想象这个场景。正是这种与音乐家一起抗议的积累经验，让我们能够
继续高喊 sprechor，即使没有他们的鼓励。

Conclusion

总结

The performances of Akuryō, ATS, ECD, and Noma emphasized participatory

practices, as outlined by Turino. The rappers made short, highly repetitive calls to
which the protesters could easily respond; they kept the rhythm of individual calls
constant, also facilitating participation. Upon this basis of Sprechchor, the rappers
built an intensive series of variations, changing the speed of text consumption, pitch,
and melody. While the tracks changed every few minutes, they usually retained the
groove of the previous track, providing smooth, continuous transitions to the next
track rather than the individual pieces that are more typical of presentational
performances. The style allowed protesters to shout Sprechchor with more energy and
excitement than they likely would have without the music; as ATS explained, "If you
call out a Sprechchor with music, it comes back to you in an upsurge of energy."

Akuryō、 ATS、 ECD 和 Noma 的表现强调了参与性实践，正如 Turino 概述的那样。

ATS, calls in front of TEPCO 说唱歌手发出简短、高度重复的电话，抗议者可以很容易地作出回应; 他们保持单个电
话的节奏不变，也促进了参与。在这个 Sprechchor 的基础上，说唱歌手建立了一个密
东京电力公司的电话
集的一系列变化，改变了文本消耗，音高和旋律的速度。虽然音轨每隔几分钟就变化一
次，但它们通常保留了前一首音轨的凹槽，为下一首音轨提供了平滑、连续的过渡，而不是更具表演性质的个人作品。这种风格使抗议者能够比没有音乐的
情况下更有活力和兴奋地喊出 Sprechchor，正如 ATS 解释的那样，“如果你用音乐喊出一个 sprechor，它会在能量的高涨中回到你身边。”

The participatory style, which aims to minimize the gap between performer and protester, required that rappers downplay their individual virtuosity to
serve the cause—a seeming contradiction with the braggadocio stereotypically associated with rap. In keeping with this philosophy, the rappers limited
their prepared raps to short segments and frequently rotated the microphone, never hogging it.

这种参与式的风格旨在缩小表演者和抗议者之间的差距，要求说唱歌手淡化他们个人的技巧，以服务于事业---- 这似乎与说唱乐刻板印象中的自吹自擂相矛
盾。与这种哲学保持一致，说唱歌手将他们准备好的说唱限制在短片段，频繁旋转麦克风，从来没有霸占它。

Let us now return to Tilly's point that changes in protest repertoires are driven by changes in political opportunity structure, available performance models,
and connections among actors. In the case of the original sound demonstrations of 2003, the idea of having a truck with a sound system itself was not new,
as they had been used in Japan previously in Chance! Peace Walks and LGBT parades. What was truly new was the coming together of Against Street
Control, whose members had a more confrontational, reclaim-the-streets philosophy of demonstrations compared with World Peace Now; the flavor of
these demonstrations was hence sufficiently different to merit a new name.

现在让我们回到 Tilly 的观点，抗议作品的变化是由政治机会结构、可用的表演模式和演员之间的联系驱动的。在2003年最初的声音演示的情况下，有一个卡

车与音响系统本身并不是新的想法，因为他们已经在日本以前的机会！和平游行和 LGBT 游行。真正新鲜的是反街道控制组织(Against Street Control)走到了
一起，其成员的示威哲学与现在世界和平组织(World Peace Now)相比，更具对抗性，更重视街头抗议; 因此，这些示威活动的风格完全不同，值得给它起一
个新名字。

Between those demonstrations and the antinuclear demonstrations of 2011–13, the purpose of the protest shifted from largely an expression of discontent to
a desire to change national energy policies—a social movement seeking specific actions and long-term political change. Such a movement required the
articulation of concrete messages, thereby shifting the predominant genre more toward the verbally oriented one of rap. It also required the building of
solidarity and commitment among protesters, orienting the demonstrations toward more participatory forms that involved the shouting of Sprechchor. The
aggression of the police toward sound demonstrations prompted a rethinking of the potential roles of music, paving the way to a more participatory
model. 

从那些示威活动到2011年至2013年的反核示威活动，抗议活动的目的已经从基本上表达不满转变为改变国家能源政策的愿望——一场寻求具体行动和长期政
治变革的社会运动。这种运动需要具体信息的清晰表达，从而将主流流派更多地转向以口头为导向的说唱。它还要求在抗议者中建立团结和承诺，将示威活
动引向更具参与性的形式，包括高喊 Sprechchor。警察对声音示威的挑衅促使人们重新思考音乐的潜在作用，从而为更具参与性的模式铺平了道路。

The blossoming of participatory style grew out of a confluence of factors: the participation of rappers in demonstrations as protesters rather than
performers; the presence of Oda's drum corps, with its participatory philosophy, at many demonstrations, providing a rhythmic base to Sprechchor; and
surge in citizen outrage over the restart of the Ōi nuclear power plant in July 2012, giving them impetus to raise their voices at demonstrations. These
performance tactics were hence born of the stage in which the antinuclear movement found itself. As Futatsugi recounted:

参与式风格的蓬勃发展是多种因素共同作用的结果: 说唱歌手作为示威者而不是表演者参与示威活动; 小田的鼓乐队以其参与式理念出现在许多示威活动中，

为 Sprechchor 提供了有节奏的基础; 2012年7月大饭核电站重新启动引起公众愤怒，促使他们在示威活动中大声疾呼。因此，这些表演策略诞生于反核运动发
现自己的阶段。正如 Futatsugi 所述:

After more than a year of participating in demonstrations, everyone has gotten used to shouting Sprechchor, and a few phrases have become
established. The rappers know to say them. That makes it possible to do a call-and-response style. It's a big change: you wouldn't have been
able to do that on April 10, even if you tried. On the other hand, if Mayuri were to play some brilliant techno track now, I don't think it would
have so much impact. In the past year and a half, everyone's caught on to making a political claim and verbalizing a concrete message. If back
on April 10, we had wanted to destroy some murky thing we couldn't identify, we now know much more clearly who the enemy is, and whom
we have to defeat. We all want to say words and shout Sprechchor. ECD, Akuryō, ATS, and Noma take that desire and combine Sprechchor
with a live performance. That is a big change (Futatsugi, interview).

经过一年多的示威游行后，每个人都习惯了喊 sprechor，并且已经建立了一些短语。说唱歌手知道怎么说。这使得调用和响应风格成为可能。这
是一个很大的改变: 即使你尝试，你也不可能在4月10日做到这一点。另一方面，如果马尤里现在要演奏一些出色的电子音轨，我不认为会有这么
大的影响。在过去的一年半里，每个人都在发表一个政治声明，并用语言表达具体的信息。如果回到4月10日，我们想要摧毁一些我们无法确定
的阴暗的东西，我们现在更清楚地知道谁是敌人，我们必须打败谁。我们都想说些话，大喊大叫。ECD、 akury、 ATS 和 Noma 将这种愿望与
sprechor 的现场表演结合起来。这是一个很大的变化(Futatsugi，采访)。

In the year since the peak of the antinuclear protests in July 2012, the performance tactics have solidified so that there are some expected routines, yet
flexible enough to respond to changes in priority, as in the shift in emphasis to the contamination issue and planned restarts in the October 13
demonstration. This formula has proved portable: in 2013, other performers like Rankin Taxi have adopted aspects of it on sound demos, and Sapporo and
other cities have held sound demos with participatory performances. 

自2012年7月反核抗议活动达到高峰以来的一年里，演出策略已经稳固，有了一些预期的常规，但又足够灵活，可以应对优先事项的变化，比如把重点转移到
污染问题上，并计划在10月13日的示威活动中重新开始。这个模式已经被证明是可移植的: 在2013年，其他表演者像 Rankin Taxi 已经在声音演示中采用了它
的一些方面，而且札幌和其他城市已经通过参与性演示举行了声音演示。

Furthermore, the participatory style of sound demos has proven adaptable to other causes. In 2013, Noma has busied himself as head of the Counter-Racist
Action Collective (C.R.A.C., formerly Reishisuto Shibaki-tai), a group dedicated to countering the Zaitoku-kai, a neo-nationalist group denouncing the
"privileges given" to ethnic Koreans residing in Japan. The "tai," written as 隊 (corps), is a pun with たい (would like to), so that "shibaki-tai" means "the
corps that would like to tie up the racists." Despite its name and rough outward appearance, the group has a non-violent philosophy. Whenever the
Zaitoku-kai stage demonstrations through Korean neighborhoods in Tokyo, in which they shout "die" and "go home to Korea" at ethnically Korean
children, the Shibaki-tai attempt to blockade its progress, by sitting in front of their trucks if necessary. On September 22, 2013, a "March Against
Discrimination" took place in Shinjuku; it was a sound demo, with a rap sound truck with Akuryō and ATS, a DJ sound truck dedicated to LGBT rights,
and Oda's marching musicians. Just as they had in the antinuclear demonstrations, Akuryō and ATS took turns shouting the call-and-response patterns, but
instead of "Genpatsu yamero" (Stop nuclear power), they shouted, "Sabetsu wa yamero" (End discrimination) and "Issho ni ikiyō" (Let's live together).
Meanwhile, Oda's band played "We Shall Overcome," its members having learned it from hearing Jintaramūta play it at practically every antinuclear
demonstration. Three thousand enthusiastic demonstrators participated, some in traditional Korean clothing. The participatory style of sound demos,
centered on rapped Sprechchor to the beats, is here for the long haul, and is being applied to multiple causes.

此外，参与式的声音演示已被证明适用于其他原因。2013年，Noma 忙于担任反种族主义行动集团(c.r.a.c. ，前身为 Reishisuto Shibaki-tai)的负责人，该集团

致力于反对新民族主义团体 Zaitoku-kai，谴责给予居住在日本的朝鲜族人”特权”。“ tai”写作“ corps”，是一个双关语，意思是“建音”，所以“ shibaki-tai”的
意思是“想要绑住种族主义者的军团”尽管它的名字和粗糙的外表，该组织有一个非暴力的哲学。每当在东京的朝鲜社区举行示威活动，向朝鲜族儿童喊“去死
吧”和“滚回朝鲜去吧”时，下党就会试图阻止其前进，必要时他们会坐在卡车前面。2013年9月22日，“反对歧视游行”在 Shinjuku 举行，这是一个声音样带，
有一辆由 akury 和 ATS 组成的说唱音乐卡车，一辆致力于 LGBT 权利的 DJ 音乐卡车，还有 Oda 的游行音乐家。正如他们在反核示威中所做的那样，阿库里
和 ATS 轮流喊出呼吁和回应的模式，但他们没有喊出“停止核能”，而是喊出“ Sabetsu wa yamero”(终止歧视)和“ Issho ni ikiy”(让我们一起生活)。与此同
时，小田的乐队演奏了“我们会战胜”，乐队成员是在几乎每次反核演习中听到金塔拉姆演奏后学会这首曲子的。三千名热情的示威者参加了示威，其中一些
人穿着韩国传统服装。参与式的声音演示风格，以节奏为中心的说唱 sprechor，在这里是长期的，并被应用于多种原因。

Appendix: Deterrents to Musicians' Participation in Antinuclear Politics and Different Roles Taken

附录: 音乐家参与反核政治的决定因素及不同角色

Since the early days of the Fukushima crisis, music has been one way by which citizens have expressed their antinuclear views. Songs like Saitō
Kazuyoshi's "Zutto uso dattandaze" (It Was Always a Lie) and "Tōden ni hairō" (Let's Join TEPCO) have echoed the thoughts of many citizens. Music has
also helped citizens give voice to their thoughts: Saitō's song was sung in street protests as early as April 2011; as I discuss, by mid-2012, rappers were
helping citizens to verbalize their claims against the government. However, the majority of musicians—particularly artists on major record labels— have
been hesitant to make their views known (Manabe 2012).21 The electric power companies, associated agencies, and nuclear-industry suppliers combined
were not only among the top advertisers in Japan but were particularly important sponsors of television ­programming (Nikkei Advertising Research
Institute); as television was still the most important venue for introducing recording artists,22 most entertainers and industry staff considered it unwise to
speak out against nuclear power (Sakamoto Ryūichi, interview with the author, September 2012). Entertainers who have spoken out have suffered
consequences: in 2011, Yamamoto Tarō was fired from his drama series and found himself unable to find acting jobs after he participated in demonstrations
and made a video for Operation Kodomotachi, encouraging parents to evacuate children from the 30-kilometer zone (Yamamoto 2012); only recently was
he vindicated through winning a seat in the Upper House. Chindon band Jintaramūta lost a major overseas performing opportunity when the media
company realized it had participated in anti-nuclear power demonstrations (Ōkuma Wataru, interview with the author, July 2012).23 In 2011, Saitō was one
of very few Oricon24-charting artists to make his antinuclear views known, and the initial YouTube video of his "It Was Always a Lie"—in which he appears
in anonymizing dark glasses—was claimed to have been accidently uploaded by an acquaintance (Asahi Shimbun, April 27, 2011). Many of the better-
known artists playing antinuclear songs are those who had been brave enough to play in antinuclear events such as Atomic Cafe in the 1980s (e.g., Katō
Tokiko, Hamada Shōgo) or who have achieved an elder statesman's status (e.g., Sawada Kenji). It has taken time, an upsurge of antinuclear sentiment in
2012, and events such as Sakamoto's No Nukes series of concerts (Manabe 2012) to encourage some younger musicians to speak out. Nonetheless, an
atmosphere still exists where artists, and the population generally, feel uncomfortable talking about the nuclear issue; as Gotō Masayoshi of Asian Kung-Fu
Generation said during the No Nukes 2013 concert in March, "I'd stopped saying antinuclear things recently. I'd started to wonder if I were a strange person
[for being antinuclear]."

自从福岛危机早期以来，音乐一直是公民表达他们反核观点的一种方式。像 sait Kazuyoshi 的“ Zutto uso dattandaze”(It Was Always a Lie)和“ t den ni hair”
(Let’s Join TEPCO)这样的歌曲回应了许多市民的想法。音乐也帮助公民表达自己的想法: 早在2011年4月，sait 的歌曲就在街头抗议活动中被唱出; 正如我所讨
论的，到2012年中期，说唱歌手正在帮助公民表达他们对政府的诉求。然而，大多数音乐家——尤其是主要唱片公司的艺术家——都不愿公开自己的观点
(2012年《 Manabe 》)。21电力公司、关联机构和核工业供应商加在一起，不仅是日本最大的广告商，而且还是电视节目的特别重要的赞助商(日经广告研究
所) ; 由于电视仍然是引进录音艺术家的最重要场所，22名大多数娱乐人员和工业人员认为公开反对核能是不明智的(2012年9月，Sakamoto ichi 采访作者)。公
开发声的艺人也遭受了后果: 2011年，山本焦油(Yamamoto tar)被解雇，他参加了示威活动，并为“ Kodomotachi 行动”(Operation Kodomotachi)制作了一段
视频，鼓励家长疏散30公里范围内的儿童(山本焦油，2012年) ，之后他发现自己无法找到表演工作; 直到最近，他才在上议院赢得了一个席位。232011年，
sait 是 oricon24艺术家中为数不多的几个能让他的反核观点为人所知的艺术家之一，他的 YouTube 视频《 It Was Always a Lie 》ーー他戴着褪色的墨镜ーー
据说是一个熟人偶然上传的(《朝日新闻》 ，2011年4月27日)。许多演奏反核歌曲的知名艺术家都是那些勇于参与反核活动的人，比如20世纪80年代的《原子
咖啡馆》(Atomic Cafe)(比如，kat Tokiko，Hamada sh go) ，或者是获得政界元老地位的人(比如泽田贤二)。这需要时间，2012年反核情绪的高涨，以及诸
如坂本龙之无核系列音乐会(Manabe 2012)等活动来鼓励一些年轻音乐家发声。尽管如此，艺术家和普通民众在谈论核问题时仍然感到不自在; 正如亚细亚功
夫世代的 got Masayoshi 在3月份的无核2013演唱会上所说，“我最近已经不再说反核的事情了。我开始怀疑自己(因为反核)是不是个奇怪的人。”

The recording industry censors itself, refraining from releasing recordings that name specific persons or corporations (Dorsey 2013). In addition, it tends to
avoid releasing explicitly antinuclear songs: in 1988, Toshiba EMI declined to release RC Succession's Covers, which contained Iwamano Kiyoshirō's
antinuclear versions of "Summertime Blues" and "Love Me Tender"; and in 1997, Sony pulled Katō Tokiko's "Genpatsu Gypsy," about workers at nuclear
power plants, claiming that the word "gypsy" was discriminatory.25 Saitō's 2011 album 45 Stones, much of which deals with the nuclear crisis, relies heavily
on metaphors and allegories, never mentioning the word "genpatsu" (nuclear power)26 and only using the word "hōshanō" (radiation) once in the entire
album, while Asian Kung-Fu Generation's antinuclear song is named "N2" rather than "No Nukes," for which it stands (Gotō Masafumi, No Nukes 2012).
Generally speaking, the recording and broadcasting industry has greatly preferred charity and ouen (encouragement) songs over explicitly antinuclear
songs, and events aimed at moral support for the stricken region (e.g., Project Fukushima) have gotten more media coverage than those with an explicitly
antinuclear theme.27 The majority of antinuclear songs post-Fukushima have been contributed by musicians on independent labels; moreover, many of
these songs began as anonymous uploads on YouTube, such as "Let's Join TEPCO" or the original upload of Saitō's song. 

唱片业自身也会进行审查，不会发布指定个人或公司名称的唱片(Dorsey，2013年)。此外，它倾向于避免发布明确的反核歌曲: 1988年，东芝百代公司拒绝发
布 RC 继任者的封面，其中包括岩野清代的反核版本的“夏日布鲁斯”和“温柔地爱我”;1997年，索尼撤掉了 kat Tokiko 关于核电站工人的“ Genpatsu
Gypsy”，声称“ Gypsy”这个词带有歧视性。25 sait 2011年的专辑《45 Stones 》 ，其中很大一部分是关于核危机的，严重依赖于隐喻和寓言,从未提及“
genpatsu”(核能)这个词，整张专辑只用了一次“ h shan”(辐射) ，而亚细亚功夫世代的反核歌曲名为“ N2”，而不是它所代表的“无核”(got Masafumi，No
Nukes 2012)。一般来说，唱片和广播业非常喜欢慈善和鼓励歌曲，而不是明确的反核歌曲，旨在为受灾地区提供精神支持的活动(例如，福岛工程)比那些明
确反核主题的活动得到了更多的媒体报道。27福岛事件后的反核歌曲大部分是由独立唱片公司的音乐人贡献的; 此外，许多这样的歌曲开始时都是匿名上传到
YouTube 的，例如“ Let’s Join TEPCO”或者 sait 的歌曲原始版本。

Indeed, antinuclear music has appeared primarily in four conceptual spaces—cyberspace, festivals and
concerts, recordings, and public demonstrations—which differ in risk to both the performer and the
listener, as determined by 1) the degree to which those within earshot of the performance hold views
contrary to those of the performer, and 2) the level of privacy with which the listener can listen to them.
As explained above, it is risky for a performer to state an antinuclear view; however, in front of a like-
minded crowd at a protest rally or a no-nukes-themed festival (e.g., No Nukes 2012 and 2013, No More
Fuckin' Nukes 2013, the Atomic Cafe at Fuji Rock), s/he might feel encouraged to make more antinuclear
comments (as with Gotō above) or sing more antinuclear songs than at a general-interest festival like
Summer Sonic or Rock in Japan. From the listener's point of view, Japanese citizens can feel themselves at
risk when they attend a demonstration, given large police presence, while they can safely listen to
recordings of antinuclear music, on a CD or on the internet, in the privacy of their own homes. A general
Photo: Pronuclear Counter-Demonstrators at
schematic for this concept is sketched out in Fig. 4, with the horizontal axis illustrating the potential
Antinuclear Demonstration, July 29, 2012
number of contrary-minded, pronuclear listeners ("disagree") and the vertical axis denoting the number of
(Noriko Manabe) other (physically present) people with which the listener is experiencing the music. Musicians typically
图片: 原核反示威者在反核示威，2012年7月29日 separate themselves in the environments in which they participate, balancing their commercial
(Noriko Manabe) prominence against the riskiness of the environment. In Fig. 4, the range of environments in which
different segments of musicians tend to participate is indicated in italics and through color filling, with
yellow denoting independent artists, blue major-label artists, pink amateur musicians, and grey anonymous musicians.

事实上，反核音乐主要出现在四个概念空间——网络空间、节日和音乐会、录音和公共演示——这些空间对表演者和听众的风险不同，这取决于: 1)听到表演
的人持有与表演者相反的观点的程度; 2)听众可以听到他们的隐私程度。如上所述，表演者表达反核观点是有风险的; 然而，在抗议集会或以无核为主题的节日
(例如，2012年和2013年禁止核武器，2013年禁止他妈的核武器，富士山的原子咖啡馆)上，在志同道合的人群面前表达反核观点(例如上文的 got) ，或者唱更
多的反核歌曲，而不是在日本的 Summer Sonic 或 Rock 这样的大众节日上演唱。从听众的角度来看，日本公民在参加示威活动时，如果有大量警察在场，他
们会感到自己处于危险之中，而他们可以在自己家中的私密空间安全地收听反核音乐的录音，无论是在 CD 上还是在互联网上。图4勾勒出了这一概念的一般
示意图，水平轴表示思想相反的原核听众的潜在数量(“不同意”) ，垂直轴表示听众正在体验音乐的其他人(物理在场)的数量。音乐家通常将自己分离在他们所
参与的环境中，平衡他们的商业突出与环境的风险。在图4中，不同音乐家群体倾向于参与的环境范围用斜体字和颜色填充表示，黄色表示独立艺术家、蓝色
大厂牌艺术家、粉红色业余音乐家和灰色匿名音乐家。

As visualized on this chart, street demonstrations are particularly high risk for both performers and
protesters: in walking through the streets, they may encounter not only passers-by who glare at them in
annoyance but also counter-demonstrators who hold up their own placards and hurl epithets such as
"Denki o tsukauna!" (Stop using electricity!) or "Hikokumin!" (Traitors!). Such hostility compounds the
less-than-ideal circumstances these musicians are already facing, such as bad weather, malfunctioning
equipment, and the difficulties of performing while on top of a moving truck. Given these difficulties,
major-label artists rarely perform in marching demonstrations; while long-time musician-activists like
Katō Tokiko or Panta (of Zunō Keisatsu) have performed at rallies by Sayonara Genpatsu and No Nukes
More Hearts All Star Demos, these rallies have much more sympathetic audiences than marching
Fig. 4: Schematic of different spaces in which
demonstrations: they are usually in the middle of parks, and people reach them purposefully rather than protest music is heard
stumble upon them, as with a marching demonstration. Only musicians whose convictions greatly exceed
图4: 不同空间的示意图，在这里可以听到抗议音
their potential opportunity losses could afford to perform under such circumstances, and these musicians
乐
are usually independents.

从这张图表中可以看出，街头示威对表演者和抗议者来说风险特别高: 在街上行走时，他们可能不仅会遇到恼怒地瞪着他们的路人，还会遇到举着自己的标语
牌和“ Denki o tsukauna!”等谩骂语的反示威者(停止使用电力!)或者“ Hikokumin!”(叛徒!).这种敌意加剧了这些音乐家已经面临的不太理想的环境，比如恶劣
的天气、设备故障，以及在行驶中的卡车上表演的困难。鉴于这些困难，主流唱片公司的艺术家很少在游行示威中表演; 尽管长期的音乐家活动家，比如 kat
Tokiko 或者 Panta (赞凯松的)在 Sayonara Genpatsu 和 No Nukes More Hearts All Star Demos 的集会上表演，这些集会比游行示威拥有更多同情的听众: 他
们通常在公园中间，人们有目的地接近他们，而不是像游行示威那样绊倒他们。只有那些信念远远超过潜在机会损失的音乐人才能在这种情况下演出，而且
这些音乐人通常是独立的。

Noriko Manabe is Assistant Professor of Music (Ethnomusicology/Music Theory) and Associated Faculty in East Asian Studies at Princeton University. She
is the author of a book on antinuclear protest music, tentatively titled The Revolution Will Not Be Televised: Music, Media, and the Antinuclear Movement
in Post-Fukushima Japan (Oxford University Press, forthcoming). She has published articles on Japanese rap, hip-hop, new media, children's songs, and
Cuban music in Ethnomusicology, Popular Music, Asian Music, Latin American Music Review, and several edited volumes. More information is available
on her website or on her academic site.

是普林斯顿大学民族音乐学/音乐理论的助理教授和东亚研究的相关学院。她是一本关于反核抗议音乐的书的作者，书名暂定为《革命不会被电视转播: 音
乐、媒体和后福岛时代日本的反核运动》(牛津大学出版社，即将出版)。她曾在《民族音乐学》、《流行音乐》、《亚洲音乐》、《拉丁美洲音乐评论》等刊
物上发表有关日本说唱、嘻哈、新媒体、儿童歌曲和古巴音乐的文章。更多的信息可以在她的网站或者她的学术网站上找到。

Recommended Citation: Noriko MANABE, "Music in Japanese Antinuclear Demonstrations: The Evolution of a Contentious Performance Model," The
Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 11, Issue 42, No. 3, October 21, 2013.

建议引用: Noriko MANABE，“ Music in Japanese antinuc核演示: The Evolution of a conflict Performance Model”，The Asia-Pacific Journal，11卷，第42
期，第3期，2013年10月21日。

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Notes

注释
1 See the Appendix for an explanation of these different spaces in which musicians engage in the antinuclear movement and some of the musicians

involved. It also discusses the music industry's general reluctance to voice political opinions

1参见附录对音乐家参与反核运动的这些不同空间的解释，以及一些参与其中的音乐家。文章还讨论了音乐产业普遍不愿表达政治观点的问题
2 Chindon bands are street bands that have traditionally been hired for commercial purposes but have also often been involved with social causes (Abe

2010).

2 Chindon 乐队是街头乐队，传统上被雇佣用于商业目的，但也经常参与社会事业(Abe 2010年)。

3 Earlier demonstrations after March 11, 2011 included those in front of TEPCO headquarters from March 18 onwards; by the Zenkoku Rōdō Kumiai Kōryū

Sentaa (National Trade Union Exchange Center) in Shibuya, Tokyo, on March 20; by Gensuikin in the Ginza, Tokyo, on March 27; in Kasumigaseki, Tokyo,
on March 31; and in Fukuoka on April 9. There were demonstrations in several cities on April 10, including Kamakura, Nagoya, Sapporo, and Toyama, as
well as Shiba Park, Tokyo.

3.2011年3月11日之后的早期示威活动包括: 3月18日起在东京电力公司总部前的示威活动; 3月20日在 Shibuya 的 Zenkoku r Kumiai k ry Sentaa (国家工会交流

中心) ; 3月27日在东京银座的 Gensuikin 示威活动; 3月31日在 Kasumigaseki 的 Gensuikin 示威活动; 以及4月9日在福冈的示威活动。4月10日，包括镰仓、名
古屋、札幌、富山以及 Shiba Park 在内的几个城市都发生了示威活动。
4 Some major-label musicians have performed on sound trucks. DJ Tasaka, who records on the Ki-oon (Sony) label, performed in the May 7, 2012 Shirōto no

Ran demonstration. It is more usual for him, however, to perform in an after-party than the demonstration itself. 

一些大厂牌音乐家曾在音响车上表演过。DJ Tasaka 是 Ki-oon (索尼)唱片公司的唱片制作人，在2012年5月7日的 shir to no Ran 演出中表演。然而，对于他来

说，更常见的做法是在后续的聚会上表演，而不是在示威活动中表演。
5 Futatsugi Shin, "Rensai [dokyumento han genpatsu demo (3)]: 'Tsuittādemo' to Sayonara Atom," Webronza (Asahi Newspapers), March 5, 2012.

5 Futatsugi Shin，“ Rensai [ dokyumento han genpatsu demo (3)] : ‘ tsuitt demo’to Sayonara Atom,”《朝日新闻》杂志，2012年3月5日。
6 Throughout the book, rhymes in lyrics are italicized, while repeated words are underlined. 

在整本书中，歌词中的押韵用斜体标出，而重复的词则用下划线标出。
7 The Japanese have been using the German word "Sprechchor" to describe the call-and-response of slogans at demonstrations, marches, and other

gatherings since at least the worker's movements of the 1920s. In Germany, Sprechchor had been popular in the drama and literature of the worker's
movement of the 1920s and was appropriated later by the Nazis (Von Wilpert 1989: 878–9).

7至少从20世纪20年代的工人运动开始，日本人就一直使用德语“ sprechor”来描述示威、游行和其他集会中口号的呼唤和回应。在德国，Sprechchor 在20世纪

20年代工人运动的戏剧和文学作品中很受欢迎，后来被纳粹占为己有(冯 · 威尔珀特，1989年: 878-9)。
8 Ryūsaku Tanaka, "Shinjuku Aruta Zen Kakoikomi,'9 11 Datsu Genpatsu Demo' Ni Sonae," Tanaka Ryūsaku Journal, September 10, 2011.

8 ry saku Tanaka，“ Shinjuku Aruta Zen Kakoikomi,’911 Datsu Genpatsu Demo’Ni Sonae,”Tanaka ry saku Journal，2011年9月10日。
9 Matsumoto, "Zendaimimon," Matsumoto Hajime no nobi nobi daisakusen, op.cit.

9. Matsumoto，“ zendaimon,”Matsumoto Hajime no nobi nobi daisakusen，op.cit。

10 Futatsugi, "Rensai," Webronza, op. cit.

10 Futatsugi，“ Rensai,”Webronza，op. cit。

11 Futatsugi, "Rensai," Webronza, op. cit.

11 Futatsugi，“ Rensai,”Webronza，op. cit。

12 The actual quote is "If a man does not keep pace with his companions, perhaps it is because he hears a different drummer. Let him step to the music

which he hears, however measured or far away."

12这句话的实际意思是: “如果一个人跟不上他的同伴，也许是因为他听到了不同的鼓声。让他跟随他所听到的音乐，无论音乐有多么缓慢或者遥远。”
13 The first time was before the demonstration on March 11, 2012, the one-year anniversary of the disaster, when the group wanted to exhibit mournfulness.

The second was for the Datsu Genpatsu Suginami demonstration on May 6, commemorating the shutdown of all nuclear reactors in Japan for maintenance,
where the group wanted to be celebratory. The third was in August 2012, when the group had been invited to participate in a bon dance in Kōenji,
prompting it to put together a ondō-rhythm version of "Meltdown Blues," an improvisation popularized in demonstrations in July 2012.

13. 第一次是在2012年3月11日灾难一周年纪念日的示威游行之前，当时该组织希望表现出悲伤。第二次是5月6日在 Datsu Genpatsu Suginami 举行的示威活

动，纪念日本为了维护而关闭所有核反应堆，该组织希望在这里举行庆祝活动。第三次是在2012年8月，当时乐队被邀请去 Kōenji 参加一个 bon dance，促使
他们制作了一个“ Meltdown Blues”的第二节奏版本，这是一个在2012年7月的示威活动中流行的即兴表演。
14 Akuryō, "Akuryō: 311 kara no kotoba," interview in Bmr, accessed July 8, 2013.

14 akury，“ akury: 311 kara no kotoba,”采访于2013年7月8日在《先生》杂志上发表。

15 The September 19, 2011 demonstration did not feature a sound truck. All other No Nukes All Star Demos had sound trucks.

15.2011年9月19日的演示并没有使用一辆健全的卡车。所有其他无核武器全明星有音响卡车。
16 For the May 2012 demo, Noma played breakbeats of Fela Kuti, reggae, and dub; in the demonstrations of July and later, he added rock and funk. In

December, he began using Ableton Live, which arranges pre-recorded clips along a grid and allows the DJs to pick which ones are played in real time
(Noma, interview with the author).

16. 在2012年5月的演示中，Noma 播放了 Fela Kuti 的断拍、雷鬼和配音; 在7月和之后的演示中，他加入了摇滚和放克。去年12月，他开始使用 Ableton

Live，这个软件将预先录制好的片段按网格排列，并允许 dj 们选择实时播放哪些片段(Noma，对作者的采访)。
17 i Zoom i Rockers, with ECD, Akuryō, and ATS, "7.29 Float Sessions Round 1," Soundcloud, July 29, 2012.

17 i Zoom i Rockers，with ECD，akury，and ATS，“7.29 Float Sessions Round 1,”Soundcloud，2012年7月29日。

18 See Manabe 2013 for an explanation of this song.

18参见 Manabe 2013对这首歌的解释。

19 This refrain is significant in that it intentionally recalls "Yūkoto kiku yōna yatsura ja naizo," ECD's rap of defiance against excessive police at the antiwar

sound demos of 2003. It became an anthem of the sound demos of the 2000s.

19. 这句重复的话意义重大，因为它故意让人想起“ y koto kiku y na yatsura ja naizo”，ECD 在2003年的反战声音演示中对过度警察的蔑视。它成为了2000年

代声音演示的赞歌。
20 "'Genpatsu kadō zero' to kotaeta gakusei wa tatta 15%—handai ichinensei e no ankeeto de," Alterna, accessed October 21, 2013.

20“‘ Genpatsu kad zero’to kotaeta gakusei wa tatta 15% ー handai ichinensei e no ankeeto de,”Alterna 于2013年10月21日发布。
21 This situation, and the varieties of responses musicians have taken to it, is explained in detail in my forthcoming monograph, tentatively titled The

Revolution Will Not Be Televised: Music and Musicians in the Antinuclear Movement Post-Fukushima (Oxford University Press, forthcoming).

21这种情况，以及音乐家们对此的各种反应，在我即将出版的专著中有详细的解释，专著暂定名为《革命不会被电视转播: 福岛事件后反核运动中的音乐和音
乐家》(牛津大学出版社，即将出版)。
22 Record Industry Association of Japan,"Ongaku media yūzā jittai chōsa," Fiscal Year 2012.

22日本唱片业协会，“ Ongaku media y z jittai ch sa”，2012财政年度。

23 The company gave Jintaramūta a chance to regain the gig if they did not perform in the Datsu Genpatsu Suginami demonstration of February 19, 2012.

The band performed in the demonstration. Matsumoto Hajime, "Zendaimimon no uzōmuzō ga machi ni shutsugen! Datsu Genpatsu Suginami demo,
iyoiyo semaru!," Matsumoto Hajime no nobi nobi daisakusen, February 15, 2012.

23、如果 jintaram ta 在2012年2月19日的 Datsu Genpatsu Suginami 演示中没有表演，这家公司给了他一个重新获得演出的机会。乐队在示范中表演。滨美

松本说: “我们的目的不是为了我们的命运！数据源远流长的演示，iyoiyo semaru！2012年2月15日，Matsumoto Hajime no nobi nobi daisakusen。
24 Oricon compiles sales data of musical recordings, like Billboard in the United States. See www.oricon.co.jp.

24 Oricon 收集音乐唱片的销售数据，比如美国的 Billboard www.Oricon.co.jp。

25 The song was originally written in 1981 as "Yami no jipushii."

这首歌最初写于1981年，名字是“雅美不吉普什依”
26 His song, "Ōkami chūnen" (Middle-Aged Liar), begins with the exclamation "No Nukes!" Its directness was remarked upon by practically every

interview in the music press. The album climbed to number 2 on the Oricon charts.

他的歌曲“卡米 · 切南”(中年说谎者) ，以感叹“没有核武器!”开头几乎每次音乐报刊的采访都提到它的直率。这张专辑在 Oricon 排行榜上位居第二。

27 Project Fukushima, organized by musicians Ōtomo Yoshihide and Endō Michirō and poet Wago Ryōichi, was held in August 2011, 2012, and 2013.

Examples of the (many) charity/ouen songs include "Hana wa saku" and Kuwata Keisuke's "Let's Try Again" (2011).

27日本福岛工程，由音乐家 tomo Yoshihide and end michir 和诗人 Wago ry ichi 组织，分别于2011年8月、2012年8月和2013年8月举行。许多慈善歌曲的例
子包括“ Hana wa saku”和 Kuwata Keisuke 的“ Let’s Try Again”(2011)。

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