1

A final draft submitted in partial fulfilment of the course Laws Relating to

Women and Children during the Academic Session 2021-22, 10th Semester

APRIL, 2022

CNLU, PATNA
NYAYA NAGAR, MITHAPUR, PATNA

Submitted to -
Ms. Sugandha and Mr. Vijayant Sinha
FACULTY - LAW RELATING TO WOMAN AND CHILD

SUBMITTED BY -
ARIHANT SINGH
1718, BA-LLB

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I would like to take this opportunity to thank Ms. Sugandha and Mr.
Vijayant Sinha for their invaluable support, guidance and advice. I
would also like to thank my parents who have always been there to
support me. I would also like to thank the library staff for working long
hours to facilitate us with required material going a long way in
quenching our thirst for education.

I owe the present accomplishment of my project to my friends, who

helped me immensely with sources of research materials throughout the
project and without whom I couldn’t have completed it in the present
way.
I would also like to extend my gratitude to my parents and all those
unseen hands who helped me out at every stage of my project.

Arihant Singh
1718,
B.A. LL.B.

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OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

✓ To describe the nature of gender in the global economy
✓ To analyse and highlight the role of women’s involvement in the globalized
economy.

HYPOTHESIS

✓ This project will analyse gender issues within the context of an increasingly
globalized economy. Its focus is the argument that, as this globalization proceeds,
gender issues will necessarily take this increasingly international perspective. It
requires a continuous effort to analyze the significance of global economic
transformation for different social groups (women) and to understand its
implication for policy, action and future change.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
✓ Doctrinal method - Books, internet, journals, judgments etc. The researcher
would like to follow doctrinal research methodology.

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CHAPTERIZATION

1. Introduction ............................................................... 05-06

2. Feminization of the international labor force ........... 07-10

3. Analysis of women in the formal and informal

sector ................................................................................... 11-13

4. Sexual division of labour ...............................................14-16

The comparative advantage of women’s disadvantage

5. Case study - Neo-slavery and care labour in Asia…17-18

6. Economic crises and women's work ........................... 19-22

Recent analysis ( with special focus on India during the

pandemic)

7. Conclusion - Evaluating change ................................ 23-24

8. Bibliography ..................................................................25-26

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INTRODUCTION

Gender structures our existence in the most intimate of ways. How we perform gender
is inseparable from our personhood, our individuality, and also our interactions with
others in our families, classrooms, work-places, and cultures. There is a gender
dimension in every conceivable area whether in diplomacy or social movements,
international courts or terrorist groups, there are norms of gender at work. In addition
to saturating politics and war, gender also stratifies power in the global economy.
Gender matters in two kinds of economic activity- the formal and informal.1

Discussions about the economic and social condition of women across countries in
recent years have often included topics related to the internationalization of economic
activity. These discussions have dealt with a variety of processes such as the growing
employment of women in industrial production, the effects of multinational
investment on women's work, the participation of female labor in the unregulated
sector of the economy, and the intensification of domestic work as the debt crisis and
structural adjustment policies in many Third World countries have lowered real wages
and living standards for a large proportion of the population. Yet, much remains to be
done, particularly in terms of thinking through the significance of these processes for
designing policies and political action that incorporate gender as a fundamental
dimension.

The emerging world economy and rapid advances in information and communications
technology have raised production, trade, capital flows and e-commerce to hitherto
unknown levels. But at the same time they have widened economic and social
inequalities between and within countries, exacerbated human vulnerabilities and
insecurities and changed the nature of jobs and work. A major economic crisis has
swept through many parts of the world in recent years and thrust millions of people
into the ranks of the unemployed and the poor. A disproportionate number of these
are women.

"Overall, globalization to date has done too little to minimize gender inequalities.
While in some circumstances it may have decreased them (particularly in countries
1
The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations
By John Baylis, Steve Smith, Patricia Owens

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where it had led to an unprecedented employment of female labour) in other cases it

has intensified them. Thus, overall globalization, as a new form of intensified market-
driven activity, has not yet managed to overturn gender-based, discriminatory forces
of economic development where they have been traditionally at work"2

Despite continuing wage disparities and low levels of representation in business and
political elites, women wield greater economic power than at any point in the past.
Any generalization risks overlooking the considerable complexity and on-going
change in the gender dynamics of the global economy. A gender perspective alerts us
both to the disparities within the visible network of jobs, trade, and development and
to the less visible inequalities of work that happen in the ‘private’ sphere, and which
are also laced with gender politics.

This project looks at the way in which globalisation is gendered and based on gender
ideologies, and how global restructuring affects and change gender systems. Primarily
economic globalisation is addressed, and the changes in the organisation of labour
globally are examined. Global production is dependent on cheap women's labour in the
factories of multi-national corporations in the global south. The process of rendering
labour more flexible and informal is associated with its feminisation. Care work and
migration are also becoming feminised on a global scale. The project also analyses
domestic work performed by women migrants from developing countries. All these
processes are occurring within the context of neo-liberal policies and the changing role of
states amidst a global restructuring, which needs to be examined from a gender
perspective.

2
https://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/csw/beirutglo.htm

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Feminization of the international labor force

Its a paradox. First, at the general level, it is quite impossible to answer because of the
many differences by region, country and sector. Second, there are contradictory
tendencies at work that need to be sorted out. Third, statistical information is still
lacking and, in particular, cross country comparisons are not easy to make. A more
specific statistical problem is that of undercounting women's labor, which can lead to
many distortions in analyzing this question.

To begin with the problem of undercounting, if we define the labor force in the widest
possible sense -that is, including subsistence production and fami1y workers- it is far
from clear that a feminization of the labor force has taken place at the international
level. Official statistics suggest that a process of feminization is taking place because
subsistence and family labor, which concentrate a high proportion of women, have
often been underestimated in labor force statistics. Thus, if official statistics show that
a majority of countries have experienced and increase in labor force participation rates
for women, this increase might be misleading to the extent that women have shifted
from under-counted agricultural and household-centered productive activities (Le.,
from subsistence and family labor) to more formalized and visible work. In this case,
the statistically registered increase does not necessari1y reflect a feminization of the
labor force but a shifi of women from the former to the latter type of activities.

Similarly, an increase in women's participation in the informal sector does not

necessari1y contribute to a feminization of the labor force if it represents a shift from
the subsistence and undercounted sector. What it does represent is an increase in
women's participation in income earning activities. In the absence of reliable
statistics, it is difficult to estimate the extent of this change.

Inspite of statistical problems, there is a lot that we do know. To begin with, many
countries have registered an increase in women's labor force participation rates. For
the more industrialized countries, this trend has been remarkable during the past
twenty five years. For exemple, for the majority of the industrialized, high income
OECD countries, female participation rates had surpassed the 50% mark by the early
1980's. The increase has been significant even for a country like Ireland where the

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government has pursued policies to encourage male rather than female employment3.
The pattern is less clear for Third World countries. According to data from the
International Labor Organization, the percentage of women in the labor force has
increased for some countries but not for others, and no clear-cut pattern emerges when
comparing the different regions. The major rise in women's employment has taken
place in the industrial sector in which female employment increased by 56%·between
1970 and 19804. However, this growth has been very unevenly distributed, depending
upon the pace of industrialization in each country. The rapidly industrializing middle
income Asian countries, such as Hong Kong, South Korea and Singapore, have
registered one of the largest increases in female industrial employment. This is a
different pattern from the more industrialized Western countries where the absorption
of women in the labor force has taken place predominantly in the service sector.

Labor force participation rate, female (% of female population

ages 15+) (modeled ILO estimate)5

3
Export-Led Development and the Underemployment of Women: The Impact of Discriminatory
Development Policy in the Republic of Ireland,» Paper prepared dor the ASIDA, 81st Annual Meeting,
New York, August, 30-September 3, 1986.
4
Women Workers in Multinational Enterprises in Developing Countries, Geneva: ILO.
5
International Labour Organization, ILOSTAT database. Data retrieved in September 20, 2020.

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Labor force participation rate is the proportion of the population ages 15

and older that is economically active: all people who supply labor for the
production of goods and services during a specified period.

Aggregation Method: Weighted average

Development Relevance: Estimates of women in the labor force and

employment are generally lower than those of men and are not

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comparable internationally, reflecting that demographic, social, legal, and

cultural trends and norms determine whether women's activities are
regarded as economic. In many low-income countries women often
work on farms or in other family enterprises without pay, and others
work in or near their homes, mixing work and family activities
during the day. In many high-income economies, women have been
increasingly acquiring higher education that has led to better-
compensated, longer-term careers rather than lower-skilled, shorter-
term jobs. However, access to good- paying occupations for women
remains unequal in many occupations and countries around the world.
Labor force statistics by gender is important to monitor gender disparities
in employment and unemployment patterns.6

6
https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.CACT.FE.ZS?end=2020&most_recent_year_desc=false
&start=1990&view=chart

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Analysis of women in the formal and informal sector

More than 60 per cent of the world’s employed population earn their livelihoods in
the informal economy. Informality exists in all countries regardless of the level of
socio-economic development, although it is more prevalent in developing countries.
The 2 billion women and men who make their living in the informal economy are
deprived of decent working conditions. Evidence shows that most people enter the
informal economy not by choice, but as a consequence of a lack of opportunities in
the formal economy and in the absence of other means of livelihood.

Globally, informal employment is a greater source of employment for men (63.0 per
cent) than for women (58.1 per cent). This is true for both the averages for emerging
and developing countries and developed countries and for agricultural and non-
agricultural informal employment. Out of the 2 billion workers in informal
employment worldwide, just more than 740 million are women. This global picture
hides important disparities however and results from the influence of major countries
such as China or the Russian Federation. By contrast, in low and lower-middle
income countries, a higher proportion of women are in informal employment than
men.7 In Africa, 89.7 percent of employed women are in informal employment in
contrast to 82.7 per cent of men. However, even though globally there are fewer
women than men in informal employment, women in the informal economy are more
often found in the most vulnerable situations, for instance as domestic workers, home-
based workers or contributing family workers, than their male counterparts. Moreover,
the lower the participation rate of women in the labour market, the lower the share of
informal employment in total women’s employment. This is particularly observed in
North Africa and the Arab States.

Globally, the share of women in informal employment is lower than the share of men
in informal employment but there are actually more countries (55.5 per cent) where
the share of women in informal employment exceeds the share of men in informal
employment (figure 11). Women are indeed more exposed to informal employment in
more than 90 per cent of sub-Saharan African countries, 89 per cent of countries from

7
In low-income countries, 92.1 per cent of employed women are in informal employment compared to
87.5 per cent of men. In lower-middle countries, 84.5 per cent of women are in informal employment
compared to 83.4 per cent of men.

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Southern Asia and almost 75 per cent of Latin American countries. A major
difference between women and men in informal employment is the proportion of
women contributing family workers. This proportion is more than three times higher
among women in informal employment compared to men. This status, particularly
vulnerable, represents 28.1 per cent of women in informal employment compared to
8.7 per cent for men. More than 30 per cent of women in informal employment in
low- and lower-middle income countries are contributing family workers, usually
considered as unpaid.

Gender gap in the share of informal employment in total employment

8
including agriculture (percentage points, 2020)

8
ILO calculations based on household survey micro datasets. Available at
https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/documents/publication/wcms_6268
31.pdf

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Distribution of the employed population in informal employment by

categories of employment status and sex (percentages, 2016)

Overview - Own-account workers represent the largest group of workers in

informal employment globally and in low and lower-middle income countries.
Worldwide, more than half of men in informal employment are own account workers
and 36.3 per cent of women are. The situation differs in higher income countries
where employees account for the largest part of informal employment, particularly
women. In high-income countries, the vast majority of women holding informal jobs
are employees (57.4 per cent), while the most common status among men in informal
employment (more than half when considering own-account workers and employers)
is that of entrepreneur. More than one-third (35.7 per cent) of women employees in
informal employment work on a part-time basis and more than a quarter are in
temporary employment.

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Sexual division of labour

Between 1910 and 1920, the number of women in the United States working in offices and
factories increased by around 300,000 while those working as servants or in domestic
work fell by almost as much. The main driver of this change was the First World War.
Because men were sent abroad to fight, and because the country was geared towards war
production, women were needed in jobs traditionally reserved for men. These new jobs
also increased women’s autonomy and changed perceptions of what women could do.

This pattern was repeated and more pronounced during the Second World War ( Refer
Rosie the riveter).Yet between and after wars, women were largely expected to return to
their traditional vocations. And in the process of entering the formal labour market, the
tasks they undertook were redefined socially as ‘Feminine’ to distinguish them from
properly ‘Masculine’ employment, which continued to be remunerated at higher levels.
Men and women were seen as suited to different tasks, both in the workplace and between
formal work (paid, regulated) and domestic labour(unpaid, private). This is what is known
as the Sexual division of labour. The concentration of women workers in particular
occupations and sectors of the economy is one manifestation of the sexual division of
labour which pervades all aspects of society. Primarily the sexual division of labour in
the society is based on the ideological separation of the spheres of production and
reproduction into ‘work’ and ‘home/family’. The former is considered the sphere of
men and the latter that of women, with the wage acting as the mediating factor
between the two spheres. Moreover the assumed ‘naturalness’ and desirability of this
ideological division is presented as though it were a historical constant which matched
contemporary social reality. However, the distinction between work that is appropriate
for men and women has changed overtime. This distinction does not track essential
capacities, but rather reflects the power imbalance between men and women in society at
any given time.9

Female labour is favoured in certain industries such as garments production because it is

cheaper than men’s, this difference in wages is, once again, a reflection of politics.
Companies seek out cheap labour to yield maximum profit, an often gendered calculation

9
Women and Development. The Sexual Division ofLabor in Rural Societies, New York: Praeger

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that has been described as ‘the comparative advantage of women’s disadvantage’10.

Because the work done by women is often more irregular and insecure than that of
men, conditions of work are themselves strongly gendered. When certain
commodities depend extensively on this labour, new female entrants tend to displace
men. This is not because women are ‘naturally’ cheaper workers, but because gender-
through different educational opportunities, different behaviourial norms, differing
hierarchies in the home and community, and different social responsibilities supports
and encourages such a division.

Rosie the riveter

Rose the riveter is an archetype and role model illustrating the change in women’s
economic role in the Second World War. She was partly based on a real women named
Rose Hickey, who held a record for pinning metal sheets on a bomber. The name became
associated with an iconic image by Jay Howard Miller, who created the ‘We can do it’
poster in 1942 to encourage women’s participation in the war effort. The poster has since
become a visual shorthand for female empowerment, recognizable in hundreds of adapted
versions around the world since.

10
https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/internationaldevelopment/2018/02/02/ensuring-better-safeguarded-rights-of-fe
male-workers/

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Both the gender division of labor and gender inequality in a society depend on
its cultural beliefs about the nature and social value of gender differences in
competencies and traits. Such taken for granted beliefs allow actors to be reliably
categorized as men and women in all contexts and understood as more or less
appropriate candidates for different roles and positions in society. For such cultural
beliefs to persist, people's everyday interactions must be organized to support them.
These points together may account for the fact that people perceive gender differences
to be pervasive in interaction, while studies of actual interaction show few behavioral
differences between men and women of equal status and power. Small group
interaction is an arena in which the appearance of gender differences is continually
constructed through power and status relations and identity marking in the socio
emotional realm.

Theory and research on gender and interaction have focused on the way cultural
beliefs about gender and structural roles shape interaction in ways that confirm the
cultural beliefs. New approaches investigate the ways that interactional processes may
perpetuate or undermine gender inequality in a society as that society undergoes
economic change. If the cultural beliefs about gender that shape interaction change
more slowly than economic arrangements, people interacting in gendered ways may
rewrite gender inequality into newly emerging forms of socioeconomic organization
in society. On the other hand, rapidly changing socioeconomic conditions may change
the constraints on interaction between men and women in many contexts so that
people's experiences undermine consensual beliefs about gender and alter them over
11
time.

11
https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/social-sciences/gender-division-of-labour

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Case study - Neo-slavery and care labour in Asia

The language of ‘domestic’, ‘home’, and ‘family’ labour is liable to give the impression
that care work is the antithesis of international politics. Yet the reproductive economy is
founded on substantial cross-border movements and designated states policies to
encourage and manage it. There is then an international division of reproductive labour, or
what have been called ‘global care chains’.12 Despite men’s participation in some care
work, the vast majority of domestic labourer are female. For the Philippines, emigration
of female domestic and care workers (usually bound for employment in private
households or as nurses ) is a major feature of the economy. These women migrate to other
Asian countries, to the Middle East, and less commonly to Western Europe and the United
States. For example, almost 600,000 foreign domestic workers are employed across
Singapore, Malaysia and Hong Kong, where they provide the services on which the
expanding middle classes depend.13 A great many maids in those territories originate from
the Philippines, which has acquired a reputation for docile and efficient domestic labour.
The work is dirty, demanding and sometimes dangerous. Because the gendered
construction of (female) maids deprives them of certain protections available to others, and
because maids take on onerous chores and have restricted freedoms their condition has
even been described as one of ‘neo-slavery’.14

Filipina migrant labour is structured by transnational gender relations. Rich and middle
class women hire migrant filipinas as domestic help, and those migrants in turn send
money home, relying on relatives or employing the still lower-wage services of poorer
Filipina women located in the Philippines itself to look after their own families. So the
international division of reproductive labour also entails and international transfer of
caretaking. The ability of wealthier families to afford maids results from their class
position, as does the ability of only some Filipina workers to afford migration. But the
predominance of women throughout the global care chain is an effect of gender.
Racial assumptions and the strictures of citizenship further shape the status and labour of

12
Global Care Chains by Nicola Yeates -
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1461674042000235573

13
https://www.ilo.org/asia/media-centre/news/WCMS_710810/lang--en/index.htm
14 ibid

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Filipina workers. These features intersect to constitute the opportunities and vulnerabilities
of women in different ways. The international dynamics of care labour is thus also a
hierarchy of womanhood. For more affluent women, increase in their economic autonomy
makes it possible for them to escape traditional household duties. Someone, however,
must take their place. Since men’s established social status largely protects them against
housework expectations, and since men are unlikely to become involved in reproductive
labour even when they have the time , the burden of housework is transferred onto female
migrants.15

The State is directly involved. As a ‘labour-sending’ country, the Philippians engages in

diplomacy to reduce barriers to Filipina care labour, promoting its emigrants as a national
commodity.16 It collaborates closely with corporations to ensure that Filipinas retain a
significant share of regional and global markets in care. The state in this sense acts like a
broker for its migrant workers as part of its own national development strategy.
Meanwhile in host states Filipina domestic workers face restrictive work visas, are
discouraged from gathering in public, and in some cases are bound to work within the
confines of their employer’s home alone17. Care, in short, is thoroughly international.

15
The ‘Gift’ of Help: Domestic Helpers and the Maintenance of Hierarchy in the Household
Division of Labour by Julian M Groves, Lake Lui - https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0038038511416166

16
https://www.bsr.org/reports/BSR_LaborMigrationRoleforBusiness.pdf
17
Supra note 13

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Economic crises and women's work

✓ Recent analysis ( with special focus on India during the pandemic)

Seventeen Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which succeeded the

Millennium Development Goals in 2015, were adopted to take forward the
agenda of development and ensure a better future for member countries. Many
SDGs are sensitive to gender issues, however, out of the seventeen SDGs, SDG
5 deals with women’s issues directly. It aims at improving the conditions of
women by removing the gender pay gap and enhancing the quality of life for
women. The current pandemic, however, has reversed the progress made on
SDG5 to some extent.

It is well noted that patriarchy has subjugated women for centuries, especially
in developing countries. Gendered social and cultural norms have bound them
and, at times, made women active participants and enforcers of patriarchy. Socio-
cultural norms prevalent in rural areas have prevented women from getting an
education. As a result, women are underrepresented in various walks of life —
55% of the female working class population (aged 15-64 years) are engaged in the
labour market 18 as compared to 78% for men. Economic empowerment and
change in societal patterns have made women question established norms that
have been imposed on them for centuries. However, the situation is not likely to
change soon.

According to the Global Gender Gap Report 202019, it will take 95 years to
close the gender gap in political representation. The situation is even worse as
far as economic participation is considered. As per the report, it will require
257 years to attain gender parity in economic participation globally; it was
pegged at 202 years as per the 2019 report. So, the COVID-19 pandemic has, in
fact, worsened the situation for women. Women received differential treatment

Aditi Ratho, “Promoting Female Participation in Urban India’s Labour Force,” ORF Issue Brief
18

No. 348, March 2020, Observer Research Foundation.

19
https://www.weforum.org/reports/gender-gap-2020-report-100-years-pay-equality

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during the pandemic. Women constitute two-thirds of the global workforce in

the health sector but a pay gap of 28% exists as per a working paper of the
World Health Organisation (2019)20. Despite discrimination, women working as
nurses and caregivers are at the frontline fighting the deadly virus.

According to a recent report by Mckinsey21, female job loss rates are 1.8 times
higher than the male job loss rates globally due to the COVID-19 pandemic. A
high proportion of women are suffering from the economic and social impacts
of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The situation is no different in India. Apart from comparatively less pay and
greater rate of job loss, there has been an alarming rise in domestic violence
against women in during the lockdown period. The National Commission for
Women (NCW) received a large number of distress calls every day from women
seeking help. The pandemic resulted in job loss and caused stress for men and
women alike but domestic violence has affected women adversely, resulting in
further subjugation of women. As per the Global Gender Gap Report 202022,
participation of female labour force in India is one of the lowest in the world.
Women constitute 49% of the Indian population but their contribution to
economic output is only 18%. The pay gap in India is 35% compared to the
global average of 16%. Mostly involved in irregular or unpaid work, women in
the informal sector have been considered as the most vulnerable by the
International Labour Organisation.23 Many women lost their livelihoods and
had to make a permanent exit from the labour market because of the pandemic.
Stalled participation of women in the labour market in recent months has
further enhanced income disparity. As per the CMIE Consumer Pyramids

20
https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/311314/WHO-HIS-HWF-Gender-WP1-2019.1-eng.p
df
21
https://www.mckinsey.com/featured-insights/future-of-work/covid-19-and-gender-equality-counterin
g-the-regressive-effects
22
Supra note 19
23
https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/@ed_protect/@protrav/@travail/documents/briefingnote/
wcms_743623.pdf

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Household Survey (CPHS)24 data, four out of 10 women lost jobs in India and
17 million women lost their jobs during the nation-wide lockdown in March and
April 2020. A World Bank Report 25 suggested that 49 million people will be
pushed to abject poverty because of the pandemic; out of this, more than 12
million people will be pushed to poverty in India. Women will be
overrepresented in that category creating a new cycle of poverty.

Measures to combat COVID-19 did not take into account gender disparities. A
vast majority of women in India are self-employed in the agricultural and
manufacturing sector. Lockdown affected their livelihoods and cut down their
income. Many women may permanently exit the labour market if appropriate
policies are not adopted to address the issue. The pandemic virus, SARS CoV-2,
may not discriminate by gender but the impact of the pandemic and the
response of the state have been gendered. It has been observed that the
autonomy of women is compromised during any health emergency. This
pandemic was no different. Policy decisions to combat the disease should have
been gender balanced by incorporating gender concerns. A recent Lancet
article26 also pointed out that the gendered implications of the pandemic have
not been taken into consideration.

In the short run, redressal and prevention mechanisms should be in place to curb
the rising cases of domestic violence in the country. Employment of women
badly suffered during the pandemic should be made a priority. Any
unemployment support must include women who form a large proportion of the
workforce in the informal sector. Going forward, policies need to be adopted to
prevent the marginalisation of women from economic activities. Fair wages and
better terms of employment need to be ensured. In the absence of clear policies,
COVID-19 will only result in an increased gender gap due to the widening of
already existing social and economic inequalities in India. A social safety
scheme should be provided to women. Self-Help Groups (SHGs) can help
24
https://consumerpyramidsdx.cmie.com/
25
https://blogs.worldbank.org/opendata/impact-covid-19-coronavirus-global-poverty-why-sub-saharan-
africa-might-be-region-hardest
26
https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(20)30526-2/fulltext

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women at the community level. Some of the SHGs are making masks, running
community kitchens and, thereby, generating livelihood for women. Improving
digital literacy of women and promoting women entrepreneurship can be very
effective to bring women back to labour workforce and generating income for
them.

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Conclusion - Evaluating change

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to depend on the vitality of women's grassroots organizations and their ability to

exercise power over different channels of action. For women, solidarity among
different groups will be useful only to the extent that gender is given the fundamental
role that it plays at the local and global levels.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

• The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations By John

Baylis, Steve Smith, Patricia Owens
• https://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/csw/beirutglo.htm

• Export-Led Development and the Underemployment of Women: The Impact of

Discriminatory Development Policy in the Republic of Ireland,» Paper prepared dor the
ASIDA, 81st Annual Meeting, New York, August, 30-September 3, 1986.
• Women Workers in Multinational Enterprises in Developing Countries, Geneva: ILO.
• International Labour Organization, ILOSTAT database. Data retrieved in September 20,
2020.
• https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.CACT.FE.ZS?end=2020&most_rec
ent_year_desc=false&start=1990&view=chart

• ILO calculations based on household survey micro datasets. Available at

https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/documents/pu
blication/wcms_626831.pdf

• Women and Development. The Sexual Division ofLabor in Rural Societies, New York:
Praeger
• https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/internationaldevelopment/2018/02/02/ensuring-better-safeg
uarded-rights-of-female-workers/

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• Aditi Ratho, “Promoting Female Participation in Urban India’s Labour Force,” ORF
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• https://www.weforum.org/reports/gender-gap-2020-report-100-years-pay-equalit y

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• https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/311314/WHO-HIS-HWF-Gende r-WP1-
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• https://www.mckinsey.com/featured-insights/future-of-work/covid-19-and-gende r-
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