Accepted Manuscript

What matters for working fathers? Job characteristics, work-family conflict and
enrichment, and fathers’ postpartum mental health in an Australian cohort

Amanda R. Cooklin, Rebecca Giallo, Lyndall Strazdins, Angela Martin, Liana S.

Leach, Jan M. Nicholson

PII: S0277-9536(15)30130-1
DOI: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2015.09.028
Reference: SSM 10264

To appear in: Social Science & Medicine

Received Date: 4 August 2015

Revised Date: 18 September 2015
Accepted Date: 20 September 2015

Please cite this article as: Cooklin, A.R, Giallo, R., Strazdins, L., Martin, A., Leach, L.S, Nicholson, J.M.,
What matters for working fathers? Job characteristics, work-family conflict and enrichment, and fathers’
postpartum mental health in an Australian cohort, Social Science & Medicine (2015), doi: 10.1016/
j.socscimed.2015.09.028.

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 ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT
What matters for working fathers? Job characteristics, work-family conflict and
enrichment, and fathers’ postpartum mental health in an Australian cohort

Amanda R Cooklin1, Rebecca Giallo2, Lyndall Strazdins3, Angela Martin4, Liana S Leach3,
Jan M. Nicholson1

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1. La Trobe University, Melbourne, Australia
2. Murdoch Childrens Research Institute, Melbourne, Australia

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3. The Australian National University, Canberra, Australia
4. University of Tasmania, Hobart, Australia

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Corresponding author:
Dr Amanda Cooklin

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The Transition to Contemporary Parenthood Program
Judith Lumley Centre | La Trobe University
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E: A.Cooklin@latrobe.edu.au
P: +61 3 9479 8803
F: +61 3 9479 8811
3rd Floor, 215 Franklin Street, Melbourne, VIC, 3000 AUSTRALIA
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Acknowledgements
This article uses unit record data from Growing Up in Australia, the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children.
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The study is conducted in partnership between the Australian Government Department of Social Services (DSS)
(formerly Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs); the Australian Institute of Family
Studies (AIFS); and the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). The findings and views reported are those of the
authors and should not be attributed to DSS, AIFS, or the ABS. The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following
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financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The Longitudinal Study of
Australian Children study design and data collection were funded by Australian Government Department of
Social Services (formerly Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs). Authors AC and JN
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are currently supported by the Roberta Holmes Transition to Contemporary Parenthood Program, Judith Lumley
Centre, La Trobe University. Author LL is supported by an Australian National Health and Medical Research
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Council Early Career Fellowship (#1035803).

Conflict of interest
The Authors declare that they have no conflicts of interest.

Word Count: Abstract 243 words; Main text plus tables / references 7320 words
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What matters for working fathers? Job characteristics, work-family

conflict and enrichment, and fathers’ postpartum mental health in an

Australian cohort

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Abstract

One in ten fathers experience mental health difficulties in the first year postpartum.

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Unsupportive job conditions that exacerbate work-family conflict are a potential risk to

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fathers’ mental health given that most new fathers (95%) combine parenting with paid work.

However, few studies have examined work-family conflict and mental health for postpartum

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fathers specifically. The aim of the present study was to identify the particular work
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characteristics (e.g., work hours per week, job quality) associated with work-family conflict

and enrichment, and fathers’ mental health in the postpartum period. Survey data from 3243
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fathers of infants (aged 6-12 months) participating in the Longitudinal Study of Australian
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Children were analysed via path analysis, considering key confounders (age, education,
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income, maternal employment, maternal mental health and relationship quality). Long and

inflexible work hours, night shift, job insecurity, a lack of autonomy and more children in the
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household were associated with increased work-family conflict, and this was in turn

associated with increased distress. Job security, autonomy, and being in a more prestigious
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occupation were positively associated with work-family enrichment and better mental health.
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These findings from a nationally representative sample of Australian fathers contribute novel

evidence that employment characteristics, via work-family conflict and work-family

enrichment, are key determinants of fathers' postnatal mental health, independent from

established risk factors. Findings will inform the provision of specific ‘family-friendly’

conditions protective for fathers during this critical stage in the family life-cycle, with

implications for their wellbeing and that of their families.

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Key Words Fathers’ Mental Health; Postpartum; Employment; Work-family Conflict; Job

Quality; Social Determinant of Health; Cohort Study.

Research highlights

• Most new fathers are employed; one in three report work-family conflict

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• Work is a key social determinant of postpartum fathers’ mental health

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• Job conditions predict work-family conflict and postpartum distress in fathers

• Evidence highlights specific ‘family-friendly’ conditions for new fathers

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Introduction

Current estimates indicate that one in ten fathers’ experience mental health problems in the

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postpartum (1, 2). Risk factors for father’s mental health difficulties include a history of

depression, having a partner with poor mental health, a poor quality intimate relationship, and

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concerns regarding their competence in the parenting role (2, 3). As most fathers remain fully

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engaged in employment during the postpartum period, job-related pressures may also

determine their mental health. Over half of Australian fathers are employed for more than

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forty-five hours per week in the postpartum (1), yet the role of employment characteristics
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and work-family conflict in the aetiology of men’s postpartum distress has not been widely

considered. We argue that the postpartum is a period when the work-care predicament
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becomes acute for fathers, yet its significance is rarely researched. Fathers must not only care
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and engage with their new baby, support mothers and adjust to a changing and often
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unpredictable family routine, they also need to perform at work. Work-related expectations

may not change, however, and the ensuing dilemma potentially influences fathers’ mental
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health during this period. This study addresses the current knowledge gap by considering the

particular work characteristics linked to fathers’ experience of work-family conflict, work-

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family enrichment, and mental health in the postpartum period.

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The birth of an infant is a significant transition for all fathers, and like mothers, fathers are at

increased risk of worse mental health at this life stage, including depression, anxiety, stress

and fatigue (1, 2, 4, 5). This has lasting implications, with postnatal distress worsening over

time (5). While the changes to paid and unpaid work for mothers have been documented (6-

9), postpartum fathers are also responding to the substantive increased demands of infant

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caregiving, sleep disruption and changes to the couple relationship while still seeking to

perform at work. Social ideologies of contemporary fatherhood encourage fathers to be

engaged, involved and nurturing, yet fathers face an additional and powerful normative

imperative to remain instrumental workers and ‘breadwinners’ (10-13). Ninety-five per cent

of fathers are employed in the postpartum, the majority on a full-time basis (1). Additionally,

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in Australia a sizeable proportion of fathers increase their work hours following the birth of

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an infant, responding to a decrease in maternal work hours (14-16). These paradoxical

pressures to earn and to care are especially salient to fathers in the postpartum. This paper

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examines how fathers’ work conditions could either protect, or amplify the conflict that

fathers are likely to experience in combining work and caregiving. Several recent studies

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have identified key individual and family-related risk factors for poorer paternal mental
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health in the postpartum (17, 18). However, this unique transition period in the family life
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cycle has been notably under-investigated in the work-family literature to date (19).
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The work-family interface

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Current theoretical models pose that work characteristics may influence health directly or
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indirectly via the work-family interface (20, 21). Work-family conflict and work-family
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enrichment are key constructs linking the labour market and job quality to parents, family life
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and children’s home environments (22, 23). Work-family conflict is based on the scarcity

hypothesis of limited energy and time (24). Multiple competing roles can drain energy and

time, resulting in overload and strain (25). Work-family enrichment stems from the

alternative concept that an accumulation of diverse roles enhances social support, self-

esteem, and skill-building, promoting mental health (26-28). Together, these constructs

capture important, complementary aspects of the work-family interface.

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For mothers and fathers, work-family conflict has been associated with poorer physical and

mental health outcomes, poorer quality of life, low job satisfaction and commitment, and high

job turnover (19, 29, 30). Studies that have examined the early stages of the family life-cycle

have reported that work-family conflict is associated with poorer parental mental health, and

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poorer parent-child interactions to a degree that measurably affects children’s mental health

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(23, 31-33).

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For fathers in particular, work demands during the postpartum are unrelenting. Fathers’

shoulder the burden of generating income (34) but the ‘working father’ remains invisible

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within increasingly competitive labour markets, and within workplaces that demand
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intensive, unrivalled time commitment to secure continuing advancement (35-37). Most
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family-friendly policies either explicitly or implicitly target mothers. Evidence suggests

‘fatherhood’ is perceived as irrelevant by line managers, and persistent manager and

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organisational attitudes about gendered roles constrain fathers’ capacity to optimally balance
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work and care (13, 38). Fathers are much less likely to request flexibility or part-time work

even when provided (39-41), and there are measurable career and income detriments for
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fathers who do request these changes (37, 42).

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Drivers of work-family conflict, work-family enrichment and mental health

Job quality and employment characteristics are well-established antecedents of work-family

conflict and work-family enrichment (21, 43, 44). ‘Job quality’ refers to the job

characteristics that promote wellbeing including access to benefits, flexibility, and autonomy

over workload (45). ‘High quality’ jobs possess an array of these characteristics and are

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protective of mental health (26, 46, 47). Conversely, a consistent association between poor

job quality and greater psychological distress, depression and anxiety has been reported (29,

48-51).

Our earlier work established an association between poor job quality and postpartum

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psychological distress for mothers and fathers (3, 52). This is consistent with other studies

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reporting associations between poor job quality and the mental health of fathers of dependent

children (29, 53-55), but most do not disaggregate fathers in the postpartum or early

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parenting period specifically. These findings suggest that there is a need to investigate

comprehensively which features of a job might be optimally targeted to support fathers. What

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are the specific workplace drivers of work-family conflict (or work-family enrichment) that
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influence postpartum mental health for fathers?
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Studies examining fathers of young children (e.g. 4-5 years of age), indicate that working
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longer hours than preferred, anti-social hours, job insecurity and low autonomy, are
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associated with higher work-family conflict (56, 57). Higher-skilled jobs are associated with

reporting higher work-family conflict, most likely due to the long working hours (56).
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Studies of postpartum mothers indicate that job security, autonomy and control over schedule
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promote work-family enrichment, while high workload and non-standard hours (shift and
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night work) are associated with work-family conflict (58, 59). Some of these associations

have been confirmed in two studies of working-class American families during the transition

to parenthood and postpartum (60, 61). There appear to be no studies to date that have

examined work conditions and work-family enrichment for fathers in the post-partum.

Hypothesised model

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We propose that job quality and conditions influence fathers’ postpartum mental health via

the work-family interface. Employment conditions such as long full-time hours (i.e. > 45

hours per week) or anti-social hours (shift and weekend-work) are likely to interfere with

fathers’ emotional and practical capacity to be present and support their families, resulting in

time-based strains. Conversely, flexible working hours, job control or autonomy enable

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fathers to schedule their work around family needs and routines. Access to paid parental- or

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family-related leave encourages fathers’ involvement with their infants and provides the paid

leave that is often required at short-notice when caring for a young family. Fathers’ job

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security provides immediate income, but also protects against the anticipatory fears and

consequences of future job loss (62). Fathers who are employed in skilled, professional

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occupations are likely to garner satisfaction and esteem from their jobs enhancing work-
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family enrichment. Fathers employed in low-skilled, menial, repetitive jobs have fewer
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opportunities for work-family enrichment and may therefore be more vulnerable to strain,

overload and work-family conflict.

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The current study

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Given the sparse available evidence, the near-universal participation of fathers in the labour
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force, and the long hours fathers spend at work, a better understanding of how to ameliorate
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work-family conflict and promote work-family enrichment for postpartum fathers is crucial

to promoting their mental health. The aim of the present study was to identify the

employment characteristics associated with fathers’ mental health in the first postnatal year,

where work-family conflict and enrichment mediate this relationship, whilst accounting for

maternal distress and relationship quality - each substantive risk factors for worse postnatal

mental health in fathers (17, 18). Analyses also consider the potential confounders of paternal

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age, income, education and occupational status, given their association with work-family

conflict (21, 44)and maternal work hours and number of children in the household as factors

contributing to the overall household burden of paid and unpaid labour.

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Method

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Study design

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Data were drawn from the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC), a nationally

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representative cohort study of Australian children and their families. Ethics approval for the
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study was granted by The Australian Institute of Family Studies Ethics Committee, and the

sampling design and field methods are described extensively elsewhere (Soloff, Lawrence &
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Johnstone, 2005). In brief, a two-stage sample design was used where approximately 10% of

all postcodes in Australia were selected, and then a number of children proportional to
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population size were randomly selected from each postcode using the national health
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insurance database (Medicare). Recruitment began in 2004, with 5107 3-12 month old
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children in the Baby (B) cohort (64% response rate), and 4983 4-5 year old children in the

Kindergarten (K) cohort (59% response rate). Data for the current study is drawn from wave
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1 of the B-cohort (data collected 2004-2005) when the children were aged 3-12 months.
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Inclusion criteria for the current analysis were (a) biological or adoptive fathers living with

their children, and (b) being in paid employment. Self-employed fathers were excluded (job

characteristics are self- rather than organisationally- determined), as were those with more

than 20% of data missing across study variables.

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Measures

Psychological distress was assessed using the Kessler-6 (63). Both fathers and mothers

reported on the extent to which they experienced symptoms of psychological distress (feeling

nervous, hopeless, restless, extremely sad, and worthless) in the last four weeks. Items were

rated from 0 “None of the time” to 4 “All or most of the time” and summed, with higher

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scores indicating greater psychological distress. The K6 has strong psychometric properties

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and can screen for serious mood and anxiety disorders (Kessler et al., 2002). Cronbach’s α

for the current sample was .79.

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Work-family conflict was assessed using a four-item adaptation of the scales developed by

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Marshall and Barnett (27), rating employment-related constraints on family life and parenting
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(e.g., “Because of my work responsibilities: I have missed out on home or family activities
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that I would like to take part in; My family time is less enjoyable and more pressured”) and

conflicts from family responsibilities that affect employment (e.g., “Because of my family
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responsibilities: My work time is less enjoyable and more pressured; I have to turn down
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work activities or opportunities that I would prefer to take on”). Fathers rated their agreement

from 1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree, to create a continuous scale, with higher
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scores indicating greater conflict. Cronbach’s α for the current sample was .62.
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Work–family enrichment was a six-item adaptation of Marshall and Barnett’s (27) scales

assessing the benefits of combining employment with parenting. Three items assessed

fathers’ views of the benefits for their children (e.g., “My working has a positive effect on my

children; Working helps me to better appreciate the time that I spend with my children”) and

themselves (e.g., “Having both work and family responsibilities: Makes me a more well-

rounded person; Makes me feel more competent”). Fathers rated their agreement from 1 =

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strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree, to create a continuous scale, with higher scores

indicating greater enrichment. Cronbach’s α for the current sample was .77

Employment characteristics. Details of the potential employment characteristics associated

with work-family conflict and enrichment are outlined in Table 1.

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Confounding variables. Maternal mental health and relationship quality are well established

risk factors associated with the postnatal mental health of fathers. These variables and

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fathers’ age, highest level of education, and number of children in the family were considered

for inclusion in the model, and details are provided in Table 1.

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Data analysis strategy

Sample demographics and descriptive statistics including correlations between all study
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variables were summarised using SPSS version 22 (64).

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Path analysis was conducted to test the hypothesized model. Missing data were handled using

multiple imputation which was conducted in SPSS Version 22 (64). We imputed ten
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complete datasets under a multivariate normal model incorporating all analysis variables. All
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analyses were weighted using wave 1 sample weights, and the Mplus stratification options
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were applied to make adjustments for the stratification by Australian state of residence and

urban versus rural status.

Given the use of multiple imputation and stratification, maximum likelihood

estimation with robust standard errors (MLR) was used to test the model. Model fit was

assessed using the pooled estimates averaged over 10 data sets for the chi-square test (χ2) and

other practical fit indices including Tucker-Lewis Index (TLI), the Comparative Fit Index

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(CFI), and Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA). Indices for the TLI and

CFI should exceed 0.90 for an acceptable fit, and values close to or below 0.05 for the

RMSEA were considered acceptable (65).

Sensitive analyses were then conducted using cases with complete data. Indirect

pathway estimates were available for this analysis.

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Results

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Sample characteristics

Of the 5107 families recruited into the B cohort, 25 (0.5%) were excluded because they were
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not biological or adoptive fathers, 104 (2.0%) were not living with their children, 299 (5.9%)
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were not in paid employment, 542 (18.8%) were self-employed, and 919 (18%) had no father
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data at all. Compared to those included in the study, fathers in the excluded group were

significantly more likely to be born outside Australia, from non-English speaking and
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Aboriginal Torres Strait Islander backgrounds, have a lower income, work more hours each

week, be of younger age, and have lower educational attainment.

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The final sample consisted of 3243 fathers and their demographic characteristics are

presented in Table 2. The majority of fathers were Australian born, English-speaking, with at

least Year 12 education, and in full-time employment. All fathers were partnered. Infant

mean age was 8.8 months.

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Missing data and descriptive statistics

After excluding the above cases, there were approximately 22% missing data across all

variables. Descriptive statistics and correlations among the study variables are presented

Table 3. Correlations revealed that work-family conflict and enrichment were significantly

associated with fathers’ psychological distress, job quality and employment conditions, and

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the confounding variables (i.e., relationship quality, maternal psychological distress, fathers’

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age, education level and number of children). Access to leave, paid parental leave, and

maternal employment hours per week were not associated with fathers’ psychological

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distress, work-family conflict or enrichment, and were not included in the modelling.

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Testing a model of the relationship between employment characteristics, work-family conflict
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and enrichment, and psychological distress
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A model of the relationships between employment characteristics and fathers’ psychological

distress, where work-family conflict and enrichment mediate these relationships was tested
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(Figure 1). The model was adjusted for maternal distress, relationship quality, fathers’ age,
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education level and number of children. Although the TLI was poor, the remaining fit indices

indicated that the model was an excellent fit to the data, χ2(11, N=3243)=74.02,
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RMSEA=.04, CFI=.95, TLI=.80. The model significantly accounted for 18% of the variance

in fathers’ psychological distress scores, (R2 =.18, p<.001), 10% of the variance in work-
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family conflict (R2=.10, p<.001), and 8% (R2 =.08, p<.001) in work-family enrichment. The

standardised parameter estimates are shown in Figure 2.

The following employment characteristics and confounders were significantly associated

with higher work-family conflict: higher work hours per week, working nightshifts, lack of

job security, lack of workload autonomy, inflexible work hours, higher maternal distress,

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lower relationship quality, and increasing number of children in the family. Fewer factors

were significantly associated with work-family enrichment: job security, workload autonomy,

professional or skilled employment, and higher relationship quality. Higher occupational

prestige was associated with work-family enrichment (but not conflict), but income,

education and paternal age were not significant. Higher work-family conflict and lower work-

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family enrichment in turn were associated with higher levels of psychological distress.

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Information regarding the significance of the indirect pathways was not available when

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estimating models with multiply imputed data, therefore, this is presented below with the

complete case sensitivity analyses.

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Complete case sensitivity analyses
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Analyses were re-run with cases with complete data only. The model fit indices were similar

to those for the analyses with multiply imputed data, χ2(9, N=2048) = 46.62, RMSEA=.04,
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CFI=.95, TLI=.83, significantly accounting for similar variance in fathers’ psychological

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distress (R2 =.20, p<.001), work-family conflict (R2=.11, p<.001), and work-family

enrichment (R2=.10, p<.001). The strength, direction and significance of relationships

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between employment characteristics, the confounding variables, work-family conflict and

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enrichment, and psychological distress were also similar to the analysis with multiply
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imputed data.

There were nine total indirect effects of employment characteristics on fathers’ psychological

distress via work-family conflict and enrichment. The total indirect effects via work hours

(.02, t=2.62, p=.009), working nightshift (.02, t=2.58, p=.010), job security (-.03, t=-4.60,

p<.001), job autonomy (-.03, t=-3.85, p<.001), and flexible working hours (-.02, t=-2.31,

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p=.021) were significant. Also significant were the total indirect effects via maternal distress

(.01, t=2.13, p=.003), relationship quality (-.05, t=-7.43, p<.001), and number of children in

the family (.02, t=2.64, p=.008). The specific indirect pathways from each employment

characteristic to fathers’ psychological distress via work-family conflict and enrichment are

provided in Table 4. The majority of significant indirect effects were via work-family

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conflict. The only significant indirect effects via work-family enrichment were for job

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security, job autonomy and relationship quality. Overall, the strongest specific indirect effects

were via job security and work-family conflict, and relationship quality and work-family

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conflict.

Discussion
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This study is one of very few to establish the pathways linking work conditions to fathers’

mental health during the postpartum, via the work-family interface. Results suggest that
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workplaces can play an important role in supporting postpartum fathers by creating

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conditions that reduce work-family conflict and enhance work-family enrichment, promoting
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mental health. We use data from a large, national cohort of fathers to focus on this important

family transition, a time when work-family conflict is high. Findings extend current
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knowledge about the work-family interface, providing novel evidence to inform workplace
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policy and the provision and access to ‘family-friendly’ initiatives that historically have

targeted mothers (40).

Our main findings were that job conditions and job quality were significantly associated with

fathers’ mental health, via the work-family interface, accounting for 18% of this variance.

These relationships remained significant after including two well-established risk factors for

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worse paternal mental health (maternal mental health, relationship quality). This is not

surprising given that most fathers are employed, predominantly full-time and often for long to

very-long hours (14). Work remains a key organising principle for fathers, and a fundamental

social institution that regulates fathers’ own well-being and that of their families (11, 12, 66).

Given the near-universal workforce participation of fathers, identifying means via which to

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make workplaces more family-friendly for fathers offers a non-stigmatising way to promote

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paternal mental health in the postpartum.

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Several job and family characteristics were associated with higher work-family conflict and

psychological distress, over and above demographic confounders (income, occupational

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status, age, and education). Confirming existing research (60, 61), fathers who worked long
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hours, night shifts, or had inflexible working hours reported higher work-family conflict and
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more psychological distress. These job characteristics plausibly create time-based strains for

fathers that reduce their capacity to be present to care for their infants, and support their
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partners. Fathers with more children also reported higher work-family conflict and distress,
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due to their additional care burden. Similarly, low control and lack of workload autonomy

were also associated with higher conflict and higher distress. These reduced fathers’
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opportunities to tailor their work flexibly to meet family needs and routines. High autonomy,
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conversely, was associated with more work-family enrichment, and lower psychological
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distress, indicating that having control over one’s workload sustains a balance between work

and care and is protective of mental health. The benefits of paid work (e.g. optimism,

mastery, social support or self-esteem) are likely to cluster more prevalently in high-skilled,

professional occupations and we report a protective association between being higher

occupational status, work-family enrichment and lower psychological distress. Finally, job

security was associated with both work-family constructs, and with fathers’ mental health.

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Uncertainty and insecurity, coupled with anticipated hardship, are likely to provoke distress

for fathers, particularly at a life-stage when most fathers provide the major household

income.

Confirming earlier research (17, 18), the quality of the intimate partner relationship, and

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partners’ mental health status was also related to fathers’ work-family conflict and

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enrichment, and ultimately, their mental health. It is plausible that the unpaid work and care

responsibilities are more intensive for fathers whose partners are experiencing distress or

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adjustment difficulties following childbirth, heightening the emotional, cognitive and time-

based strains present for all employed fathers at this life-stage. Similarly, coping with

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changes and conflict within the intimate partner relationship is also likely to make it harder
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for fathers to ‘switch’ into ‘work mode’ in their workplace.
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Somewhat unexpectedly, access to parental or other forms of leave was not associated with
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work-family conflict, enrichment or mental health. Nearly half of the sample had access to
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parental leave, but fathers’ use of this leave is not available in this dataset. It is possible that

few fathers accessed this leave, or that the time available was too limited to be effective in
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reducing work-family conflict. Actual leave usage is a sharper measure of fathers’ work
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patterns around childbirth than the availability of leave (67, 68). Fathers rarely request or
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utilise family-related entitlements, such as parental leave, even when it is provided (35, 39)}.

Further research to understand the effect of leave usage on fathers postpartum mental health

is warranted, particularly as universal access to paid paternity leave has been introduced in

Australia since these data were collected (69). Income and educational attainment were not

associated with work-family conflict, enrichment or mental health in the model, suggesting

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that it is the conditions in which fathers are employed, rather than the type of jobs they

occupy that are most salient to their wellbeing in the postpartum period.

Our study has several notable strengths. We use population data from a sample of Australian

fathers, one of very few investigating the impact of job features on paternal mental health in

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the postpartum period specifically. We provide evidence about this relationship – between

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fathers’ job quality and their psychological wellbeing – and identify two key mechanisms

through which this transaction occurs, work-family conflict and work-family enrichment.

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Together, these finds confer evidence about opportunities that may tailor support to fathers’

via workplace conditions and workplace policy.

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We acknowledge several limitations to our approach. Path mediation analyses imply a causal
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pathway that cannot be confirmed using cross-sectional data. The brief and possibly

insensitive measures collected in a multi-domain, broad study such as LSAC may under-
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estimate the strength of the relationships between job quality and work-family conflict. The
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Chronbach’s Alpha for work-family conflict was somewhat low in this sample of fathers,

suggesting the need to confirm of these findings using alternate, established measures of
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work-family conflict. There are many established indicators of job quality in the literature,
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but only the four examined here are available in LSAC. It may be that other aspects of
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fathers’ jobs confer an equal or greater effect on their wellbeing than those reported here.

Finally, fathers excluded from our analyses due to incomplete data were significantly more

likely to be born outside Australia, from non-English speaking and Aboriginal Torres Strait

Islander backgrounds, have a lower income, work more hours each week, be of younger age,

and have lower educational attainment compared to those included in analyses. Excluded

17
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fathers were likely to be exposed to poorer job conditions than those included, limiting

generalisability. Our findings need to be confirmed for fathers from diverse backgrounds.

Despite these limitations, there are several important implications arising from study

findings. It is clear that jobs are salient to fathers’ mental health with flow-on effects to

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partners and children (23, 55, 68). Promoting fathers’ mental health via high quality jobs and

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the optimal management of work-family conflict is a non-stigmatising means to support

fathers during early parenting, with near-universal reach. Removing barriers to employed

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fathers’ engagement in infant care is also likely to promote work-family enrichment (70), in

turn promoting their mental health. From a public health perspective, the postpartum is an

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important window to prevent mental health difficulties for fathers, as left untreated,
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postpartum distress can increase in severity well beyond the postpartum (5). These findings
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also highlight the importance of assessing social–structural factors, including job quality or

conditions, when working in clinical settings with fathers as these may play an influential
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role in the onset, exacerbation or continuity of clinical disorders.

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Accommodating fathers in the workplace remains a key contemporary challenge, one which
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workplaces have been slow to meet (41, 71-73). The data used here are from 2004-5, and it

might be anticipated that workplaces are increasing in capacity to support fathers combine
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work and caregiving, thereby promoting mental health. However, more recent evidence
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suggests that gendered social and institutional inequalities persist, framing the way families

negotiate paid work and care with ongoing implications for mothers’ labour force

participation, and mothers’ and fathers’ mental health (14, 37, 42). Organisational culture,

policies and line-manager attitudes continue to position fathers as ‘instrumental providers’

rather than as parents with child-care responsibilities, constraining their access to alternative

ways of combining work and care (13). However, international, comparative analyses

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indicate that fathers’ patterns of parental leave-taking, as an example, are responsive to

policies particularly those that target fathers (rather than ‘parents’) specifically (68, 74).

Continuing research and investment into policies that support the optimal management of the

work-family interface and improve fathers’ use of family-friendly job conditions is

warranted.

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Conclusions

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Risk factors for fathers’ mental health have been slow to emerge. Recent studies indicate that

job conditions and quality have a substantial influence on fathers’ wellbeing during early

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parenting. Our findings refine this evidence further, focussing on a key stage of parenting,
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and on particular aspects of fathers’ jobs that confer protective or risky work-family
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interaction, with benefits or detriment to fathers’ mental health. Identifying workplace factors

associated with better outcomes for fathers is necessary to inform the provision of ‘family-
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friendly’ workplaces with implications for the wellbeing of fathers, children, and families.
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Future research to identify ways in which workplaces can optimise their management of the

work-family interface, and promote fathers engagement and uptake of family-friendly

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employment conditions will build on these findings.

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Figure Captions

Figure 1: Conceptual model of the relationships between employment characteristics, work-family conflict,

enrichment and psychological distress

Figure 2: Standardised parameter estimates for the associations between employment characteristics, work-

family conflict, enrichment and psychological distress

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Figure 1: Conceptual model of the relationships between employment characteristics, work-family

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conflict, enrichment and psychological distress

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Table 1: Measures for employment characteristics and confounding variables

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Construct Measure

Employment characteristics

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Employment hours per week Number of hours worked per week

Works night shifts Works after 6pm or overnight. No=0; Yes=1

Works weekends
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Works weekends. No=0; Yes=1
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Income Weekly income from all sources
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Leave entitlements Access all or some entitlements including holiday or annual

leave, sick or personal leave. Yes = 0; No = 1

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Parental leave entitlements Access to paid parental leave. Yes = 0; No = 1

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Job security Level of job security. 4-point scale ranging from 1=Very

insecure to 4=Very secure

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Job autonomy Level of freedom to decide how to work (e.g., workload). 5-

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point scale ranging from 1=Strongly disagree to 5=Strongly

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agree

Flexible working hours Degree to which participant can work flexible hours or change

hours. 4-point scale ranging from 1=No definitely not to 4=

Yes I am able to work flexible hours

Occupational prestige 1=Professional or skilled occupation; 2=Low skill, service or

labour occupation

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Confounders

Maternal psychological Kessler-6 as described above

distress

Relationship quality Fathers’ reported on their perceived relationship quality using

the Relationship Assessment Scale (75). A 7-item scale

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assessing general relationship satisfaction. Items are rated on a

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5-point scale ranging from 1=Low satisfaction to 5=High

satisfaction. High scores indicate higher relationship

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satisfaction. Cronbach’s α for the current sample was .84.

Fathers’ age Age last birthday (years)

Education level
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Completed high school. Yes=0; No=1
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Table 2: Demographic Characteristics for the Final Sample (N=3243)

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Demographic characteristic n (%)

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Father characteristics
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Age# 33.27 (5.72)

Born in Australia 2494 (76.9%)

English speaking 2863 (88.3%)

Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander 57 (1.8%)

Education level - Year 12 and above 1979 (61.0%)

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Employment status

Part-time (<30 hrs/week) 174 (5.4%)

Full-time (30+ hrs/week) 3066 (94.6%)

Weekly income from all sources (AUD$)# 1033.98 (634.62)

Number of children in the family# 1.90 (0.99)

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First time father 1317 (40.6)
#

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Mean (SD)

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Table 3: Descriptive statistics and correlations among the predictor, mediating, outcome, and confounding variables

M (SD)a
Psychological Work-Family Work-Family

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or
Distressb Conflictb Enrichmentb
a
n (%)

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Psychological distress 9.29 (3.08) - - -

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Work-family conflict 11.09 (2.91) .31*** -

-.18*** -.25***

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Work-family enrichment 21.78 (3.70) -

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Income 1033.97 (634.62) -.04 -.07*** -.04*

Hours worked per week 44.70 (10.85) -.04 .11*** -.01

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Works weekends 2252 (69.4%) -.02 .05** -.01

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Works night shifts 2161 (66.8%) -.01 .09*** -.02

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Leave entitlements (all or some) 2394 (73.8%) .03 .02 -.02
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Parental leave entitlements 41.7 (47.8%) .02 .004 -.02

Job security 3.10 (0.89) -.16*** -.13*** .13***

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Job autonomy 3.63 (1.12) -.15*** -.10*** .21***

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Flexible working hours 3.11 (0.91) -.09*** -.10*** .08***

Occupational prestige - Professional/Skilled 1556 (48.0%) -.001 -.03 .05*

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Education level – Tertiary 994 (30.7%) -.04* -.05* .04*

Father age 33.26 (5.72) .03 .06** -.06**

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Maternal psychological distress 9.35 (3.28) .19*** .11*** -.06**

Fathers’ perceived relationship quality 32.26 (4.11) -.33*** -.21*** .16***

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Maternal number of hours worked/week 12.21 (15.54) -.02 -.03 .01

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Number of children in the family 1.90 (0.99) .06 .10*** -.03

Note: a Complete cases only bPool estimates averaged over 10 data sets *p<.05 **p<.01 ***p<.001

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Table 4: Specific indirect pathways from employment characteristics on fathers’

psychological distress

Specific indirect pathways Indirect

effect

Work hours/week WFC Psychological Distress .02**

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Work hours/week WFE Psychological Distress .001

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Working nightshift WFC Psychological Distress .02**

Working nightshift WFE Psychological Distress .001

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Job security WFC Psychological Distress -.02***

Job security WFE Psychological Distress -.01**

Job autonomy WFC

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Psychological Distress -.02**
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Job autonomy WFE Psychological Distress -.02**
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Flexible working hours WFC Psychological Distress -.02**

Flexible working hours WFE Psychological Distress -.001

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Occupational Prestige WFC Psychological Distress -.003

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Occupational Prestige WFE Psychological Distress -.01*

Maternal psychological distress WFC Psychological Distress .01*

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Maternal psychological distress WFE Psychological Distress .001

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Relationship quality WFC Psychological Distress -.04***

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Relationship quality WFE Psychological Distress -.01**

Number of children WFC Psychological Distress .02**

Number of children WFE Psychological Distress .001

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Figure 2: Standardised parameter estimates for the associations between employment characteristics, work-family conflict, enrichment and psychological distress

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Note: *p<.05 **p<.01 ***p<.001. Co-variances between work-family conflict and enrichment are not depicted.

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