Soccer & Society

ISSN: 1466-0970 (Print) 1743-9590 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fsas20

Civic integration or ethnic segregation? Models of

ethnic and civic nationalism in club football/soccer

Glen M.E. Duerr

To cite this article: Glen M.E. Duerr (2016): Civic integration or ethnic segregation?
Models of ethnic and civic nationalism in club football/soccer, Soccer & Society, DOI:
10.1080/14660970.2016.1166767

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970.2016.1166767

Published online: 31 Mar 2016.

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 Soccer & Society, 2016
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970.2016.1166767

Civic integration or ethnic segregation? Models of ethnic and civic

nationalism in club football/soccer
Glen M.E. Duerr*

Department of History and Government, Cedarville University, Cedarville, OH, USA

This essay evaluates the ways that soccer has been used by various actors in the
promotion of both ethnic and civic forms of nationalism throughout the world.
By focusing on domestic soccer, this paper further investigates the phenomenon
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of nationalism in the world and provides broader theoretical and practical

answers to the questions of integration and ethnic identity. This essay starts by
examining the issue of ethnicity in historic and contemporary football, provides
a review of the academic literature on ethnic and civic nationalism and then dis-
cusses the role of ethnic and civic models of identity within club football. Most
notable is a discussion of five categories, which best explain why ethnic nation-
alism persists, and why it was initially mobilized. The essay then moves to a dis-
cussion of why most soccer clubs in the world have made the transition to a
more civic form of nationalism. Finally, conclusions are drawn on the issue of
ethnic nationalism in domestic football.

Introduction
Even a cursory survey of the Barclays Premier League (BPL), La Liga, Serie A or
the Bundesliga reveals among every team in these divisions, a virtual United
Nations of players coming from all over the globe. Heterogeneity on the soccer field
has become ubiquitous, especially in the top leagues around the world, but virtually
every league, regardless of the country, has been touched by globalization and the
need to find the best players whatever their nation or state of origin. It is very com-
mon, for example, to see Brazilians playing professionally everywhere in the world.
But it has become equally common to see American players plying their trade in
Europe, Africa and Asia. The sight of a foreign coach is a normal occurrence every-
where around the world and is not a rarity, as was the case a couple of decades ago
even in the BPL.
Yet, despite these changes, there are several clubs across the world that have
ignored these changes and have chosen to retain a strong connection to an ethnic
identity. The question being addressed in this essay is why? Why has an ethnic form
of nationalism persisted in club football/soccer in various different contexts around
the world?
The question is a large one that can look dramatically different based on different
national and political contexts, but is one that seeks to examine – with the goal of
decreasing – discrimination based on racial and ethnic a priori characteristics that
any one person may possess. Since association football has become so popular

*Email: gduerr@cedarville.edu

© 2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

 2 G.M.E. Duerr

around the world, the sport itself can be used as a tool to impact lives – in either
positive or negative ways. On the issue of race and ethnicity, what happens on the
soccer field, as is alluded to in this essay, often precedes changes in the political
realm. For instance, in order for a person to accept someone of a different racial or
ethnic background in his/her neighbourhood, it helps to see a player of that same
racial or ethnic background playing for his/her local football club. This does not
hold true in all circumstances because there are obvious exceptions on virtually
every continent, but this type of interaction can establish better relationships
between people of different ethnic and racial backgrounds.
The linkages between football/soccer and various forms of nationalism have long
been overt. As nationalism scholar Eric Hobsbawm, once famously noted, ‘the
imagined community of millions seems more real as a team of eleven named play-
ers. The individual, even the one who only cheers, becomes a symbol of his nation
himself’.1 Of course, Hobsbawm borrows the term ‘imagined community’ from
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another scholar of nationalism, Benedict Anderson, who uses the term as a way of
describing the connections between people who live in a given country, but yet will
never meet each other.2 For example, for a person living in the United States, will
she ever meet all of the 318 million other Americans living in the country? The
answer is rhetorical because it is impossible for one person to meet over 300 million
other people. So, in being an American, Anderson argues, there is a sense of
national envisioning and a sense of national imagining that takes place.
A national entity owes a lot to its sporting heroes who represent the country on
the global stage, and help in instil feelings of belonging, pride and patriotism. If the
question was asked as the following: When does one feel American? Or French? Or
Cameroonian? Or Polish? Or Japanese? The answer to the question is often on
national holidays, with the celebration of a monarch, in listening to the national
anthem, watching a military parade or, invariably, watching a sporting event. Since
soccer is so popular in many parts of the world, the sport becomes a mobilizer of
national feelings itself. The sport itself is merely a tool, it is agnostic, but can be
manipulated for a variety of causes.
To cite one example, the very first international match played between England
and Scotland in 1872 still has a political impact in the contemporary nationalist
debate in the United Kingdom.3 Since both entities belong to the same country, the
distinction between the English and the Scottish is often highlighted at events like
football matches wherein the two subnational entities are treated as different. So the
sport of soccer has impacted the issue of nationality, in various ways, for over
140 years.
This article specifically examines the role of club football on the issue of race/
ethnicity. From an examination of numerous ethnic nationalist ‘mini-cases’, five dis-
tinct categories emerge with an explanation as to why an ethnic form of nationalism
persists as the club level. This article starts with an examination of the ethnic–civic
nationalism dichotomy (defined in the next section) and then moves on to a more
detailed description of the ethnic nationalist interplay through football.
The research is based largely on a mix of primary and secondary sources, in
addition to archival resources, but also on field research playing, watching and
studying the sport in a range of different countries. The thinking behind the research
has been supplemented by years of playing and watching football in Europe, North
and Central America, and Asia. Previous informal field research has impacted the
 Soccer & Society 3

discussions of Chivas USA, Chivas Guadalajara, Rangers/Celtic and Athletic Bilbao,

especially.
The motivation behind this section of the essay is twofold. First, it is designed to
be an academic compliment to a documentary aired on HBO (a TV station in the
USA), which investigated allegations of racism on the part of former Chivas USA
players who claimed discrimination by the club. In the documentary, MLS journey-
man, James Riley, who is of mixed African-American and Korean ancestry, argues
that he was discriminated against by the club and was traded because he is not Mex-
ican or Mexican-American.4 The second motivation comes from an article on the
website of ABC Univision written in the aftermath of the documentary, which exam-
ines the issue of race and ethnicity in club football. Most of the teams discussed in
the club football section of the paper are drawn from this article.5
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Competing models of ethnic and civic nationalism

Nationalism, according to numerous scholars, is a modern phenomenon.6 That is,
the concept of nationalism and the idea that human beings organize themselves in
separate states are relatively new. Several states have long histories, but, for most
countries, this concept of nationalism is a fairly recent notion from the last few cen-
turies. This is helpful to the discussion because it provides an underpinning of how
human beings group themselves, and who belongs in these groups. Other scholars
disagree,7 arguing that nationalism is ancient, but if the argument is followed that
nationalism is a modern phenomenon, soccer can be thought of as a tool that can
affect how different countries approach the issue of nationalism. The subject of
nationalism can be taken as a binary – between ethnic and civic forms. French scho-
lar Ernest Renan was the first to make this distinction arguing that, in the aftermath
of the Franco-Prussian War (1870–1871), a civic and inclusive French nationalism
stood in stark contrast to the ethnic Prussian/German exclusive nationalism (eth-
nic).8The definitions of ethnic and civic nationalism have changed over time, but
civic nationalism has become much more prominent since the rise of globalization
with its related component part – migration – increasing around the world, wherein
people move for work, asylum, or to seek a better/different life. Virtually every
country in the world has thousands of people residing within its borders who are
non-citizens, or new citizens, which makes this subject very important.
Ethnic nationalism is based on an allegiance to a homogenous nation that repre-
sents the political unit of the state. It is ‘an individual’s deepest attachments are
inherited, not chosen’.9 In essence, in order to be recognized as a member of the
state, a person must have a given ethnic background that is often defined in tandem
with linguistic and/or religious unity. There are many examples of ethnic national-
ism. Perhaps the most prominent is Nazi Germany in the 1930s and 1940s wherein
membership in the German state was based on being defined within the German
‘volk’. Many people who did not fit within the model of an ethnic German were
removed from the state or discriminated against – often through violent and destruc-
tive means. Ethnic nationalism does not necessarily have to be this violent, but
membership within a state is limited to people with specific ethnic characteristics
and is not open to those who do not possess said ethnic characteristics.
Civic nationalism is a very different approach. In essence, civic nationalism is
more inclusive wherein ethnicity plays a very little role in the identification of the
state. Citizenship is what matters to national belonging.10 Anyone can join the
 4 G.M.E. Duerr

nation (and the state), which is not closed based on ethnicity, language or heritage.
Civic nationalism is held together by legal tradition, and by a given person obtaining
a particular set of values in the state.11 There are many examples of civic national-
ism today. Although the United States is far from a perfect model, membership in
the country is based on citizenship, which can be obtained by anyone regardless of
ethnic or religious characteristics.
There is, however, a significant debate on the applicability and/or viability of
civic nationalism as a useable academic model.12 Nicholas Xenos argues that civic
nationalism is, by its very nature, an oxymoron. Nationalism, it is argued, is an oxy-
moron because, by its very definition, it requires a component of ethnicity.13 Like-
wise, Bernard Yack argues that the very conceptualization of civic nationalism is
based on liberal scholarship from the developed world and implicitly does not have
universal applicability.14 Ethnic nationalism is longstanding, however, because the
concept of the ethnic group is much more of an important factor around the world.
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Furthermore, as Daniel Weinstock argues, there is a level of instability inherent

within civic nationalism. He notes that after periods of instability, the tendency is to
revert back to ethnic nationalism – in essence, civic nationalism will only ever be
short-lived, at best.15 Finally, Kai Nielsen argues that nationalism is actually cultural,
and not subject to a dichotomy of ethnic or civic types.16 Nielsen argues, using the
case of Quebec in Canada, that it is actually the culture of Quebec that perpetuates
nationalism and not an ethnic or civic base. Obviously, this is contested and, some
argue, is simply a cover for ethnic nationalism.17
With any dichotomy, there are problems with categorization especially if the
model is applied globally. Nonetheless, there are basic means of categorization when
investigating whether or not people from ethnic minority backgrounds are accepted
within a given state. The dichotomy may have cultural biases, but evidence can be
collected on the way that people and governments treat minority populations.
As it relates to domestic, club-level football, civic and ethnic forms of national-
ism provide a vital distinction in how newcomers or minorities are treated in any
society. In this article, football serves as a bridge to society. Where fans accept and
include people from different backgrounds, this facilitates the political process of
welcoming new people – assuming legality – into the country. If newcomers and
minorities are welcomed, the process can be very good; if not, the process can not
only lead to xenophobia and discrimination, but also violence targeting minority
groups.18

Why does ethnic nationalism persist?

An important question was posed at the outset of this article: why has an ethnic
form of nationalism persisted in club football/soccer in various different contexts
around the world? The interplay between globalization and tribalism is a strong
answer to the question, but it does not provide a holistic answer. On the one hand,
the forces of globalization are shrinking the world, while, on the other hand, many
people have a desire to protect their native language and culture in the face of
increased homogeneity.19 Similarly, globalization has created ‘winners’ and ‘losers’
through economic competition. Where one ethnic group is perceived to have gained
in the era of globalization, sometimes ethnic hostilities arise.20 Paradoxically, global-
ization and tribalism have both become stronger forces in the world in the twenty-
 Soccer & Society 5

first century. This is evident to some degree on the soccer field, albeit that globaliza-
tion is certainly more powerful.
This subject is too broad to simply examine every club around the world that
retains a level of ethnic distinction. There are dozens of teams still in existence, but
fewer and fewer clubs have chosen to retain this level of homogeneity, especially in
a globalized era wherein their opponents will attract better players from all over the
world. The economic reality is that in order for a team to be successful, a team
should select the best players from anywhere in the world, regardless of national ori-
gin. Only in rare cases have teams successfully retained a homogenous profile and
stayed within the top level of their domestic league.
In answering the question, five major categories have been created to show
where and how various clubs around the world maintain an ethnic form of national-
ist identity. Each category provides at least one example, but there are several more
in many of these categories – an exhaustive study is simply not feasible in an article.
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These groups are not exclusive. Sometimes a given club might fit into two (or more)
of these categories, but they have been assigned to the category that fits most closely
with the motivations and ambitions of the category.

Category 1: military connection

In specific parts of the world, many football clubs have an explicit connection with
the military forces of the country. Most notably, ‘Nacional’ clubs in Latin America
have this tie to their home military. On other occasions, the Nacional name is used
to denote that the team was founded by people from the home country rather than
by British people or other foreigners, but, in many cases, the tie between the club
and the military. Major Nacional clubs exist in Ecuador, Mexico, Brazil, Colombia
and Uruguay.21 There is a major connection then with ethnic nationalist policies.
For example, in Ecuador, Nacional is known as ‘puros curollos’ – the pure natives.
Obviously, given the nature of colonialism in Latin America, and the intermarriage
of people from many different countries, it is very hard to make the claim that any-
one is of a ‘pure’ background. But, nonetheless, it has been mobilized by supporters
of the team.
In some countries around the world, the military may also own soccer clubs
depending on the situation. In Egypt, for example, ‘about half of the Egyptian Pre-
mier League’s 16 teams are owned by the military, the police, government ministries
or provincial authorities’.22 If a country is heterogeneous, then a team owned by the
military could be based on civic nationalism. It is best analysed on a case-by-case
basis, but it depends on the complex web of how citizenship is defined in different
countries throughout the world.
Ethnic nationalism may persist then through soccer teams connected to the mili-
tary. There is an important purpose here, in presenting a defence of the national
state. The question is whether this support is based on ethnicity. This example is a
double-edged sword because a military provides defence to a territory and a people,
but, if citizenship is based on ethnicity (rather than a constitution), then it can lead
to xenophobia, exclusionism, discrimination and possibly violence.
To build on the earlier example, Club Deportivo El Nacional, a team from Ecua-
dor, is partly owned by the Ecuadorian air force. Historically, the team only used to
play members of the air force. This policy changed, but the club strictly plays
players from Ecuador.23 This mini-case provides a slightly different light to the
 6 G.M.E. Duerr

ethnic–civic debate. In some ways, national security necessitates homogenous hiring

practices. Since there is only a historical link to the air force, the club could easily
change, but there is still an overt tie to the military in Ecuador. Any change would
be difficult because the culture and history of the club cling to the protection of
Ecuador by its armed forces. El Nacional’s team is a reinforcement of ethnic
nationalism, but the caveat is that this policy is tied to the historic connection with
Ecuador’s military.

Category 2: selling ethnic nationalism

The second category includes clubs that try to market towards ethnic nationalism.
For example, Chivas USA of MLS at times tried to rally Mexican-American fans to
the cause of the team by selecting players primarily from Hispanic backgrounds.
(There were many periods of time when Chivas USA had players from various types
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of ethnic backgrounds, but the team has been accused of seeking to promote His-
panic players over others.)24 The incentive here in this category is to ‘sell’ the team
as something more narrow, in contrast to the rest of the teams in the league that have
brought in players from different countries to improve their chances of victory. A
team will take a business approach to ethnic nationalism by trying to gain financially
on the basis of doing the opposite of the rest of the teams. There may well be a core
ideology behind the team that it committed to an ethnic group, but the question,
then, is why is a soccer team used to promote the idea rather than a political or
social organization?
The most recent example of potential ethnic segregation has been the case of
Chivas USA, or at least via allegations recently ascribed at the team. Surveying the
roster since the team’s founding in 2005, Chivas USA has been made up of players
from many different ethnic backgrounds.25 The allegations by some players includ-
ing MLS veteran, James Riley, point to discrimination against non-Mexican heritage
players. Recently, HBO’s Real Sports investigation examined these allegations. The
results are, at this point, inconclusive, but several former Chivas USA players con-
tinue to argue that they were discriminated against by the club. The team has always
had a roster of people of different ethnic and national groups, but there was a short
period of time in 2011 and 2012 that can be debated as to the civic inclusiveness of
the club.
Club Deportivo (Chivas) Guadalajara is the ‘parent’ club of Chivas USA and is
also known for largely playing and selecting only Mexican players. Occasionally,
Mexican-American players have played for Chivas Guadalajara, but the club was
set-up to play only Mexican players. This is a more obvious case of ethnic national-
ism in that there is exclusivity in the club that does not allow for a more civic sense
of openness. All of Chivas’ players are Mexican, and this policy has been a long-
standing tradition with the club – it is an obvious case of the ethnic segregation
model.

Category 3: sectarianism
Sectarianism essentially means that there is some form of religious-based divide in a
society. Ethnicity usually plays a major role in the sectarian divide as the lines
between the two terms often overlap. Therefore, sectarian-based teams typically
exist in deeply divided societies. Competing forms of identity in the society play
 Soccer & Society 7

against each other and are mobilized through soccer. Teams in Scotland, Northern
Ireland, Israel and Lebanon all fit into this category, as do many others from similar
type societies elsewhere in the world.
A useful place to start when discussing ethnicity and segregation is in Glasgow.
The sectarian divide in Scottish football – between Rangers and Celtic in Glasgow,
but also between Hearts and Hibernian in Edinburgh – was along Protestant and
Roman Catholic lines.26 This rivalry speaks to the issue of ethnic and religious iden-
tity versus another group. It has a financial component as well in that, it is argued,
the rivalry was kept alive by club owners in order to make a profit.27 In recent years,
the sectarian divide has decreased quite dramatically in Glasgow. Both teams now
sign players from a range of different backgrounds, and the sectarian issue is no
longer a major point of distinction between the players (although it is still a major
point of distinction between fans). There is still a sectarian component to this rivalry,
but the ethnic nationalist distinctions have decreased in recent decades.
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Another example comes from Israel. One of the most prominent clubs in the
country, Beitar Jerusalem, has never played an Arab player.28 Periodically, some
Muslim players have played for Beitar Jerusalem, but it is rare. For example, two
players of Chechen origin were signed as well as a Nigerian Muslim, but all of these
players did not stay on the team for a long period of time.29 This issue, in part, is
due to the highly political nature of ethnicity in Israel between Israelis and Palestini-
ans. In particular, this team values Jewish symbols – the Menorah is on the team’s
crest – such that it tries to promote a predominantly Jewish identity within the
club.30 There are a range of opinions of how to manage – and solve – the Israeli/
Palestinian issue, one of which is to retain a level of ethnic segregation between the
two communities. In conclusion, then, the exclusivity of Beitar Jerusalem is discrim-
inatory against Arabs, but not based solely on ethnic nationalism.
After all, the current Beitar Jerusalem team is made up of the allowed five for-
eigners in the Israeli league. Beitar’s five foreigners are from South America and
Europe.31 The issue of nationalism as it relates to Beitar should be taken in context
of civic nationalism – in that it includes people from different parts of the world –
but also ethnic nationalism – in that it excludes people from certain groups. (The
caveat here is that a player has to be good enough to play for a team and fit well in
the playing style and formation.)

Category 4: the protection of an ethnic minority

In many heterogeneous societies across the world, the issue of minority rights
remains highly important. In some areas, there is a desire to mobilize a minority and
to protect a small group. The use of a soccer team can assist in the process of main-
taining the distinctness of a given ethnic group.
There are some examples throughout the world, but the most prominent is Ath-
letic Bilbao.32 The policy of ethnic separation has been in place at Athletic Bilbao
since the club’s founding in 1919.33 Perhaps most notably, players from the club
signed up to fight in the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) against the coming fascist
regime of Francisco Franco (who ruled Spain until his death in 1975).
Athletic Bilbao, paradoxically, has been by some metrics, successful in their use
of ethnic kin. The team is one of three (the other two are Real Madrid and FC Bar-
celona) to never have been relegated from La Liga. The team won the championship
 8 G.M.E. Duerr

on eight occasions, most recently in 1983–1984. And, the team made the final of the
UEFA Cup in 2012 only to lose to Atletico Madrid.
Interestingly, the team accepts any Basque player, which, given the boundaries
of the ethnic group, includes people in the north of Spain as well as a small section
of the south of France. So, while the idea of protecting an ethnic minority fits into a
broad definition of ethnic nationalism, some of the lines are sufficiently blurred to
make categorization difficult.
The Basque region has significant cultural differences from Spain; in fact,
Spain’s 1978 Constitution recognizes the Basque region as one of three special com-
munities within the country. Even the name of the team, Athletic, is in English and
not in Spanish, which speaks to the idea of maintaining a specific cultural identity.34
Under former dictator, Francisco Franco, the name of the club was a major political
issue; in fact, under Franco, it was changed to Atletico Bilbao in line with the
requirements of his intentions to create a country centred on a Castilian Spanish
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identity.35
Since 1919, Athletic Bilbao’s Board of Directors has upheld a strict policy of
playing Basque players only.36 These players can come from both France and Spain,
but all must be of Basque ethnicity.37 As a result of this longstanding policy,
Athletic Bilbao has retained a policy of ethnic nationalism as it relates to supporting
players of Basque ethnicity only. The Basques are a small minority in Spain and
have been discriminated against historically. The question, however, is whether it is
acceptable for the team to promote a policy of ethnic segregation in order to
promote the ethnic minority?

Category 5: building the youth system

For many countries around the world, it is difficult to compete with the entrenched
favourites in the world’s game. Large, experienced countries such as Brazil,
Germany and Italy have distinct advantages, statistically, when it comes to winning
soccer games.38 The question, then, is how do smaller countries compete? There are
a range of different answers such as playing against regular high-level competition,39
or creating very strong youth teams that will hopefully develop into strong national
and club teams.
Deportivo Saprissa is one of Costa Rica’s best teams. Founded in 1935, the team
used to hire only Costa Rican players. This practice changed long ago, but its his-
toric practice of only hiring Costa Rican players was a longstanding part of the tradi-
tion of the team. (Even in the 1950s, the team signed Brazilian and Argentinian
players to the roster.) The major reason for this was to build the team’s youth acad-
emy. Since Costa Rican players made up the academy, it was more natural that the
first team was eventually filled by Costa Rican players who moved through the
youth system. However, especially in recent years, this policy has changed some-
what as the current roster of players is drawn from several different countries.40 For
a period of time in the 2000s, Saprissa was even owned by Mexican businessman,
Jorge Vergara (who also happens to own Chivas Guadalajara and was the operator-
investor of the Chivas USA MLS franchise), so there has been a natural shift away
from its roots of hiring only Costa Rican players. Today, Deportivo Saprissa has
adopted a more civic form of national identity in its team selection with more play-
ers drawn from other countries. Nonetheless, the category of maintaining ethnic
nationalism as a means of building a particular brand of football has utility in that it
 Soccer & Society 9

explains why some clubs have historically resisted the movements towards a more
open sense of identity for the team.

What does this mean for club football?

As noted at the outset of the article, the top clubs from the top leagues around the
world have players from all over the world. This is not to say that the world of foot-
ball is completely open and inclusive to people of all ethnic backgrounds, but that
most owners and teams want the best players to play for them. This has, especially
in the last twenty years with the proliferation of globalization, led to much greater
ethnic and racial diversity on the football pitch.
Depending on the soccer fan, support for one’s club can be as important – if not
more important – than support for one’s national team. For the vast majority of
teams around the world, fans accept – and support – almost any player that wears
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the club shirt. This has not always been the case, but recent years have borne testa-
ment to the changing international norm on players who come from all corners of
the globe. Owners generally want to win more matches in order to make more
money, and so, logically, will look to sign the best available players regardless of
ethnic or racial background. Fans might not necessarily accept said player; in fact,
there are many cases where players of different ethnic backgrounds may be taunted
by their own fans for racial reasons. This is where the models of civic integration or
ethnic segregation come into play.
As private businesses, each team has a right to decide which players to hire, and
which players not to hire (although this is subject to national laws). The interna-
tional norm of non-discrimination should be followed, but the prerogative remains
with the business owner on who can participate for the team. There is, however, a
risk in choosing not to sign an excellent player who can help a team win matches, if
he is not from a particular ethnic group. Clubs may choose the model of ethnic seg-
regation, but it does not make financial sense, and this choice does oppose the inter-
national norm of non-discrimination.
There are a small minority of teams around the world that will only accept play-
ers from a particular background. This distinction is not necessarily ethnic, it may
well be tied to a particular identity in which any person can belong provided that
one parent has the a priori, blood relationship to the ethnic nation. So, the policy
might not necessarily be racist, it may have political motivations. The policy might
still be discriminatory, though.

Table 1. Select cases of ethnic nationalism.

Team Ethnic nationalism? Category
Celtic Decreased since the 1990s Sectarianism
Rangers Decreased since the 1990s Sectarianism
Deportivo Saprissa Up until the 1950s Build up the youth academy
El Nacional Yes Military connection
Beitar Jerusalem Selective ethnic/religious Sectarianism
Athletic Bilbao Yes Protect minority group
Chivas Guadalajara Yes Business
Chivas USA Limited, but it depends on the time Business
 10 G.M.E. Duerr

Table 1 selects eight clubs that have historical ties to ethnic-based separation.
This model is more closely aligned with ethnic exclusivity. Three of the clubs defi-
nitely uphold the ethnic nationalism model. However, some of these clubs have defi-
nitely transitioned to become much more open with a model of civic integration.
The evidence is more difficult for some clubs like Chivas USA, and perhaps Celtic
and Rangers, but even some of the most exclusive clubs have become more open
and have opted for a policy of civic integration. The lines are certainly blurred even
for clubs that profess to stick to a certain ethnic rigidity in their team selection.
What is also worth considering is that these are selective teams, which shows
that, at least in club football, the norm of civic openness has become quite ubiqui-
tous. These cases were selected specifically for examination because of their historic
policies of ethnic segregation. By its absence, it also shows that the vast majority of
major clubs around the world have a policy of civic integration – in line with the
international norm.
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Transitioning away from ethnic nationalism

In more recent years, many teams around the world have transitioned away from
ethnic nationalism. The reasons for this change are numerous. First, football is a
business. There is a pragmatic side to the sport, which, in most circumstances, is to
make money. Better players on the field typically lead to a better product, as well as
a winning team. If better players can be found overseas, or in neighbouring coun-
tries, there is an incentive to buy (or trade for) foreign players. Second, in an era of
globalization, when virtually any form of good can be bought or sold, the world has
seemingly shrunk. With greater contact with other people comes a greater tendency
to interact, and to view others differently – typically with greater understanding.
Third, norms have changed. With the creation of the United Nations, the European
Union and other international organizations, several norms have become an
entrenched part of the international system. The 1975 Helsinki Accords codified the
idea that borders should not change – with the exception of secession, which is only
really granted on a case-by-case basis.41 Other norms such as respect for ethnic
minorities in heterogeneous states have also played a role in the transition away
from ethnic nationalism. In essence, where ethnic nationalism was once seen as
acceptable, it has become much less so in recent years. Ethnic nationalism tends to
lead to a range of social ills such as xenophobia, animosity towards others and ram-
pant nationalism. This can be better avoided with a greater openness to people from
other countries and cultures. Fourth, many countries around the world are heteroge-
neous in nature. It makes better sense on the field to include players regardless of
their ethnic backgrounds. Finally, in order to compete in major international tourna-
ments with massive financial incentives for winning, teams must assemble a large
squad in order to play a large number of games. This means relying on a larger pool
of players to be successful at both domestic and international levels. A small
national or ethnic group is less likely to provide many skilled players that can com-
pete at the highest levels.
Ultimately, any decision to transition from ethnic nationalism to civic national-
ism takes significant affirmative actions towards buying or signing the best players
regardless of ethnicity.42 Change does not occur without effort, otherwise lingering
resentments, hostilities and prejudices may remain. Institutional and ideational
changes are most important. For example, FIFA’s ‘Say no to racism’ campaign
 Soccer & Society 11

presents the idea that racism is not acceptable in football. Prominent players read
statements, banners are flown, and decision-makers do their best to persuade people
to adopt the norm of anti-racism.
The transition from ethnic nationalism to civic nationalism is difficult. Raymond
Breton notes that the transition from ethnic to civic nationalism is ultimately a long
road and requires much time and work to change the thinking of the layperson,
because they must become more accepting of people who are different.43 Discussing
the case of Quebec, he argues that the province is in the process of transitioning to
civic nationalism, but faces many difficult questions with regard to its ideology and
stance vis-à-vis other groups.44

Discussion and conclusions

In many respects, soccer may be a driver of ethnic equality throughout the world.
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While there are numerous examples of problems and issue revolving around the
issue of ethnicity, the idea of racial parity has become more popular and has helped
change the way minority groups are perceived in a range of different societies. The
sport of soccer has done much to help people integrate into their new societies and
to foster a greater sense of harmonious race relations, in many cases. More work
needs to be done in order to foster a more cosmopolitan environment where people,
who have obtained legal visas to enter and work in a given country, are then able to
become citizens. Obviously, legality differs from one country to another, but politi-
cal leaders must make decisions on other situations with undocumented persons
residing within a border. Each country also has the right – as a sovereign state – to
create laws that best suit the culture and the desires of said state, which could
entrench ethnic nationalism. Even though the present author disagrees with this idea,
it is a component of international politics that should be respected assuming that it
does not contradict the tenets of international law, such as the Responsibility to Pro-
tect.
The big question is whether people are able to integrate into a society, and
whether they are welcome to become members of the society. Migration is a compo-
nent of human history, some countries were formed bridging two (or more) ethnic
groups, and so the treatment of minority groups is important. As the world’s most
popular sport, football can play a dynamic role in this discussion. Soccer is a tool,
which can be mobilized in either positive or negative ways, but the game itself is
neutral.
As discussed in the section on the role of club football in the ethnic–civic dichot-
omy, there are various clubs from different parts of the world that maintain (or used
to maintain) strict rules on who could play for the club. There are differing reasons
for these policies, but even then, most teams have an openness to players from all
over the world. Moreover, the cases discussed are selective and representative of
clubs that have historically been described as more closed. Some of the most ethni-
cally exclusive clubs have even begun to change, which shows that civic inclusivity
has become more the norm in club football. The sport of soccer, then, for the most
part, has been used as a tool to fight non-discrimination, which is a positive step. It
is still incomplete, especially since some fans retain racist urges, but progress is
being made.
 12 G.M.E. Duerr

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes
1. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780, 143.
2. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 1990.
3. Duerr, The Goal of Independence, 60–1.
4. HBO, Chivas USA.
5. ABC Univision, ‘Six Major Teams that Don’t Hire Foreigners’.
6. The best known sources are Anderson, Imagined Communities; Gellner, Nations and
Nationalism; and Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780.
7. Most notably, Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations.
8. Renan, ‘Qu’est-ce qu’une nation?’.
9. Ignatieff, Blood and Belonging, xv.
10. Greenfeld, Nationalism.
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11. Ignatieff, Blood and Belonging, xiv–xv.

12. These include Nielsen, ‘Cultural Nationalism’; Xenos, ‘Civic Nationalism:
Oxymoron?’; Weinstock, ‘Is there a Moral Case for Nationalism?’; and Yack, ‘The
Myth of Civic Nationalism’.
13. Xenos, ‘Civic Nationalism: Oxymoron?’.
14. Yack, ‘The Myth of Civic Nationalism’.
15. Weinstock, ‘Is There a Moral Case for Nationalism?’.
16. Nielsen, ‘Cultural Nationalism’.
17. MacPherson, Is Blood Thicker Than Water?
18. For example, see Buford, Among the Thugs, on the propensity towards violence in foot-
ball.
19. Barber, McWorld vs. Jihad.
20. Chua, World on Fire.
21. Galleano, Soccer in Sun and Shadow.
22. Dorsey, ‘Soccer: A Middle East and North African Battlefield’, 5.
23. ABC Univision, ‘Six Major Teams that Don’t Hire Foreigners’.
24. HBO, ‘Chivas USA’.
25. Duerr, ‘Becoming Apple Pie’, 153.
26. Finn and Giulianotti, ‘Scottish Fans, Not English Hooligans!’, 192.
27. Ibid., 40.
28. ABC Univision, ‘Six Major Teams that Don’t Hire Foreigners’.
29. Ibid.
30. Beitar Jerusalem.
31. Ibid.
32. See, for example, MacClancy, ‘Nationalism at Play’; and Carlos, ‘Play Fresh, Play
Local’.
33. Gonzalaez-Aja, ‘Spanish Sport Policy in Republican and Fascist Spain’, 104.
34. MacClancy, Sport, Identity and Ethnicity, 182.
35. Murray, Football, 162.
36. Gonzalaez-Aja, ‘Spanish Sport Policy in Republican and Fascist Spain’, 104.
37. Athletic Club.
38. Kuper and Szymanski, Soccernomics.
39. Duerr, ‘Caribbean Teams in North American Professional Soccer’.
40. Saprissa.
41. See Buchheit, Secession.
42. See Duerr, ‘Talking with Nationalists and Patriots’.
43. Breton, ‘From Ethnic to Civic Nationalism’.
44. Ibid., 100.
 Soccer & Society 13

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