Applying The Extended Theory of Planned Behavior To Predict Sustainable Street Food Patronage in A Developing Economy

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Applying the Extended Theory of Planned Behavior to Predict Sustainable

Street Food Patronage in a Developing Economy
Article in Journal of Food Products Marketing · February 2019

DOI: 10.1080/10454446.2019.1572561
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Applying the Extended Theory of Planned Behavior

to Predict Sustainable Street Food Patronage in a
Developing Economy
Stephen I. Ukenna & Adeola A. Ayodele
To cite this article: Stephen I. Ukenna & Adeola A. Ayodele (2019): Applying the Extended Theory
of Planned Behavior to Predict Sustainable Street Food Patronage in a Developing Economy,
Journal of Food Products Marketing, DOI: 10.1080/10454446.2019.1572561
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JOURNAL OF FOOD PRODUCTS MARKETING
https://doi.org/10.1080/10454446.2019.1572561
Applying the Extended Theory of Planned Behavior to

Predict Sustainable Street Food Patronage in a Developing
Economy
Stephen I. Ukennaa and Adeola A. Ayodeleb
a
Department of Business Management, Covenant University, Ota, Nigeria; bDepartment of Marketing,
Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Nigeria
ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
With over 2.5 billion daily street food consumers globally, the Street food; food marketing;
consumption paradigm of the urban-informal-sector street food is sustainable food; consumer
shifting towards sustainable street food (SSF). This has led to the behavior; sustainable
emerging SSF-market segment. The extended Theory of Planned consumption
Behavior (e-TPB), which incorporates the past behavior construct,
is used to provide preliminary insight by unraveling behavioral
predictors. The e-TPB research framework is premised on five key
constructs - attitude, subjective norm, perceived behavioral con-
trol and past behavior. The framework was tested using primary
data collected from 437 street food consumers drawn from three
main urban cities in southeast Nigeria. Structural Equation
Modeling (SEM) technique was used to analyze data. It is revealed
that past behavior/experience does not necessarily connote
patronage intention for sustainable street food. This study vali-
dates the utility of e-TPB for the prognosis of emerging consumer
behavior. Recommendations and implications for marketing-
related street food vending strategies are discussed.
Introduction
A very large informal sector (or the urban informal sector) dominates the
economies of developing countries of the world (Martíneza, Short, & Estrada,
2018). Granted that it is an unorganized “nuisance” sector whose members do
not pay tax, the informal sector or informal economy is the “survival” sector that
provides jobs and increases incomes for the most vulnerable groups (especially
women and youths) in developing nations in sub-Saharan Africa (Pratap &
Quintin, 2006). The criticality of the informal economy is evidenced in the fact
that it is a response to poverty and employment, a gateway to the formal
economy by serving as an incubator for business potentials (Nguimkeu, 2014;
Cohen, 2008). According to the International Labour Organization [ILO]
CONTACT Stephen I. Ukenna stephen.ukenna@covenantuniversity.edu.ng Department of Business

Management, Covenant University, Nigeria
Color versions of one or more of the figures in the article can be found online at www.tandfonline.com/wfpm.
© 2019 Taylor & Francis
2 S. I. UKENNA AND A. A. ADEOLA
(2009), 60–90% of the overall employment in developing economies (especially

in Africa) is in the informal sector, and it includes the urban poor people who
depend on informal subsistence activities for their livelihood (Fields, 1990). On
average, the informal sector produces 10–40% of the gross domestic product
(GDP) to developing nations (Nguimkeu, 2014). In the sub-Saharan Africa
context, Schneider (2002) put the size of Nigeria’s informal sector as 57.9% of
its GDP or an equivalent of USD212.6 billion, that of Zimbabwe is 59.4% or
USD42.4 billion, and Tanzania is 58.3% or USD52.4billion.
The informal sector is the “mother” of all forms of informal micro-level
entrepreneurial activities, including street marketing (street vending). Street
marketing encompasses retailing of fruits, vegetables, newspapers, cosmetics,
and secondhand clothes on the streets. It is as old as urbanization and the growth
of urbanization will continue to give impetus to street marketing. Wang (1998
cited in Jimu, 2004) noted that street marketing essentially transforms streets
into areas of economic activities for living and survival. Street food marketing,
being a subset of street marketing/vending, is increasingly dominating the
informal sector especially in the wake of global food security. Street food
marketing is arguably perceived as a manifestation, offshoot, spillover, and
prodigal subset of the urban informal sector (Jimu, 2004; Muyanja, Nayiga,
Namugumya, & Nasinyama, 2011). Interestingly, research in the area of the
informal sector is slowly skewing toward specific subsets of the informal econ-
omy, including street food marketing (or street food consumer patronage
behavior). This has given rise to street food marketing literature.
The widely quoted definition of street food in the street food marketing
literature was put forward by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO).
“Street foods are ready-to-eat foods and beverages prepared and/or sold by
vendors and hawkers especially in streets and other similar public places”
(Food and Agriculture Organization [FAO], 1990).The central characteristic of
street foods in this definition is their retail location, that is “on the street.” The
Equity Policy Center’s (EPOC) definition of street foods included all foods that
could be eaten at the point of purchase (EPOC, 1985, as cited in Fila & Smith,
2006). They include both those eaten on the spot and those bought for inclusion
in the family meal or to be eaten later as a snack. To differentiate street food
vendors from formal sector food establishments, such as restaurants, the EPC
adds the further qualification that street foods are sold on the street from
“pushcarts or baskets or balance poles, or from stalls or shops having fewer
than four permanent walls” or processed on the street for immediate consump-
tion (Tinker 1987, as cited in Njaya, 2014; Fila & Smith, 2006).
The sustainability debate and the concomitant spread in sustainability
awareness have triggered a shift in consumption paradigm, which is gradu-
ally being noticed in street food vending in major urban areas in Nigeria (and
other developing nations in sub-Saharan Africa). Arguably, the street food
consumption paradigm is fast shifting away from mere street food patronage
JOURNAL OF FOOD PRODUCTS MARKETING 3
to sustainable street food (SSF) consumption. The SSF paradigm is consistent

with the organic or sustainable food consumption (Van Dam & Van Trijp,
2013). The fear of obesity and other health reasons are increasingly encoura-
ging the consumers to make SSF choices, thereby creating a new street food
market segment and, thus, the emergence of the SSF concept. The proble-
matic question of this study is as follows: what primary behavioral factors
predict SSF patronage in a typical developing sub-Saharan African economy?
Hence, a twin-factor motivated this concept-testing or theory-testing study.
This study is primarily motivated by the observed shift in demand in favor of
SSF in a typical developing sub-Saharan African context. This shift in consump-
tion has given rise to the concept of SSF. On one hand, this study becomes urgent
to unravel the key predictors that have triggered the demand and emergence of the
SSF market segment. On the other hand, this study is timely to test the concept of
SSF. These twin objectives are pursued using the extended Theory of Planned
Behavior (e-TPB) by incorporating the Past Behavior construct (Conner &
Armitage, 1998; Kun-Shan & Yi-Man, 2011) to the original Theory of Planned
Behavior (TPB) (Ajzen, 1991). A number of reasons lend support for the usage of
e-TPB. Generally, the TPB is used in most consumer behavior research that seeks
to provide preliminary insight into a study that attempts to unravel behavioral
predictors of a somewhat new concept. Therefore, it is a useful theoretical tool for
studies using descriptive research design. This is why TPB has been used to
unearth and describe predictors in the early stage of emergence of conceptualiza-
tions such as “organic food” (Nurudeen, Lawal, & Ajayi, 2014), “genetically
modified food”, “waste management,” “recycle behavior,’ and “green hotel” (Kun-
Shan & Yi-Man, 2011). Accordingly, the SSF conceptualization can also be tested/
validated and SSF predictors unraveled using e-TPB.
This study expands the street food marketing literature by deepening insight
into the drivers of SSF choices especially in the quest of fighting poverty and
creating employment from the street through successful informal economic
expansion in sub-Saharan Africa. It also fosters insights for marketing strategy
development for SSF marketing. We conclude this introduction with a brief
profile of the Nigerian informal sector. The rest of this paper discusses the
following themes: review of relevant literature, hypotheses development, meth-
odology, results, discussion, managerial and policy implications, conclusion and
recommendations, and limitations and directions for further studies.
A brief profile of the Nigerian informal sector

This study uses Nigeria as a proxy for the sub-Saharan African informal sector.
Arguably, Nigeria has the largest informal sector in Africa, stemming from the
fact that Nigeria is the most populous black nation in the world with over
180 million people (Onyebueke, 2000). The United Nations Department of
Economic and Social Affairs (2015), noted that Nigeria will be third most
populated country in the world in 2050 closely behind China and India with
over 400 million people. According to the World Poverty Clock (2018), Nigeria
became the world headquarters for extreme poverty in 2018 overtaking India.
Nigeria is currently recovering from recession and denoted by a high unemploy-
ment rate of 22% and soaring poverty incidence of over 54% (Central Bank of
Nigeria [CBN], 2016). Nigeria’s informal sector has been put at 57.9% of its GDP
or an equivalent of USD212.6 billion. Judging by these indices, Nigeria is only
exceeded by Zimbabwe (59.4% or USD42.4 billion) and Tanzania (58.3% or
USD52.4 billion) but factoring in both market size and population inexorably
turns the table in favor of Africa’s most populous country (CBN, 2016). The net
worth of the Nigerian informal sector as a proportion of the GNP exceeds those
of Zimbabwe and Tanzania combined (Onyebueke, 2000).
Review of relevant literature

This literature review section is broken into two major parts – conceptual
review and empirical review. We begin with the conceptual review, which is
divided into three parts. First, we explore literature bordering on the infor-
mal economy, wherein we discuss the views in developmental studies about
the informal economy and how these views shape street food marketing; we
highlight the place of street food marketing in the broad informal sector
debate, and we undertake an overview of the meaning of street food. Second,
we explore the nature of a typical street food market. Third, we attempt to
construct and conceptualize the concept of SSF as an emergent concept and
as a subset of street food marketing. Next, we conduct an empirical review of
the literature in the domain of street food.
Conceptual review
Views of the informal economy, street food marketing, and overview of street
food
Street marketing or street vending is the subset of the broad informal
sector. Hence, the literature of the informal sector lays the background for
the understanding of street food marketing. The informal sector is as old
as man and urbanization. Perhaps, this is because for most of human
history, businesses have always had an informal character (Lassen, 2007)
and had first began as informal, and that the process of formalization only
began around the sixteenth century in Europe and North America –
nearly three centuries before Keith Hart’s informal sector was conceptua-
lized and reported in literature (Onyebueke, 2000). The term “informal
sector” was originally coined by International Labour Organization (ILO,
2009) to mean “illicit or illegal activities by individuals operating outside
the formal sphere for the purpose of evading taxation or regulatory
burden.” Some authors disagreed with ILO and sustained that the infor-
mal sector implies “very small enterprises that use low-technology models
and do not refer to legal status” (Webster & Fidler, 1996, cited in Kar &
Marjit, 2009), which is also the operational definition of the informal
sector in this study.
Street food marketing is largely affected by the views or orientation of the
informal sector that is dominant in a country (Walsh, 2010). The literature
on the urban informal sector is replete with divergent views and orientations
about the informal sector, which has two implications for street food market-
ing. On one hand, these views influence how the governments, nongovern-
menral organizations (NGOs), financial institutions, environmentalist, health
organizations, and other policymakers relate with the street food marketers
and, on the other hand, how street food marketers relate with their custo-
mers. Most of the views on the informal sector emerged from the field of
development studies and few emerged from business studies perspectives.
Within the development studies domain, a plethora of views that attempts
a characterization of the urban informal sector continues to influence policy
prescription for the sector that, by extension, influences street food marketing.
The first perspective in the development view is the structuralist perspective led
by Todaro (1969) who saw the informal sector from an optimistic standpoint as
a primary stage in country’s development trajectory, wherein the informal sector
is viewed as the intermediary stage between peasantry and urban employment.
To the structuralist, the workers in the informal sector have no proper status,
being neither capitalist nor urbanized working class. This view will be common
among governments of less developed countries and communities that are
densely populated with poor people (women and youth) that are largely engaged
in street food marketing. This may be the case for some less developed urban
cities in the sub-Saharan African region.
The semi-formalization perspective or the entreprenurialist view of the
informal sector was put forward by Peruvian economist Soto (2000). His
perspective is primarily driven by the need to capture informal sector busi-
nesses in a database for purpose of financial intervention from govern-
ment institutions, NGOs, or microfinancial institutions. According to Soto
(2000), the urban informal sector can be characterized as one which is full of
entrepreneurial activity and in which the participants might be able to
improve their lot if they were only able to register their assets and hence
obtain leverage from such registration.
Supporting this view, Walsh (2010) noted that such a view has become
popular with international NGOs and such transactional institutions as the
World Bank. These organizations prefer to bypass the governmental institu-
tions to work directly with private sector organizations and NGOs that are
directly involved with street vendors or street food marketers and others at
the micro-entrepreneur level. A classic example of such private sector
organizations directly involved with street vendors and street food marketers
is the Al Grameen Bank of Mohamed Yunus, which recorded success not just
for the ability of the micro-financing scheme reducing poverty but also the
embrace of such an approach by top development establishment. Therefore,
street food marketers that are registered and captured in the database of such
institutions will benefit in terms of financial support and high chances of
rapid formalization (Walsh, 2010). This perspective somewhat dominates
informal sector ideology of governmental institutions of most developing
and developed urban cities of the sub-Saharan region where street food
marketing is replete.
Another strand in the informal sector debate is the view put forward by
Davis (2007), wherein he does not accept the views put forward by other
proponents of the informal sector which has deep implication for street food
marketing. His view is largely driven from a developed country context,
where street food marketing is prohibited and food marketing is highly
regulated. Not accepting the view of the informal sector, Davis (2007) posited
that increasingly slum-strewn streets of the urbanizing and developing
world do not encourage self-improvement by members of the informal
sector. He maintained that it is almost impossible for individuals to escape
from poverty without a widespread upheaval of the existing social order,
which will be met by resistance government of such societies who seek to
maintain the social order. Accordingly, many governments and international
organizations give and are willing to give support to such an approach. This
view is currently receiving dominance in Asia and the emerging economies
of the world where rapid urbanization and urban development is undergoing.
Accordingly, Walsh (2010) reports,
As urbanization has progressed throughout East Asia, the once vibrant but some-
what unruly street vendor sector has been largely treated as part of the indigent or
beggar class and swept off the streets wherever possible. From Soul to Beijing to
Taipei and, perhaps in the future to Bangkok, the urban street vendors have been
confined to state-mandated areas… Urban planners have tended to consider street
vendors, that is, as nuisance to be hidden out of sight or at least placed into
idealized locales where they may part of a culture of museum tourism but
in situations which may not be convenient for drawing customers, especially
when principal competitive advantage that vendors offer customers are conveni-
ence through location. (p. 159)
In sub-Saharan Africa, this view is not commonplace, but gradually finding an

inroad into Lagos, a key Nigerian urban city. This view has serious implication
for street food marketing practitioners in terms of attracting customers due to
change of location.
A number of authors (Onyebueke, 2000; Onyebueke & Geyer, 2011; Soto,
2000; Walsh, 2010) support the business perspective of the informal sector,
arguing that it serves as a source of livelihood, profit, employment, and
business training/incubation for many at the bottom of the pyramid. Most

street food marketing outlets are set up for family reason as many are barely
profitable. In recent times, the informal sector is witnessing a change and it is
hoped that street food marketing will benefit from the shift toward sophis-
ticated business model including international fund sourcing, creating own
brand names and franchising, and registrations. This phenomenon is what
Walsh (2010) labeled “new generation” of street vendors. The broad business
model perspective informed why the present authors have christened it street
food marketing, thus expunging the word “vending” which makes the pro-
fession somewhat derogatory.
It is important to situate street food marketing. According to Jimu (2004),
some of the characteristics of the informal sector activities are small scale,
labour-intensive, low fixed costs, use of simple technology, reliance on family
labour, use of personal or informal sources of credit, non-payment of taxes,
relatively easy to establish and exit, and so on. In as far as street food
marketing fits this characterization, it is indeed a segment within the infor-
mal sector. However, for clarification sake, we would say that all street
vendors are informal economy operators while not all informal economy
operators are street vendors; the distinction is largely based on whether one
operates on a roadside, sidewalk, etc., or not (Jimu, 2004). Accordingly, street
food marketing is an offshoot of street vending and SSF is a subset of street
food marketing.
Street foods are found in nearly every corner of the world and have been
on sale for thousands of years (Fellows & Hilmi, 2011). Street foods are noted
to be inexpensive, provide a nutritional source based on traditional knowl-
edge, mostly follow the seasonality of farm production and thus allow for
variation in consumer diets, and are widely distributed and available in both
urban and rural settings (Food and Agriculture Organization [FAO], 2011;
Mensah, Aidoo, & Teye, 2013). They provide food distribution activities at
the smallest scale, but intensive coverage. Any location with “people traffic”
be it constant or intermittent provides an excellent selling ground for street
food marketers. Many people who are poor and cannot afford food from
retail stores depend on that provide by street food marketers.
Various attempts have been made to define Street Food, but the most
widely cited definition is that of FAO: “Street foods are ready-to-eat foods
and beverages prepared and/or sold by vendors and hawkers especially in
streets and other similar public places” (FAO 1990).The central characteristic
of street foods in this definition is their retail location, that is “on the street.”
The EPC’s definition of street foods included all foods that could be eaten at
the point of purchase (EPOC, 1985, as cited in Fila & Smith, 2006). They
include both those eaten on the spot and those bought for inclusion in the
family meal or to be eaten later as a snack. To differentiate street food
vendors from formal sector food establishments, such as restaurants, the
EPOC adds the further qualification that street foods are sold on the street
from “pushcarts or baskets or balance poles, or from stalls or shops having
fewer than four permanent walls” (Tinker 1987, as cited in Dardane, 2003).
For the purposes of this discussion, the term is taken to refer to food items,
whether prepared on or off the street, including beverages. Typically, for
example, tempe, fried or boiled soya bean cake food, is widely consumed in
Indonesia, and yoghurt, better known as lait caille, in Senegal, is bought to be
eaten immediately or for later consumption at home. In Nigeria, fried yam,
roasted yam, and plantain are widely consumed, and soya milk and zobo are
commonly bought on the street. Both processed and unprocessed foods can
be included under the rubric of street foods. According to Fila and Smith
(2006), in the Philippines, Indonesia, and Senegal, at least 75% of vendors
process some or all of the food they sell.
Nature of the street food market

It has been established that street vending is highly segmented in terms of activity,
place of operation, and types of goods sold (Martíneza et al., 2018). Street food
marketing falls within types of goods sold in the street vending typology. Street
food market is part of the broad food supply chain. Street foods have a large
impact on agricultural production and marketing as well as on agro-food proces-
sing business operations (Food and Agriculture Organization [FAO], 1989).
Small-scale farmers find street foods to be an excellent way to diversify their
income sources and especially to develop marketing skills. Rural farmers also
directly involve in the preparation and sale of street foods in rural areas, villages,
and small towns. Such farmers also supply raw materials to urban processors and
entrepreneurs engaged in the preparation and sale of street foods in large towns
and cities (Chukuezi, 2010).
Choi, Lee, and Ok (2013) sustained that intermediaries, such as traders
and wholesalers, have key functions of ensuring that farm produce reaches
urban markets, either in raw or in part-processed forms, particularly when
large urban centers are too distant for farmers to access. However, such
linkages tend to be complex in nature as they rely on relationships and
networks between vendors and the suppliers of ingredients and ready-made
foods provided by street food marketers.
It has been argued that with the rise of urban centers and growing urban
populations, demand for ready-to-eat affordable food is increasing
(Chukuezi, 2010; FAO, 1989). In many large cities, ready-to-eat food is
a necessity for many as they have little time for food preparation while at
work or do not have the time to travel back home for their meals. According
to FAO (1989), about 2.5 billion people eat street food every day, which is
a huge market. Many of the ingredients required by street food vendors are
sourced in small quantities from local suppliers, which in turn are sourced
from local farmers.
Commonly, street food enterprises are family businesses that source from
various suppliers, but the potential of such enterprises sourcing from farms
and thus creating a small-scale integrated supply chain has remained a viable
option (Dardane, 2003; Fellows & Hilmi, 2011). However, and in such
circumstances, emphasis continues to be placed on farmers ensuring the
reliability of supply or else they will not be able to compete with city markets,
retail shops and ingredient traders. Fellows and Hilmi (2011) argued that this
will entail support activities to help small-scale farmers in developing such
a supply chain. Rural small-scale farmers can also sell directly to consumers
in villages and small towns by street hawking and/or by setting up stalls along
streets. These options not only enable a profitable outlet for farmers’ com-
modities but increase and diversify income sources for the farmer. The street
food market can be construed as the interaction between the vendor and
consumer; thus, it is made up of two sides – the supplier/vendor/marketer
side and the consumer side.
On the marketer or vendor side, FAO (1990) sustained the vendors are on
the streets, from pushcarts or buckets or balance poles or stalls or from shops
which have fewer than four permanent walls. Mapingure et al, (2015, citing
McGee, 1973) classified street food vending into three types according to the
location of vendors. Firstly, there are those who sell from street pavements.
Secondly, some of the vendors sell at places where people assemble. Thirdly,
there are those who sell in a bazaar. A bazaar is equivalent to a seasonal or
periodic market where vendors sell from a piece of public or private land.
Mapingure, Kazembe, Mazibeli, Mamimine, and Lungu (2015) further
argued that the ubiquitous nature of street food indicates that these activities
are responding to real societal needs. As a result, Mapingure et al. (2015)
strongly argued that the high prevalence of the informal food is an indication
that the formal food industry is failing to fully cater for the needs of some of
the urban population.
On the consumer side, street foods are easily accessible, cheap, and
particularly apt for the rural, peri-urban, and urban poor. Over 2.5 billion
consumers of street food globally most often see street food as “homecooked
food,” which is usually the case (FAO, 2011, 1989). The food is commonly
available in close vicinity to workplaces and/or is delivered directly to the
place of work. Consumers often choose street foods based on cost and
convenience, the type of food available, and its appeal in view of the
consumer’s own taste. For the poor, street foods offer a viable means of
obtaining food in small quantities, on a regular basis, conveniently located
and at reasonable prices (Cohen, 2008). Food distribution via street food
vendors is intensive and in many instances does a better job of food dis-
tribution than more formal retail stores (Fellows & Hilmi, 2011).
Constructing and conceptualizing sustainable street food

Generally, street food has been criticized by some authors on the basis of safety,
hygiene, and other health concerns (Omemu & Aderoju, 2008; Samapundo,
Cam-Thanh, Xhaferi, & Devlieghere, 2016; Samapundo, Climat, Xhaferi, &
Devlieghere, 2015; Buscemi, et al., 2011). The criticism maybe valid if such street
foods go through several processing on the street (Alimi, 2016; Ghatak &
Chatterjee, 2018; Chavarria, & Phakdee-Auksorn, 2017). This may not be true
for SSFs, because they are usually less processed and mostly sold in their natural
forms. To this end, De-Magistris and Gracia (2016, p. 97) sustained that
“organically and locally grown products have positive environmental impacts
due to the reduction in the greenhouse emissions required for their production”.
Hence, the hygiene level of SSF is tolerable and SSF marketing ought to be
encouraged due to their health and sustainability benefits. Arguably, the emer-
gence of SSF vendors is suggestive of demand for SSF.
Accordingly, the street food consumption paradigm is shifting rapidly toward
demand for SSF. This is given impetus by the wake of rapid sustainability
awareness, increase in demand for organic food, healthy lifestyles, and avoidance
of health challenges. Increasingly fear of obesity is informing the need for SSF
choices (Witkowski, 2007; Azzurra, Massimiliano, & Angela, 2019). According
to the World Health Organization (2000), there are over 1 billion overweight
adults, more than 300 million of them obese. Of this total, 115 million live in
developing countries and every indication suggests that this number will con-
tinue to grow rapidly (Witkowski, 2007; World Health Organization [WHO]
2000). Unlike the rich nations, where obesity is more common among the lower
social classes, especially among women, developing country obesity is more
often found among comparatively better off city dwellers (Fezeu et al., 2006).
Accordingly, organic consumers have emerged as an important trend in
sustainable food consumption (Annunziata & Vecchio, 2016; Bazzania,
Caputob, Nayga, & Canavarie, 2017) partly as a means to avoid obesity and
other health challenges. The rising spate of obesity and other health chal-
lenges are putting pressures on global consumer family to make sustainable
consumption choices. Further, food consumption is a major issue in the
politics of sustainable consumption and production due to its impact on the
environment, individual and public health, social cohesion, and the economy
(Reisch, Eberle, & Lorek, 2013). Organic food is food produced by methods
that comply with the standards of organic farming, which generally features
farming practices that strive to cycle resources, promote ecological balance,
and conserve biodiversity (Blair, 2012; Laureti & Benedetti, 2018). This
differs slightly from sustainable food. While all sustainable food are organic
food, not all organic food are sustainable. In this sense, sustainable food is
basically natural food. Natural food are unprocessed (or less processed) food
and do not contain food additives or any additives such as hormones,
antibiotics, sweeteners, food colors, or flavoring, whose ingredients are all

natural products, thus conveying an appeal to nature (FAO, 2011).
The demand for sustainable food generally gave rise to the emergence of
SSFs. Thus, SSF is a derivative of sustainable food consumption. Accordingly,
SSFs are ready-to-eat natural food that are less processed, packaged, and sold
on the streets and the wastes that emanate from their consumption are
environmentally friendly. Examples of SSF include fresh vegetables, fresh
fruits, roasted plantain, boiled or roasted chicken, etc.
Empirical review
In this section, we explore empirical studies in the area SSF marketing.
Unfortunately, the concept of SSF is presently in its embryonic stage.
Consequently, relatively very few works have explored this emerging con-
sumption paradigm, yet so few works also exist in the area of organic street
food consumption. However, a number of works have been done in the area
of unraveling the factors driving organic food consumption generally.
Corroborating this, Annunziata and Vecchio (2016) noted that there is
a body of literature on consumers’ attitude toward organic food products
and numerous empirical studies basically focused on determining the pre-
mium price consumers are willing to pay for organic products and the factors
explaining the premium. A complete review of organic food literature has
been compressively executed by Schleenbecker and Hamm (2013), with none
captured for organic street food in their review.
Consistent with the suggestion of Ukenna, Nkamnebe, Nwaizugbo, Mogoluwa
and Oise (2012) that profiling the sustainable consumer behavior is generally
divided along three domains – socio-demographic correlates, psychograpic (or
behavioral) correlates, and pro-environmental purchase decision correlates, which
they christened the Sociodemographic-Psychographic-Proenvironmental (S-P-P)
Model. Accordingly, the various empirical studies on the drivers of organic food
consumption focused more on socio-demographic correlates, especially on the
willingness to pay (WTP) for the price premium on organic foods (Schleenbecker
& Hamm, 2013). Perhaps, the debate on organic food consumption had advanced,
as the paradigm is not relatively new especially in advanced economies. This partly
explains why the S-P-P model or the mixed approach (Ukenna et al., 2012) is used,
wherein socio-demographic, pychographic, and pro-environmental correlates are
unraveled predictors of organic food consumption behavior. In this regard,
Hughner et al. (2007) identify five main purchase motives that influence consumer
preferences of organic foods: (i) health concerns (including nutritional and safety),
(ii) better taste, (iii) environmental concerns, (iv) animal welfare concerns, and (v)
support of the local economy.
FAO (2005, cited in Mapingure et al, 2015) gave a broad number of reasons
that drive street food patronage to include ethnic tastes, nostalgia, the
opportunity to eat quickly, as well as obtaining flavorful reasonably priced food

in an affable setting. In a study conducted in Thailand, Khongtong, Ab Karim,
Otham, and Bolong (2014) reported that the main predictor for street food
consumption was convenience and it was fast. Explaining the convenience driver,
Khongtong et al. (2014) and Hiamey and Hiamey (2018) noted that surveyed
respondents mentioned street food could be the place for relaxation and entrain-
ment, for instance, visiting the tea-coffee hawker in the evening. Mapingure et al.
(2015) in a Zimbabwean study reported six determinants for consumer patron-
age of street foods: availability of traditional related foods, free market set up
which gives the patrons the flexibility to choose their own quality and quantity of
meat, the ability to select the food providers who meet personal expectations,
reasonable prices, the freedom to play the music of their choice, and the
opportunity to hang around with “friends” (ostensibly extramarital partners).
Lin and Yamao (2014) attempted to categorize and rate the factors influen-
cing street food patronage in their study and from other studies. In their study,
Lin and Yamao (2014) found that the most cited reason for buying street foods is
the easy accessibility with 74.9%. Similarly, a number earlier studies have also
corroborated this finding, see, for instance, the results of Barro et al. (2007),
Mensah, Yeboah-Manu, Owusu-Darko, and Ablorde (2002), and Collins (1997),
wherein they reported that the consumers who depend on such food are more
interested in easy accessibility. Patel, Guenther, Wiebe, and Seburn (2013) also
discussed that consumer decisions to purchase street food are due to its con-
venience that are in relation with their busy schedules. The second reason,
according to Lin and Yamao (2014), is for saving time (59.3%) and the third
one is for having more variety (52.7%).
The foregoing empirical review shows a number of gaps that lends legiti-
macy to the present study. First, the focus of most (if not all) reviewed
articles were on street food generally or organic food. Research attention is
yet to be drawn toward SSF consumption, thereby confirming the relative
embryonic status of the concept of SSF. Second, the informal street food
sector of Nigeria, the populous black nation of the world and one of the
poorest nations in the world, is under-reported in mainstream informal
sector literature. The current authors could only access four empirical
works on street food marketing that focused on Nigeria. The import being
that the business activities of the poor, which are mostly geared toward mere
survival, is less captured in research for policy prescription. Third, most
studies that have primarily used the TPB framework to explain consumer
food choice behavior emerged from the western world and Asia. The
reviewed studies from Africa – Ghana, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, and Tanzania –
did not use TPB framework as a primary tool generally used for describing,
predicting, and explaining basic human behavior by way of beliefs, attitudes,
values, and norm (Ajzen, 1991) as regards consumer street food choice
H6
H8
Subjective
H8 H4
Norm
H1
H7 Patronage H11
H7 Actual
Past intention
Attitude patronage
Behavior H3
H2
H9
H5
H9
Perceived H10
behavioral control
Figure 1. Research schema – the e-TPB. Source: Adjusted from the TPB of Ajzen (1991).
behavior. Accordingly, these gaps have informed the development of the

hypotheses in the next section.
Hypotheses development
The TPB offers a structured framework for predicting and explaining human
behavior by way of beliefs and attitudes (Ajzen, 1991). Some researchers have
used Ajzen’s TPB to explain consumer food choice behavior (Bredahl, 2001;
Thompson & Thompson, 1996). However, most of these studies using the
theory have been within Western cultures where the theory was developed.
Primarily used for describing and explaining basic human behavior, TPB is
arguably underused for primary research in the developing sub-Saharan
African setting of consumer street food choice behavior. In this study and
consistent with earlier studies (see Conner & Armitage, 1998; Kun-Shan &
Yi-Man, 2011), we extend the TPB and christen it e-TPB by incorporating
the Past Behavior construct to the original TPB (Ajzen, 1991). Theoretical
support was provided for this extension in this hypnotization section.
Accordingly, the e-TPB framework constitutes the research schema for this
study (see Figure 1), which, in turn, guides the debate in this hypotheses
development section. We developed 11 conceptual hypotheses based on the
relationships in the research schema.
The relationship between subjective norms and attitude

Attitude refers to a relatively persistent and consistent behavioral inclina-
tion of an individual based on their recognition and likes and dislikes of
people, event, objects, and the environment (Olsson & Zama, cited in Tsai,
2010). According to Huang and Chuang (2007), attitudes are determined
by behavioral beliefs (i.e. salient beliefs about the consequences) multiplied
by outcome evaluations. Conner and Armitage (1998) state that attitudes
toward a specific behavior exert their impact on behavior via intentions.
Attitude toward a behavior can be said to be the degree at which the
performance of the behavior is positively or negatively valued. Attitude
toward a behavior is determined by the total set of accessible behavioral
beliefs linking the behavior to various outcomes and other attitudes
(Ajzen, 2001;Huanga, Baia, Zhanga, & Gong, 2018). Attitude toward
a behavior is said to consist of those beliefs and new experiences, which
either strengthens or weakens beliefs. Thus, it is reasonable to say that
studying attitudes toward behavior have justification to find out intentions
to behave in a particular manner. According to Al-Nahdi (2008), a person
who has beliefs that result from engaging in a positive behavior will have
a positive attitude toward performing the behavior while a person who has
beliefs that result from engaging in a negative behavior will have
a negative attitude toward performing the behavior.
This refers to as what a significant person in the consumer’s life thinks about
the act and the consumers’ motivations to comply with this significant person
(Fishbein & Ajzen, cited in Schubert, 2008). Significant others, according to
Schubert (2008), are those who are close or important to an individual, including
parents, siblings, close friends, relatives, subordinates, supervisors, and business
partners. Fishbein and Ajzen (as cited in Tsai, 2009), regarded subjective norm
as the product of normative belief and motivation to comply. Normative belief,
according to Tsai (2009), reflects the pressure perceived by individuals to per-
form or not to perform a behavior in relation to those persons or organizations
important to them. Tsai (2009) further states that motivation to comply refers to
the willingness of individuals to comply with important others’ expectation
when deciding whether to perform a certain behavior or not. In the word of
Huang and Chuang (2007), subjective norms are determined by normative
beliefs (i.e. salient beliefs of how important others view the behavior) multiplied
by the motivation to comply. Emphasis on social pressure is more accurate when
it comes to customers doing something for the first time or doing something
that is not their specialty.
Wu and Lin (cited in Tsai, 2009) revealed that subjective norm can directly
influence attitude. Both have a significant relationship with each other. As the
positive support received by an individual from other person or organizations
important to them becomes greater, their attitude also becomes more positive
(Yu et al., as cited in Tsai, 2009). A study conducted in the European countries of
Italy, UK, and Finland by Arvola and Vassllo (2008, cited in Booi-Chen & Peik-
Foong, 2012), among consumers of organic food, reveals that subjective norms
have a positive and significant relationship with attitude toward purchasing
organic foods. Ryn and Jang (2006, cited in Booi-Chen & Peik-Foong, 2012) also
found out that subjective norms are positively associated with someone’s atti-
tude to certain types of behavior. Sapp, Harrod, and Zhao (1994) showed that
attitudes are directly influenced by subjective norms, which implies that when
the subjective norms of consumers (respondents) are more positive, their
attitudes are positive (cited in Tsai, 2009). Sequel to the foregoing, several
empirical studies confirmed the influence of subjective norm on attitude for
organic food consumption behavior generally. This relationship is yet to be
empirically confirmed in a developing country sub-Saharan African context for
SSF informal sector. Accordingly, we posit the first hypothesis:
H1: There exist a significant relationship between the subjective norms and the
attitudes of consumers who choose to patronize sustainable street food marketers.
The relationship of perceived behavioral control toward attitude

According to Ajzen (1991), perceived behavioral control refers to the people’s
perception of the ease or difficulty of performing the behavior of interest. Huang
and Chuang (2004) sustained that perceived behavioral control is determined by
control beliefs (i.e. salient beliefs of available resources, opportunities, obstacles,
impediments) weighted by the perceived ease of performing the behavior.
According to Tsai (2009), if an individual is to actually perform a behavior, he
or she must be able to control the objective situations, such as resources, time,
and money. Perceived behavioral control is a composition of control belief or the
beliefs about the factors facilitating or impeding the behavior and the control
power individuals have over these factors (Ajzen, cited in Tsai, 2009). Successful
performance of a behavior depends not only on a favorable intention but also on
a sufficient level of behavioral control. To the extent of its accuracy, perceived
behavioral control can serve as a proxy of actual control and can be used to
predict the actual behavior (Ajzen, 1991). Likewise, in patronizing local food
vendors, a customer’s positive attitude toward street foods may not necessarily
be sufficient for him or her to patronize street food vendors if he or she lacks the
necessary resources like time, money, or even possession of self-confidence.
Previous studies have tested the strength of the relationship between perceived
behavioral control and attitude (Sapp et al, 1994; Tsai, 2010). According to Tsai
(2009), attitude can be an intervening variable of the subjective norm when
influencing behavioral intention. Thus, Yu et al. (2005) studying the behavioral
tendencies of Taiwanese tourists in Kinmen modeled attitude as an intervening
variable. It was found that attitude as an intervening variable shows the effect of
perceived behavioral control toward behavioral intention. It can be inferred that
when the perceived behavioral control of respondents is more positive, so are their
attitudes. This was supported by the study carried out by Tsai (2010), when he
concluded that there exists a significant relationship between a person’s perceived
behavioral control and his/her attitude. Evidence from reviewed literature shows
that the relationship of perceived behavioral control toward attitude needs to be
explored using data from consumers of SSF in developing sub-Saharan African
context. In view of the foregoing, we formulate the second hypothesis:
H2: There exist significant relationship between perceived behavioral control

and the attitude of consumers who patronize sustainable street food marketers.
The effects of attitude, subjective norms and perceived behavioral control

on behavioral (patronage) intention
According to Ghen and Liu (2004), attitude is a paramount factor affecting
behavioral intention and can be used to predict behavioral intention. When
the attitude is employed in predicting behavioral intention, it serves as an
indispensable predictive variable (Huang & Chuang, 2007). Individual atti-
tude, according to Bock and Kim (2002), influences behavioral intention. In
a study carried out in Malaysia among Halal food consumers by Alam and
Sayuti (2011) using multiple regression to test the hypotheses, they found out
that attitude has a positive and significant influence on Halal food purchasing
intention. Also, in a related work conducted in Malaysia to study the patron-
age intention of Halal Restaurants among Malaysia Muslims by Al-Nahdi
(2008), it was found out that attitude is a major predictor of intention to
patronize Halal restaurants. More so, it was proposed that the subjective
norms can predict behavioral intention (Tsai, 2009). It was said to be the
most important predictor of behavioral intention (Chao, 1998, cited in Tsai,
2009). This is confirmed in the studies done in Malaysia by Alam and Sayuti
(2011) and Al-Nahdi (2008) when they both confirmed that subjective norm
is a major predictive factor for the behavioral intention of Halal Restaurants
patronage. Furthermore, Tsai (2009) asserts that perceived control behavior
can predict behavioral intention. It not only influences the intention of an
individual toward engaging in leisure activities, but it also directly affects the
individual’s actual leisure behavior. According to Hsu (1998), perceived
control behavior had a significant contribution in predicting behavioral
intention and had greater influence than attitudes. Yavas and Babkus
(2009) conclude that among the factors influencing the behavioral intention
of people toward participation, the factor, perceived behavioral control has
the most influence. The results of these and other studies have shown the
strong predictive powers of the TPB variables. However, the effects of
attitude, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control on behavioral
(patronage) intention are yet to be explored in the context of SSF consump-
tion. Thus, we posit the third, fourth, and fifth hypotheses as follows:
H3: Attitude has significant influence on customers’ intentions to patronize

sustainable street food marketers.
H4: Subjective norms will have a significant influence on customers’ inten-

tion to patronize sustainable street food marketers.
H5: Perceived behavioral control will have significant influence on customers’

intention to patronize street food marketers.
The relationship between past behavior and behavioral (patronage)

intention
Lam and Hsu (2006) assert that the occurrence of certain types of past behavior
had a direct effect on behavioral intention when choosing a tourist destination,
while Choi, Lee and Ok (2013) posit that past experience was an exact predictor of
behavioral intention in the hospitality and tourism sectors. In this study, we adapt
the e-TPB by incorporating the Past Behavior construct (Conner & Armitage,
1998; Kun-Shan & Yi-Man, 2011) to the original TPB (Ajzen, 1991). A number of
reason lends support for the usage of e-TPB. Generally, the TPB is used in most
consumer behavior research that seeks to provide preliminary insight into the
study that attempts to unravel behavioral predictors of somewhat new concept.
One can therefore reasonably assume that the frequency of types of past behavior
influences behavioral intention in the context of SSF, and thus, we develop the
sixth hypothesis as follows:
H6: Past behavior will have a significant influence on customer’s intention to

patronize sustainable street food marketers.
Mediating effect of attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral

control on past behavior and behavioral (patronage) intention
In the work done by Conner and Armitage (1998), they included past behavior as
one of the additional variables to the theory of planned behavior. This also was
supported by the work carried out by Ku-Shan and Yi-Man (2011) when they
found out that the frequency of past behavior has a positive effect on the intention
to patronize a green hotel in Taiwan. The influence of past behavior on current
behavior is an issue which has drawn much attention. According to Conner and
Armitage (1998), behaviors are mostly determined by one’s past behavior rather
than by cognitions such as those described in TRA/TPB. For examples, Mullen,
Hersey, and Iverson (cited in Conner & Armitage, 1998) examined changes in the
consumption of sweet and fried foods, smoking, and exercise over 8-month period
using TRA and found out the initial behavior was the strongest predictor of later
behavior. On the general, one can conclude that past behavior could predict the
actual behavior. That is, there exists a greater tendency to a customer who had
patronized a street food vendor to do same again.
Ajzen (1991) showed that the frequent occurrence or repetition of a certain
behavior can lead to the formation of a habit, and that, in turn, a habit can
aggravate a person’s perceived control of a particular act. Also, Ajzen (1991)
revealed that the effect of past behavior on behavioral intention was mediated by
attitude, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control. Few authors have
examined and discussed the mediating effect of these three TPB variables on past
behavior and behavioral intention (Ajzen, 2001; Cheng, Lam & Hsu, 2005). Cheng
et al. (2005) revealed that the influence of past behavior on future behavioral
intention was mediated by the variables of the TPB. In view of the foregoing, we
proposed the following:
H7: Attitude will mediate the effect of past behavior on the intention to
patronize sustainable street food marketers.
H8: Subjective norms will mediate the effect of past behavior on the intention
to patronize sustainable street food marketers.
H9: Perceived behavioral control will mediate the effect of past behavior on
the intention to patronize sustainable street food marketers.
The relationship of perceived behavioral control toward behavior (actual

patronage)
Ajzen (cited in Tsai, 2009) identified perceived behavioral control as influen-
cing behavioral intention and also directly influencing actual behavior.
Perceived behavioral control not only influences the behavioral intention of
an individual toward participating in leisure activities, but it has a direct
influence on actual leisure behavior (Blue, as cited in Tsai, 2009). Perceived
behavioral control can increase the explained variance toward behavioral
intention (Huang and Chuang, 2007). Based on the emergence of the concept
of SSF patronage, we test the relationship perceived behavioral control and
actual patronage. It is on these premises we proposed the tenth hypothesis:
H10: There exist a significant relationship between perceived behavioral

control and actual patronage of sustainable street food marketers.
The relationship of behavioral (patronage) intention toward behavior

(actual patronage)
Ajzen and Driver (as cited in Tsai, 2009) stated that behavioral intention can
influence actual behavior effectively. Willingness is a major predictive factor
and behavioral intention is an important factor influencing actual behavior
(Blue, Gopi & Ramayah as cited in Tsai, 2009). It is from this claim that we
proposed as follows:
H11: There exist a significant relationship between patronage intention and

actual patronage of sustainable street food marketers.
The research schema of Figure 1 shows the relationship among the variables
predicting street food patronage behavior.
Methodology
Generally, in Nigeria, there is absence of database for street food informal
sector. Therefore, the population of the study comprises street food consu-
mers in Awka, Onitsha, and Nnewi, which are the commercial nerve centers
of Anambra State, in southeast Nigeria. The unit of analysis are actual street
food consumers, identified on the spot of purchase or consumption. The
population of the study is infinite (unknown) since we cannot ascertain the
number of street food consumers with exactitude through a secondary source
due to the absence of database for the informal sector. Statistically deter-
mined sample size of 437 street food consumers were selected and drawn
from the three cities using proportional sampling. The purpose was to ensure
that respondents from the various demographic characteristics are involved
in the sample.
A structured questionnaire was developed. All items were measured on a five-
point Likert-scale descriptor ranging from disagree to strongly agree. The
instrument was subjected to reliability and validity test based on pilot-study
using 32 road-side street food consumers in Awka. This resulted in a Cronbach’s
alpha value of 0.936, indicating that the set of items shows good internal
consistency. The questionnaire comprises two sections. Section A consists of
the respondents’ demographic variables and section B consists of questions on
the constructs of the study. Questions on subjective norms and perceived
behavioral control were adapted from the work of Patney (2010). Questions
on attitude were adapted from the work of Huang and Chuang (2007).
Questions on past behavior were adapted from the work done by Ku-Shan
and Yi-Man (2011). Questions on patronage behavior were adapted from the
work of Ajzen (1991, p. 2002). Under the supervision of one of the authors
during fieldwork, the administration of the instrument was facilitated by the
deployment of paid and trained research assistants; consequently, a high return
rate of 77% was recorded. This rate is considered sufficiently high because it
exceeds the minimum actual sample size needed for the use of Structural
Equation Method (Hair, Black, Babin, & Andersion, 2010).
Results
Measurement model and model fit summary
In analysing the data collected, the use of (1) measurement model and (2)
structural model as recommended by Anderson and Gerbing (1988) was
adopted. The measurement and structural models have constructs and measure-
ment items that satisfy construct validity (i.e. convergent validity). The structural
model was adopted to modify the constructs in the measurement model and to
show regression weights of the constructs. Note that constructs are abbreviated
as follows: AT = attitudes; SN = subjective norm; PBC = perceived behavioral
control; PB = past behavior; AP = actual patronage; PI = patronage intention.
Convergent validity
To demonstrate convergent validity of measurement model, we used confir-
matory factor analysis (CFA) to assessed item reliability, item loadings,
composite reliability, construct validity, and error variance. The three con-
ditions we used to assess convergent validity. The three conditions are, first,
the CFA loadings indicate that all scale and measurement items are signifi-
cant and exceed the minimum value criterion of 0.70. Second, each construct
composite reliability exceeds 0.80. Third, each construct’s average variance
extracted (AVE) estimate exceeds 0.50. The results of CFAsuggest that the
factor loadings for all major variables range between 0.71 and 0.93. Thus, our
study indicates that most of the conditions for convergent validity as sug-
gested and recommended by Fornell and Larcker (1981) and Bagozzi and Yi
(1988) are met, thus convergent validity is confirmed.
Discriminant validity
Also, in this study, we used the criterion that was the recommendation from
Fornell and Larcker (1981) to assess discriminant validity. Fornell and
Larcker (1981) argue that for discriminant validity to be met, the square
root of AVE for each construct should surpass the correlation of that con-
struct and any other constructs. Table 1 shows that the highest correlation
between a particular construct and any other construct is 0.5308; thus, this
value is lower compared to the lowest square root of average variance
extracted estimate (AVE) of all the constructs, which rests at 0.5780.
Model goodness of fit

Besides the measurement model, of particular interest is the path significance
indicated by the standardized regression estimate (β) that assesses the effects
of the studied variables. A model fit was evaluated by examining several fit
indices which include the following: chi-square (χ2), chi-square/degree of
freedom (χ2/df), goodness-of-fit index (GFI), Tucker–Lewis index,
Table 1. Accuracy and adequacy analysis.

Error
Composite AVE AVE CFA loadings Indicator reliability Variance
Construct reliability value square (average) (average) (Average)
AT 0.9114 0.8214 0.6747 0.8180 0.6747 0.3253
SN 0.9088 0.8454 0.7147 0.8431 0.7146 0.2854
PBC 0.8713 0.7603 0.5780 0.8209 0.6816 0.4974
PB 0.8680 0.8290 0.6872 0.8284 0.6878 0.3122
AP 0.8904 0.8548 0.7307 0.8541 0.7308 0.2692
PI 0.8855 0.8490 0.7208 0.8485 0.7207 0.2792
CFA: composite reliability; AVE: average variance reliability.
Table 2. The model fit summary showing the goodness of fitness.

SEMs Recommendation
Goodness of fit value value/threshold Remark
Chi-square/degree of Freedom (CMIN/DF) 2.264 ≤3.00 Acceptable fit
Normed fit index (NFI) .910 ≥.90 Acceptable fit
Comparative fit index (CFI) .977 ≥.90 Very Good fit
Incremental fit index (IFI) .953 ≥.90 Good fit
Root mean squared error of approximation (RMSEA) .066 ≤.10 Good fit
Goodness of fit (GFI) .911 ≥.90 Good fit
Table 3. Results of structural equation model analysis.

Relationships Hypothesis Estimate SE CR p-Value Rejected/supported
SN←PB H8 .115 .060 2.752 .002 Supported
PBC←PB H9 .163 .058 2.515 .012 Supported
AT←PB H7 .091 .063 3.390 .014 Supported
AT←SN H1 .136 .055 2.103 .035 Supported
AT←PBC H2 .089 .046 3.359 .022 Supported
PI←SN H4 .905 .068 2.271 .004 Supported
PI←PBC H5 .102 .052 4.592 .011 Supported
PI←AT H3 .199 .040 3.138 .002 Supported
AP←PI H11 .480 .041 3.606 .008 Supported
AP←PBC H10 .020 .065 2.259 .005 Supported
PI←PB H6 −.079 .071 −1.019 .308 Not Supported
SE: Standardized Estimates; CR: Composite Reliability
comparative fit index (CFI), standardized root mean residual, and root mean
square error of approximation (RMSEA) as presented in Table 2.
As shown in Table 2, the model yielded a moderate fit given the sample
data of χ2/df = 2.264 GFI = .911, Normed fit index (NFI) = .910, Incremental
Fit Index (IFI) = .953, CFI = .977, and RMSEA = .066. Thus, our study
indicates that all the conditions for indexes of overall model fit, as suggested
and recommended by Hoyle and Panter (1995), are met.
Figure 2. Output of structural model with standardized estimates.
Hypotheses testing and structural model

Table 3 and Figure 2 show the model-fit measures that we used to assess the
structural equation modeling’s overall goodness of fit based on commonly
accepted levels recommended by prior research (Chau and Hu 2001).
An analysis of the data using the structural equation modeling procedure, as
depicted in Table 3 and Figure 2, shows relative contributions of a better under-
standing of SSF patronage behavior. From the standardized estimates, the first
and second hypotheses revealed that when subjective norms and perceived
behavioral control increases by 1 unit, the attitudes of consumers who choose
to patronize street food vendors go up by 13.6% (β = .136, p < .05) and 8.9%
(β = .089, p < .05), respectively.
The findings also confirmed a positive and significant impact of attitude,
subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control on customers’ intention to
patronize SSF marketers. This implies that when attitude, subjective norms, and
perceived behavioral control increases by 1 unit, customers’ intention to patronize
SSF marketers will ultimately go up by 19.9% (β = .199, p < .05), 90.5% (β = .905,
p < .05), and 10.2% (β = .102, p < .05) in turn. Surprisingly, subjective norms
having the highest regression weight become the most significant predictor of
patronage intention.
Results of the structural model indicated a positive and significant relationship
between perceived behavioral control and actual patronage of street food vendors
(β = .020, p < .05). In contrast, there was a significant relationship between
patronage intention and actual patronage of street food vendors (β = .480,
p < .05). Surprisingly, past behavior exerted negative and insignificant influence
on customers’ intention to patronize SSF marketers (β = −.079, p > .05).
Discussion
The broad objective of this study is to use the e-TPB framework as a primary
tool for describing, predicting, and explaining basic human consumption
behavior by way of beliefs, attitudes, values, and norm (Ajzen, 1991) within
the domain of SSF choice behavior. Basically, the study unravels basic
behavioral predictors of SSF choices. The findings of this study swell and
enrich the mainstream literature of the under-reported business activities of
the poor who dominate the street food informal sector (FAO, 1990).
In the main, the first finding of this study is the confirmation that the
e-TPB is a more robust theory or framework over the original TPB by Ajzen
(1991) for exploring and unraveling basic behavioral predictors for an emer-
ging concept that characterize a new market segment. Accordingly, this study
adds voice to earlier studies that advocate the e-TPB. For instance,the works
of Conner and Armitage (1998) and Ku-Shan and Yi-Man (2011) by finding
support for past behavior construct in e-TPB seem to have subtly challenged
the original TPB (Ajzen, 1991) that did not incorporate the past behavior
construct. It can be implied that the e-TPB is theoretically and empirically
challenging the robustness of the original TPB.
Specifically, this paper lends insight into the varied factors that shape SSF
patronage behavior. In the extended TPB, this study has eloquently revealed
that attitude, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control are key
predictors of consumers’ patronage intention in the SSF domain. Primarily,
this study corroborates the findings in the organic food domain that attitude,
subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control are predictors of patron-
age intention. Accordingly, this reinforces the empirical findings of Haug and
Chuagng (2007) and Alam and Sayuti (2011) that attitude is a critical pre-
dictor of behavioral intention especially in the organic food informal sector.
Further, this study also corroborates the earlier study of Tsai (2009) that
subjective norms strongly predict behavioral intention. Similarly, this study is
consistent with the study by Yavas and Babkus (2009) and Tsai (2009) which
concludes that among the factors influencing the behavioral intention of
people toward participation, the factor perceived behavioral control has the
most influence.
Interestingly, this study did not find support for past behavior as being
a predictor of patronage behavior within the SSF consumption domain. Past
behavior exerted negative and insignificant influence on customers’ intention
to patronize SSF marketers (β = −.079, p > .05). This finding is a departure
from a number of earlier studies. For instance, Ku-Shan and Yi-Man (2011)
found out that the frequency of past behavior has a positive effect on the
intention to patronize. Conner and Armitage (1998), reported that behaviors
are mostly determined by one’s past behavior as the initial behavior was the
strongest predictor of later behavior in the consumption of fried street foods.
The reason for the departure from the present is unclear. It may be argued
that difference in segment examined by the researchers could be responsible.
For instance, while the study of Ku-Shan and Yi-Man (2011) explores
sustainable service consumption, the present study examined data from street
food consumption behavior. Also, Conner and Armitage (1998) explored the
consumption of sweet and fried foods, while the current study examined SSF
consumption choices.
Implications
This study unearths theoretical, managerial, and policy implications that
deepen understanding about the business activities of women and the poor,
who dominate the informal economy. Specifically, it provides insight toward
understanding the street food marketing literature of the informal sector. The
key theoretical implication is the somewhat legitimate empirical challenge of
the relevance of TPB for explaining street food consumption behavior.
Arguably, the e-TPB seems to give a more robust perspective toward under-
standing an emergent consumer behavior and market segment. Therefore, to
predict consumer patronage behavior in the street food market, the theory of
planned behavior should be extended to include past behavior.
The finding that past behavior does not determine purchase intention in
explaining SSF choice is suggestive of two key marketing implications. First,
this study confirms the emergence of the new SSF segment, thereby suggest-
ing an expansion of the informal sector street food market. This expansion in
consumer market for SSF is largely triggered by the quest for sustainable
consumption lifestyle. It is expected that this segment will continue to
expand as the sustainability awareness increases in most developing econo-
mies. In the same vein, the SSF informal sector will continue to expand,
evidenced in business activities of the poor and women. Overall, the market –
consumers and vendors – for SSF in developing sub-Saharan African context
will continue to expand. The expansion will continue to receive momentum
as the population of the region continues to increase and as urbanization
continues to intensify. Second, obesity is very common among the rich and
most rich people are educated and sustainability aware, which means the
medium-income earners and the rich are likely to further trigger mar-
ket expansion for SSF. These groups possess the WTP for the premium
price that comes with SSF and other organic foods.
As regards sustainability policy implication, it is clear that SSF marketers
are useful at fighting health issues like obesity. This is achieved by providing
sustainable food choices in a ready-to-eat state, which, arguably, could lead to
the prevention of obesity and promoting sustainable consumption lifestyle.
When the benefit of SSF marketing is juxtaposed against the “nuisance” of
street vendors or the hygiene issues posed by street foods, it is arguable that
the benefits (health, econnomic, and business) of SSF outweighs the sup-
posed "nuisance" and percieved hygene issues of street food vending gener-
ally. In other words, the benefits of SSF can be harvested if a policy is
channeled to protect them and policies directed at ensuring quality of street
food processing that attacks hygiene issues (Subratty, Beeharry, & Sun, 2004;
Von-Holy, & Makhoane, 2006; Lucan, et. al., 2013).
Conclusion and recommendations

This study makes two major conclusions drawing from findings. On one
hand, this study legitimately challenged the robustness of the traditional TPB
as its utility is limited to explain emergent consumer behavior or a new
behavioral conceptualization. This is especially true when such emerging
consumption behavior requires preliminary and basic explanation in terms
of its drivers on a psychographic/behavioral basis. Agreeably, it could be
inferred that the utility of TPB is being successfully challenged by e-TPB,
particularly in the SSF informal sector. Earlier researchers (see Conner &
Armitage, 1998; Ku-Shan & Yi-Man, 2011), using different dataset and in
different contexts, have posited and argued in favor of the e-TPB. This study
concludes that the e-TPB provides better insight at explaining the emergent
behavior, particularly in the sustainable consumption context. On the other
hand, this study concludes the verification of the emergence of the SSF
segment or market niche within the street food informal sector. This segment
is expanding as sustainability awareness spreads, population increases, urba-
nization intensifies, and health concerns drive consumption behavior.
Sequel to the findings, we put forward a number of recommendations to
corpus, policy, and street food marketers. It is has been showed that the e-TBP is
a robust framework for insightfully unraveling basic drivers for an emergent
consumption behavioral paradigm within the street food domain. It is likely that
the e-TBP is an ubiquitous framework and it is recommended to researchers
who seek to explain basic drivers for a new behavioral concept or emerging
consumption behavior about a new segment within a different context. In the
main, the e-TBP unearths basic psychographic variables that drive behavior.
Policymakers should recognize not just the economic benefit of the informal
economy in terms of employment opportunities for the bottom-of-the-pyramid
and contribution to GDP, but also the health benefit to the teeming urban
population in developing economies. The issue of hygiene, which has been the
basis of challenging street food informal sector, can be addressed if the local
councils could set up street food quality control unit that is charged with
periodic quality certification of SSF vendors. This way, SSF processing will be
standardized for the overall health of the street food consumers. The SSF could
be a basis for policymakers to encourage sustainable consumption choices for its
citizens. The street food marketer, whose stock-in-trade is organic or sustainable
food, could charge a premium price as the consumer market for SSF continues
to expand. The spread in sustainability awareness and health concerns will
continue to trigger the need for sustainable consumption choices, which, in
turn will continue to expand the new market segment for SSF. Since past
behavior does not connote the intention to patronize SSF market, scheming
strategy with slight premium price will make marketing sense for present street
food marketers once the street food consumers perceive the marketer/vendor
processes street food in hygienic condition. In addition, innovative personal
selling that is rooted on trust can be adopted by the SSF marketer as this is likely
to influence the consumers continous patronage.
Limitations and directions for further studies

A number of limitations in this study offer opportunity for further research. The
major limitation of this study is the non-representativeness of the respondents.
Most of the somewhat medium-income earners who patronize street food were
not captured in this study because of their unwillingness to complete instrument
in an open place. Also, the restriction of the research to major locations in key
urban cities of southeast Nigeria challenges the representativeness of the
response. Therefore, generalization of result and conclusions are cautionary.
Future research is to broaden and draw a response from other urban cities across
Nigeria. Also, the utility of the e-TPB framework for unearthing basic bahavioral
drivers for SSF consumption paradigm could be examined in key urban cities in
other sub-Saharan African contexts.
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Applying the Extended Theory of Planned Behavior to Predict Sustainable

Article in Journal of Food Products Marketing · February 2019

Stephen I. Ukenna Adeola A. Ayodele

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Applying the Extended Theory of Planned Behavior

Stephen I. Ukenna & Adeola A. Ayodele

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Applying the Extended Theory of Planned Behavior to

CONTACT Stephen I. Ukenna stephen.ukenna@covenantuniversity.edu.ng Department of Business

(2009), 60–90% of the overall employment in developing economies (especially

to sustainable street food (SSF) consumption. The SSF paradigm is consistent

A brief profile of the Nigerian informal sector

Review of relevant literature

In sub-Saharan Africa, this view is not commonplace, but gradually finding an

business training/incubation for many at the bottom of the pyramid. Most

Nature of the street food market

Constructing and conceptualizing sustainable street food

antibiotics, sweeteners, food colors, or flavoring, whose ingredients are all

opportunity to eat quickly, as well as obtaining flavorful reasonably priced food

behavior. Accordingly, these gaps have informed the development of the

The relationship between subjective norms and attitude

The relationship of perceived behavioral control toward attitude

H2: There exist significant relationship between perceived behavioral control

The effects of attitude, subjective norms and perceived behavioral control

H3: Attitude has significant influence on customers’ intentions to patronize

H4: Subjective norms will have a significant influence on customers’ inten-

H5: Perceived behavioral control will have significant influence on customers’

The relationship between past behavior and behavioral (patronage)

H6: Past behavior will have a significant influence on customer’s intention to

Mediating effect of attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral

The relationship of perceived behavioral control toward behavior (actual

H10: There exist a significant relationship between perceived behavioral

The relationship of behavioral (patronage) intention toward behavior

H11: There exist a significant relationship between patronage intention and

Model goodness of fit

Table 1. Accuracy and adequacy analysis.

Table 2. The model fit summary showing the goodness of fitness.

Table 3. Results of structural equation model analysis.

Figure 2. Output of structural model with standardized estimates.

Hypotheses testing and structural model

Conclusion and recommendations

Limitations and directions for further studies

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