John Hunyadi and His Time Cluj Napoca 20

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Extincta S C iSe
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ACADE~
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Centrul de Studii Transilvane
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"Babe~-Bolyai" University
Romanian Academy
"George Baritiu" Institute of History
Center for Transylvanian Studies
Associazione per le Relazioni Culturali

fra Italia e Romania
Patrimonium Transsylvanicum
Melanges d'Histoire Generate

Nouvelle Serie
1/2
Romanian Academy
Center for Transylvanian Studies
JDC Press
Cluj-Napoca
2009
Scientific Advisory Board
Cesare Alzati (Catholic University, Milan), Krysztof Baczkowski (Jagellonian University,

Cracow), Antonello Biagini ("Sapienza" University, Rome), Stelian Brezeanu (University of
f?ucharest), Alfredo Canavero (State University of Milan), Matei Cazacu (Ecole des Hautes
Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris), Istvan Csucsuja ("Babe;;-Bolyai" University, Cluj-
Napoca), Nicolae Edroiu ("Babe;;-Bolyai" University, Cluj-Napoca - Romanian Academy,
"George Baritiu" Institute of History, Cluj-Napoca), Geza Erszegi (Hungarian State Archives,
Budapest), Gianfranco Giraudo ("Ca'Foscari" University, Venice), Lauro Grassi (State Uni-
versity of Milan) Honorary Editor, Konrad G. Gundisch ("Carl von Ossietzky" University of
Oldenburg), t Zsigmond Jak6 (Society of the Transylvanian Museum, Cluj-Napoca), Ferenc
Makk (University of Szeged), Mihai Maxim (University of Bucharest), Grado Merlo (State
University of Milan), Camil Mure§anu (Romanian Academy, "George Barf lnstitue of His-
tory, Cluj-Napoca), Alexandru-Florin Platen ("Alexandru-loan Cuza" University, la;,i), Marius
Porumb (Romanian Academy, Institute of Archaeology and History of Arts, Cluj-Napoca),
Oliver Jens Schmitt (University of Vienna), Roberto Sinigaglia (State University of Genoa),
Vasile Vesa ("Babe;;-Bolyai" University, Cluj-Napoca), Gilles Veinstein (College de France,
Paris), Victor Spinei (Romanian Academy, Institute of Archaeology and the History of Arts,
la;;i), Gybrgy Szekely ("Eotvos Lorand" University, Budapest)
General Editor of the Series

loan Aurel Pop ("Babe;;-Bolyai" University, Cluj-Napoca-Romanian Academy, Center for
Transylvania Studies)
Editorial Board of the Series
Avram Andea, Mihai Barbulescu, loan Bolovan, Nicolae Boe§an, loan-Marius Bucur, Ion
Carja, loan Dragan, Calin Felezeu, Gelu Florea, Rudolf Graf, Tamas Lonhart, Gheorghe
Mandreescu, Sorin Mitu, Sorin Nemeti, Ovidiu Mure§an, Vasile Pu§ca§, Doru Radosav,
Enikb Rusz-Fogarasi, Nicolae Sabau, Alexandru Simon, $erban Turcu§, Virgil Tarau,
Vlad Toca ("Babe~-Bolyai" University, Cluj-Napoca)
Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Nationale a Romaniei
Melanges d'histoire generale, I / ed.: loan-Aurel Pop, Alexandru Simon. - Cluj-Napoca :

Editura, IDC Press, 2007- , 4 vol. ISBN 978-973-1856-01-8
Vol. 2: Extincta est lucerna orbis : John Hunyadi and his time/ coord.: Ana Dumitran,
Lorand Madly, Alexandru Simian. - Cluj-Napoca: Editura Academia Romana. Centrul de Studii
Transilvane. - 2009. -, ISBN 978-973-7784-38-4
I. Dumitran, Ana (coord.)
II. Madly Lajos-Lorand (coord.)
Ill. Simian, Alexandru (coord.)
94(439)"14" lancu de Hunedoara
929 lancu de Hunedoara
© 2007 (for the series)© 2009 (for the volume) The full or partial reproduction of the text, by
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i---
1
Il
Section I
Between Worlds
Extincta est lucerna orbis:

John Hunyadi and his Time
In Memoriam Zsigmond Jak6
Edited by
Ana Dumitran, Lorand Madly, Alexandru Simon
f
Editorial Board of the Section
Dr. Emanuel C. Antoche (Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris), Dr. Florina
Ciure ("Tarii Cri~urilor" Museum of Oradea), Dr. Ovidiu Cristea (Romanian Academy, "Ni-
colae lorga" Institute of History, Bucharest), lulian-Mihai Damian ("Babe~-Bolyai" University,
Cluj-Napoca), Dr. loan Dragan ('Babe~-Bolyai" University, Cluj-Napoca), Dr. Istvan Draskoczy
("Eotvos Lorand", University, Budapest), Dr. Ana Dumitran (National Museum of Union, Al-
ba-lulia), Dr. Laszlo Koszta (University of Szeged), Dr. Andras W. Kovacs (Society of the
Transylvanian Museum, Cluj-Napoca), Dr. Cristian Luca ("Dunarea de Jos" University, Ga-
lati), Dr. Bogdan-Petru Maleon ("Alexandru-loan Cuza" University, la~i). Lorand Madly (Ro-
manian Academy, "George Barit" Institute of History, Cluj-Napoca), Dr. Dan loan Mure§an
(Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris), Dr. Ovidiu Mure§an ('Babe~-Bolyai"
University, Cluj-Napoca), Dr. Eniko RUsz-Fogarasi ("Babe~-Bolyai" University, Cluj-Napoca),
Dr. Tudor Salagean (National Museum for the History ofTransylvania, Cluj-Napoca), Dr. Ferenc
Sebok (University of Szeged) ·
Section Editor
Alexandru Simon ('Babe~-Bolyai" University, Cluj-Napoca)
Other Volumes in the Section
Printed 1. Stephen the Great, Matthias Corvinus and their Time, edited by Laszlo Koszta,
Ovidiu Mure~an and Alexandru Simon (2007), 254 p.
In Preparation 3. Sigismund of Luxemburg and his Time (2009).
4. Matthias CoNinus and his Time (2009).
In Planning 5. The Union of Florence and its East-Central European Aftermath (2010).
6. The Hungarian Age of the Jagel/onians (2011).
Other Sections of Melanges d'Histoire Generale Nouvelle Serie
II. Spaces and Beliefs
In print 1. A Century in the History of Transylvania: Late Crusades, Church Union, Humanism and
Social Mobility at the End ofthe Mdcle Ages. 1387-1490 (2009).
2. A Century in the History of East-Central Europe: From the Poliucal Hegemony of the
Anjous to the Dynastic Supremacy ofthe Jagiellonians (Late 1300'-Early 1500? (2009).
Ill. Conflicting Legacies
In preparation 1. La Mer Noire et/es croisades (fin XIV'-<lebut XV' siede) (2010).
2. Tarcla Crociata, Umanesimo e Contrariforma (2010).
Subsidia
Printed 1. Sigsmund of Luxemburg and his Time (0-adea, December, 6-9, 2007), edited by Florina
Ciure and Alexandru Simon (2007), 172 p.
2. Matthias Corvinus and his Time (CluiNapocal Kolozsvarl Klausenburg, 21'1-2ff' of
October 2008), edited by Tudor Salagean and Alexandru Simon (2008), 234 p.
Contents
Introduction to the Volume
loan-Aurel Pop, The Lives, Legends and Memories of an Athlete and of his Age ............ ..... 9
Ana Dumitran, Lorand Madly, Alexandru Simon, The Captain, the Lord, the Symbol: The
Faces of John Hunyadi .................................................................................... 11
Editors Note...................................................................................................................... .................. 13
The Man and the City
Camil Mure'?an, Battles for Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehevar) ... .............................. 17

loan-Aurel Pop, La personnalite de Jean (lancu) Hunyadi .................................. ....... 23
A. Time, Image, Belief
I, Chronicles, Histories and Historians
1. Medieval Perspectives
Ovidiu Mure'?an, John Hunyadi - the Ideal Crusader -in Aeneas Silvio Piccolomini's Letters
and Historical Writings .................................................................................. 35
Andreea Marza, John Hunyadi as portrayed by the Humanist Aeneas Silvio Piccolomini in
some of his Works ...................................................................................... .43
Vladimir Agrigoroaei, Literary Leakings into Wavrin's Danube: Three Strongholds and a
Broken Bombard..........................................................................................51
2. Modern and Early Modern Points of View
M. Marcella Ferraccioli, Gianfranco Giraudo, Minimalia Hunyadiana: Livres et manuscrits

de la Bibliotheque du Museo Correr de Venise concernant Jean Hunyadi. I. Giovanni
Nicolo Doglioni et Giovanni Tiepolo .................. ................................................69
f Lorand Madly, La personnalite de Jean Hunyadi refletee dans /'historiographie transylvaine
allemande du XIX' siecle ..............................................................................85
Paul Philippi, Nationality and Historicity: The Image of John Hunyadi ~ancu de HundoaraJ
in Historiography. .............. .......................................................................... 91
II. Church and Symbols
1. Greek and Latin Structures of Faith
Maria Mako Lupescu, Miles Christi - patronus observantiae. Johannes Hunyadi und die ob-
servanten Bestrebungen des Dominikanerordens in Ungam ..............................................99
Dan loan Mure~an, Notes critiques sur l'histoire de f'Eg/ise de Moldovalachie au X\f sie-
cle .. ... ...................... . ................ ............................................................. 115
lulian Mihai Damian, The Greek Rite Transylvanian Church in the 1450': Archbishop John of
Caffa and the Crusade in East-Central Europe ............ ..................................... 143
2. Legends and Propaganda of the 1400'
J6zsef Marton, Die Religiositat des Johannes Hunyadi .... ...... ............. .. .................. ... 157
$tefan Damian, lpotesi sulfa scomparsa def corpo di Giovanni da Capestrano (1386-1456)
da //ok................................................................................ .................................................. 163
Peter Szabo,Heilige Haltungen und ritterfiche Merkmale im Kultus des Johannes Hunyadi.. 169
B. The Inland
I. Family, Life and Ties
1. Spaces, Women and Men of Confidence
loan Dragan, The Origin of John Hunyadi in Light of Recent Researches ............. . ....... 181
Eniko Rusz-Fogarasi , Die Frauen des Johannes Hunyadi.................. .. ......... ............. .... 191
Tudor Salagean, A Deputy Voivode of Transylvania on the Eve of the Battle of Belgrade:
Istvan Kemeny of Manastireni... ...... ................................................ .......... .... 199
2. Authorities and Areas of Influence
Cosmin Popa-Gorjanu, John Hunyadi and the Collective Privileges of the Romanian Nobles
from the Banal.................................................................................................................205
Antal Lukacs, John Hunyadi and the Duchy of Fagara§ ..... ............. .... .. .... ..... .... .... ...211
Istvan Petrovics, John Hunyadi, CountofTimi§ ................. .. .. ... ........ ........ ....... ...... 217
II. Relations, Connections, Resources
1. Duties, Freedoms and Finances
A ndras Kiss, Johannes Hunyadi und die Freiheiten der Stadt Klausenburg .......................227
Andrea Fara, Le re/azioni tra Giovanni Hunyadi e le comunita sassoni di Transilvania: aspetti
politici ed economici (1439-1456) ....................................................................................231
Zsolt Simon, Die finanziellen Verpflichtungen der Siebenburger Sachsen zwischen den
Herrschaften van Sigismund van Luxemburg und Matthias Corvinus (1438-1458) ......255
2. Ideological and Practical Aspects of an Age
Florin-Dumitru Soporan, Ethnic Attitudes in the Kingdom of Hungary and the Defense of
Christendom in the Mid 1400'................................................................... ... .................... 275
Gyorgy Feiszt, The Heraldry in the Age of the Hunyadis ..... . ............ ... ... . ...... ... ... ...... 293
Szabolcs Marton ,Taubenpost im 15. Jahrhundert.. ...... .......... ................... .. .................... 299
6
C. Borders and Contacts
I. The Lands
1. Seas of Power
Joan-Vasile Leb, A Byzantine Humanist between Catholicism and /slamism: Georgius

Ghemistos Pie/hon (ca. 1360-1452) .............................................................................313
Matei Cazacu, Petre$. Nasturel, Une demonstration navale des Ottomans devant Constan-
tinople et la batai/le de Ch ilia (1448) .............................................................. .323
A\exandru Simon, The Captain and the Superba: Crusader Moments in the Relations between
John Hunyadi and Genoa (October 1444--September 1455) .... ............................ 333
2. Walachian Borders
Sorin lftimi, La politique de Jean Hunyadi en Moldavie .............. ..........................................367

Bogdan-Petru Maleon, Stephen the Great and John Hunyadi: Opinions of Histon'ography... 379
Daniela Monica Mitea, Late Medieval Diplomacy in Times of War: Relations between Tran-
sylvania, the Hungarian Kingdom and Walachia (1438-1456) ....................................... 387
11. The Battles
1. Faces of Warfare
Ferenc Sebek, John Hunyadi as a Military Leader............................................... .. .401

Emanuel C. Antoche, Gone~ l~iksel, Les batai//es de Sibiu (22 mars 1442) et de la riviere de
/alomi/a (2 septembre 1442). Essai de reconstitution d'apres /es sources de l'epoque .. .405
Michaela Dal Borgo, Bertoldo d'Este e la guerra di Morea (1463-1479): un tentab'vo di n'vincita
contra ii Turco...................................................................................................................427
2. Perspectives on Belgrade
Laszlo Grof, Belgrade: A Cartographic View......................................................... 437

loan-Aurel Pop, The Battle of Belgrade in Venetian Sources .....................................441
Julian Mihai Damian, Giovanni da Capestrano, i va/acchi e la battag/ia di Belgrado: Fanti e
ideologia de/la crociata dei minori ...................................................................................447
From Failure to Legend
Dan loan Mure§an, Le Royaume de Hongrie et la prise de Constantinople. Croisade et union

ecclesiastique en 1453 ... .................................................................................................465
Alexandru Simon, The Lion in Winter: John Hunyadi from Kossovopolje to Belgrade ...... 491
Abridgements ........................................................................................... .523
Archives and Libraries .............................................................................. 523

Journals, Reviews and Collections (Series) .................................................. 529
Sources, Chronicles and Histories ................................................................. 539
Collective Works and Repertories ....................................................................... 548
7
List of Illustrations ..... ......................... ....... ... .. ... .. . ... ....... ..... ..... . .. .... .. .. ... .... 549
List of Authors ....... ................................... ... ... ....... . ..... . ... ........ . ..... . ..... .. .. .. .555
A to D......... ...... ........... . ............ ..... . ... ... ...... .. . ... ........... ............. ... ... ...... 555
F to L ............... ......... .. .. .............................................................. ........... 556
M to N ........... ... ... ... . ..... ... . ............................. . ... ......... ............. .... .......... 558
P to S ...... .. .. .. .... ... .. ... ................. ........ ............ .............. .... ....... .. ..... ...... 560
Plates .......................... . ........ . ... ......................................... .. ................. 1-XXXII
8
The Lives, Legends and Memories of an Athlete and of his Age
Few saints, with 'pro-'or 'anti-crusader' merits, have emerged on East-Central European
level (late 1300'-mid 1500'). In fact, their number is down to three. Each one of them was ca-
nonized centuries after their deeds. One of them was the 1456 'partner' of our Fortissimus
athleta Christi, John Capestran (Giovanni da Capestrano). The athlete soon became the object
of local 'worship', of 'unofficial sainthood' [eloquently portrayed by Peter Szab6's pages in the
present volume]. His Chnstian image and credit turned into national admiration, as well as
'national selfishness'. He became the object of both 'trans-national' respect and personalized
national pantheons [Paul Philippi, Lorand Madly or myself have focused on these personal
and collective features]. This significantly influenced any perspective on the rise of common
and popular lancho, who had left for Italy together with his king in order to make his fortune,
to the mighty gubemator loannes and the god-like Christian warrior lord Janus vaivoda.
The 1400' witnessed the actual East-Central and South-East European re-birth of the
crusade, turned into the 'later crusades', by which the regional Ottoman menace was turned
into a matter of 'international' debates and efforts, usually under the scope of a papacy, still
weakened by the Great Schism of the West [Venice's political conduct, enlightened by the
study of Michela Dal Bargo on the 1460', is highly relevant for the twists and turns of the 'free
Christian world' in front of the Ottoman Empire]. The Ottoman expansion posed a challenge si-
milar and yet substantial different from that experienced over the last century and a half from
the Mongol, Tartar power. More than in the late 1200', Church union, controversial in nature
and difficult to enact, was drawn up as a common, not only Roman, solution to the threat of the
Infidels. The union of Florence (1439) largely shaped crusader efforts for decades to come
[in this respect, I also take the liberty of announcing that our 2009 Between Worlds series of
conferences will be devoted to this topic, of the outmost importance until the present day].
This union did not last. The 'burden' of the four points, imposed by the Roman papacy,
proved to be too hard for many major Christian Greek rite figures, otherwise, willing to various
degrees, to accept, out of anti-Ottoman need first of all, the union. It proved especially hard
for the Greek rite commoners, namely those to the North-East and South-East, of the fading
Byzantine Commonwealth, who, like their elites, felt increasingly the need for a revival of their
states and cultures [loan-Vasile Leb's lecture in this volume focuses on such a peculiar case].
The symbol of a great civilization stood on the brink of collapse and its only hope seemed to
come from some of the most unlikely, in terms of pure beliefs and classical perspectives, areas
and layers of society. But, at least in theory one of the perhaps greatest achievements of this
union of Florence was the diminishment, through compromise, endangered by radical stands
on both Christian sides, of the differences between the fighters for the common Christian cause
[lulian-Mihai Damian's case study can been quoted as a major example for these evolutions].
John (lancu, loan, Janos) Hunyadi became the symbol of this Christian struggle, with all of
its qualities and flaws, with its successes and great failures, an immortal symbol imposed largely
by an immortal battle, which came and ended at the most untimely moment for him [Alexandru
Simon's review of his final years reveals his political journey from hero to failure and back to
apotheosis]. Still, he had already made his mark upon Christendom, Latin and Greek, reaching
far beyond the borders of his beloved Hungarian realm, to the extent that he was viewed, by
Greeks, as the new emperor of Byzantium, as the restorer of the City of Constantine [facts well
portrayed by Dan loan Mure~an in his work on Hungary and Byzantium in its final hours]. It is
thus interesting to note how often and how greatly the importance and attention given to his
Christian historical image surpassed the one rendered to his local equally historical images. Se-
veral aspects of his rise and career were therefore viewed as the result of unique chances.
The Lives, Legends and Memories of an Athlete and of his Age
Aside from Hunyadi's personal valor, his life and the age which turned it into a success
owed very little to chance and hazard. "Planning' and 'evolving' were the key-words 'even' in
those days, from the smallest details to the greater efforts [we draw therefore the attention to
the studies of Tudor Salagean and Antal Lukacs, which focus on these two 'extremes']. The rise
of the low-born Walachian from the southern parts of the Hungarian realm was made possible
by the long reign of Sigismund (Zsigmond) of Luxemburg, which, due to domestic unrests and
to the growing Ottoman threat, brought a significant change of attitude in terms of royal politics
towards the 'minorities' of the realm and towards potential 'non-Catholic' partners of the crown
[our 2007 conference in the same series focused on this long underrated reign which changed,
if not greatly influenced, the late medieval fate of this part of the European continent]. By 1430,
the eastern military power of the realm officially consisted, almost in pre-Angevin fashion, of a
conglomerate of Saxones, Siculi, Nobiles et Valachi partium Transilvanarum cum potentia. The
Hungarian political path opened itself in front of the son of royal knight Voicu [for these matters,
we draw the attention to the documents and interpretations discussed in loan Dragan's study].
We can only speculate, as some later legends did, on what Hunyadi's career would have
been like had Sigismund not died in 1437. Unrest and rivalry caught up with Hungarian politics
and soon civil war irrupted. Its importance for the great rise of Hunyadi can not be undervalued.
It return, it is worth noting how, from this early stages of his career as a high-ranking official of
the realm, he should attention to what is sometimes viewed as historical details of lesser impor-
tance [his relation with the cities and towns of the kingdom, discussed, by means of case studies,
by Andras Kiss, Istvan Petrovics and Andrea Fara, provides us with valuable perspective not
only on the politician, but on the man Hunyadi was]. These were calculated moves, opening his
way to local supports, estates and tax-revenues, which he collected and gathered with great
care and eagerness as well [part of his complex mechanisms can be understood through Zsolt
Simon's financial analysis]. It is consequently understandable why much discontent and despise
was caused amongst the traditional elites or dynasties in East-Central Europe by the acts of the
basically illiterate John Hunyadi, who made upon in action what he lacked in noble genes.
For a few years, Hungary became the domnium Blanchum, Hunyadi's 'personal estate', a
fact and a perspective to which he held on even after his time as governor abruptly ended. Vvhen
he died, he former actions turned against his family, while his Christian image played in the fa-
vor of his surviving heirs [both aspects can be seen in the studies of Eniko Rusz-Fogarasi and
Ovidiu Mure~an devoted to the ladies in Hunyadi's family, respectively to the importance of his
humanist image]. His fortune, made by means, both unorthodox and common for the age, and
his crusader 'icon' secured the election of his youngest son as king of Hungary. Pious and brutal
as any 'respectable' medieval great political figure, Hunyadi was victorious in death and faith [in
this respect, Maria Mako Lupescu' work greatly reveals the Latin need for reformation, supported
by Hunyadi and which eventually supported him]. Past the sound of the bells ringing in honor of
the 'miracle of Belgrade' (Beograd, Nandorfehervar), Hunyadi's amour continued to shine.
As in medieval times, we often fill in the blanks according much to our own personal and
local perspective and knowledge [Vladimir Agrigoroaie's analysis of the 1445 'crusader story'
marks precisely this problem]. Several data on Hunyadi's time can still be found in western
archives and libraries, but local data, edited or unedited, unused or forgotten, should not be
omitted. The variable impact and various aspects of Hunyadi's career still call for extensive
studies, not only because they are 'the link' between the changes brought by Sigismund and
the 'modern features' of the reign of John's son, Matthias (Malia, Matyas), but because they
significantly define the way in which we perceive a medieval heritage often turned into modern
European present [I turn the reader's attention to our conferences of 2004 and 2008 devoted
namely to son Matthias]. In many aspects, Hunyadi's life and career did not end at Zemun.
loan-Aurel Pop ("Babe~-Bolyai" University, Cluj-Napoca)
10
The Captain, the Lord, the Symbol:
The Faces of John Hunyadi
In August and September 1956, historians, politicians and prelates gathered in Alba lulia
(Weissenburg, Gyulafehervar) and then in Cluj (Klausenburg, Kolozsvar). In Budapest, at that
time, history was in the making. In times of trouble, John (loan/ Janos, lancu) Hunyadi was
commemorated as a lead figure of a tormented age. Fifty years later, the context has changed
and with it much, but not all, of the obstacles in place in the mid 1950'. The interest surroun-
ding Hunyadi as regional historical common-place or as an object of scholarly attention has
not decreased however. Any explanation regarding the fate of such a familiar figure is hard
to offer. One on hand, there are the sources. On the other, there are the (our) images of him.
th
Throughout the 15 century, both in the Hungarian kingdom and in its neighbourhood, do-
cuments multiplied and correspondence intensified (not so much for leisure, but out of prac-
tical necessities). Communications grew stronger. Meanwhile, patterns started to change. The
result was that the bound between politics and culture grew stronger, while each developed
a more powerful presence in general affairs. The means also became more divers, in terms
of language, message and implicitly impact. These sequential evolutions significantly infiu-
ence our perception of John, his career and his family, of his actions and his time. Though we
cannot call the sources regarding him abundant, in the sarne way as for the main Christian (or
Muslim, by means of Christian sources) figures of the age, the available data calls for study.
The father of the highly cultivated Matthias (Matia, Matyas) was basically illiterate. There
are charters annulled because John Hunyadi, as governor of Hungary, had signed thern with-
out knowing what was written. In return, he was fiuent in at least three or four languages (Ro-
manian, Hungarian, Italian and Serbian) and probably understood another three or four (Ot-
toman Turkish, Czech, German and maybe even Bulgarian). This paradox, not too uncorn-
rnon for that time (but for so many languages), can provide us with a better understanding of
the time and of the person, which, it should not be forgotten, was fully aware of his cultural
limits and still did not hesitate to ask for help and to try to really improve his minimum of skills.
The social mobility of 15th century Hungary has long become a key historiographical con-
cept. The best proof for the importance and relevance of this phenomenon were the Hunyadis
themselves. Given this aspect, it is also worth observing that (unlike his father it could be added)
Matthias was not the patron of social (noble) change that one could have expected him to be
(come), due to his father's career and policies in particular. However, Matthias had to act as a
monarch, not as a magnate, as had done his father. Eventually, the Hunyadis, who stood for a
clear break with tradition, became found of tradition(s) they actually fought, to which they then
added their own. They were no revolutionaries, but nor could they, namely Matthias, be staunch
defenders of a system which tried to reject them. Compromises were much needed. John pos-
sessed the ability to use them, but he was no court politician. He was a soldier and a land lord.
John Hunyadi had began his career and made the first ounces of his fortune in the Italian
Peninsula. Less than half a century later, his son completed the tie between the Hunyadis and
the politically troubled and culturally sparking peninsula. The effects were later known as king
Matthias' own Renaissance. As a result another tie grew stronger, the one between personal
and collective impact. Consequently, even from these perspective, the careers of the three-four
Hunyadis who infiuenced the Hungarian and regional political scenes are difficult to surnrna-
rize. They were each quite different from the other. They were compelled to make various uses
of their own relatives. Still, they formed a glamorous, even though short-lived, success story.
The Faces of John Hunyadi
The predominantly tolerant, more than tolerant at times, attitude of the Hunyadi family to-
wards the Greek rite Christians probably best came to light not in the time of John Hunyadi, but
during the reign of Matthias and even in the less successful days of John CoNinus. The at-ti-
tude can be attributed to various factors from the origins of the Hunyadis to namely the partical
reasons of government. This called for a benevolent attitude towards these Christians, equally a
line of defense against the Ottoman power and a potential domestic political factor. Nonethe-
less, John and king Matthias were and are viewed as defining figures of Latin Christendom.
Their Greek images have therefore often been neglected. In the case of these crusaders,
this could seem rather inexplicable. As crusaders they had to fight for the liberation of those
fallen in the hands of infidels. These captives' were predominantly Greek rite Christians. John
Hunyadi failed to save Byzantium. King Matthias did not even cross the Danube in his father's
manner. Still, their Byzantine images, the one of Matthias too, are largely positive, even though,
Matthias never took the ultimate late medieval military test, which for so many was also the final
test. He never directly confronted an army led by the sultan in person. His father had done so
three times (1444, 1448 and 1456) and won, in desperate fashion, only once. This had been
the 'miracle of Belgrade'. Matthias CoNinus never took on the chance of duplicating a 'miracle'
Due to his father's deeds and renown, as well as Hungary's situation and bulwark fame,
some expected Matthias (Matia, Matyas) to revive the old crusader hero figures of the days in
the Holy Land and chase the Turk from the fallen city of Byzantium, prior to fighting his way to
the Holy Sepulchre. However, Matthias' accomplishments and messages too, to a certain de-
gree, turned out to be rather disappointing which, while largely compromising Matthias' image
further strengthened the immortal crusader stand of John Hunyadi. It was as if the son repaid
(involuntarily) his father in legend for what he had received in life (money, estates and a name).
In a certain way, it is rather clear that Hunyadi's career was more successful than Matthias'.
In the last century and a half prior to the 'Hungarian victory' of the Hunyadis, through the
enthronement of Matthias only two kings had not inherited a country on the brink of civil war or
an empty treasure. In this respect, Hungary's situation in the mid and late 1450' was no actual
novelty. Still domestic and foreign matters seemed more difficult and pressing than earlier on. It
was John Hunyadi's policy that has helped the crisis to expand. He had been compelled, by
geopolitics, context, money and personal belief to fight the Turk. Due to his astonishing, in terms
of developments and consequences, but otherwise rather in line with the typical social ascen-
sions of the age, rise, Hunyadi had to brutally (not only on one occasion) protect as well as en-
joy his power. Each of these two major obligations came at great costs for him and the realm.
We could, easily one might add, find personalities of greater impact or greater status for a
Hungarian, Walachian, Serbian or Bosnian history. In return, we would have great difficulties
in finding a personality which had a larger, and predominantly positive, impact and, maybe first
of all, image for all these various regional 'histories' than John Hunyadi. His myth is largely
the result of the fact that he 'belongs' to everybody and to no one in particular. This is equally
a consequence of his medieval times and of his character, or of what seem to have been his
character. For foes and friends alike, he was a lucerna orbis, the light of a menacing world or
the light of a menaced world. Marked with fear, faith and fortune, John Hunyadi's personality
remains a landmark for how a man can rise far above his origins and for how his story can
became large than the life which made this (hi)story a common story of the late Middle Ages.
Ana Dumitran (National Union Museum of Alba lulia)
Lorand Madly (Romanian Academy, "George Bari,iu" Institute of History Cluj-Napoca)
Alexandru Simon ("Babe§-Bolyai" University, Cluj-Napoca)
12
Editor's Note
Due to the particular nature of modern-day East-Central Europe, of the Hungarian me-
dieval realm and of the neighboring states, the name of each place (city or river) and of each
person (ruler or commoner) was given in at least three different forms, due to the German
factor in the area and to the international languages of the volume. First come the name of
the place and ruler as it is used in the international language of the study, which, in general,
coincides, in the case of the name of places, with their current official name. Then, in brackets,
come the Hungarian, Romanian and/ or German names (but also the Polish, Italian or Czech
names) of the place or the person. The order is given by the medieval value of each of the
forms of one designation, which naturally can arouse new, hopefully useful, discussions.
For a better overview of the information used, the names of most journals, series of
edited documents, archives or libraries have been abridged and collected into special units at
the end of the volume. The same rule has been applied for the most important collections of
documents or for the major collective works regarding John Hunyadi or his successors. Very
few modern day scholarly achievements make use of the less known documents or of archive
material. This is not the case of the present volume. The authors have used information, ori-
ginal documents or copies, frorn about thirty archives and libraries, preserved, in more than
ten different modern countries (and as almost as many medieval states and city states).
For a better perspective on the topic, each compartment of the volume has been pro-
vided by the editors with illustrations, in accordance to the subject of the studies contained
by that particular compartment and sub-unit of the volume, illustrations such as classic re-
presentations or pictures of medieval personalities, respectively medieval buildings, maps or
th
photos of rare documents dating from the 15 century. The use of these illustrations has,
once again, been deemed necessary for, not too often, an appropriate use is made of med-
ieval images, foremost when they involve such prestigious reigns, in spite of the almost ex-
cessive presence of medieval images in various works. This situation has lead to a rather
dramatic decrease in the use of these images, decrease that can not stand for a long-term
answer to modern-day changes and challenges. History, a question of self-preservation and
self-representation from the beginnings, has, at least in this respect, upheld its initial values.
The official/ conventional name used for our hero in this volume is: John (English)/ Jean
(French)/ Giovanni (Italian), Johannes (German). In brackets are given his local (Hungarian
and Romanian names): loan/ Janos, lancu. The latter form, the form common among Greeks,
Serbians, Italians or Walachians, in the Middle Ages, which literally translates Johnny (or, in
modern Romanian, lonu/), represents the familiar, colloquial, name of the athlete. The official
form is given, in the abovementioned composition, at the beginning of each study. Afterwards,
each of the authors has used the form which suited him and the language of his paper best.
The Cote of Anns above the Entry to the Spiral Staircase of the Castle of Hunedoara
The Main Entrance into the Kalemegdan Fort of Belgrade
16
Battles for Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar, Be/grad)
Camil Mure§anu
Romanian Academy,
"George Bari\iu" Institute of History,
Cluj-Napoca
Belgrade, the capital of Serbia, was, for more than a millennium, the stage for confron
tations between rivaling military and political powers. Belgrade's unfortunate fate was dictated
by its geographic position, amongst other factors. Placed on a promontory at the confluence
of the Danube with the Sava, the site was an important strategic point for any occupant.
***
The oldest certain mentions of the site, under the name Singidunum, with probable Celtic
and Dacian resonances, date back to the age of the Roman expansion. By 90 AC, it became
the center of a legion. In the 3rd century, it rose to the rank of muncipium and then colonia. In
the time of the Late Roman Empire, it was apparently conquered by the Gepids, but was re
taken by the Byzantines and re-fortified by emperor Justinian. Around 580, Singidunum, toge
ther with the more important settlement Viminacium, still on the Danube line, but more to the
East, was conquered by the Avars. In the 7'h century, its name seizes to appear in sources'.
th
After the fall of the Avar rule in the 9 century, the former Singidunum was occupied for
th
some two centuries by the First Bulgarian Empire. In the 11 century, after the demise of this
empire, due to the vigorous Balkan comeback of Byzantium, it re-became part of the Byzan
2
tine Empire. In those times, Latin sources named it Alba Bulgarorum and Alba Graecorum .
The place became a border center between the Byzantine Empire and the recently con
stituted Hungarian Kingdom in the Panonian plain. Displeased with the fact that the Byzantine
commander of Alba Graecorum allowed the Pechenges to attack Southern Hungary, king
Solomon conquered the city around 1073. Nevertheless, the Byzantines soon retook the city.
In the mid 1100', Manuel I Comnenos strengthened Belgrade's fortifications, meant to
further serve as shield against the Hungary. Still, at the end of the same century, benefiting
also from Byzantine domestic strife, Hungary conquered the city. It soon became an object
of conflict between Hungary and the rising Serbian state, changing possessors several times.
During the expansion of the Serbian state, initially developed in what became southern
th
Serbia, Macedonia, expansion which was directed, in the 12 century, towards Thracia and
Albania, Belgrade had an almost secondary importance. Its value grew rapidly following the
Ottoman expansion, which pushed the Serbian state northwards. At about the same time,
Belgrade became very important for Hungary, for the defense of the realm's southern border.
I The Serbian despot, Stephen (Stepan) Lazarevi6 allied himself with the Hungarian crown
(1402-1407), which acknowledged Belgrade as his permanent residence. This solution was
1
2
Pauly-Wissowa, Rea/encyclopa.die, 2'' Series (Stuttgart 1927-1958), sv.
Alba, with its origins in Roman toponymy, began to signify '<place of>residence' and was used
by the Hungarians too, for Szekesfehervar (The White Residence Fortress) or Gyulafehervar (Gyula's
White Fortress), for instance, hence the Ba/grad, Alba /u/ia and the name Be/grad, Beograd, itself, which
can be found under similar forms in the vocabulary of all Slavic populations.
Cami! Mure~anu
3
not to last for long . In 1427, in return for his support, Sigismund (Zsigmond) of Luxemburg
retook Belgrade. The Serbians were displeased, but the king compensated them with estates
and settlements in the southern Banat, amongst which Vrsac (Var~e\, Versec, Werschetz)4.
The intensified Ottoman raids compelled the Hungarians to improve Belgrade's defense.
It had two defensive lines of walls, with several towers and grounds for bombards. The entire
settlement was formed of 5 burgs. 3 of them were on heights, in the fortress and around it. 2
were placed along the Danube. A trench surrounded these walls which left only one area
unprotected, a commercial suburbia, to the North-West, between the Sava and the Danube.
Two brothers, which took the name, Talovac (Thall6czy) from the estate they later (1432)
received in Croatia, were entrusted with the anti-Ottoman defense of the area. One of them,
John, who was also a knight of the order of St. John, was responsible for Belgrade's security.
In spring 1440, the Ottomans attacked the city for the first time, both on land and on the
Danube. The repeated assaults were repelled. They tried to dig a tunnel under the walls and
place in it powder in order to blow up portions of the walls. Someone informed the besieged
of the Ottoman plan which was thus prevented and their final assault brought to halt. The Ot
5
tomans retreated and, in September, signed a truce . Nevertheless, for keeping Belgrade un
6
der surveillance, they built in its vicinity the fortress of Avala, now a part of modern Belgrade .
***
The most famous battle for Belgrade took place in July 1456. Sultan Mehmed II, who had
recently taken Constantinople, besieged the city with an army of 100000 men (a likely exag
geration) and, once more, with a fleet of vessels, pushed, on the Danube, north of the city in
order to prevent aid that could have been rendered to Belgrade. For the sultan, it was not a
matter of prestige, but one of valuable strategy, as proven by later events. Belgrade was the
key piece in Central Europe's defense. Its fall would have opened the way for the Ottomans.
J ohn Hunyadi, whose brother-in-law, Michael (Mihaly) Szilagyi was commander of the
garrison, had supreme command over the entire southern front and concentrated his army
near the city. He too sent a fleet of vessels on the Danube, which defeated the Ottoman fleet
th
(14 of July), thus allowing reinforcements to arrive in the besieged city. To Belgrade's aid
had come also an army of volunteers, namely from Central Europe, who had responded to
the crusader calls launched by the pope and the monk John (Giovanni) of Capistrano.
st
On the 21 of July 1456, the Ottomans launched the final assault. They apparently under
estimated the real strength and the real number of the defenders. Insufficiently informed of
their plans and positions, the Ottoman attack was repelled. The next day, sultan Mehmed's
demoralized army was chased away during the general counterattack led by John Hunyadi7.
The victory was celebrated throughout Europe, not only for it for the prestige of Christen
dom, but also a military achievement that shattered for a while the Ottoman plan of entering
Hungary. In deed, for almost seven decades, no similar Ottoman attempt was made in this
direction, though Mehmed II had sworn that he would not die before he conquered Belgrade.
In 1521 , when unlike in 1456, Hungary, who lacked a proper ruler and capable military
leaders, was weakened by the domestic conflicts and by George (Gyorgy) D6zsa's recent re
3
J6zsef Thim, A szerbek tortenete [The History of the Serbians), II (Nagy Becskerek 1892), p. 22;
Constantin Jirecek, Geschichte der Serben, II (Gotha 1918), p. 140.
4
Nicolae lorga, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, I (Gotha 1908), p. 395; Jirecek, Geschichte,
II , p. 159.
5
C. Mure~anu, lancu de Hunedoara (Bucharest 19682). p. 65.
6
Jirecek, Geschichte, II, p. 180.
7
Mure~anu, lancu de Hunedoara, pp. 190-200.
18
Battles for Belgrade
bellion, Mehmed ll's plan was retaken by the second great Ottoman sultan, Suleyman I (II),
who brought the Empire to its maximal expansion and power. In 1521, as the age of religious
conflicts had begun, no help could be expected from the West, while the Ottoman troops
gathered south of the Danube. For a time, the young sultan was in Sofia coordinating the
deployment of his troops. These events and military moves were brought to the attention of
the citizens of Bra 9ov (Kronstadt, Brass6) by Neac9u from Camplung (Langenau), in his well-
known letter of late July 1521, the first document in Romanian language that was preserved.
From Sofia, the Ottomans went to Sabac (Szabacs), Belgrade's 'outpost', which they
th
conquered on the 6th of July 1521. On the 12 of July, they took Zemun, in the city's neigh
borhood. Like during previous Ottoman sieges, a fleet initiated a blockade on the Danube.
on the 1st of August, the Ottoman sultan himself came to the scene of military action.
The garrison, commanded by Blasius (Balasz) Olah, of probable Romanian descent,
vigorously defended the city, while the troops led by some great nobles kept their distance,
under pretext that they awaited (in vain) help from the German Empire. After several attacks,
the Ottoman took the lower city. The garrison withdrew to the upper fortress. Conflicts broke
out between Hungarian and Serbian soldiers. One of the commanders committed treason
The Ottomans promised clemency to those who would have surrendered. Thus, eventually,
th
overwhelmed by the attacking forces, Belgrade surrendered on the 28 of August 1521.
The Ottomans massacred part of the defenders. The remaining soldiers and inhabitants
were deported to Istanbul's limits, to a place which preserved the name of Belgrade long after
its settlers had lost their identity and language. These refuges took with them the relics of St.
th
Paraskeva (Paraschiva), celebrated on the 14 of October, later taken by Moldavian ruler
Basil (Vasile) Lupu (1641) to la 9i, where the saint was worshiped as protector of Moldavia'.
The consequences of the Ottoman conquest of Belgrade confirmed the predictions on
the city's strategic role between the areas of Central Europe and the Balkan spaces. Within
only two decades, the Ottomans crushed the royal Hungarian army at Mohacs (1526), oc
cupied central Hungary and transformed it into a pashalac, while, to the East, Transylvania re
mained a voivodate, later a principality (1541 ), under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Porte.
In 1529, the Ottomans first laid siege on Vienna (Wien, Bees). They failed to take the city,
like more than 150 years later. In all this time, Belgrade stood under Ottoman rule and was
not involved in any major events for the Ottoman borders were far to the north and west.
***
In September 1683, the Ottomans miscalculated military odds and suffered a disastrous
defeat in front of Vienna, once again besieged by them. Within a few years, the Austrians
chased them away from Central Hungary, Transylvania and northern Serbia. In fact, the 01
toman Empire had to abandon all the territories it had conquered between 1521 and 1526.
In their southern advance, the Austrians, led by elector-prince Max Emanuel of Bavaria,
first took Belgrade in 1688. It was the turn of the Ottomans to negotiate a safe-conduct for
the Muslim inhabitants of the city. In 1690, the Ottoman power tried to re-conquer the city of
Belgrade, defended by 8000 soldiers led by the French generals Aspremont and Croy. An
explosion in the gunnery created a breach in the walls and killed part of the defenders. Under
th th
these circumstances, the city of Belgrade fell into Ottoman hands (8 -9 of October 1690)9.
8
Born in Thracia, near Byzantium, Paraskeva had retreated to a monastery in that area and was
canonized for her pious life. Under the Second Bulgarian Empire, her relics were brought to Trnovo and
when the city was threatened by the Ottomans the relics were transported to Belgrade.
'Thim, T6rtenete, pp. 94-108.
Camil Mureljianu
The retreat of the Austrians led to the creation of another diaspora for the Serbians in
that area, but also from a distance. Within a few years, some 30000 refuges, led by their pa
triarch, Arsenie Crnojevic of Pee settled in mass north-west of Belgrade. Carlowitz ~Sremski
0
Karlovci) became the center of the religious and political life in the Habsburg Empire .
In 1693 the Austrians made another military move in the direction of Belgrade, but only in
order to determine the Ottomans to redeploy part of their troops which had entered Transyl
vania. Even though they were victorious at the end of this war, the Austrian power did not
push for the retrocession of Belgrade as one of the provisions of the peace of Carlowitz.
In 1716-1718, during a new Austrian-Ottoman war, the Austrians, under the supreme
command of Eugene of Savoia, conquered Timi~oara (Temesvar, Temeschwar), the Banate
and Belgrade (1717). On the verge of being crushed between the local garrison and the army
which had come to aid the besieged city, the Austrians, like John Hunyadi's troops once, were
saved by a brilliant counterattack led by their general. Defeat turned into victory within a few
th
hours. Belgrade surrendered on the 18 of August 1717. The victory of Eugene of Savoia,
der edle Ritter, as he was called by the commoners, was celebrated also through a popular
march, recorded by the Austrian military folklore, which began with the following verses: Prinz
Eugen, der edle Ritter/ Wollt' dem aiser wiederum geben Stadt und Festung Belgerad.
The peace of Passarowitz (Pozarevac) brought the Habsburg Empire to its maximal ex
pansion in South-Eastern Europe (1718). Belgrade, Serbia (until Ni~). the Banate and Oltenia
became part of the empire. The Austrian-Russian-Ottoman war of 1736-1739 changed this
situation as the Austrians committed a serious of commandment errors on the entire Danube
front. Amongst others, the former governor of Transylvania (1732-1734), Oberdirektor of the
province of Oltenia since 1729, Franz Anton Wallis suffered a terrible defeat, lost Craiova and
fled to the north. Gravely sick, he died as a refuge in Sibiu (Hermannstadt, Szeben) in 1737.
By the peace conclude in Belgrade (1739), the city and all the territories the Austrians
had conquered two decades earlier (except for the Banate) were returned to the Ottoman
Empire. For another half a century, Belgrade remained the border stone between the two
great rivals. Thus began one of the most tormented periods in the agitated history of the city.
On the 30th of September 1789, the Austrians conquered the city, for the third time in the
last hundred years, but only to be forced, by the treaties of Reichmbach and $i~tov (1791) to
return it. Still, the Ottoman central authority, in general in decline, had only a fragile control
over Belgrade. The Ottoman government was basically substituted by the anarchic rule of
local potentates, whose rule was more hated by the local inhabitants than the Ottoman one.
The abuses of these 'magnates' led to the great Serbian rebellion started in February
1804, under the leadership of George (0urad) Petrovic, called Karageorge. After placing the
city under constant siege, the rebels finally managed to conquer Belgrade in March 1807.
Here they settled a domestic political residence and also Karageorge's 'great council'.
After the first phase of the Serbian movement of liberation was crushed in blood, the Ot
tomans retook Belgrade (1814). In the second phase of the uprising, under the leadership of
Milo~ Obrenovic, as Karageorge was assassinated in 1817, the city was placed under a quite
unclear Serbian-Ottoman condominium. For several decades, the city of Belgrade was thus
the residence of an autonomous Serbian state, surveyed by an Ottoman Turkish garrison.
***
In 1878, when Serbia won its independence, Belgrade finally became a free city too
after centuries of foreign rule and conflicts over its possession, marked by several change~
10
Erich Zollner, Geschichte <5sterreichs (Wenen 1984\ p. 255.
20
Battles for Belgrade
of rule that almost without exception occurred under tragic conditions. Yet its troubled history
had not come to an end. At the beginning of the First World War, the Austro-Hungarian army
occupied Belgrade, but the Serbians were able to re-conquer the city in December 1914.
A few months later, Serbia was attacked from the North and the South-East by Austro-
Hungarian, German and Bulgarian armies. She could not resist this joint-offensive. Belgrade
and its entire territory were occupied by the adversaries (October 1915-November 1918).
The military defeat of the Central Powers enabled the forces of the western allies, from
Macedonia, to advance to the north until the Mid Danube line. In Belgrade (13th of November
1918), Hungary, days after she had denounced the union with Austria, signed a truce. In the
West-Balkans, the vast political movements led to the creation of the Kingdom of Serbians,
Croatians and Slovenians, shortly the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, with Belgrade as its capital.
At the end of March 1941, a political-military coup overturned the government, who had
signed the treaty of alliance with the Rome-Berlin axis. Consequently, Germany and Italy at
tacked Yugoslavia on the 6th of April and over the following two days of 1941. Belgrade was
th
savagely bombarded bX the German air-force and was occupied by Germans on the 13 . It
was liberated on the 20 of October 1944 by Yugoslav forces from within, with Soviet support.
The last episode, hopefully the last, of the numerous tragedies lived by this city took place
in April 1999, when American air-forces bombarded the city, namely with cruise-missiles. The
modern commandment of these missiles led to punctual hits on certain objectives, not without
regrettable confusions, and not to extensive mass-destructions as the air-raids of April 1941.
***
Belgrade suffered from the horrors of war more than any other major city in this part of the
world. The capacity of the Serbian people and state to rebuild it and bring the city to the status
of a modern metropolis, without traces of destruction from the recent or the remote past, at
tenuate the spontaneous impulse for compassion in front of the tragedies known by the city.
,,
s
La personnalite de Jean Hunyadi
loan-Aurel Pop
Universite «Babe§-Bolyai»,
Cluj-Napoca
C'est deja un lieu commun que l'histoire s'ecrit et se recrit toujours sous nos yeux. Re
ecrire, c'est pour certains historiens meme plus interessant qu'ecrire. Chaque generation se
rapproche du passe avec sa propre sensibilite. c;:a ne veut pas dire que le passe soil re
latif au mode absolu, qu'on soil incapable de le dechiffrer dans ses lignes generales ou
que les evenements aient connu une autre tournure. Notre savoir se retrouve cependant
limite par les limites memes de l'etre humain et des communautes, par !'education, les dif
ferents prejuges ou noire "gout'' pour un certain genre de vie passee.
***
Ni meme les personnalites historiques n'ont echappe a ce corsi e ricorsi, comme

disait, dans un autre contexte, Gianbattista Vico. Ainsi que reconstituer le role, c'est une
entreprise qui s'avere souvent extremement difficile. L'ancienne dichotomie entre les
eloges des partisans et les detractations des ennemis contemporains s'enrichit le long
du temps de nuances tout aussi difficile a saisir et a expliquer, de sorte que tout effort
d'eclaircir la question parait voue a l'echec.
De plus, aujourd'hui un contenu ancien vetit de nos jours un nouveau nom - political
correctness-, ce qui n'est pas de nature a encourager la decouverte du passe. II est im
possible, dans certains endroits, de parler de I' heritage culture/ europeen com mun ou de
la defense de la civilisation chretienne face aux assauts du Croissant. Dans ce contexte,
1
la personnalite de Jean Hunyadi reste, elle aussi, un peu isolee, difficile a evaluer .
Ce dilemme n'est heureusement qu'apparent. La deontologie oblige l'historien plutot a
approcher le passe a !ravers les ideaux de l'epoque en question qu'a transposer les idees
contemporaines dans le passe. Jean Hunyadi doit etre analyse en fonction des commande
ments de la societe pendant qu'il a vecu et dont ii a defendu et promu les valeurs.
II en reste pourtant assez de points obscurs, de controverses, de paradoxes et d'inter
pretations differentes. C'est tout a fail normal. Au-dela de ce relativisme que reste-t-il de pe
renne de la personnalite de Hunyadi? Pourquoi ce fils de la T ransylvanie continue-I-ii a etre
present dans noire souvenir plus de cinque siecles apres sa mart? Serait-ce bien ou mal?
Nous appartenons aux auteurs qui pensent que le passe est indispensable a la vie
sociale, tout comme la memoire, composante de marque de !'intelligence, est absolument ne
1
On a beaucoup ecrit, a partir du XIXe si8cle, sur sa personnalite, mais les ouvrages les plus im-
portants voient le jour au x:x.e si8cle. En voici quelques-uns de l'historiographie roumaine: Camil Mure$an,
loan de Hunedoara sivremea sa [Jean Hunyadi et son epoque], Bucarest, 1957 (et Jancu de Hunedoara,
Bucarest, 1968); Mihail P. Dan, Un stegar al Juptei antiotomane. /ancu de Hunedoara [Un porte-drapeau du
combat anti-ottoman: Jean Hunyadij, Bucarest, 1974; Adrian Andrei Rusu, Joan de Hunedoara §i romiinii
din vremea sa. StudH [Jean Hunyadi et les Roumains de son temps. Eludes], Cluj-Napoca, 1999. Quant
aux eludes de Francisc Pall sur la Croisade Tardive, elles restent Ires actuelles, la figure de Jean Hunyadi
Y occupant une place centrale (une partie des eludes ont ete reprise par lonu\ Costea dans le volume F.
Pall, Romiin,i §i Cruciada Tarzie [Les Roumains et la Croisade Tardive], C_luj-Napoca, 2003).
loan-Aurel Pop
cessaire a l'etre humain. Autrement dit, la reference moderee, limitee et non obsessive au
passe ne saurait etre que benefique et s'avere absolument necessaire a la vie des commu
nautes. Or, Hunyadi, tout en appartenant au passe, prolonge ses traces jusqu'a nos jours.
Pour esquisser la personnalite du commandant qui en 1456 a defendu Belgrade (Beo

grad, Nandorfehervar) contre les envahisseurs, ii suffit de rappeler une evocation qui date
de 1956, lorsqu'on commemorait le cinq centieme anniversaire de sa mort. Ace moment,
2
l'academicien David Prodan a tenu un discours lors de la reunion commemorative de la
Filiale de Cluj de l'Academie de la Republique Populaire Roumaine, du 21 septembre
1956. Une breve analyse de cette evocation nous permettra d'illustrer la maniere de re
ecrire l'histoire en fonction du temps, du lieu, du type de societe, du regime politique etc.
Prodan a lui-meme, par un travail enorme, de benedictin, partiellement reconstitue le
passe medieval et moderne, faisant usage des moyens verifies du specialiste et parvenant a
des resultats exceptionnels. Philosophiquement, Prodan a ete mate rialiste (dans le sillage de
Leucippe et Democrite, et d'autres materialistes mecanistes), et non marxiste-leniniste com
me on le dit assez souvent. II a collabore en quelque sorte avec le parti communiste, jusqu'au
debut des annees '60, lorsqu'il s'est retire dans une protestation silencieuse et sage.
Si nous l'avons choisi en exemple, c'est grace a sa probite professionnelle, au tribut
modere qu'il a paye a son epoque et surtout au fait qu'il n'avait pas necessairement ete un
specialiste du xve siecle transylvain (bien qu'ayant aborde certaines questions sociales
de l'epoque au moment ou ii analysa le servage). Les specialistes de l'epoque et de la per
sonnalite du combattant de Belgrade etaient a ce moment-la, a Cluj (Klausenburg, Kolozs
var), F. Pall, M.P. Dan et C. Mure:;;anu, des noms marquants de l'ecrit historique roumain.
***
Le discours dedie a Hunyadi est un discours anniversaire, sans etre essentiellement
festif. En 1956, trois ans apres la mort de Staline et a la veille du xxe
Congres du PCUS
(lorsque Khrouchtchev denoni;;ait le culte de la personnalite), les echos de l'intemationa
lisme proletaire sont minimes dans le texte de Prodan, et les references au grand frere de
/'Est manquent en totalite. Le texte debute par deux phrases patriotiques sur notre peuple
et la terre de notre pays, qui ont donne a l'histoire la figure grandiose de Jean Hunyadi3.
C'etait un acte de courage que de glorifier l'histoire du peuple roumain et de la

Roumanie en pleine dictature proletaire, lorsqu'on pr6nait le passe du peuple russe, mes
sager de la liberte et bastion de la paix universe/le. Apres cette introduction qui s'ecarte de
la norme, Prodan, comme pour attenuer le choc mais aussi pour reduire la personnalite
analysee a ses "proportions" reelles, en souligne le role historique determinant dans le
Royaume de Hongrie, le merite d'avoir reuni /es peuples des Balkans, /es peuples chre
tiens d'Europe de /'Est sous ses drapeaux. La conclusion qui s'impose est normale dans
ce contexte: Jean Hunyadi a atteint un role historique europeen4 .
S'ensuit une breve presentation de la progression du colosse turc jusqu'au Danube et a
Belgrade, la clef qui ouvrait /es portes de /'Europe. En se referant aux vertus militaires et aux
faib/esses de /'Empire ottoman, d'une part, et aux defaillances de /'Europe et de l'epoque
feodale. D'autre part, !'auteur deplore les luttes intestines, l'anarchie, les rivalites et les pro
messes vaines. II regrette les croisades inefficaces que le pape proclamait regulierement et
qui s'etaient transformees en de simples moyens de pression exercee sur les Ottomans.
2
L'etude a ete reprise dans David Prodan, Din istoria Transilvaniei. Studii §i evocari [De l'histoire de
Transylvanie. Eludes et evocations), Bucarest, 1991, pp. 256-271.
3
Ibidem, p. 256.
4
Ibidem, p. 256.
24
Prodan mentionne aussi la situation de nos pays. II enumere les disputes incessantes,
le morcellement feodal, les princes qui manquent d'autorite, l'hostilite de la noblesse hon
groise/ transylvaine contre sa participation a des campagnes militaires exterieures. II men
tionne la lutte de c!asse devenue toujours plus acerbe. II presente en ce sens la revolte de
5
Bobalna (Babolna) et le refus de !'elite nobiliaire d'armer la paysannerie hostile .
Dans ce contexte interne et international !'auteur presente la carriere de Jean Hunyadi,

/a trajectoire spectacu/aire de sa vie. D'un simple soidat ou chevalier de cour ii devient sue
cessivement ban (gouverneur) de Severin (Szoreny), comes de Timi§ (Ternes), vo'fvode de
Transylvanie et gouverneur de Hongrie. Jean Hunyadi s'impose comme brillant combattant
anti-ottoman et homme politique, repute en Europe, en Asie et en Afrique.
On passe en revue ses origines roumaines, soit de la Transylvanie soil de la Valachie,
sa famille, son nom (Jean! Janco). On presente sa carriere commencee aupres de son pere
et continuee a la cour du vo'fvode de la Transylvanie et ensuite a celle du despote serbe
Etienne (Stepan) Lazarevic, a la cour des Ujlaki, dans le duche milanais de Filippo Visconti,
ou ii fail la connaissance de Francesco Sforza, a Bale ou en Boheme. Prodan revele que par
tout dans ses peregrinations ii s'interessait a l'art militaire, reussissant a apprendre des
techniques qui allaient s'averer tres utiles dans les futurs confrontations avec ses ennemis.
Prodan evoque les grandes et les petites batailles menees par Hunyadi de 1439 a 1456:
Semendria (Smederovo), Santimbru (Szentimre), les Portes de Fer de la Transylvanie,
lalomi\a, les campagnes des Balkans, Varna, Kossovopolje et finalement Belgrade. On re
leve les qualites d'homme politique de Jean Hunyadi, allie avec Georges (flurad) Brankovic,
Georges Castriota Skanderbeg, avec Venise et Bourgogne, createur de et participant a des
alliances patronnees generalement par le Saint-Siege. La lutte de Belgrade est evoquee com
me une veritable croisade, mise sous le signe du general-chretien et populaire, qui a joui
d'une large participation, depuis les bandes d'etudiants de Vienne, aux soidats improvises,
aux pretres, aux moines, aux artisans, aux. paysans, aux hommes de toutes /es ethnies, de
6
Hongrie (notamment de Transylvanie), Allemagne, Bourgogne, Autriche .
Presente au debut comme un grand general, stratege, tacticien, so!dat courageux et

vail!ant, toujours en avant-garde en attaque et en arriere-garde en fuite, Hunyadi apparaTt
aux yeux de l'analyste de 1956 comme un veritable heros populaire. II a ete suivi dans ses
actions tan! des Roumains et des Hongrois que des Bulgares, des Serbes, des Creates,
des Slovenes, des Albanais, des Tcheques, des Polonais, des Allemands et d'autres, qui
l'ont transforme, des son vivant deja, mais surtout apres sa mart, en personnage legen
daire, porte sur !es ai/es de la fantaisie populaire, a travers des conies et des vers, d'un
homme a /'autre, d'une generation a /'autre generation, jusqu'a nos jours • Sa notoriete au
7
sein des Tures est tout aussi legendaire, meme s'il leur donnait des frissons d'angoisse.
Cependant Prodan ne transforme pas son heros en simple homme du peuple, comme
on serait tente de le croire a un regard superficiel jete sur le portrait brosse a Jean Hunyadi.
Prodan tient a souligner sa qualite de grand noble, possesseur de nombreux biens,
8
chevalier medieval au plus haut sens du mot, porteur ardent de /'epee de la Chretiente .
***
a a a
Pour repondre la question liee son heritage universe!, son importance dans l'his
toire des Roumains, Prodan se sert des arguments tels son origine ethnique roumaine, son
5
D. Prodan, Din istoria Transilvaniei, p. 258.
6
Ibidem, pp. 265-266.
7
Ibidem, pp. 268-269.
' Ibidem, p. 269.
25
loan-Aurel Pop
l'enfance passee en Transylvanie, parmi Roumains, Hongrois, Sicules, la presence a cote

de lui dans les batailles des armees de la Valachie. II rappelle les inten~ts communs de la
Hongrie et des Valachies et !'importance particuliere de son titre de vorvode de Transylvanie.
L'historien souligne le role du Banat dans les actions de Hunyadi. II met en evidence
l'appui que lui ont toujours accorde les villes de Bra$OV (Kronstadt, Brass6), Cluj, Timi$oara
(Temesvar, Temeswar), Turda (Th6rda, Thorenburg), Dej (Dees, Burglos), Bistrita (Bistriz),
ou de Alba-lulia (Gyulafehervar, Weissenburg), de meme que ses hommes du domaine de
Hunedoara (Vajdahunyad) ou les habitants d'Arad ou de Maramure$. L'auteur adresse
meme un eloge a la ville d'Alba lulia, qui a eu l'honneur de recevoir sa tombe9 .
Au bout de cette evocation, D. Prodan tient a mettre en evidence !'importance euro
peenne de Hunyadi. II se trait notamment pour la Hongrie, qu'il a gouvernee, alors que son
fils a ete le plus glorieux des rois hongrois, et pour notre pays. Hunyadi est mentionne, a
cote de Mircea le Vieux et Etienne le Grand, parmi ses grands combattants anti-ottomans.
Cette valorisation roumaine du heros n'a rien d'anhistorique - a condition de ne pas
exagerer ! - , etant donne que meme a l'epoque ii y avait une certaine conscience de son
appartenance ethnique. La meilleure preuve en est !'appreciation du pape Pius II, qui
ecrivait au XV' siecle que Jean Hunyadi a fait accrortre mains la gloire des Hongrois que
surtout celle des Roumains, au sein desquels ii est ne.
Au-dela de son caractere objectif manifeste, !'evocation ci-presente porte aussi l'em
preinte de l'epoque qui l'a generee, des idees de !'auteur, de son milieu social etc. Malgre
les voix qui l'accusent de nationalisme roumain - impossible d'ailleurs de cultiver officielle
ment a l'epoque -, ce texte tente, par contre, de souligner !'aspect "europeen" des luttes de
Jean Hunyadi, leur caractere populaire, qui ne tient pas compte des differences ethniques.
L'auteur n'insiste ni sur son origine roumaine, ni sur la soi-disant tentative de trans
former les Pays Roumains dans une confederation, ni sur leur front commun anti-ottoman
- themes devenus recurrents plus tard, dans la periode des exagerations nationalistes-
communistes. Aussi ii realise-t-il une recuperation extremement equilibree de Hunyadi pour
notre histoire nationale (tout comme le fera, peu de temps apres, Cami! Mure$anu).
Prodan n'a pas ete le promoteur des exagerations nationalistes ulterieures et n'a pas
impose le nom de Janco au detriment de celui de Jean pour Hunyadi. D'ailleurs ces deux
formes sont tout aussi legitimes et sont tres frequentes a l'epoque (XV'-XVle siecles)10.
Le texte contient des aspects ideologiques malencontreux, comme l'accent mis sur la
lutte populaire et paysanne, la solidarite consciente des peuples sud-est europeens, la
critique du feodalisme, !'invocation de la lutte de classe et de !'exploitation feodale. S'il
insiste sur le peuple, sur la paysannerie et ses souffrances, c'est en raison de ses propres
convictions, issu d'une famille paysanne de Cioara, David Prodan se fait l'historien du
travail silencieux, etant conscient de porter sur ses epaules tout le drame de son peuple.
Le texte trahit une certaine reticence a souligner le role de la Republique chretienne ou
a approcher des questions religieuses - chose parfaitement justifiee d'ailleurs. Toujours
est-ii que la question de la defense des valeurs chretiennes est courageusement etayee en
9
D. Prodan, Din istoria TransiJvaniei, p. 270.
10
On a depuis demontre que les formes J o anes-Jcu ✓ anos etc. sont les variantes d'un meme nom
de bapteme (loan, en roumain litteraire) et ont ete utilises en meme temps, des son vivant deja. Le com-
battant de Belgrade, avail d'ailleurs un frere du meme nom (Joannes), que ses proches appelaient Jva§Cu
(autre variante de Joannes). Par consequent, les deux freres Joannes etaient appeles en famille Jancu el
Jva§CU, ce qui etait absolument normal, ne fut-ce que pour des raisons pratiques (1.-A Pop, lacob Marza,
«La personnalite et l'epoque de Jean de Hunedoara refletees dans les annotations en marge d'un incuna-
ble de 1481», Al/GT, XXV, 1999, p. 45-61).
26
Roumanie de /a decennie obsedante. En depit de ces distorsions (liees plut6t au contexte

general), la reconstitution de la vie et de la carriere du heros de Belgrade s'avere
pertinente, historiquement correcte, David Prodan faisant preuve meme de talent litteraire.
Les connaissances liees a ce sujet etaient, naturellemen~ incompletes a ce moment,
des details importants continuant a rester inconnus - depuis les itineraires de Jean Hunyadi
dans le Royaume de Hongrie aux implications de !'union de Ferrara-Florence. C'est Camil
Mure~anu qui prendra la releve de David Prodan, vers la fin des annees '50 du siecle
passe, systematisant les recherches relatives a la vie et a la carriere de Jean Hunyadi.
***
a
Si Jean Hunyadi continue rester «noire contemporain», c'est grace surtout aux traits
que David Prodan lui avail conferes dans son evocation de 1956. On se rappelle Jean
Hunyadi pour avoir defendu les ideaux de !'Europe, de la civilisation europeenne, des
peuples. On se souvient de lui en Roumanie et surtout en Transylvanie puisque c'est son
pays natal, le lieu ou ii dart son sommeil eternel. S'il est reste dans la memoire a la fois des
Roumains et des Hongrois, c'est pour avoir lie son destin a l'histoire des deux nations.
L'Europe actuelle ne parait pas trap loin de !'ideal de Jean Hunyadi et ses allies, voire
la preservation des valeurs de la civilisation et de l'identite du vieux continent face aux
assauts dissolvants des facteurs allogenes. Nihil novi sub sole !
1
,t
A.
Time, Image, Belief
The Cote of Arms granted by King Ladislas V the Posthumous to John Hunyadi in 1453
A. Time, Image, Belief
i~mi.:birn~:p.mC(~:3 ~)on b1cs 111\'rio d1 mn11i:ribci('\'£ ape fP.JllJIJ

pl.1,.Hu ri:5111 l)ti~.111( rr.iffilu ;111 .tG tr.1b11((;1'\.'." fi:,n m p.1rtrn.
iOc rkrn~,111~ bfi1101~.illlO WJ~nobc m 511bc111,HO!c:11., u,
h1.i11c per c,J11ti( .1 i:11 .1t;ul \Nyuotl.1 q;JC[,1. ..
-.----_-_-_-.:.:::-.. . .;-=:;:;'.-;;::====~===============-
One of the Two Fifteenth Century Images of John Hunyadi in the 1488 printed version
of Thur6czy's Chronicle
30
I.
Chronicles, Histories and Historians
, ',>•-'
HA OBOII l\ECTY 22 ,l~;I,\ 11156. f<.i/LHHE !'156. JULIUS 22·ENBELGRAD

6PAH!l011H oEOfP.\.1(1 ELUl(ON t!UNYA0·1 .iAHOSSAL
·. HA t\Ell~ CA ,JAHKO!I XYlbA/lj!JEII
EZEN A HELYfN
llJBOJtBUll CY .. ARATTAI< DONTO G'/OZELIIET
· BEAlil<Y no6EH,, HAJ(T¥Pllttll.4
Memorial Stone, in Serbian and Hungarian, commemorating the Battle of Belgrade

A.I. Chronicles, Histories and Historians
John Hunyadi's Statue of Pees
32
1.
Medieval Perspectives
The 'Strong Wife, Widow and Mother' (Elisabeth Szilagyi)

A./.1. Medieval Perspectives
The 'Weak King' (Ladislas V Posthumous) and the 'Evil Adviser' (Ulrich von Cily)
The Mourning of the 'Fallen Heir' (Ladislas Hunyadi)
34
John Hunyadi - the Ideal Crusader-
in Aeneas Silvio Piccolomini's Letters and Historical Writings
Ovidiu Mure~an
"Babe;;-Bolyai" University,
Cluj-Napoca
Great men are necessal)I,

their time is a product of chance
(Friedrich Nietzsche)
Most celebrities inhabiting the flow of universal history owe their place in eternity, in col-
lective memory, to one infallible apologetic instrument. Both in terms of mystification and of
propaganda, this is the historical biography, without doubt the least boring of all questionable
historical genres. The narrative scenario of multiple uses, furthered by the encounters between
mythology, history and literature, is the product of classical Greek-Latin antiquity. Amongst
its founders, we recall lsocrates (The Eulogy of Evagoras), Xenophon (Cyropedia), Diogenes
Laertius (On the Lives and Doctrines of the Philosophers), Suetonius (The Lives of the Twelve
1
Cesars), Plutarch (Para/le/ Lives), Cornelius Nepos (Brilliant Men) or St. Jerome (Brilliant Men) .
The genre developed by incorporating the first famous 'hagiographies', often distorted
by legend and prejudice, such as the Lives of Buddha and Mohamed or the Gospels (that is
the 'four biographies' of Jesus). Acta sanctorum, economastical literature or martyrology are,
consequently, some of the medieval forms of the genre. Their eloquent profane 'alternatives'
can be found in different vitae, such as those written by Einhardtl Eginhard (The Life of
Charlemagne), Radevicus (The Deeds of Emperor Frederic) or Joinville (The Life of St. Louis(
***
In the Renaissance, the personality cult received specific panegyric accents. Men of
letters or diplomats, well aware of the fact that they were the 'merchants of (immortal) glory',
the Italian humanists captured or created, in captivating manner, the distinctive features of
the leading figures of Europe. The image of the 'long fifteenth century' would be therefore
3
incomplete without these biographies, which sometimes covered also the smallest of details .
The historical biography of the Renaissance, a fashion in its own respect, is more than
just an imitation of ancient models. It is an expression of the spirit of the age. The portrait,
the dominant subject of Renaissance art, befitting of the growing individualism signified by
the uomo universale, found its natural way into other areas of creative work. The model from
1
See Adrian Marino, Dic/ionar de idei literare [Dictionary of Literary Ideas], I (Bucharest 1973), pp.
259, 260, 262, 265; Jacob Burckhard!, Cultura Rena§terii in Italia [The Renaissance Culture in Italy]. 1-11
(Bucharest 1969), I, pp. 60-61, 64; II, pp. 183-184; Eric W. Cochrane, Historians and Historiography in
the Italian Renaissance (Chicago 1981).
2
Such 'literary expansions' directly influenced crusader images (Norman Housley, 'Holy Land or Holy
Lands? Jerusalem and the Catholic West in the Late Middle Ages and Renaissance', in The Holy Land,
Holy Lands, and Christian History, edited by Robert Norman Swanson (Woodbridge 2000), pp. 228-249).
3
In comparison, see Francisc Pall, 'Relazioni di Giovanni di Hunedoara con l'ltalia negli anni 1452-
1453 (Documenti inediti preceduti da uno studio' (l-11), RESEE, XIII (1975), 3, pp. 453-478; 4, pp. 559-595.
Ovidiu Murei?an
Plutarch's lives went beyond time and grew into a lesson delivered by the biographer to his
contemporaries. By escaping time, the model of a past life thus entered the space of eternity4.
The nature and character of the hero are complete and also unchangeable from his first
appearance in history's dramatic turmoil. The narrative sequences in which the hero is later
involved only underline his distinctive 'genetic' features, his original, monumental essence. In
this respect, the countless Renaissance historical biographies do not reveal the destiny of a
real historic figure, but portrait his legend, which is, in fact, the most vivid form of historic
tradition. This epic formula seemed at the time the most effective written instrument by which
5
a personality could survive (his) time and become a fertile and defining power of all ages .
The art of biography had a comparative character and was the object of actual collections.
Other western authors made a restrictive use of the genre. Biography developed and spread
in the environment of Italian humanism. The concept of glory imposed itself as a standard
means of human historical measure. Immortal glory was the great target of urban elites and of
rural nobles. It relied on a wide sphere of necessary (personal) qualities (e.g. the pre-eminent
place of the individual, his social status conditioned by various privileges, an ensemble of
unique virtues and credits). Humanist Leon Battista Alberti wrote that any virtue must be taken
to its glory. In his Remedies for a fate or another, Francesco Petrarca further underlined that6:
True glory can only be pursued only by accomplishing great deeds. Notice from where your
fame came and you will thus understand if it is a true glory, for if only chance gave you fame,
she will take it back.
The Renaissance hero did not hesitate to associate his name to the glory for which he
had to pay for with his own life. It was the beautiful death of the warrior fallen in his prime on
the battlefield. Homer's epic legacy influenced Renaissance perceptions. The warrior hoped
that his energy would be transferred to his posterity, in perpetual celebrations of his glory .
Obviously, in a climate which nourished individual aims, often bitter in their selfishness,
cases of fraud, of imposture, were no rarity. Fascinated with the relentless perseverance of
characters which made up in social stamina what they lacked in social action, several of the
Renaissance authors, corrupted by the offers of such figures, turned them into historic figures,
8
into biography heroes. From provincial glory, the figures could thus hope for regional glory .
The Italian Trecento and namely Quattrocento were very favourable times for biographies.
A genuine campaign of writing and collecting biographies marked the age. Aside for dubious
9
figures, these biographies were devoted to exceptional (lay) figures, some were true titans .
A few examples of such biographies can be recalled here. Giovanni Boccaccio wrote
Dante's Life, The Life of Petrarca and Famous Women, which included 106 biographies from
Eve to queen Joanna II of Naples, while Filippo Villani devoted himself to Boccaccio's own
life. Other major authors of important biographies were Francesco Petrarca (On Famous
4
See also Robert J. Mitchell, The Laurels and the Tiara: Pope Pius II 1458-1464 (Garden City NY
1962J; Gioacchino Paparelli, Enea Silvio Piccolomini: /'umanesimo sul soglio di Pietro (Ravenna 1978).
E.g. Tudor Vianu, Opere [Complete Works], X (Bucharest 1982), pp. 100-116. See also Franco
Catalano, 'La diplomazia italiana nella seconda meta del quattrocento', NRS, XU (1957), 2, pp. 246-269.
6
Petrarca, Scrieri alese [Selected Writings) (Bucharest 1982), pp. 247-248; Kenneth M. Setton, The
Papacy and Levant (1204-1571), II, The Fifteenth Century (=MAPS, CXXVII) (Philadelphia 1978), p. 2.
7
E.g. Constantin Noica, Modelul cultural European [The Cultural Europe Model) (Bucharest 1993),
pp.104, 106; Onoarea. Imagine de sine sau dar de sine: unideal echivoc [Honor. Self-image or Self-
given: An Equivoque Ideal], edited by Marie Gautheron (Bucharest 2003), pp. 46-57.
8
In this respect: Hans Baron, The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance. Civic Humanism and
Republican Liberty in An Age of Classicism and Tyranny (Princeton 1966), pp. 33-36, 59-64.
9
In terms of general Italian fashion, of 'local' and 'continental dragon slayers', see Kate Fleet, 'Italian
Perceptions of the Turks in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries', JMS, V (1995), pp. 159-172.
36
John Hunyadi - the Ideal Crusader
Men), Leonardo Bruni (The Life of Dante, The Life of Petrarca), Jacobus Bergomensis (On
Famous Women), Giorgio Vasari (The Lives of the Most Illustrious Painters, Sculptors and
Architects), Niccolo Machiavelli (The Life of Castruccio Castracam), Vespasiano da Bisticci
th
(The Lives of Illustrious Men of the 15 Century) or Bartolomeo Fazio (Illustrious Men). The
work of Bartolomeo Sacchi (Platina) on the lives of the popes stands for one of the most
intriguing examples of Renaissance collections of biographies. To this very short list, one
should add also the writings of the Augustinian monk, Jacopo Filipo Foresti, who wrote on
famous women, including the Humanist ladies lsotta Nogarola and Cassandra Fedele 1°.
Aeneas Silvio Piccolomini wrote on of the most remarkable galleries of biographies (De
viris il/ustribus), drafted largely in the memoirs style. The original version, unaltered by the
pompous rhetorical luxury of antique imitations, seemingly included 65 biographies, of which
21, including the biographies of Filippo Maria Visconti and of queen Joanna II of Naples, 11are
th
now lost. The surviving manuscript was printed only in the second half of the 18 century .
Unfortunately, the (possible) portrait of John Hunyadi is missing from the processions of
'exercises in admiration'. The border figure turned into the hero of Christendom had come at
a time when liberating the Holy Land from the hands of Islam had turned into a utopian dream,
a dream which was nevertheless shared as late as Torquato Tasso's masterpiece of the 1600'
(The Liberated Jerusalem). In return, in the age of the Later Crusades (from the late 1300' on),
th th 12
Christendom had lost much of the heroic and mystical convictions of the 11 -13 Centuries .
When John Hunyadi made his mark of late medieval Christendom, defence not offensive
was the key word for the struggling 'commonwealth'. The tenacious, monstrous in terms of the
Christian propaganda, Ottoman Empire had taken over the Balkans and was closing in on the
lands of (the later) East-Central Europe. Hunyadi's efforts, successes and failures, captured 13
the attention of the Italian Peninsula and that of the travelling humanist and future pope Pius 11 .
John Hunyadi was certainly a prime candidate for a place in Piccolomini's gallery of great
men. Whether or not it he actually found a place in this gallery is a question which cannot be
answered. Therefore, our study should only be viewed as an attempt to correct an omission
(written and/ or only printed) and to offer, based on Piccolomini's other works, an image of
Hunyadi as close as possible to that which could have been written by the humanist himself14.
Several of Piccolomini's generous and extensive comments on Hunyadi's deeds have
survived. Piccolomini's historical works or numerous letters cover, in direct or indirect manner,
various aspects of John Hunyadi's personality. Such sources are particularly valuable for the
allow us to take a closer look at the political and ideological context of the age and to better
understand Hunyadi's place in the Piccolomini's Weltanschaung's system both prior and after
the humanist became pope and the main advocate of the revival of the Republica Christiana15_
10 0. Mure>,an, Judecata lui Paris [Paris' Judgement] (Cluj-Napoca 1996), pp. 31-32; Idem, Umanism,
Rena§tere §i Papa/itate in secolul al XV-lea [Humanism, Renaissance and Papacy in the 1400'] (Cluj-
Napoca 2005), p. 56; Peter Burke, Rena§terea europeana. Centre §i periferii [The Europe Renaissance:
The Center and its Limits] (la>,i 2005), pp. 41, 272-273.
11 Piccolomini, De viris il/ustribus, edited by Adrianus H. de Heck (Vatican City 1991), pp. 71-73;
Eduard Fueler, Geschichte der neuren Historiographie (Munich-Berlin 1911 '), p. 99; James Westfall
Thom:Pson, A History of Historical Writing, I (Gloucester 1967), p. 488.
1
In this respect, see also Leo Ulrich, Torquato Tasso. Studien zur Vorgeschichte des Secen-
tesimo (Berna 1951), pp. 232-236.
13 For an interesting overview, see the papers collected in Pius II El Piu Expeditivo Pontifice. Selected
Studies and Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini, edited by Zweder von Martels, A. Vanderjagt (Leiden 2003).
14
In comparison, see F. Pall, 'Les relations entre la Hongrie et Skanderbeg', RHSEE, X (1933), 4-6,
pp 120-124; Idem, 'Skanderbeg et lanco de Hunedoara', RESEE, VI (1968), 1, pp. 8-10.
15
E.g. Nancy Bisaha, 'Pope Pius II and the Crusade', in Crusading, pp. 39-52; Mure>,an, Umanism,
Rena§tere §i Papalitate, p. 125.
37
Ovidiu Mure~an
***
Very attached to Leonardo Bruni's historiographical method, the humanist from Siena was
the only one who had audacity to combine actual history with personal memoirs in his writing.
He made use of Petrarca's individual free style, unfolding historical sequences and patterns
in his gallery of portraits. Unlike other humanists from the ecclesiastical environment, Aeneas
6
Silvio Piccolomini showed little respect towards the 'classical canons' in his biographies1 .
Piccolomini was also a diplomat, involved in the major events of the 1440'-1450'. This
gave him access to first-hand political knowledge and information, while also developing his
talent as an observer and judge of characters. He made great use of these facts and notes
in his historical works, as well as in his letters, which increases the importance of his writings17_
During his rather short pontificate (1458-1464), Piccolomini drafted his Cosmographia or
Historia rerum ubique gestarum locorumque description. His great work was built initially as
a vast synthesis of the civilizations of the three known continents at the time (Europe, Africa
and Asia). The work was never completed. Still, two autonomous treatises have survived.
The first one, known as De Europa, was begun in summer 1458. The second one, entitled
De Asia, was written starting with summer 1461. Both treatises were printed only after Pius
8
ll's death, first in separate volumes, in several editions, then in multiple joint volumes 1 .
The vast lexicon served two purposes. On one hand, it should have been a masterpiece
of the encyclopaedic spirit that marked the Renaissance, as Piccolomini' was one of its main
promoters. On the other hand, the Cosmographia was meant to serve as a giant data base
in view of a great anti-Ottoman crusade, even if only by outlining Europe's economical and
political potential, with special emphasis on Europe's East-Central and South-Eastern areas 19.
A special chapter consequently was devoted to the Walachians (Romanians), viewed as
a Christian outpost in front of the growing power of the sultans. Though the historiographical
image created by Piccolomini was not always coherent, namely from a chronological point of
view, his comments included much valuable information on the Walachian environment. This
was the case of Hunyadi's crusader style actions or of the civil strife in southern Walachia
between the two rival great aristocratic families of Dan (Dane§ti1) and Dracul (Dracule§ti,)2°.
These aspects, in particular the last one, captured Piccolomini's attention also because
of their resemblance with the conflicts in the Italian Peninsula. The Walachian feud was quite
similar to the regional or only local (bloody) disputes which marked Italia even after the general
peace of Lodi. Like in the peninsula, the 'referee' of this conflict was a character of rather
humble origin, John Hunyadi, whose career bore similarities to that of an Italian condottiere21 .
For 'domestic' (Walachian and Italian) and 'foreign' (Ottoman and Habsburg-Hungarian)
reasons, Piccolomini thus focused on the Transylvanian noble of Romanian origin. Hunyadi
16
Paul Weinig, Aeneam suscipite. Pium recipite: Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini: Studien zur Rezeption
eines humanistischen Schrifstellers im Deutsch/and des 15. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden 1998), pp. 39-45.
17
For instance: Anton Weiss, Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini a/s Paps! Pius II. Sein Leben und Einflu/3
auf die literarische Cu/tur Deutsch/ands. Mil 149 bisher ungedruckten Briefe n aus dem Codex 3389 der
k.k. Hofbibliothek sowie einem Anhange (Graz 1897); Fueler, Geschichte, pp. 317-318.
18
For a contextual approach: Margaret Meserve, 'From Samarkand to Scythia: Reinventions of Asia
in Renaissance Geography and Political Thought', in Pius II (2003), pp. 13-39.
19
See, for instance: Gioacchino. Paparelli, Enea Silvio Piccolomini (Pio If) (Bari 1950), p. 149; Adolf
Armbruster, La romanite des Roumains: l'histoire d'une idee (Bucarest 1977), pp. 44-49.
20
[Pius II), Opera geographica et historica Aeneae Sy/vii Piccolominei postea Pii II papae (Helmstad
1699), p. 228; Calatori, I, pp. 470-474; A[lexandru). D[imitrie]. Xenopol, 'Lupta dintre Dracule~ti ~i Dane~ti'
nd
[The Fight between the Families of Dracul and Dan], AARMS/, 2 series, XXX (1907), pp. 183-272.
21
In this respect, see also Margaret Meserve, 'Italian Humanists and the Problem of the Crusade',
in Crusading, pp. 13-38; Setton, The Papacy and Levant, II, pp. 138-146.
38
had begun his rise in the service of Sigismund (Zsigmond) of Luxemburg. John had served
Sigismund's ally, Filippo Maria Visconti of Milan. Here he had learned the trade of arms from
count Francesco Carmagnola and the well-known condottieri Francesco Sforza and Niccolo
Piccinino. Consequently, Piccolomini's portrait of Hunyadi follows the pattern of accumulating
22
virtues, which then define the heroic conduct of the ideal knight at the end of the Middle Ages :
This John came from the people of the Romanians. He had acquired fame not because he
was of noble birth, but due to his qualities. Just, magnanimous and brave, he fought many
victorious battles with the Turks and the spoils gained from his enemies he used to enrich
Hungary with sanctuaries [ ... ]. Battles were often successfully against the Turks which
brought no little fame to John of Hunedoara who led the armies. His name had become so
feared by his enemies, that mothers, in order to make their crying children shut up, menaced
them with John's coming/
Piccolomini's De Europa provides generous space for detailed depictions of Hunyadi's

anti-Ottoman expeditions, which had already become legends for Hungarians, Romanians
and Serbians. Piccolomini also insists on Hunyadi's first and last great Balkan campaigns.
The first one led to the favourable Peace of Szeged (-Oradea), concluded with Murad II )1444).
3
The second one ended with John Hunyadi's 'pardonable' defeat at Kossovopolje (1448) .
Piccolomini placed particular emphasis on George (fluraci) Brankovic's questionable
political behaviour. According to the pope, the Serbian despot's changing loyalties and basically
treasonable behaviour towards the cross were instrumental in John Hunyadi's rare defeats.
24
'Otherwise', Hunyadi's Balkan campaigns against the Ottomans would have succeeded :
John of Hunedoare, long famed in wars, often entering Serbia with army, caused many defeats
to the Turks and fought their chieftains in combat. Still, even though he retook a large part of
Serbia, he did not fully retum it to George Brankovic, but gave a good deal of it to his friends,
not without cause, for, while he had, through his bravery, repelled the enemies, George had
been of doubtful loyalty. Caught between Hungarians and Turks, he gave false hopes to both
sides, while in matters of religion, he obeyed neither the Roman Church, nor Mohamed's law.
Because I have come so far, it suits me well to follow his deeds right to the end. After he was
defeated in the battle of Vama, over which we shall speak not over long, Hunyadi, on the run,
reached Serbia. George heard of his anival, got in his way and captured and chained him like
an enemy. He did not release him until he [John] did not re/um the settlements in his power,
which he had occupied earlier on.
Not long after, while John led his armies towards Sofia, and it seemed that he will cause no
little damage to the Turks, he [Brankovic] revealed to Murad all the plans of the Hungarians.
Because he [Murad II] had been wamed, he caused the Christians of the heaviest defeats, as
it will be revealed at the due place.
22
Pius II, or.era geographica et historica, pp. 223, 236-237; Camil Mure§an, /ancu de Hunedoara
(Bucharest 1968 ), pp. 47-49; (Bucharest 1976), pp. 13-14; see George Laziirescu, Nicolae Stoicescu,
Tilrile Romane §i Italia panil la 1600 [The Romanian Countries and Italy up to 1600] (Bucharest 1972).
23
For instance: [Pius 11], Aenae Sy/vii Pii II Pontificis Maximi, Opera Omnia (Basel 1571), pp. 390,
97-398; F, Pall, 'Le condizioni et Ii echi internazionali della lotta antiottomana del 1442-1443, condotta de
Giovanii di Hunedoara', RESEE, Ill (1965), 3-4, pp. 433-463; Francesco Guida, 'Enea Silvio Piccolomini e
!'Europa Orientale: ii De Europa (1458)', Clio, XV (1979), 1, pp. 37-46; Pal Engel, 'Janos Hunyadi: The
ecisive years of his career, 1440-1444', in Hunyadi-Rak6czi, pp. 103-123.
24
•• See here Pius 11, Opera geographica et historica, pp. 234-235 (the quoted fragments); Aziz S. Atiya,
reuzfahrer und Kaulleute. Die Begegnung van Christen/um und Islam (Munich 1973), pp. 101-103;
ohannes Helmrath, 'Pius II. und die Turken', in Europa und die Tilrken in der Renaissance, edited by
. _ado Guthmuller, Wilhelm Kuhlmann (Tubingen 2000), p. 89; Barbara Baldi, 'Enea Silvio Piccolomini el ii
e Europa: umanesimo, religione e politica', AS/, CLXI (2003), pp. 668-670; see Emanuel C. Antoche,
s expeditions de Nicopolis (1396) et Varna (1444): une comparison', MT, IV (2000), 1-2, pp. 28-74.
39
Ovidiu Mure~an
Between this two major military sequences, Piccolomini placed the tragic defeat of Varna
(November 1444). Because Hunyadi had been sidelined and did not get the opportunity to
influence the course of battle, the king of Hungary and Poland himself, Wladislaw {Wladylsaw,
Ulaszl6) I (Ill) (1434-1444), had lost his life. The outcome of the clash was a catastrophe for the
25
common Christian cause, so dear to Piccolomini in his writings and diplomatic endeavours .
Piccolomini commented the defeat in his correspondence with the duke of Milan, Filippo
Maria Visconti. From Wiener Neustadt, the favourite residence of Frederic (Friedrich) Ill of
Habsburg, the main Christian political rival of the late Wladislaw, Piccolomini mixed military
facts with statistical fiction. After listing a series of Hungarian barons and prelates which had
lost their lives in combat, he claimed that, although victorious, the Turk had lost nearly 80000
26
men in battle. Furthermore, Piccolomini wrote of the alleged suNival of the crusader king :
Those who survived the clash say that it cannot be recalled the last time that such a bloody
battle took place in Europe. The Turl<s did not suffer lesser losses than the Hungarians. If the
rumours are true, eighty thousand died in this battle. On the Polish king nothing can be said
with precision. Some claim that he died in battle, other say that he was taken prisoner.
Nevertheless, John Hunyadi suNived as he was to suNive his own decline, triggered by
the defeat of Kossovopolje (1448), which compromised his image of undefeatable tactician.
He was to salvage his immortal image at Belgrade, in July 1456, against sultan Mehmed II.
7
For Pius II, this victory, at the dusk of Hunyadi's life confirmed his place as ideal crusader2 :
In the absence of the monarch, being elected governor of the kingdom (as it is said), John of
Hunedoara led the province with iron hand. Not even when he was at the king's mercy, his
conduct was not less authoritarian. He died of disease sho,t/y after the knocl<ed the Turks to
the ground, in front of Belgrade (as I have stated in regard to the Serbians).
On the other hand, Piccolomini had an excellent knowledge of medieval mentalities and
egos. He seized the opportunity to discuss, in amiable manner, the conflicts arisen over the
identity of the true victor of Belgrade. Namely after their deaths, in particular the supporters
28
of the former partners Hunyadi and Capestran had claimed the victory for their late masters :
As authors of the victory, three Johns are counted: John the cardinal-legate [Juan Carvajal].
under whose patronage the deed was accomplished, Hunyadi and Capestran who took part
in battle.
It is true that neither Capes/ran, nor Hunyadi recalls the other in their letters over the victory,
written either to the Roman pontiff or to their friends. Each one claimed that through his work,
God gave victory to the Christians. The Human mind [spirit], thirsty for praise, shares more
easily power and wealth, than glory.
25
For instance: loan-Aurel Pop, lacob Marza, 'La personnalite et l'epoque de Jean de Hunedoara
refletees dans les annotations en marge d'un incunable de 1481 ', Al/GT, XXV (1999), pp. 50-53; Franco
Cardini, Europa §i /s/amul. lstoria unei ne,n{elegeri [Europe and Islam: The History of a Misunderstanding]
(la~i 2002), pp. 146-147; see further also Georg Hofmann, 'Pius II. und die Kircheneinheit des Ostens',
OCP XII (1946), 2, pp. 231-233;
26 Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini, Papa vagy zsinat? [Pope or Creator?] (Budapest 1980), pp. 111-
112; Rygomera Eysser, 'Paps! Pius II. und der Kreuzzug gegen die Turken', MHG, II (1938), pp. 15-16.
27
Pius II, Opera geographica et historica, p. 224; Jean Delumeau, Frica rn Occident (seco/ele XIV-
th th
XV/1/). O cetate asediata [The Fear in the Occident (14 -18 Centuries): A Fortress under Siege], II
(Bucharest 1986), p. 131; Cardini, Europa §i /slamul, p. 161 .
28
Pius II, Opera geographica et historica, p. 246; Franz Babinger, Der Quel/enwert der Berichte
Ober den Entsatz von Be/grad 1456 (=SBAW, XX.VII (Vll)I, 6) (Munich 1957); Stanko Andric, The Mira-
cles of St. John Capistran (Budapest 1999), pp. 90-95, 154-155; N. Housley, 'Giovanni da Capestrano
and the Crusade of 1456', in Crusading, pp. 94-96, 113-114.
40
***
Hunyadi's beautiful death may have significantly influenced the future pope. Hunyadi
had died in full glory, in accordance to the canons of humanist heroic ideals. His status as
29
Piccolomini's favourite (new) idol and symbol of freedom and faith as subsequently fortified .
The slightly obsolete crusader concept, directed against the Ottomans, had received vital
breeding room at Belgrade. Two years later, the bishop of Siena became pope. As Pius II, the
humanist completely shaped his politics following the often repeated hope of a redeeming
30
victory of Chnstendom over the Turk. In this respect, Hunyadi's image was instrumental .
29
In this respect, see also Ivan Boronkai, 'Matthias im Bilde der Memoiren des Pius 11', in Humanism,
pp. 59-69; Dominique de Courcelles, 'Le Roman de Tirant le Blanc et le Voeu du Faisan: le pouvoir de
la parole entre politique et litterature', in Le Banquet du Faisan: /'Occident face au defi de /'Empire
Ottoman, edited by Marie-Therese Caron, Denis Clauzel (Arras 1997), pp. 173-186.
30
In comparison, G.B. Picotti, La dieta di Mantova e la politica dei Veneziani (=MSV, 3'' series, IV)
(Venice 1912); Werner Brandmuller, 'Die Reaktion Nikolaus' V. auf den Fall van Konstantinopel', RQ,
XC (1994), p. 1-22; James Hankins, 'Renaissance crusaders: Humanist Crusade Literature in the Age of
Mehmet II', OOP, XLIX(1995), pp. 111-207.
41
John Hunyadi as portrayed by the
Humanist Aeneas Silvio Piccolomini in some of his Works
Andreea Marza
"Babe~-Bolyai" University
Cluj-Napoca
Aeneas Silvio Piccolomini', a standing representative of Italian Renaissance, was aware

of the moment of rebirth of culture, letters and art as his studies show, in which the elements of
Classical Antiquity are leading. As all the promoters of this movement, he left a legacy of rich
literary, historical, theologic, political and diplomatic testimonies on his time. A few centuries
after the movement faded, they bring to light the importance of his work during his time.
***
The main preoccupation of the humanist and future Pope was the crusade, a political,
military and religious movement, which, in the fifth century aimed to chase the Ottomans
away from Europe, and, after the 1453, it aimed to free Constantinople. Due to their activity
and ideals, Aneas Silvio Piccolomini and John Hunyadi deserve to be studied together, in
order that we may outline Piccolomini's portrait of the captain-general's personality.
Based on our previous research on the activity and work of Piccolomini, we have aimed
to analyze the sources that attest the presence of Hunyadi in some of the humanist's studies.
The Humanist's vision of Hunyadi can be found in a series of historical studies or in his rich
2
correspondence, letters received or sent from his acquantainces . They contain the most
3
important events that Hunyadi was part of and which brought his fame into Europe .
We have tried to present the references that the humanist brings on the life and activity
of Hunyadi in a chronological manner. Here are a few ideas forwarded by Piccolomini on his
origin. Like other leading humanists, Piccolomini considered John Hunyadi to be a Walachian
(Romanian), further underlining the fact that Hunyadi increased the fame not so much of
the Hungarian people but the fame of the Vlach people, from whom he was born4 .
1
Born into a rich family of bankers who went bankrupt and fled from Rome to the neighbourhoods
of Siena in the late 1300', he rose constantly until his election as pope, under the name Pius II. No mat-
ter how we follow his career, as a layman or a cleric, we note a rich literary activity, which he started as a
student in Siena, and continued during the Council of Basel, as secretary of the antipope Felix V, of the
king of the Romans, future emperor, Frederic (Friedrich) Ill, or during the positions that he filled in the pa-
pal curia as a secretary, bishop, cardinal or pontiff (Gioacchino Paparelli, Enea Silvio Piccolomini (Pio II)
(Bari 1950), Laeto Maria Veit, Pensiero e vita religiosa di Enea Silvio Piccolomini prima de/la sua conse-
crazione episcopale (Rome 1964); Ovidiu Mure',anihUmanism, Rena§/ere §i Papalita/e in secolul al XV-
lea [Humanism, Renaissance and Papacy in the 15 Century] (Cluj-Napoca 2005), passim).
2
Pius 11, Episto/ae familiares, Nurenberge [N0mberg], Anthonius Koberger, 1496, Kai. lunii XVI [V.
17], in 4° (we shall especially refer to the letters in this incunabulum); Aeneae Sylvii Piccolominei postea
Pii II Papae, Opera geografica et historica, (Helmstadii [Halmstadt] 1690); Aeneae Sylvii episcopi Sene-
nsis, postea Pii Papae II, Historia rerum Friderici Ill imperaloris (Helmstadii [Halmstadt] 1700), passim;
Aeneae Silvii, Historia Bohemica-Historie Ceska (Prague 1998); Piccolomini-/ commentari (1997) 1-11.
3
In his works (e.g. Opera geografica et historica (1690), pp. 223-225, 227-228; His/aria Friderici
(1700), p. 206; His/aria Bohemica (1998), pp. 194, 196, 206-207, 226,238,240), Piccolomini referred
to John Hunyadi either as loannes or by his cognomen Huniades, with its variants.
4
Opera geografica et historica (1690) p. 228 (loannes Huniades, cu,iJs nomen caeteros obnubila(
non tam Hungaris quam Valachis, ex quibus natus era/, gloriam aux;o; His/aria Frederici (1700), p. 206
Andreea Marza
A few paragraphs vividly described in his Cosmography present between the two boyar
factions of Walachia over the land, which subsequently came into Hunyadi's possession (et
sibi et posteris perpetua possessione)5. Hunyadi's Hungarian actions are also amply descry-
bed, given his political involvement after king Albert's death. Nevertheless, most of mentions
in Piccolomini's works, connected to the activity of John Hunyadi, appear starting with the
6
campaign (/ongum bellum) of 1443-1444, which brought much fame to the commander .
***
Wladislaw (Wladyslaw, Ulaszl6) I (Ill) of Poland's accession to the Hungarian throne, sup-
ported also by Hunyadi, fueled the conflict between queen Elisabeth, Albert's widow, and the
new king. Eugene IV sent cardinal Cesarini to Hungary to settle the the matter. Elisabeth's
and her son's, Ladislas (Laszlo) V the Posthumous, interests were defended by Jan Jiskra
7
(Giskra) of Brandys (Brandeis), a former Hussite captain . When Elisabeth died, Cesarini's ef-
forts enabled the signing of a treaty between Frederic Ill, the legal guardian of Ladislas, and
8
Wladislaw, whereby Wladislaw was accepted as (Co-) King of Hungary by the Habsburgs .
Wladislaw I and Hunyadi led the army that left in 1443, after having awaited the help
promised by the Catholic world. Eugene IV's bull, issued on January 1, 1443, that called up
( .. . haud magno genere natus; sed animo grando <et> consilio provido); Alexandru Marcu, 'Riflessi di
storia rumena in opera italiane dei secoli XIV e XV', EphemDR, I (1923), pp. 338-386; Virgilio Maxim, /
Romeni e la Santa Sede nel seco/o XV (Vatican City 1940), pp. 5,30; Beatrice Daicoviciu, 'Marturii apu-
sene despre latinitatea $i continuitatea romanilor (secolele XV-XVIII)' [Western Testimonies on the Lati-
th th
nity and Continuity of the Romanians. 15 -18 Centuries], AMN, V (1968), p. 203-213; Adolf Armbruster,
Romanitatea romanilor [The Romanity of the Romanians], Bucharest 19721. pp. 56-62; see also the
opinion of Antonio Bonfini (in Fejer-Hunyad, p. 20): Hie enim valacho patre, matre vero graeca natus,
industria et viriute, supra omnem opinionem, suum genus illustravit).
5
Opera geografica et historica (1690), p. 228 (Inter Valachos tempestate nostra duae factiones
fuere, altera Danorum, a/tera Dragularum: sed ii cum Danis impares essent, atque ab ii/is mu/tifariam
opprimerentur, Turcas in auxilium vocavere, quorum annis adiuti, Danos p$ne ad intemecionem
de/everunt. Danis vero Joannes Huniades Hungarorum imperio fretus opem ferens, non tam illos
restituit quam sibiipsi c/aritatem <et> opes acquisivit. Quippe qui Danorum agros ex potestate
Turcarum ereptos, <et> sibi <et> posteris perpetua possessione retinendos occupavit).
6
Epistolae familiares (1496), no. 81, f. 43' (Vidua[m] quoq[ue] nubere admone[n]t. [... ] Eamq[ue]
lege[m] adiicit ut si marem interea pareat, nu/la /egat[ijo[n]i vis insit. Du[m] legati via[m] facit~n]t priusq[uam]
Vuladislau[m] co[n]venia[n]t, parie[n]te regina Ladisla[us] Alberii filius nascit[ur]); Opera geografica et
historica, p. 222; Thur6czy (1766), pp. 303 ( ... regina Elizabeth, sua baronum cum parie, A/barn rega/em
petiit; filiolumque suum, nomine Ladislaum, qui nondum quatuor sue etatis menses compleverat, muftis
tonantem vagitibus, in regem fecit iniungi pariter <et> coronan), 305 (Venerant etiam ad hanc
congregationem, salvi conductus sub praerogativa, dominus Dionysius, cardinalis supradictus, <et>
Ladislaus de Gara, banus, pluresque magnates; quos regina/is magis, quam novi regis, di/ectio trahebat);
Historia Bohemica (1998), p. 186: (Mittuntur ad eam legati, qui dicant ad eligendum regem diem
statutam. [... ] Reginam natum ex Alberio fi/ium in cunabulis ostendit, rogat, ne patema hereditate pupil/um
exuant); Piccolomini-/ commentari (1997), II, (XII), p. 784; Cami! Mure$an, lancu de Hunedoara (John
Hunyadij (Bucharest 1968\ p. 61; loan Dragan, Nobilimea romaneasca din Transilvania. 1440-1514 [The
Romanian Nobility ofTransylvania. 1440-1514] (Bucharest 2000), p. 80; Paparelli, Piccolomini, p. 134.
7
Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomineus, qui postea Pius II P(ontifex] M[aximus], De viris illustribus (Stutt-
gardiae [Stuttgart] 1842), pp. 56-58 (a short description of Jiskra). He offered his services to Sigismund
(Zsigmond) of Luxemburg, as well as to Albert, who appointed him dux exercitus. After Albert's death, he
remained in the region to defend the interests of the young king (Namque cum defuncto Alberio ab
regina coniuge Ladislaoque eius puero Hungari deficerent Polonumque regem seque-rentur, hie so/us
ex omnibus ducibus, qui anna in Hungaria tenebant, intrepido animo menteque stabili mansit in fide
regis~ue Ladislai paries tutatus est).
Opera geografica et historica (1690), p. 223 (Foedus inter Fredericum <et> Uladislaum, qui se
regem Hungariae appellavit, Julianus cardina/is Jege composuit).
44
John Hunyadi as portayed by the Humanist Enea Silvio Piccolomini
the Christian rulers to organize a common expedition against the Turks, while the pope offered
a fifth of a year's income of the Apostolic Camera to equip a fleet, had had little impact on the
European courts. The crusade was delayed by those who were not directly threatened by the
Ottomans. Thus, the army gathered by John Hunyadi consisted of Serbians, Poles, Czechs,
Romanians, Hungarians and Germans of Transyvanian. Some of these soldiers where paid
by the Serbian despot George (flurad) Brankovi6, others covered their own expenses9 .
The first military actions south of Danube took place around Nis, conquered w1/hout great
effort [... ] with the death of two thousand Turks, with the capturing of four thousand, as
compared to t/1e death of only ten Christians 1°. In Piccolomini's view, the great difference be-
tween the number of Turks captured or killed and the small number of Christians killed stress-
sed out John Hunyadi's military and administrative skills. According to Piccolomini, during
the Long Campaign, Hunyadi had only had ten thousand soldiers under his command".
The echo of the Christian Balkan victories was so great that it was thought that a better-
organized campaign could have chased the Turk from Europe for good. The Ottoman de-
feats forced sultan Murad II to draw up a 10-year peace offer, very advantageous for the Euro-
pean states, whose armies were tired and too small in number. Piccolomini commented the
event and said that the Turks asked for peace[ ... ] frightened and led by fear12•
The European powers and Hunyadi had different views on concluding peace. Hunyadi too
wanted to go back to war, but only if and when the army was completely restored. Cardinal
Cesarini, the duke of Burgundy, the doge of Venice, Alfonso V of Naples, impressed by the
victories, persistently requested a new campaign, promising help and stating that the Turks
13
cannot reach Europe, as the sultan was in Asia Minor at war with the bey of Caramania .
Finally, as Piccolomini also presents the case, king Wladislaw was convinced by cardinal
Cesarini to go to war against the Turks, although his possible ally, the Serbian despot, was
from the beginning hostile to this action 14. The king of Poland and Hungary's desire for glory
and Cesarini' s blunt statement - that a vow sworn to the infidels has no value 15 - pushed
the king to start a new campaign, which would not enjoy the success of the previous one.
The main battle was fought in Varna (1 o" November 1444). It was commented in some
of Piccolomini's letters, which describes in detail the aftermath of the Christian defeat. There
9
Mure§an, lancu de Hunedoara, pp. 83-86.
10
Episto/ae fami/iares (1496), no. 44, f. 20' (/ohan[n]es v[aiv]o[da] urlJem Nisam p[ro]fectus e[st] eamq
[ue] mi/llib[us] cinxit Nee magno negocio expugnavit. [... ] Mira res: ex thurvis duo milia cesa dicun~ur],
capta q[ua]tuor mi/ia. Ex [chr]i[st]ianis so/u[m] dece[m] cecidere. [... ] Hee acta sunt ad die[m] tertiu[m] nave
[m]bris sicut regi nostro p[er] ip[su]m cardinale[m] <et> regiis ,Vtte]ris scriptu[m] esO; Franco Cardini, Europa
§i /s/amu/. lstoria unei nein(elegeri [Europe and Islam: The Story of a Missunderstanding](la§i 2002), p. 146.
11
Episto/ae fami/iares (1496), no. 81, f. 44': (Na[m] so/us /ohan[n]es vaivoda Tra[n]si/vanus rei
militaris exp[er]lissim[us] cu[m] dece[m] m1)1bus expeditor[um] militu[m] hoc bellu[m] co[n]feciQ.
12
Opera geografica et historica (1690) p. 237 (Constemati ergo ac pervulsi metu, perinde ac lotus
occidens confurasset, pacem petiere. [... ] Jnduciae be/Ii in decem annos dictae, iusiurandum per sua sacra
ambae partes praesutere); Ileana Cazan, Eugen Denize, Mari/e ;;uteri §i spa/iul romiinesc in secole/e
XV-XV/ [The Great Powers and the Romanian Area in the 15th-16 Centuries] (Bucharest 2001), p. 20.
13
Episto/ae familiares (1496), no. 81, ff. 43' (Rex au~em] Polonie /uliani suasu <et> instigal[i]o[n]e
regnico/ar[um] cu[m] exervitu i[n] thurvos traiiciO, 44' (Sed audito pau/o post classis adventu qua[m]
ponlifex maxim[us] Eugenius ac Phillipus burgu[n]dor[um] dux in elespo[n]tum tra[n]s-m1serat: tanq[uam]
ex asia in europa[m] transire thurvos p[ro]hibitura fore/. Elati prioris victorie successib[us] hu[n]gari,
suadejn]teq[ue] Iuliano q[uij treugas nullius mome[n]ti fore dicebat in iussu sedis ap[osto]lice.
1
Piccolomini-/ commentari (1997), 11, (XII, 16), p. 785 (Sentendosi questi a/Iara sicuro a/le sue
spa/le dec,se di muovere guerra contra i Turvhi [ ... ] e radunato un esercito di Polacchi e Ungheresi lo
guido nella Rascia owero Bulgaria); Mure§an, /ancu de Hunedoara, pp. 97-100.
15
Chalcocondil (1958), p. 192 (by commission of the hierach [the pope], he [Cesarinij freededthem of
their vow, thatis priced the most when it comes to closing a peace treaty); Francisc Pall, 'Autour de la croi-
sade de Varna: la question de la paix de Szeged et de sa rupture (1444)', BSHAR, XXII (1941), 2, p. 152.
45
Andreea Marza
were unsure rumours on Wladislaw's death, which said that he was either killed or captured,
and on the death of Cesarini, about whom it was initiallfe said that he was injured, and, while
6
he was fleeing, [... ]he was killed by the people's wrath . Hunyadi succeeded in saving him-
self through a quick run and arrived in Serbia together with a few people close to him with the
7
help of guides who knew the area1 . Wladislaw I (lll)'s death opened the way to the throne
18
of Hungary to Ladislas V. But he was under age and so John Hunyadi became a regent .
Though the Christian army was defeated in 1444, during the following spring, the Western
fleet, which had been previously waiting at the Straits, entered the Black Sea and attacked
Ottoman vessels. The victories along the Lower Danube, gained by the fleet led by Francesco
Condulmer and Walerand de Wavrin, in which John Hunyadi also took part, had a reduced
importance in comparison to the disaster of Varna. With regard to these event of 1445, the
humanist even wrote, in one of his letters, in relation to this late assistance of the papal fleet,
9
that pope Eugene IV's fleet was hiding while these events took place on the Danube1 .
16
Epis/olae familiares (1496), no. 52, ff. 24v-25' (Aiun/ om[ne]s nuncii uno ore regem Polonie cum
cardinale Sancli Angeli multisq[ue] hungaris <et> p/uribus balachis [sic!] <et> bu/garis atq[ue] ruthenis in
Rumania[m] usq[ue] p[er]fectos lot bellando succussus habuisse u/ non /onge ab Adrianopoli castra
posuerint. [... ] /hurrorfum] imp[er]ator accepit collecto in Asia exercitu q[ua]-draginta milia pugnatorfum]
mare traiecit. C/assis na[m]q[ue] in Elespontu[m] ad p[er]hibendum ex a/ia in Europa[m] transitu[m]; (... ]
la[n]la p[er]fidia usus illos fuisse ut [christ]ianu(m] sanguine[m] machometistis auro vendiderint. [... ) suis
,fitte]ris timere se lulianus cardinalis significaverat utcu[m]q[ue] sit liberum mare thurcis patuit, qui
transeu(n]tes in Grecia[m] iunctiq[ue] suis cis mare manentibus cum magno exercitu [christ]ianos aggressi
sun/. (.. .] nullu(m] Iota in Europa tam cruentu[m] bellu[m] e[ss]e com[m]issum. [... ]De rege Polonie incerla
vox e[st]. Quida[m] occubuisse et4m] feru(n]t, quida[m] captt4m] puta[n]t. 11/ud /ame[n] in/er omnes co[n]stal
rege[m] Po/onie ad hungaros non e[ss]e reversum. [... ] Murmur etia[m] in hoc prelio viru[m] noslri
temp[or]is tum eloquentissimu[m] tum prude[n]tissimu(m] lulianu[m] cardinale[m] S[a]ncti Angeli cecidisse.
[... ] Quida[m] as/ruunt eu[m] cu[m] lohan[n]e vainoda tra[n]silvano et nisi limidilate victus, aufugerit
animosissimo cu[m] paucis evasisse, q[uo]d magis oplaverim. Sed mors sua mihi probabilior e[st], quia
no[n] fuit in be/lo forlunatus), no. 81, ff. 44'-44v (Collectoq[ue] gra[n]di exercitu /erras hostiu(m] ingrediun~ur]
vast[rt]alesque ferro <et> igne [...]. In hoc p[re]lio clarus adolescens aut captus est aut occisus rex Polonie.
Nee enim adhuc equala est no/icia veritati. [...] Cesa ex ambabus p[ar]libus circiter q[ua]dragin/a milia
referu[n]~ur). [... ] lulianus cardinalis in be/lo vu/neratus e[st), ac dum fugit, amisso sanguine deficiens apud
palude[m] [... ] impiis hungaro[rum] manibus non ex vo/u(n]late nobilitatis, sed ex furore plebis occisus e[st]);
Bonfini (1936--1941), Ill, pp. 151-152 (Multi fame ac siti, nonnulli frigore /assitudineque absumpti; a/ii ad
hos/ilia /oca de/ati in servitudinem rapli; omnes /amen in acie quam fuga mori maluissen/. [... ] lu/ianum
malorum omnium auctorem inter fugiendum cesum esse ferunQ ; Chalcocondil (1958), p. 198 (Here the
horse of /he emperor [king] of the Peons [Hungarians] is wounded on the feet with an ax/ (...] Here the
janissaries, taking down his helmet and cutting down his head, brought him lo the emperor[sultan]).
17
Piccolomini-/ commentari (1997), II, (XII, 16), p. 785 (Si salvo Giovanni Hunyadi in rapida fuga);
Opera geografica el historica (1690) pp. 235 (Cum male pugnalum esset in proelio Vamensi, (... ], fugiens
Huniades in Serviam se recepit. Sensit adventum eius Georgius, atque obviam factus venientem in/ercepit,
<et> quasi hostem coniecit in vincula), 240 (Huniadem (ut ante diximus) fugienlem, despotus Serviae
coepiQ; other sources state that Hunyadi was captured by Brankovic only after the battle of Kossovopolje
(loan Lupa~. Voevodul transilvan loane Huniade, fortissimus athleta Christi [fhe Transylvanian Voivode
John Hunyadi], in Idem, S/udii, conferin(e §i comunicari istorice [Studies, Confrences and Lectures in
Histo[X], I, Cluj, 1940, p. 93); F. Pall, 'Skanderbeg et lanco de Hunedoara', RESEE, VI (1968), 1, p. 8).
1
Opera geografica et historica (1690), p. 224 (Joannes Huniades regni gubemator assumptus,
absenle rege provinciam [ .. .) in virga ferrea gubemavi/); I commentari (XII, 16), p. 785 (Fu subito
eletlo govema/ore def regno); Chalcocondil (1958), p. 208 ( ...and they left him [Hunyadi] to conduct
the affaires of state as he thought best); Denys Hay, Europe in /he fourleenth and fifteenth centuries
(London 1970), p. 232; Mure~an, lancu de Hunedoara, p. 126; Cazan-Denize, Mari/e puleri, pp. 27-28.
19
Episto/ae familiars (1496) no. 81 , f. 46v (Classis Eugeniana qua[m] in ponto fuisse diximus per
Histrum contra fluminis impetus[m] naviga[n]do [christ]ianis dum hec fieba[n]t, opi/ulaba~ur]); Mure~an,
lancu de Hunedoara, pp. 117-125.
46
John Hunyadi as parlayed by the Humanist Enea Silvio Piccolomini
**'
A few years later, Hunyadi initiated a new campaign. Letters were sent to Burgundy,
20
France and Venice . Not having recieved a clear answer and not being able to forget the de-
feat, the governor delayed the campaign for a year. According to Nicholas V's advice, he
should have postponed it for another year, but the action was already decided upon".
The battle took place at Kossovopolje (1ih-19th October 1448). The Christian army suf-
fered a new defeat, losing a great part of the anny, many Hungarian nobles, [... ]and hierarchs
having been killed on the battle field''. There was no information on the governors fate, for he
was kept hostage by George Brankovic, who released him only under certain circumstances.
Brankovic's Hungarian estates were to be returned to him. Hunyadi had to make peace
with the Gelje/ Gilly family, peace strengthened by his younger son's, Matthias (Matia, Matyas),
engagement to Ulrich of Gilly's daughter and granddaughter of Brankovic. Hunyadi's elder
son, Ladislas, was to remain in Smederevo as hostage. Of all these requirements, Hun~adi
23
only fulfilled the last one. As to the others promises, he was freed of them by Nicholas V .
Kossovopolje triggered Hunyadi's decline. His actions were mainly defensive. His career
came to a turn in December 1452. He left for Vienna, where, in early 1453, he resigned as go-
24
vernor. In return, he became High Captain of Hungary, office upheld until his death . The
event is mentioned in one of Piccolomini's letters sent to his friend Leonard von Layming,
the bishop of Padua. The letter highlighted the tensions in the Kingdom of Hungary.
Piccolomini made reference to the attitude of the clergymen and barons towards Hunieadi,
5
who was once a governor and now is a captain and owns a large part of the Kingdom • In
order to acknowledge his political and military activity, Ladislas V named him count of Bistrita
(Bistriz, Beszterce) and Captain General of the kingdom (1453). The title, present in several
of Piccolomini's writings, was intended to prove Hunyadi's power at the court. Nevertheless,
26
during those years, his decisional power gradually decreased in favor of his enemies .
it The Reichstage of Regensburg and Frankfurt (spring-autumn 1454) agreed on a crusade
a against the Ottomans, decision was upheld in Wiener Neustadt (1455). Piccolomini, bishop
r] of Siena at the time, wrote to John Gapestran (Giovanni da Gapestrano). He expressed his
a 20
Venice claimed to be hindered in rendering aid by the Italian wars following the death of the duke
d
of Milan, Filippo Maria Visconti, in 1447 (E. Denize, 'Relajiile lui lancu de Hunedoara cu Alfons al V-lea de
);
Aragon §i lupta antiotomana la mijlocul secolului al XV-lea' [The Relations between John Hunyadi and
d
Alfonso VI of Aragon and the Anti-Ottoman Fight in the Mid 1400'] Rd/, XXXVIII (1985), 8, pp. 788-791).
n 21
Opera geografica et historica (1690), p. 241 (... ferocior Huniades, reique mili/aris peritior,
e
ignominiam Vamae acceptam ob/ivisci non poterat. Unde dies noctesque meditabatur).
e 22
Piccolomini-/ commentari (1997), 11, (XII, 16), p. 785 (... decise non mo/to dopa di met/ere al/a
prova la forluna nel/a guerra contra i Turchi e partito per attacare battag/ia con auspice non migliori,
);
perdette una grande parte de/ suo esercito mo/ti dei nobili e principi e prelati ungheresi rimasero uccisi
IS
in combattimenlo); Cardini, Europa §i /s/amu/, p. 150.
it 23
Mure§an, Jancu de Hunedoara, pp. 166-168.
e
,e
24
F. Pall, 'Byzance a la veille de sa chute et Janco de Hunedoara', BSL, XXX, 1969, pp. 119-126.
25
le Epistolae familiares (1496), no. 127, f. 101' (In Hungaria prelati <et> barones insensi sun/ Johanni
,n vaiuoda, qui quondam gubemator fuit, nu[n]c capitanii nomen tenet regniq[ue] maxima[m] partem
occupa0; due to a missprint, the letter, sent by Piccolomini to the bishop of Padua, is placed under the
s, year 1444, but, given the context and the fact that the Diet of Regensburg (1454) is mentioned in this
•o letter, it should be dated to 1454 (on the context, see Mure§an, /ancu de Hunedoara, pp. 178-179).
6
ct .•·••· Opera geogra/ica et historica (1690), p. 227 (In hac provincia oppidum fuit, quad Bistricum
ocavere regiae coronae subiectum. Id Ladis/aus rex cum Viennae ageret, /oanni Huniadi dona dedi/),
66 (In eo conventu Ladislaus /oannem Huniadem, [... ], ad principatus honorem evexi/, [... ], comilatum ei
sr islricensem commisi/, quad in eo loco minime /icuiQ; Historia Bohemica (1998), p. 206 (Hungari ad eum
n, nere, inter quos /ohannes Huniades fui/, qui tum comitatum Bistricensem regia beneficentia consecutus,
ud aliterquam principes consuevere, novae dignitaUs insignia suscepiQ.
47
Andreea Marza
hope to see the Franciscan missionary amongst the participants at the Reichstag of Wiener
Neustadt. He gave Capestrano the latest 'Ottoman news' and mentioned Hunyadi's victory
against Fritzbeg's Ottomans. He described Hunyadi as the sole fear of the Turks and the
27
strongest sword of our faith . Hunyadi also attended the Diet of Wiener Neustadt, which, due
to the sudden death of Nicholas V, ended without making a final decision on the crusade.
Nevertheless, his successor, Calixt Ill, proved to be a fervent supporter of the crusade.
He initiated a strong movement to free Constantinople, in which Capestrano played an instru-
mental part. Sent to Hungary as an inquisitor against heretics (and schismatics), he had turned
to preaching the crusade against the Turk, as the memory of Byzantium's fall was still vivid.
The conquest of Constantinople allowed Mehmed II to plan a new great military action.
It was intended to open his way to Europe. In order to do so, the Hungarian realm had fall.
This meant that first Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar) had to be conquered. The citadel
had already withstood the Ottoman attacks, with aid also from the areas of danubian Serbia.
***
The attaks on danubian Serbia began in 1455. News, that the Ottomans prepared a war
fleet, spread. Hunyadi's response matched the challenge. He was prepared to cover the
cost of training an army made of a few thousand soldiers, as he informed cardinal Carvajal,
the papal legate to Hungary. Hunyadi also had the hope of assistance from the Albanian lord
Skanderbeg, who was supposed to stop the Ottoman army from approaching Belgrade.
In return, Hunyadi could not actually count once more on aid from the West, as the local
rivalries proved to be more pressing the Ottoman issue. An important help came however
from Capestrano. He started preaching the crusade in early 1456, but lacked popular trust
in the south, for he had taken harsh measures against the Greek rite Christians during his
8
days as an inquisitor2 . Eventually, without help from the European princes, John Hunyadi
succeeded in raising an army with which he defended Belgrade from the Ottoman attack.
Though news on his success at Belgrade were spreading, their content, the magnitude
of the victory (se dice che Ii Turchi sono caciati de Constantinopoli: non lo credo bene), and
the fact that the Ottomans had not lost a major battle in recent years, made many people
doubt that the news were real. The victory halted for decades the Ottoman advance towards
29
Central Europe and, for the time being, even created the hope of liberating Constantinople .
This victory came at a high price for Hunyadi. He died of plague, which had bursted out,
30
in his Zemun camp (11 th August 1456). Piccolomini lamented the death of the Voivode of
27
Epistolae familiares (1496), no. 420, f. 307' (/ohannes comes Bistricen[sis] qui nunc gubemat
Hungariam unicus thurcom[m] metus ac fortissimus n[ost]re religionis g/adius. XXX/1 mi/ia thur-corfum]
sup[er]ioribus diebus apud Senderolum co[n]flixit Frilzbegu[m] ducem exercitus vinctum abduxit. Cedem
magna[m] fecit. Agros hostium usq[ue] ad ip[s]am Zophiam ferro <et> igne vastavil). The date on this
letter is a printing mistake. In 1465 none of the two correspondents was alive. We date this letter back to
1455, prior to the Diet of Wiener Neustadt (which took place in February), for Piccolomini hoped that
Capestrano would attend the meeting (f. 305'; Fateor ego tuam presentia[m] in hac civitate <et> in hoc
populo semper futura[m] utilem; sed multomagis ecclesie Dei consules; si congregato consi/io hue
venias). In Wadding, XII, pp. 279-283 the letter is dated in 1455, without mentioning the day.
28
Lupa~. 'loane Huniade', pp. 70-71; Mure~an, lancu de Hunedoara, pp. 187-189.
29
CDH, II, Szerbia, p. 216 (item se dice che Ii Turchi sono caciati de Constantinopoli: non lo credo
bene); Piccolomini-/ commentari (1997), (II, 1), p. 75 (the events of 1456 are briefly mentioned during the
presentation of the origins of the Ottomans of their conquest of the Balkans; [The sultan) Cacciato dal
campo e volto in fuga vergognosa, non diminui per questo la sua arroganza e l'odio contro I Cristian,),
(XII, 16), pp. 787-789 (a vivid description of the battle); Historia Bohemica (1998), pp. 230-236; Franz
Babin~er, Maometto ii Conquistatore (Turin 1957), p. 222; Mure~an, /ancu de Hunedoara, p. 200.
3
Epistolae familiares (1496), no. 252, f. 191' (.. . do/eo obiisse ii/um [chris]iani exercitus ducem
vayuoda[m] sive <ut aiunt> Huniatem. Nam morte illius spes quoq[ue] nostra interiisse videl[ur]. Nil enim
48
John Hunyadi as parlayed by the Humanist Enea Silvio Piccolomini
the Christian army, stating that his death is the death of our hope. Little after, Giovanni da
Capestrano, the 'fanatic' disseminator of the crusade, died too, at the end of October.
Afterwards, there were not many advocates of the crusading idea left on the European
political stage. Calix! Ill, cardinals Carvajal and Bessarion, as well as Piccolomini, tried through
their speeches to rekindle the desire for a crusade in the hearts of medieval politicians, but
could not manage to find in them the liveliness shown by John Hunyadi. When finally a great
crusade was ready to begin (August 1464), with Pius II at the forefront, few monarchs were
actually ready to take action against the Ottoman Empire, a matter which they judged on
short term, as most remaining European powers were not directly affected by the Turk.
In this respect, it was quite natural that Pius II tried to defend Hunyadi's image after the
latter's death. Throughout his career, John Hunyadi had also been accused by his political
enemies that he aimed to take the crown of the Hungarian realm. In his History of Bohemia,
Piccolomini stated however that even Ladislas V brought homage to Hunyadi before his wi-
31
dow who was grieving, and said: he served Hungary for the Lord and the Kingdom for me .
***
Piccolomini gave great attention to Hunyadi's military carreer. His anti-Ottoman combats
32
were repeatedly mentioned . In most of his later speeches, revolving around the crusade,
he mentioned the victory of Belgrade, thus indirectly pointing at Hunyadi's achievements.
33
These features can also be noted in one of his papal bullas, Ezechielis (October 21, 1463) ,
through which he summoned Christendom to the crusade planned for next years. Pius ll's
34
speech at Mantua (September 26, 1459) is also noteworthy in this respect . In his cosmo-
graphic work, on the first pages devoted to Europe, we find a short description of Hunyadi: he
35
was the only Hungarian who showed that the Turks' lines could be crushed and defeated .
re/iqui [christ]ianorum principes cogitate viden~ur]; this fragment belongs to a letter sent by Piccolomini to
Carvajal (8th of March.1457), a fervent supporter of the crusade); Opera geografica et historica (1690), p.
224 ~Hie prostrates apud Albam Turcis [... ] brevi tempore supetvivens, morlJo extinctus esQ.
1
Historia Bohemica (1998), pp. 238-240 (Inter equitandum ad oppidum Huniadum petvenit. /bi
coniunx Huniadis obviam facta est ob mortem mariti /ugubri veste induta [... ]. Rex matronam complexus
"indigna sunf; inquit, "haec vestimenta, quae ob mortem viri tui deferas. lohannes Huniades de morte
transivit ad vitam. file Hungariam Christo, mihi regnum setvavit. Christiani nominis hastes fudit,
fugavit, pertemlit, pacem Hungaris peperit, salutem cunctis fidelibus aperuit. [... ] Et vitam et mortem
posteritas consecrabit. In proelio strenuus, domi mitis. In bello vicit hastes, in aegritudine se ipsum
superavit. [... ] Ad imperatorem suum perrexit invictus miles, cum Christo regnat, qui pro Christo tot
periculis se obiecit. [... ] Absit omnis maeror atque imprimis /ugubres habitus. Puel/as vestes exuite."
Atque his die/is purpureas tunicas aura distinctas afferri iussit easque viduae ac filiis dona dedit).
32
Historia Friderici (1700), p. 206 (... qui post Alberti Regis obitum unus iudicatus est, qui regnum
Ungariae a Turcorum invasionibus liberaret. Saepe cum eis manus conseNit; saepe copias eorum
fudit, multas intulit eis strages; militaria signa quamplura ex eis domum retulit. Bis tame nab ii/is, non
sine maxima Christianorum ca/amitate superatus est; semel, sub Ladis/ao Rege Po/oniae <et> Iuliano
Caesarino Cardinali sancti Angeli Apostolicae sedis legato, qui tune perierunt; <et> iterum, cum
doctor ipse magnas copias haberet, cum Varadiensis <et> Agriensis Episcopi multiq[ue] regni
Barones interierunt. Nam duobus his praeliis non minus quam sexaginta millia Christianorum vet
caesa vel capta creduntur. Remansit /amen apud Hungaros Gubemator Johannes).
33
Vetera monumenta s/avorum meridionalium historiam il/ustrantia, edited by Augustin Theiner,
I, 1198-1549 (Rome 1863), p. 474: (Hungari tantum sub Calisto vigilantes arrna sumpserunt, qui de
tuendo regno soliciti, dum suos fines obsetvant, custodiunt nostros. [... ] Quorum potissime ausibus
apud A/bam Grecam, quam nostri Belgradum vacant, Turcorum ingentes copie profligate sunt, et
Maumethes il/e terribilis et ferox turpem arripuit fugam).
34
Episto/ae familiares (1496), no. 411, f. 279' (Quid /ohan[n]is de Himiad [sic] victorias referam[us]).
35
0pera geografica et historica (1690), pp. 223 (Hie /oannes natione Valachus fui( haud a/tis natalibus
ortus, sed ingenio dextro, <et> animo sublimi, <et> virtutis amator, multa cum Turcis secunda praelia fecit,
49
Andreea Marza
In respect to the rising Piccolomini portrait of Hunyadi, several mistakes in terms of da-
ting should also be stressed out. With regard to the printings of the late 1400', we could be-
lieve that they are ony printings mistakes, for Piccolomini was one of the best informed per-
sonalities of that time. The positions that he filled in the institutional apparatus of the Roman
Church (in 1447 he was named bishop ofTrieste) and his interests in the political situation of
the Balkans lead us to believe that he duly found about the change of power in the Kingdom
of Hungary during the last days of 1452, when Hunyadi renounced his position as a governor.
However, in one of his letters dated July 21, 1453, Piccolomini presented Hunyadi as the
36
governor of Hungary . In another letter, dated July 21 1453, sent to Nicholas V, Piccolomini
37
also mentioned Hunyadi as governor, months after he had resigned . A similar example
comes from Piccolomini's letter to Capestrano. In this case, the problem is nevertheless an
38
obvious printing error, for the year given is 1465, when both correspondents were dead .
th
Famous European figures of the 15 century, John Hunyadi and Aneas Silvio Piccolomini
became, by their efforts, on the military level, the other on the diplomatic and in particular litera-
ry level, models of constancy, courage and commitment to their goals. Despite the fact that
Piccolomini does not offer new data on Hunyadi in his works (except for the contemporary
information gathered in his letters, for he took most of it from his humanist predecessors
Poggio Bracciolini and Flavio Biondo, he remains one of the most important humanists to
th
have made reference to 15 century Central European events which involved John Hunyadi.
<et> hostium spoliis Hungarica temp/a ditavit, primusque omnium apud Hungaros Turcanim acies <et>
frangi, <et> vinci posse monstravi{), 236-237 (Cuius nomen apud hastes adeo tenificum fuit, ut plorantibus
pueris matres familias tacitumitatem non aliter imperarent, quam loannis presentiam minitantes).
36
Epistolae familiares (1496), no. 155, f. 132v (In Hungaria quomodo lohan[n]es vainoda gubema{).
37
See Ibid., no. 162, f. 139' (Neq(ue] lohannes Himyad (sic] gubemator huius hom[in]is impetu[m]
co[m]pescere potest, [... ] gubematio lohan[n]is). The two ideas are part of the letter sent to Nicholas V
entitled: Ad Nico/aum quintu[m] pontificem summu[m] de c/ade universa/is ecc/esie orthodoxe <et> de situ
<et> de fertilitate Hu[n]garie <et> de adversis pnitenonim co[n]tra cniciferos oralin]is theutonico,fum].
38
Ibid., no. 420, f. 307'. The letter also mentioned that /ohannes comes Bistricen[sis] [...) nunc
gubemat Hungariam.
50
Literary Leakings into Wavrin's Danube:
Three Strongholds and a Broken Bombard
Vladimir Agrigoroaei
"Dimitrie Cantemir" University
Bucharest
th
In the second half of the 15 century, Jean de Wavrin (c.1400-1471 ), a noble knight from
Artois and a witness of the Agincourt battle, wrote a Recueil des Croniques et Anchiennes
/stories de la Grant Bretaigne, a present nomme Eng/eterre'. His interest focused mainly
on the English, Burgundian, and French affairs during and immediately after the Hundred
Years' War, but among his stories there is one about an exotic Danube campaign of his
own nephew, a Burgundian knight named Waleran, also de Wavrin (c. 1418-1480).
Jean de Wavrin, the uncle was not a famous chronicler. In fact, his prose did not match
s"'
contemporary qualities and 1 century stylistics. Out of Froissart's epigones, he is the least
famous of all. Even Enguerrand of Monstrelet, Georges Chastellain or Olivier de la Marche
surpassed him in fame, literary abilities, and in popularity. Jean de Wavrin was a famous Bur-
gundian ambassador in Rome (1463), a refined book collector, a generous patron of arts3 .
His literary career was private and somehow uninteresting. He wrote, as a free lancer,
but he lacked the painstaking efforts and the propagandistic motivation of his contemporaries.
He was a noble knight, well educated and wealthy, and wrote in order to enjoy the fruits of
literature. He did not write for money, he was never appointed court chronicler, and all his
work is a historiographer's otium. Due to the fact that he was closely linked to Philip the
Good's court (1396-1467, duke 1419-1467), his point of view is an echo of the Burgundian
propaganda, but the Danube crusading fragment, the one our article deals with, breaks the
entire narrative's discourse and proves to be more likely an outremer family episode.
***
This article's main interest does not reside in a complete reevaluation of Wavrin's 1445
Danube account Such an approach would have been sterile and entirely unsuccessful. Our
interest lies mainly in the authorship, the subjectivity, the second-hand witness factor (i.e. the
relation between Jean and Waleran, his nephew and protagonist of the Danube account),
1
His work is in fact a collection of sources for the English history from the earliest times until 1471,
mainly inspired from Froissart's writings and other authors. The period 1444-1471 is somehow original
.and trustworthy, even though certain aspects of the English affairs are to be carefully read. There are
,three editions of the text. The first one covers the events since the mythical beginning of the island up to
688, and again from 1399 to 1471 (Wavrin, 1864-1891), with an English translation). The second covers
· the events from 1325 to 1471 (Wavrin, 1858-1863). A third edition was provided by Nicolae lorga. It is
in fact a reproduction of Waleran de Wavrin's Danube crusading expedition (Wavrin, 1927). The so cal-
led edition also contained a few notes, not at all the necessary editorial notes, but historical ones. lorga
delivered another presentation and analysis in 'Cronica lui Wavrin ~i romanii' [The Chronicle of Wavrin
,.and the Romanians], BCIR, VI (1927). The only Romanian translation available of this text is that of
Maria Holban (Wavrin, 1968), which contains precious notes and commentaires, but neglects from
time 2to time the lexical differences between contemporary French and 15th century Middle French.
James Henry Ramsay, Lancaster and York: A Century of English History (A.O. 1399-1485),
Oxford 1892), p. XVI; George Saintsbury, A Short History of French Literature (from the Earliest Texts
to the3 Close of the Nineteenth Century) (Oxford 1917), p. 111.
Michel Zink, Litterature franqaise du Mayen Age (Paris 1992), pp. 303-307.
and the masked literary artifices. Still, a complete identification of these patterns in the Bur-
gundian chronicler's narrative cannot be carried out successfully in a single presentation.
We preferred to interpret certain passages, mainly the sieges and descriptions of fortres-
ses, extremely valuable to both the Romanian historiography and castellology, since they have
been regarded as true and precise. Thus, the debate deals with the Danube strongholds of
Chaste/ Turquant (Tutrakan), Jeorgie (Giurgiu) and une tour (Turnu). It also tries to identify lite-
rary or subjective patterns in the episode of the bombard broken by Walachian voivode Vlad
II Dracut (the Devil) (c.1390-1447, voivod 1436-1442, 1443-1447). Due to the fact that the
general approach is philological, in spite of the historical information used, the results should
th
refresh and renew the debate concerning the late 15 century Middle French narrative.
Waleran de Wavrin had led a fleet of Burgundian and Papal ships on a Black Sea and
Danube expedition. The Burgundians had previously hired 4 galleys in Venice. These ships
had been placed under Waleran's command. They sailed in July 1444, and after failing to
prevent Murad ll's crossing of the Bosphorus, they wintered in Constantinople. It was there
that they met with another Burgundian expeditionary force led by Geoffroi de Thoisy.
In the spring of 1445, Thoisy engaged in piracy and in a bookish 'search' of the Golden
Fleece. Waleran went on an expedition in search of the vanished king of Poland and Hungary,
4
Wladislaw (Wladyslaw, Ulaszl6) I (Ill) Jagiello (1434-1444, 1440-1444) , following the con-
quest of a couple of Danube strongholds. His first target proved to be a simple pretext. The
expedition, badly planned and weakly provided, did not live up to the expectations. The only
identifiable success was the seizure of the fortress of Giurgiu, retaken shortly by the Turk.
Waleran's arrival on the Danube was as strange as his nephew's chronicle intermezzo.
He was at the Dardanelles, in charge of the 4 galleys lent to the duke of Burgundy by the
Venice, where he was reached by the rest of the fleet. He spent winter in Byzantium, plun-
5
dered the Danube riverbanks and finally met Hunyadi at Nicopolis only in September 1445 .
We do not have a lot of data on Waleran's career, the prime character of his oncle's rela-
tion of this crusading expedition. Lord of Wavrin, of Lillers and of Malannoy, he was married
to Lievine, daughter of Jean, seignior of Roubaix and Herzele (1369-1449). His father-in-law
was a first promotion knight of the Toison d'Or (Bruges, January 10, 1430), but Waleran was
not a Golden Fleece knight himself. Thus, one may wonder what was the precise mission
of the Burgundian fleet on the Danube, what connections did it have with duke Philip the
Good's own crusading plans, and what was Waleran's exact role. Apart from that, one may
also wonder about the sincerity of the chronicler and about his family ties with Waleran.
Burgundy's 'Danube presence'
First of all, we must question ourselves on a rhetorical basis: was there a Burgundian
interest for Walachian lands? Did Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy, have in mind a Danube
campaign? Did he make any plans concerning this new crusading area? Or was the duke
simply planning to prove his Christian worthiness in no matter what crusading campaign?
Burgundian interest for Vallaquye did not rely on a historical basis. Burgundian territorial
7
ambitions have been for a long time directed towards the German Empire . Almost every
further development of the Burgundian state in the time of John the Fearless (1371-1419,
4
Norman Housley, The Later Crusades 1274-1580: From Lyons to Alcazar (Oxford 1992), p. 93.
5
Pierre Bonenfant, Philippe le Bon: Sa politique, son action (Bruxelles 1996), p. 70.
6
Monique Somme, 'Jean de Roubaix', in Les chevaliers de /'Ordre de la Toison d'or au XV' siecle,
edited by Raphael de Smedt (Frankfurt am Main 2000), p. 6.
7
Richard Vaughan, John the Fearless: The Growth of Burgundian Power (Woodbridge, 1966; reprint
2002), pp. 251-254; John the Fearless was constantly concerned with the rulers of the Empire: Wenzel
(Vaclav), Rupert and Sigismund (Zsigmond) of Luxemburg, but the.reaction of imperial rulers to Burgun-
dian expansion has always been more often diplomatic than political.
52
Literary Lea kings into Wavrin 's Danube
duke 1404-1419) impinged on imperial territories and infringed imperial rights. John's cru-
sader experience of 1396, as a leader of it, on his father's behalf, which ended with his cap-
ture and imprisonment by Bayezid I (c.1354-1402, sultan 1389-1402), may have brought back
memories on the Walachian lands on the Danube to the descendents of the crusaders of
1396. However, no special notice is made concerning the father of Vlad II, Mircea I ce/ Batran
(the Old) (1355-1418, voivod 1386-1394/1395, 1397-1418), who took part in that crusade,
when the chronicler mentions the siege of Giurgiu (Jeorgie) and the builder of that fortress 8 .
.'
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VALLAQUYE )- ,
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1. Important locations mentioned in Jean de Wavrin's 1445 Danube crusade account

Brilago (Braila), Tries/ (Durostol), Chaste/ Turquant (Tutrakan), Jeorgie (Giurgiu),
Roussico (Ruse), Nicopo/y (Nicopolis), une tour (Turnu)
Philip the Good was born in the very year of the Nicopolis crusade. He was brought up
in the best crusading tradition. When only five years old, he used to play in the Hesdin park
dressed as a Turk. His interest in Ottoman lands led him to a certain foreign policy. In 1421
he sent (on his and Henry V of England's behalf) Guillebert of Lannoy to the East, who travel-
two years through Prussia, Russia, Crimea, Constantinople, Rhodes, Jerusalem, Cairo,
rete, and Venice. In 1425, Philipp sent his bastard brother, Guyot, together with the lord
f Roubaix and four other pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre. On May 8, 1432, another group
f Burgundian nobles set out from Venice to Jerusalem. In 1437, Philipp paid for a stained-
l~ss window with his coat of arms to be installed in the church of Our Lady at Mount Sion,
ar Jerusalem. In 1435 and in 1440, the duke was visited by ambassadors from Egypt
8
Et /ors, comme cel/uy auque/ /edft chaste/ apartenoft (car son pere l'avoit fafte faire, si <le seigneur
la Vallaquie> avail este dedens plusieurs fois, et neantmoins ne s'estoft jamais aparcheu de la fen-
i, quant ii /a vey, fut mesmes d'opinion que ce eust voirement fail la bombarde (Wavrin (1927), p. 72).
In 1436, Philipp already planned to attack the Turk. In 1438, a Burgundian fleet began
to be formed. Generally speaking, the Mediterranean activity of the fleet was in accordance
to the duke's crusader aims. The Hospitallers of Rhodes had asked for his help against the
Egyptians. Philip the Good appointed Geoffroi de Thoisy captain of the army, which left for
Rhodes (25th of Maren 1441 ). On May 8, the duke of Burgundy went there himself.
The duke's plans were not conducted towards the Balkans. His foreign and Mediterra-
nean policy shows an excessive interest in the Holy Land, and consequently in Ottoman af-
fairs. Waleran de Wavrin's arrival on the Danube was but a shadow of the duke's great plan;
and his plan had nothing to do with the Danube, Hungary, or with the Wallachian lands.
One should also bear in mind that in the aftermath of the battle of Varna, following the
great loss of Cesarini, Poggio shifted his rhetorical discourse upon Hunyadi. In one of his let-
ters, he revived the crusading spirit, compared lslamism and Satanism, spoke of liberandam
Europam ab oppresionem barbarorum, and played with Holy War rhetoric. Following the
fall of Constantinople, crusader rhetoric portrayed the Turks as barbarians10_ It is the same
rhetoric that attracted earlier the Burgundian forces to the Danube area. Philip the Good's
men fought for the progressive liberation of the Holy Land, not for the Danube frontiers.
Apparently, there has been no connection between the Burgundian participation in the
Nicopolis crusade and the Danube expedition of Waleran de Wavrin. There is however a
fragment, during the grosse tour ronde narrative of the 1445 Nicopolis events, where John
the Fearless and Sigismund (1368-1437, king of Hungary 1387-1437, Holy Roman Emperor
11
1410-1437) are both mentioned in close relation to the regretted Nicopolis disaster of 1396 :
Et, tandis que /es bombardes gectoient, le gouvemeur du filz de la Vallaquye, qui estoit bien
quatre-vingz ans, vint veoir le seigneur de Wavlin, et Jui dist: «II y a mainte-nant L ans, ou
environ, que le ray de Hongrye et le due Jehan de Bourguoigne estoient a siege devant ceste
ville de Nycopoly que veez la, et a mains de trois lieues d'ycy est le lieu ou fut la battaille. Se
vous povies lever le chief, et venir a ceste fenestre, je vous moustreroie le lieu, et comme le
siege estoit». Et /ors /edit seigneur de Wavlin, envollepe en une robe de nuit, se fist porter a la
frenestrelle. Si /uy dist le gouvemeur: «Veez la ou le ray de Hongrye et /es Hongres se tenoient.
La estoit le connestable de France, et la se tenoit le due Jehan», qui estoit contre une grosse
tour ronde, laquele, comme ii disoit, /edit due Jehan avoit fait miner: sy estoit toute estagie pour y
9
R. Vaughan, Philip the Good: The Apogee of Burgundy (Woodbridge, 1970), pp. 268-270.
10 Nancy Bisaha, Creating East and West: Renaissance Humanists and the Ottoman Turks, (Phila-
delphia 2004), pp. 24-25, 62
11
Wavlin (1927), p. 83; (1968), pp. 115-116 ($i in timp ce trageau din bombarde a venit ''guvemoruf"
fiului <domnului> Tani Romane§ti, in varsta de optzeci de ani, sa-1 vada pe seniorul de Wavlin §ii-a spus:
"Sunt acum 50 de ani sau cam pe atata de cand rege/e Ungaliei §i ducele loan de Burgundia asediau
aceasta cetate a Nicopolei pe care o vedefi acolo §i la mai pufin de trei /eghi de aici este /ocul unde s-a
dat /upta. Daca afi putea sa lidicafi capul §i sa venifi la aceasta ferestruica, eu v-a§ arata locul §i chipul
cum s-a purtat asediu/". Atunci senioru/ de Wavlin, infa§urat intr-un anteliu de noapte, a poruncit sa fie
dus la ferestruica. $i ace/ ,,guvemor' i-a spus: "Plivi(i, acolo <este locul> unde stateau regele Ungaliei
§i ungulii. Dinco/a era conetabilul Franfei §i acolo statea ducele loan'; adica langa un tum mare rotund,
pe care zicea el ca pusese ducele loan sa-1 min_eze; §i era totul pregatit pentru a-i da foe in ziua cand
au venit ve§ti despre bata/ie. $i a mai spus el ca el era atunci slujitorul seniorului de Couey care refinea
intotdeauna pe /anga sine cu draga inima pe vitejii osta§i romani ce cuno§teau imprejuralile din fara
turceasca. $i ace/ ,,guvemor' ii prefuia mult pe seniorul de Couey care, dupa cum spunea, a cu/cat la
pamant §ase mii de turci care venisera cu gandul de a lua pe nepregatite pe invadatolii cre§tim). The
translation lacks precision and the right choice of words. For example, the Middle French gouvemeur,
who refers to the tutor of the voivod's child, a westerner's probable misinterpretation, is translated via a
barbarism. Likewise, the verb ruer, referring to the defeat of the Ottomans, is badly understood and gains
the value of a true massacre, while the crusaders in search of supplies are translated as invaders. The
note explaining this last choice is superfluous, due to the fact that the immediate context is rather clear.
54
Utera,y Leakings into Wavrin's Danube
bou/er le feu, le jour que nouvel/es vindrenl de la battailfe. Disant, au/Ire, que /01s es/oil serviteur
au seigneur de Couey, quy tousjours voul/entiers retenoit vers lui /es gentifz compaignons
val/aques qui scavoien/ /es aguez du pays de Turquye. El prisoi/ /edit gouvemeur grandemen/
le seigneur de Couey; /eque/, comme ii /ui dist, avoff, le jour devan/ la battail/e, rne jus bien Vf"
Turcqz quy estoient venus en intencion de sou1prendre !es fourrageurs crestiens. Et, pour
habregier, ii con/a au seigneur de Wavrin /oute la maniere de la battail/e, el comment ii fut
prisonnier auz Turcqz, vendu esc/ave aus Genevois, au ii avoit aprins le languaige qu'il parfait.
Mircea I remains an unknown Walachian ruler. His Nicopolis crusade contribution is neg-
lected or entirely unnoticed. Wavrin's attitude proves a single interest in his chronicle. He deals
with a new people, the Val/aquas, whom the reader encounters for the first time. The previous
contributions of the same Val/aquas do not provide the writer with an interest to linger into a
longer narrative. Wavrin suddenly stops and tells that pour habregier, ii conta au seigneur de
Wavrin toute la maniere de la battail/e. Although one may want to know if there is a hidden
purpose for this abridgement, the easiest answer is always available, and it is not hidden at all.
Wavrin did not know the precise evolution of the conflict he described. In this part of his
chronicles, he is no longer the direct eyewitness. He knew only what his nephew had told him.
He had no other sources at hand and he resorted to iterary artifices, by which means he wan-
ted to fill in the gaps of the plot with his own words. Still, the narrative itself forced him to
take precautions and never exaggerate. It is for this reason that his subjectivity is unique.
For example, the son of Walachia (probably the son of the voivod) had a gouvemeur, a
title which stands probably for tutor. This tutor spoke Italian and had taken part in the battle
of 1396. Though anyone may question the exact title of the old man in Wavrin's narrative, the
matter is irrelevant to our analysis. Wavrin did not cite this passage. He did not appeal to a
previously written source, for there were probably no letters. He must have relied on an con-
versation, because Waleran is envollepe en une robe de nuit, the kind of a detail which is not
usually mentioned in a chronicle. There is also an obsessing presence of the locative adverb
la, which draws our attention towards the direct speech and moreover to a missing image.
When confronted with certain literary practices of the late Middle Ages, the passage re-
veals itself as highly literary and less historical. The older chronicles devoted the largest part
of their text to storytelling and almost ignored the direct speeches of the characters. Later on
Robert de Clari or Joinville used direct, as much as indirect speech. The narrator gave greater
importance to the actions he had witnessed or of which he knew from another witness. There-
fore, the direct speech of the characters was rarely used. The narrator did not pretend to cite
exactly, and from time to time he preferred indirect speech in order to include the words of
the characters in his own text, in as much as to control and even manipulate the idea 12.
Still, what we find in the aforecited fragment is neither indirect, nor direct speech. The
'free indirect speech' represents the narrator's wish to clearly identify the speakers of each
of the cited passages, in order to establish a certain difference between the narrator's dis-
13
course and that of the characters . He presents a historical fact in the form of a discourse, but
·• he is not sure of the exact words. The direct speech in the beginning represents a small lie,
' while the indirect speech ending allows the readers to perceive a certain mark of subjectivity.
Other narrator marks and commentaries deployed throughout the text are usually signal-
led through deictic passages. The romans and the chronicles often used the expressions le
conte dit qua, l'histoire dit qua or le livre dit qua. The use of deictic passages became more
frequent after 1200. By the 1400', they had already invaded the literary prose14. Still, there are
12
Sophie Marnette, Narrateur et points de vue dans la litterature franqaise medieva/e: Une
:approche linguislique (Bern 1998), p. 121.
13
< Ibid., p. 121.
14
Ibid., p. 97.
no signs of deictic passages in Wavrin's Danube story, nor particularly in this last analysed
episode. The only deictic words used are the stereotypical temporal and spatial references,
which structured the discourse circumstantially, leading to the material shaping of the story.
Wavrin wanted his readers to believe what he said, though he was not sure of the events.
He had certain conceptions, probably based on his nephew's tales or on a lost account, but,
as a second-hand eyewitness, he was forced to use certain literary artifices to mask narrative
gaps. Due to the immediate availability of such literary exercises, one may be tempted to
search for a whole literary schema in the account, but what he wrote was not literature, but his-
tory. His main interest was that of providing his readers with a rea l plot and with real events.
His aim was not to invent a story, but to write one down. For him, the story existed. It was
genuine, not literary fiction. The 1445 expedition was consequently transcribed in a historiogra-
phical fashion and no researcher was ever able to criticize the historical facts provided. No
one may doubt that Giurgiu was taken, or that Vlad II broke a Burgundian bombard. One may
question only the details, and Wavrin's chronicle has been used by Romanian castellologists
to fill in the gaps concerning the architectural features in a couple of Danube strongholds.
Three Strongholds .. .
In medieval literary sieges, the plot developed around a fixed schema of roles: Christians
were usually the defenders, while Saracens/ Turks are the attackers. The medieval siege
thus followed a certain pattern. In Romans de la armada def Solda contra Rodes, a poem by
Francesco Ferrer, contemporary to Wavrin's account (more precisely, the aforementioned
poem refers to events prior to the Danube campaign), one may find details of siegecraft,
but the author seems more interested in dealing with the Faith and Courage of the knights
of St. John and of their leader than with their proficiency as soldiers. He described battles
which are more likely hand-to-hand combats beneath the towers and walls. The chief weapon
15
of the defenders was faith . This rhetorical artifice resortsd to antique models probably
perpetuated via the Romans de l'Antiquite (that is the Troy, Thebes, and Eneas cycles).
A depicted siege was a struggle between believers and apagans. Emphasis was placed
on the defenders, as a whole, and piety, born from their tribulation. The author gave spiritual
significance to the struggle by stressing out the defenders's belief and the miracle of their sal-
6
vation. The siege became a crusading conflict between Christ's soldiers and His enemies 1 .
In Tirant lo Blanc, Joanot Martorell was more concerned with using the siege of Rhodes to
illuminate the chivalric qualities of loyalty, courtesy and etiquette, generosity, skill in warfare,
17 th
and graceful eloquence, as exemplified by the protagonist himself . In Capystranus, a 15
century Middle English poem dealing with the siege of Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar),
the author emphasized that the defenders were no match, in numbers and weapons, to their
assailants, and were in peril of suffering the slaughter of Constantinople. Christian techno-
logical inferiority was stressed out in order to show their reliance on spiritual strength.
On the literary level, such sieges drew the author to older traditions of heroic poetry. He
showed how the better equipped Ottomans were defeated with traditional fighting methods.
The siege therefore turned into a 'pleading' for the old virtues that proved their worth in direct
confrontation with the technical advances, which were not supported by the Christian faith.
Like in several chroniclers, tlie author of Capystranus reduced the number of battles to
just one, fought after a long continous bombardment. No interest was shown for the details
15
Malcolm Hebron, The Medieval Siege: Theme and Image in Middle English Romance (Oxford
1997~, pp. 68-70.
6
Ibid., pp. 70-72.
17
Ibid., p. 72.
56
Literary Leakings into Wavrin's Danube
of strategy. Instead, the besieged army was portraited as relying on the strength of the spirit.
8
The army went into battle behind the Franciscan monk, who held the banner of Christ aloft 1 .
2. Probable reconstruction of the Giurgiu fortress

a. In the time of Mircea the Old. b. During the 1445 siege
(by architect Gh. Sion, based on archeological data and on the 1968 Romanian translation of Wavrin)
Every literary siege was surmounted by a charismatic character. He proved that he pos-
sessed unknown resistance powers, and inspiration. In Richard Coeur de Lion, he recovered
from illness and successfully besieged Acre. In The Siege of Jerusalem, Vespasian took the
city, after being miraculously cured of cancer. In The Siege of Me/ayne, Turpin sustained
wounds that would not fell other heroes 19 . This pattern, prone to a certain literary deviation,
was probably influenced by late medieval crusade proposals and by their militant rhetoric.
From this specific point of view, Jean de Wavrin's chronicle seems far different, for it
does not sustain any militant anti-Saracen rhetoric. Still, it falls into another category, that of
18
Ibid., pp. 86-87.
19
Ibid., pp. 88-89.
57
Vladim ir Agrigoroaei
the crusade treatises, such as the treatise of Emmanuel Pilati (1420; De modo, progressu,
ordine ac diligenti providential habendis in passagio Christianorum pro conquesta Terrae
Sanctae) or those of Gilbert de Lannoy (also of 1420) and Bertrandon de la Broquiere2D_
The main Westerner threats to Ottoman east Mediterranean and European conquests
were the better equipped ships. The Christian naval supremacy led the Turks to a desperate
need of fortresses in the 1400'. They had to protect the seashore, the bridges, the riverside
arsenals, housing their Danube fleet (which amounted to almost 100 vessels 21 ), as well as
the Balkan roads. The Danube strongholds did not have a peripheral importance, for they
guarded the Ottoman positions in Europe and the future gateways towards Central Europe,
Hungary and Transylvania. John Hunyadi and Vlad II Dracul of Walachia had strong reasons
to conquer them, and the Burgundian fleet commander easily complied with their plan.
//
CE'l',\TEt\ GI URGIU
PLAN SC. 1:200
tl!....J~
3. The layout of the Giurgiu fortress

(by architect Gh. Sion)
Due to the strategic location of the fortifications and to contemporary geographical and
literary taste for extensive descriptions of Ottoman defense systems, one may hope to find in
Wavrin's narrative some important features of the fortresses, but this does not happen all the
time. For example, he gave no reference on the Triest (Durostol) town fortifications. Instead,
he focused on a story involving fighting strategy, deceiving Turks and Christian prudencen
20
Antony Leopold How to Recover the Holy Land: The Crusade Proposals of the Late Thirteenth
and Early Fourteenth Centuries (Ashgate 2000), pp. 198-200.
21
Simon Pepper, 'Ottoman Military Architecture in the Early Gunpowder Era: A Reassassment', in
City Walls: The Urban Enceinte in Global Perspective, edited by James D. Tracy (Cambridge 2000), pp.
315-316.
22
Wavrin (1927), p. 56; (1968), pp. 89-90 (§i atunci turcii, dandu-§i seama ca nu vorfi ataca{i, §i ca Ii
se descoperise cursa pe care o pregatisera, au inceput sa traga din tunuri §i din "serpentine';· dar, din mi/a
Domnului, nu a fast atinsa nici una dintre galere, care au fast silite sa o ia din foe §i sa se duca sa arunce
ancora mai deparle. S-a luat hotararea ca sa se duca to/i sa pranzeasca, §i sa nu se incumete sa por-
neasca asaltul daca nu var afla alte §firi. Dar turcii dinauntrul ora§ufui au folosit un vicle§ug; caci au dat foe
58
Adon/ /es Turcqz quy aparcheurent qu'on ne /es assau/droit point et que aulcunement ilz
estoient descouvers de feur embusche, commencerent a gecter de canons et se1pentines;
mais, par la grace de Dieu, nulls des gal/ees ne furent ataintes; ausque/es fut force d'eslongier
et a/fer plus avant ancrer. Si fut concfl1 que chascun s'en yroit disner, et ne se adventunvit-on
pas dassail/ir si on n'oioit au/res nouvelles. Mais /es Turcqz de dedens la ville firent une fau/sete;
car ilz boutterent le feu a ung des deboutz d'ycelle, et faisoient courir a grans eris /es femmes et
enfans hors de la ville. Nonobstant /aque/e chose, ilz se retrayrent en /eurs tentes pour al/er disner,
et aussi allerent ceu/z des gal/ees prendre /eur repas. Et, entandis que ilz se dignoient, sailly de la
ville un Turcq a cheval, tout rouge vestu, atout une courte lance et ung petit penon, leque/ courut
plusieurs fois sur le rivage de /adite riviere. Et tost apres /uy, sail/irent biens trois ou quatre cens,
atout une baniere rouge, quy se commencerent a pounnener sur Jes rivages et plaines d'entour
fa ville. Aprez, sailly de ladite ville une grande baniere venneille, a ung pommeau d'or par
dessus, atout VI lambeaux, toute pareille a cel/e du seigneur turcq Saoussy; puis issirent
plusieurs autres enseignes. Sy disoient /es Vallaques, a /eur exstimation, qu'ilz povoient
voirement bien estre de XXV a XXX" chevau/z turcqz, se/on le dit du Sam,sin prisonnier.
Though his interests lied in describing the fights, the political plots, the strategic plans and
the few protagonists emerging from the army's mass, Jean de Wavrin provided us with a few
descriptions of the Giurgiu and Tutrakan fortresses and some disparate features of the Turnu
fortification. Romanian historians, art historians, and archaeologists have taken a great
interest in these descriptions, for they are the only ones available in order to reconstruct the
exact appearance of the long debated and hardly tried Romanian Danube strongholds.
On the right bank of the Danube laid the fortress of Tutrakan, nowadays in Bulgaria,
briefly occupied by Mircea I at the end of the 14th century, and an important Ottoman strong-
hold in the time of Waleran de Wavrin. His fleet, doubled by Wallachian forces, attacked this
23
stronghold and moved on towards Giurgiu, of which the Burgundian chronicler tells us that :
Aprez ce que le cardinal, le seigneur de Wavrin et /es Val/aques se furent partis de Chaste/
Turquant, le second jour ilz amverent en /'isle de Jeorgie, au ii soul/oil avoir ung Ires puissant
et fort chaste/ quane, de quatre grans pans de murz, et au coing de chascun pan y avail une
Ires grosse tour toute quarree, don/ la moindre estoit plus grande et plus forte que cel/e du
Chasteau Turquant, et samblablement garitee et bacicollee de bois. Et si avail, envers la
riviere, deux petits pans de murs, qui partoient du chaste/ en venant jusques a /adite riviere; et,
auz boutz d'iceu/z, y avail aussi deux tours pareillement bacicol/ees comme /es au/res.
The mentioned gariter meant gamirde guerites. A guarite (Mod. Fr. guerite) was a petite
loge, tourel!e destinee a proteger et abriter celui qui est de guet sur une zone de defense .
24
la unul dintre capetele <oraeului> §i, strigiind tare, miinau pe femei §i pe copii sii fugii din ora§. $i romiinii
spuneau ca a§a obi§nuiesc sa faca turcii pentru a-i am8gi pe cre§tini ca sa dea asaltul lmpotriva ora§ufui.
Dar cu toate acestea ei s-au retros In corturile /or pentru a pffinzi §i cei din ga/ere s-au dus a§lj.derea sa ia
masa. $i pe c8nd pf8nzeau a alergat atara din ora§ un turc ca/are, imbracat numai In TO§U, cu o sulif8 scur-
tii §i cu a flamurii mica §i a a/ergat de mai multe ori pe ma/ul acelui riiu. $i curiind dupii el au a/ergat trei
sau patru sute, cu un stindard IO§LJ; §i au inceput sii se plimbe pe malurile §i ciimpiile din juru/ ora§u/ui;
dupa aceea, a ie§it din ace/ ora§ o flamura mare ro§ie cu o mElciulie de aur cu §ase f8§ii, lntru totul asem8-
n8toare cu a principelui lure Saudji; §i apoi au mai ie§it multe alte steaguri. $i spuneau rom8nii ca dup8 p8-
rerea for ar putea ti lntre douazeci §i cinci sau treizeci de mii de c8!8re(i turci, dupa spusa sarazinului prins).
23
Wavrin (1927), p. 70; (1968), p. 103 (Dupii ce cardinalul, seniorul de Wavrin §i romiinii au plecat de
la castelul Turcan, a doua zi ei au ajuns In insu/a Giurgiului, unde era o cetate foarte putemicB, patrat8, cu
patru laturi fungi de zid §i la co/ful /ieciirei /aturi era ciite un tum foarte mare, cu totul piitrat, §i eel mai mic din
aceste tumuri era mai mare §i mai putemic deciit tumul castelului Turcan §i tot astfel intiirit cu gherete §i cu
galerii de lemn. $i erau inspre riiu douii mici parapete de zid care pomeau de la cetate ajungiind piinii la
ace/ riiu §i la capete/e /orerau de asemenea douii tumuri tot 8§8 de intiirite cu galerii ca §i ce/e/alte).
24
Base de Lexiques de Mayen Frangais (BLMF), Analyse et Trattement lnformatique de la Langue
Frangaise (ATILF), Dictionnaire du Mayen Frangais (http://www.alilf.fr/blmfD, entree guerite. ... fail faire par
le maistre du c/oz de noz ga/ees a Rauen et par le maistre des gamisons de nos/re dicte armee et par
59
The Romanian translation, which juggles on the etymology, uses ghereta, which means in
fact a lodge, a cage or a box, depending on the context. The Middle French word has a
different connotation and refers to a complex wooden structure related to the bacicols, which
are the machicolations in a phonetic altering of the nasal labial into a simple one.
25
The transitive verb machicouler is attested since the mid 1300' . In a 1436 Middle French
chronicle we find a similar passage: // fist lever la grosse tour du donjon d'Alenr;on d'un estage
et faire 11/J tourel/es es 11/J coings et machico/er tout autow26 . Still, Wavrin did not speak of
two clearly distinct architectural features, for the bacicols and the garites were made of wood
and occupied the upper part of the walls, as a supplementary feature. All this detailed de-
scription must refer to a wall-passage, a common feature of all medieval fortifications.
When analyzing the Giurgiu stronghold, Cantacuzino discerned five different construction
levels according to the archaeological information available. The oldest part of the entire for-
tifcation could be a strong tower, some 13 m wide, of a heptagonal layout. It could have been
a keep, but its incorporation into Mircea l's fortress transformed it into one of the four corner
towers. This is the nowadays NW tower. The stronghold built by the same voivod had four cor-
ners, with curtain walls flanked by three outer towers (in the NW, SW and SE corners) and a
protruding bastion of a triangular shape to the NE. The fortress had a ditch, no more than 4
ft deep according to Wavrin. Cantacuzino also assumed that the towers were at least 94 ft
27
high . He tried to reconstruct the rest of the fortification according to Wavrin, but did not try to
deal with the deux petits pans de murs or the deux tours pareil/ement bacicol/ees commes
/es aultres. The traces of these features had been lost due to Danube's waterbed changes.
The fact that Wavrin spoke of two little walls and two towers that create a second enceinte
should not be taken literally. The two towers could be in fact two smaller bastions, and the
petits pans des murs just an additional Zwinger or some other fortified feature. In support of
this hypothesis we bring a literary fact. When speaking of the Turnu fortress, Jean de Wavrin
mentioned the faulses brayes, which are - as we will analyse later on - a second enceinte.
Wavrin might have used certain literary artifices in order to describe fortresses he did not
see. He could have used his own imagination, based on his nephew's account, but he inter-
preted Waleran's information according to his own architectural knowledge in order to create a
more vivid image of the strongholds he described. Beacuse the southern part of the Giurgiu
fortress is nowadays lost, one may never formulate a true critical approach to Wavrin's de-
scription. However, any Middle French scholar may question not its layout (the square four-
towered fortress), but Wavrin's probable exaggerations (two small walls and two towers).
As for the strange comparison between the Tutrakan and Giurgiu fortresses, should
regard with caution the expression: la moindre estoit plus grande et plus forte que celle du
Chasteau Turquant, beacuse the Tutrakan fortress is also described in a literary fashion 28 :
/eurs commis celtaine quantite de blefz, bescuiz, vins, Jars, moulins a braz et a chevau/x, pa/iz, guerites,
pavaiz, lances, viretons, poudres a canon, cloux, manteaulx, clayes, tonneaulx, queues et rondeles wides
et pour autres choses neccessaires et convenables au fait de nostre dicte armee (Clos ga/ees Rauen M.-
C., t. 2, 1385, 174) ... .faire faire foussez, murailles, tours, toumelles, garites, ponslevys et toutes manieres
de fo,tifficacions (Doc. Poitou G., t. 12, 1478, 209). Les tours et bastides, avec /es maisons, loges et
guerites estans entre lesdictes tours et bastides, tant couveltes que descouveltes, sans /es eschiffes
(Comgtes Paris M., t. 2, 1488-1489, 409).
5
Algirdas Julien Greimas, Teresa Mary Keane, Dictionnaire du moyen franr;ais (Paris 1992), p. 391.
26
BLMF, ATILF, entree machicouler.
27
Gheorghe Cantacuzino, Cetafi medievale din Tara Romaneasca: sec. XIII-XVI [Medieval Fortres-
ses of Wallachia in the 13th-16th Centuries] (Bucharest 20012), pp. 201-210.
28
Wavrin (1927), p. 61; (1968), p. 94 (Acest caste! Turcan a§ezat pe malul Dunarii era alcatuit dintr-
un patrat de ziduri ce se intretaiau in 8§8 fel ca la trei dintre unghiuri avea cate un mic tum iar la al patru-
lea unghi era un tum mare, patrat, masiv §i inalt de zece picioare. $i turcii se urcau in el pe o sche/a de
/emn care era acoperita in intregime de tab/ii mari din coaja de copac care se jupoaie atunci cand sunt ar-
60
Ce Chaste/ Turquant, seant surla rive de la Dunoe, estoit de qua/re pans de muren quanure, en
tele maniere que a chascune des trois quarres avoit une petite tour, et a la quatriesme quarre
desdis pans de mur y avoft une grosse tour quanee quy es/oil massice, bien de dix piedz de
haul/. Ely montoienl /es Turcqz par une montee de bois, quy esloit toute couverte de grandes
plates plures de bois, ainsi qu'on /es poi/le quanl /es ar/Jres sont en seve. El ii y avail, par
deseure, ung grand bacico/, el grandes a/lees d'aisselles de bois, duque/ bacico/ se deffendoienl
fort /es Turcqz; el par deriere esloitla basse-cou,t, qui avironnoft /es trois pans de mur et/a tour, el
y avoft grans fosses et pal/is de bois en/our yce//e. Laque/e, nonobstant, fld prinse comme vous
avez oy, de venue, au Ires villain reboulemenl des Turcqz, lesquelz furent si radement poursievys
qu'i/z n'eurent pas /oisir de le deffendre, de haste d'eu/z enfuyr dedens /esdis tour et chaste/.
29
It could seem that he meant that the fortress had qua/re pans de mur en quarrure , a huge
bacicol, and a/lees d'aissel/es de bois. The last Middle French syntagma probably referred to
the wall-passage, placed upon the curtain wall, providing the defenders' internal circulation.
The fact that the grand bacicol is linked to these allees proves us that Wavrin imagined
himself a bacicol that had to look like all the smaller bacicols he knew. The grant bacicol had
to be a bacicol first of all. Consequently, he diverged frorn the general outline of the description
in order to tell of a strange feature of the wooden structures (ainsi qu'on /es poi/le quant /es
arbres son/ en seve). This might imply that the wood had been recently cut, that the entire
wooden structures were built on the spot, just before the Burgundian arrival. A comparison
with the description of the Giurgiu fortress provides us nonetheless with a different perspective.
For example, there are parallel features. The first one that strikes is the shape of the for-
tressses. Giurgiu is a fort chaste/ quarre, Tutrakan an estoit de qua/re pans demur en quar-
rure. Next, the Giurgiu stronghold is bacicol/ee, while Tutrakan has a grant bacicol. Giurgiu is
garitee, while Tutrakan has grandes a/lees d'aiselles de bois. Last but not least, the Giurgiu
fortress has deux petits pans demurs and deux tours, while Tutrakan has a basse-court.
It seems that Giurgiu is a bigger scale copy of Tutrakan, and that they both resemble
the chateaux-forts developed out of the mote and bailey fortresses of Western Europe. They
have an inner yard, an outer yard, machicolations, they are, each in its own tum, chasteaulx.
Moreover, Wavrin tells us in his own words that of the Giurgiu stronghold was samblablement
garitee et bacicollee like celle du Chasteau Turquant. The only explanation we are able to
provide is that Wavrin has read or heard two distinctive descriptions of the fortresses. He
was used to a certain military architectural pattern and tried to adapt, for his own sake and
for that of his readers, the features he had to describe to the features he already knew.
This does not imply at all that Giurgiu fortress was not square, or that Tutrakan fortress
didn't have a great machicolation. This implies only the fact that certain aspects have been
reinterpreted and that we are unable to reconstruct any of the two strongholds according to
Wavrin's description. For example, it is extremely improbable that the Giurgiu fortress had an
outer yard. Giurgiu could have had two smaller walls that ended not into two towers, but into
two smaller bastions. Also, the entire description of the upper wooden structures of Tutrakan
and Giurgiu could refer to some defence construction raised just before the two sieges.
borii plini de seva. Deasupra era o mare galerie §i pridvoare mari de sc8ndure/e de /emn, din care gaferie
se aparau cu ind8rjire turcii; rn spate era curtea de aparare de jos care era lnconjurata de cele trei laturi ale
ziduri/or, de tum, de §an/uri mari §i intarituri de pari de jur imprejurul ei. Cu toate acestea a fast cuceritil,
cum a(i auzit, de la primuf atac, cu ru§inoasa alungare a turcilor care au fast unniiri(i a§a de n8valnic, incat
in graba for de a se refugia in ace/ tum §iin ace/ caste/, nu au mai avul riigaz sil-1 apere). The translation is
once again wrong, for the aisselfe is not the peel of a tree, but a simple plank. Wavrin speaks offreshly cut
wooden planks, an information which leads us to the conclusion that the upper part of the fortification, the
garites and the bacico/s, have been recently built (Planche de bois: BLMF, ATILF, entree aisselfe 2, I, 1).
29
The 1968 translation is rather faible. Qua/re pans de mur en quanure are not a square of waifs. The
Middle French pan de cloison or pan demur meant une partie d'une cloison, d'un mur (BLMF, ATILF,
entree pan, reponse 2, A).
61
All matters of interpretation could easily be solved by carefully examining the miniatures
with which Wavrin's manuscripts must have been ornated, because the painter must have
clearly understood Wavrin's personal interpreting pattern and turned into an image. Unfor-
tunately, access to such manuscripts is still difficult for eastern European researchers.
After dealing with these two descriptions, Wavrin turned, each time, back to his story.
Hews not at all interested in describing the strongholds. The plot was much more interesting.
This was also the case of the Turnu fortress, which did recieve a true description. Its features
can only be discerned only through Wavrin's depiction of the 1445 combats of Nicopolis30 :
Lars s'en al/a le seigneur de la Vallaquie devers le cardinal, avecques /uy ces deux vaillans
cheval/iers: messire Pietre Vaast et messire Regnault de Comfide. Lesquelz /edit seigneur de
Wavrin y envoia en son nom. Si fut conc/u entr'eulz que la tour serroit assegie tout a /'environ,
comme: parterre par Jes Vallques, et des gal/es par la riviere. Si feroient dilligence d'aprochier
/adite tour au plus prez qu'ilz porroient. Les Turcqz qui estoient dedens Nycopoly se doubterent,
et percheurent que Jes chrestiens voul/oient assegier et combat/re la tour. Si misrent, par nuit,
une petite galliote en l'eaue, bien annee de rimes, et misrent dedens vivres et artillerye. Ceste
nuit fist-ii grant bruyne, et, au point du }our, ladite galliote party de Nycopoly. Laquele estoit
legiere, si sambloit qu'elle vol/as! sur l'eaue et passast par devant Jes gallees. Ce/Jes qui le
veyrent s'esleverent hastivement, et al/erent aprez. Mais elle se boutta dedens la posteme de la
tour qui estoit sur /'eaue, et ceu/z de ladite tour le deffendoient de trait et de pierres. Si fut
necessite a nos gal/ees quy alloient aprez, de retoumer. Mais ii fut ordone que l'une des gallees
feroit le guet sur elle, adfin que, quant el/e retoumeroit, el/e feust ruee }us.
Archaeological researches (1936-1943, 1978-1980) conducted on the fortress' site re-

vealed the existence of a number of stone and brick structures centered on a round tower.
Their nucleus was the very same tower (17.4 min diameter). The diggings of 1978 could not
reach the foundation, due to the high waterbed, thus disarming all probable hypotheses31 .
Cantacuzino interpreted the stronghold according to four features presented by Wavrin:
the existence of a wooden-roof tower, surrounded by reinforcements (brayes, faulses brayes),
with a barbican (a feature that we could not to identify in Wavrin's chronicle) and a postern (a
32
secondary gateway to the river) . According his interpretation, the wooden-roof tower is the
exact nucleus of the fortress, the so-called round tower. A postern could have existed, though
the nowadays ruins cannot prove its existence due to the high waterbed of the Danube.
As for the barbican, unidentified in Wavrin's chronicle, it may be the by-product of a text
misunderstanding. The Middle French word braye referred either to a defence palisade33 , or
to an element of defence constructed on the counterscarp, having a gateway or a fortification
4
poinf . Cantacuzino related it to the wall, presumably reconstructed after the battles of 1395-
35
1396 by Bayezid 1 . He also implied that the chronicle lets us think that the walls of the strong-
hold were not that big. The last assessment is a compromise between Wavrin's text of and
the available archaeological data. Cantacuzino knew that the brayes could not refer to the cur-
tain walls of the stronghold because a braye was a rudimentary rampart. He also thought
that the Turnu stronghold had already been endowed by the year 1445 with a curtain wall.
In fact, he assumed that the construction of the wall took place prior to 1397, because of
the discovery of Slavonic inscription mentioning Bayezid's name, which was dated around
1397-1398. He had all the elements of a puzzle and wanted them to fit in neatly. He adapted
30
Wavrin (1927), pp. 82-83.
31
Cantacuzino, Cetati medievale, pp. 188-189.
32 '
Ibid., p. 198.
33
BLMF, ATILF, entree braie, reponse 8.
34
BLMF, ATILF, entree braie, reponse 1, II.
35
Cantacuzino, Ceta{i medievale, pp. 190-191 , 198.
62
the four pieces of information he found in Wavrin's chronicle to the archaeological material.
He interpreted the literary information acccrding to the archaeological material, for all text is but
a shadow of doubt, while a ruin must always reveal the real status of a construction. Still, he
probably misunderstood the text, for the brayes may never refer to real brick or stone walls.
O 5 10m
l_L.j
4. The layout of the Turnu fortress

(by architect Gh. Sion, CAMNI, IV (1981), p. 101, fig. 1)
They are only palisades, comprising wooden structures. Bayezid's presumed walls could
not have been built out of wood. In fact, the inscription did not speak of a wall construction. It
read: this Holavnic stronghold has been renewed during the reign of Bayazid 1/dirim and the
subasha D.. ., in the year 1.. .36 • The inscription mentioned a renewal and not a rebuilding.
Moreover, Wavrin's chronicle does not speak of brayes, but of faulses brayes. Up to this
level, Cantacuzino's hypothesis (Wavrin's brayes were Bayezid l's walls) could have been
possible, but when confronted with a Middle French lexicon, it does not stand a single chance.
A faulse braye is une seconde enceinte terrassee comme la premiere, et qui n'en est pas
separee par un fosse, mais dont le terre-plein joint /'escarpe de la premiere enceinte37 • The
faulse braye of the Turnu stronghold could not have been a wall. It was an outer yard.
In the end, we are left with two possibilities. The first one is that the round curtain wall
of the Turnu stronghold was not been built prior to 1445, and that the fortification comprised
only a round tower, a pastern, and a yard encircled by a wooden palisade. Still, the existence
of a faulse braye is conditioned by the pre-existence of a curtain wall encircling an inner
yard. One may easily think that the Burgundians could not see the inner structure of the for-
tress, because they did not reach it. They must have seen only the outer ramparts, and a
high curtain wall, which could have been easily mistaken for the tower's own walls .
.. . and a Broken Bombard
· . During the Giurgiu siege, the chronicler tells us how the Wallachian voivod, confident in
his own plans, has broken the best bombard the Burgundian fleet possessed 38 .
36
Cantacuzino, Cetiiti medieva/e,p. 198.
37
BLMF, ATILF, entr~e braie, reponse 1, II.
38
Wavrin (1927), pp. 71-72.
63
Les crestiens, doncques, cuidans la pierre avoir ce fait, rechargerent derechief et le firent gecter
ou premier lieu. Si fist pareille pouldriere que le cop devant; laquele passee, chascun disoit que,
pour vray, la fenture estoit beaucoup plus grande que devant. Si recommenca pareille huee,
qui al/a jusquez auz oreil/es du siegneur de la Val/aquie, lequel demanda que c'estoit. Et on lui
dist que la bombarde des gallees faisoit merveilles et que ancores dedens deux ou trois copz
gectez elle auroit abatu une tour. Pour /esqueles nouvelles ii manta a cheval; si vint cel/e part
adfin d'en veoir la maniere. Et /ors, comme cel/uy auque/ /edit chaste/ apartenoit (car son pere
l'avoit faite faire), si avoit este dedens plusieurs fois, et neanmoins ne s'estoit jamais aparcheu
de la fenture), quant ii la vey, fut mesmes d'opinion que ce eust voirement fait la bombarde.
Pourquoy ii prya qu'on le voulsist rechargier et faire gecter devant luy. Et, adont, le seigneur de
Wavtin, pour ce qu'il estoit heure de disner et si n'avoit ancores mengie du }our, dist au
seigneur de la Val/aquie:«Je metz la bombarde et /es canonniers en vostre main; si la faites
jecter a vostre plaisance; car je m'en vois disner en ma gallee». Et emmena avec luy messire
Regnault de Comfide mengier. Tost aprez, le seigneur de Vallaquie fist chargier ladite
bombarde et gecter a son ban plaisir. Aprez leque/ cop, la pouldtiere passee, la dite fenture Jui
sambla, aussy, plus large que paravant, et mesmes que la tour clinoit. Pourquoy ii fist
rechargier de plus balles, et jecter ancores ung cop: si /uy sambloit que tousjours la fenture
croissoit et que la tour clinoit de plus en plus. Adont, messire Regnault de Comfide, qui disnoit
avec le seigneur de Wavtin, Jui dist: «Ce Vallaque fera ycy si dni gecter nostre bombarde,
qu'elle rompera; ii fust besoing d'y envoier, adfin qu'on le laissast refroidir et qu'elle ne gectast
plus jusques a ce que vous venriez la». Mais, avant que le messagier y peust oncques venir, le
Val/aque le fist gecter, et rompirent deux cercles d'ycelle, quy tuerent deux galliotz, genz de
bien et vaillans hommes, selon leur stille; lesquelz furent fort plains et condo/us. Desqueles
nouvel/es, quant ilz le sceurent, lesdis de Wavrin et Comfide, ilz furent grandement
courouchies. Mais le committre de la gallee leur dist <que>, moyennant qu'il n'y eust que deux
cercles rompus et que /es deuves ne feussent pas adommagies, ii le remetteroit bien a point.
When reading this fragment, one should take a close look not to the historical material
provided, but to the general esthetical outline. On a historical basis, one may find a single
major event Vlad II had broken the Burgundians' bombard. On a literary basis, the very
same information turns itself into an interesting distortion. It becomes a tale, and, as much as
any other tale, is prone to a certain literary subjectivity. Certain passages seem superfluous.
For example, the mais avant que le messagier [... ] ilz furent grandement courouchies refers to
an action that is already expected or understood by the reader and could be the respiro mo-
ment of the entire fragment. Others contain precious historical material: et !ors comme celluy
[... ] voirement fait la bombarde, providing Romanian historians with awaited confirmations.
When reading carefully the bombard fragment, one may discern six narrative knots:
1. The introduction of the fenture theme (Les crestiens doncques [ .. .] que devant).
2. Vlad finds out about the bombard miracles (Si recommence pareille hue[ ...] adfin
d'en veoir la maniere).
3. Waleran leaves Vlad the bombard (Et /ors comme cel/uy [... ] messier Regnault de
Comfide mangier").
4. Vlad carelessly uses the bombard (Tost aprez le seigneur de Vallaquie [... ] clinoit de
plus en plus).
5. Regnault de Comfide predicts the disaster (Adont messier Regnault de Comfide [... ]
vous venriez la).
6. The disaster actually takes place (Mais avant que le messagier [... ] remetteroit bien a
point).
Oddly, the aforesaid six narrative knots are organised in couplets. The first part of the couplet
(knots 1, 3, 5) represents a Burgundian action, while the last (knots 2, 4, 6) the Walachian
response. The story can be easily summarised this way into cause (knots 1+2), action (knots
3+4), and effect (knots 5+6). Moreover, these narrative knots contain a repetitive vocabulary:
64
fenture, tour, and bombarde, and the only characters available, apart from Vlad and his two
Western counterparts are the committre and the ga/liotz. The committre is an officier qui com-
39
mande /'equipage d'un navire , while the galliotz are the rowers of the galleys4°.
The Burgundian fleet was rather young and inexperienced", or, better said, unsure of its
own resources. De Comfide was naturallly concerned about the guns and the galleys. Their
capacity was limited (200-300 men). The first two Burgundian-built galleys had 166 rowers and
44 soldiers, while the ones built later (1446-1449) had 168 rowers and a lot of other speciali-
sed personnel. The galleys used in the 1449 and 1463 Burgundian expeditions comprised:
Personnel 1449 expedition 1463 expedition
Rowers 168 168

A/Hers or portenas 6 0
Nochers 10 10
Their servant 1 0
Proiiers 8 4
Soubre-sailans 30 40
Compagnons de la bonne-veuil/e 20 0
Bombardiers 2 0
Canonniers 0 2
Surgeon and his servant 2 0
Barber 1 1
Tram ettes 4 2
Argousin and his servant 2 0
Comite and his servant 2 1
Sous-comite 1 1
Pilots 2 1
Conseil/ers 2 1
Mai/res d'hache 1 2
Remolat and his servant 2 1
Ca/fat 1 1
Ecrivain 1 1
Sous-ecrivain 1 1
Senechal 1 0
Pa/oilier 1 0
Cook 2 1
If Wavrin used his nephew's letters or an ecrivain's log, the deux dead galliotz must have
had different jobs. They could have been named bombardiers or canoniers, for it was not the
rowers' duty to shoot the bombard. All these narrative characteristics point out that originally
39
BLMF, ATILF, entree comite, reponse 1.
4
°For a debate concerning galliotz: BLMF, ATILF, entree galiot, reponse 1, B: Rameurde galere: ...
a este infe,rogue Jehan Deg/az, escripvain dudit Gimar/ sur /es gaiges, despences des nauchers, galiotz,
compaignons de guerre et au/res gens et o/ficiers qui estoient en la ga/ee Saint-Michie/ (Aff. Jacques
Coeur M., 1453-1457, 219). A Guillemin Labarbe, le XV/e jour d'octobre, pour donner aux galliotz
qu'estoient echappes d'une gallee qui estoit enversee en Catheloingne, en ung escu et ung ducat
(Comp/es roi Rene A., t.3, 1479, 229). Ga/lio/z seem to have been simple rowers, completely untrained in
manoeuvring large guns.
41
The first two galleys were built in 1386, by order of duke Philip, in order to support the planned
passage to England. Three more were constructed at Nice under the command of Geoffroi de Thoisy,
nd probably with Genoese assistance, during 1443-1444. Four more galleys were rented from the
Venetian republic in 1444, and only later (1446-1449) four more galleys were built at Anvers (in this
respect: Jaccues Paviol, La politique nava/e des dues de Bourgogne 1384-1482 (Lille 1995), p. 294).
65
the story was unwritten. It had been probably told, for the careful disposition of action-counter-
action passages according to a Walachian-Burgundian pattern, the repetitive vocabulary, and
the imprecise jobs of the much regretted dead men could not have come from a ship's log,
or from a campaign description. As there were probably no written sources, the only source of
information must have been Waleran, and he must have told the story personally, for the story
of his illness and his retirement aboard one of the galleys is closely linked to this fragment.
In the end, we may easily speculate that the entire episode has a bookish connotation,
that the only discernable historical fact is that Vlad the Devil had broken a Burgundian
bombard, and that he planned on taking over the Giurgiu fortress without destroying its
towers. The rest of the story - as interesting as it may seem - could be a literary invention,
a funny tale about barbarian Wallachians mistreating a great western up-to-date canon.
***
Are we to believe what Jean de Wavrin narrates? We probably have to, for his intentions
were more than responsable. Wavrin wanted to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing
but the truth about his nephew's Danube expedition. He used all the material he could get.
He is not to be blamed in any other way. The somehow subjective marks used in his re-
lation are not his faults, but those of a prose style that determined him to write adapting the
story, through his own eyes, for those of a western audience. Since the works of Froissart
and Commynes, the chroniclers of the Late Middle Ages used the first singular persona Ue) in
order to disseminate a certain degree of subjectivity throughout their work: a je narrator, a je
character, and even aje speaker. This extended use of the first singular persona does not give
way to mistrust, but refers to a literary authorship, closely related to the interpretation of truth.
One may find surprising the fact that this type of subjectivity was used in order to create a
true narration42 . Wavrin did not use this obsessive je. He seldomly cited in direct speech and
tried to keep a third person narrator, totally different from the true protagonist of his account.
Due to this second-hand eyewitness factor, the testimony of Jean de Wavrin is some-
43
how doubtful, as already pointed out in various studies . One may never completely trust the
stories he tells, for they must have been distortions of the stories he has heard, which, in their
own turn, distorted real historical facts. One may never trust the descriptions of the Danube
fortresses, for Wavrin interprets all the descriptions according to his knowledge of western
military architecture. One may also take the broad facts for sure, but never the details.
Moreover, what we do have is the manuscript tradition, not the autograph manuscript of
Wavrin. This tradition may be in its own turn distorted. Manuscripts were copied, and a few of
the copies might be mistaken. There is also no contemporary edition of Wavrin's text. Apart
from this, nobody has ever tried to see the miniatures, which must have illuminated the folios
of certain manuscripts preserving the Anchiennes /stories de la Grant Bretaigne. The analysis
of these miniatures might provide us with a better understanding of Wavrin's descriptions.
42
Claudio Galderisi, 'Conscience litteraire et emergence de l'individu au Moyen Age', in Histoire de
la France litteraire, I, Naissances, Renaissances: Mayen Age-XVf siec/e, edited by Frank Lestringant,
Michel Zink (Paris 2006), p. 675.
43 Franz Babinger, Mehmed the Conqueror and His Time, translated by Ralph Manheim (Prince-
ton 1978), p. 34.
66
2.
Modern and Early Modern Points of View
The Modem Face of the Uncrowned King:

John Hunyadi in Szeged
A./.2. Modern and Early Modem Points of View
~
.
,
,•
t ., .,. , •
',r.·o;--,.;•.II,
·, •
........
<ir'>
t
_--~~-J-
1 I\\
"' r . ~----..., .. I
'
t
.. r-
~ . . .~ --- ..... --:- J -·:\-.__
The Unexpected Heir who became King:
Matthias Corvinus' Statue of Cluj
68
Minimalia Hunyadiana:
Livres et manuscrits de la Bibliotheque du Museo Correr
de Venise concernant Jean Hunyadi
I. Giovanni Nicolo Doglioni et Giovanni Tiepolo
M. Marcella Ferraccioli
Gianfranco Giraudo
Universite "Ca' Foscari"
Venise
La Bibliotheque du Civico Museo Correra Venise 1 est bien connue par les historiens de
l'art des deux rives de la Mer Adriatique et bien au dela de ses rives, mais elle est beaucoup
moins connue pour sa collection d'opuscules et de manuscrits, dont le nombre est de l'ordre
des centaines de milliers. Elle est un mare magnum, ou les erudits du xix• siecle - ceux qui
travaillaient sous la domination autrichienne aussi bien qu'apres l'annexion aux domaines de
la Maison de Savoie - ont cherche a s'y orienter moins philologiquement qu'ideologiquement
et a elaborer une theorie de la Venitiennete. D'ailleur, cette cathegorie - discrete et formelle-
ment non provocatoire apres 1797, historiographiquement irreprochable a un moment
donne, tout a fait desinteressee et neutre aujourd'hui - est a preferer a celles d'italianite et de
slavite, qui se sont developpees justement depuis 1797 dans les territoires de la Serenissima
demembree et qui ont contribue moins a resoudre des conftits culturels et politiques latents
qu'a en creer des nouveaux et non necessaires, en favorisant de cette fa9on une - pour ainsi
dire - eutrophisation de l'espace geo-politique qui fut jadis le Golfe de Venise.
La Bibliotheque du Museo Correr conserve encore aujourd'hui son caractere tout a fail
particulier, celui de sanctuaire de la venitiennete, et offre, au meme temps, un echantillon aussi
etendu que significatif de l'ampleur des connaissances et des attitudes mentales de ces patri-
ciens (aristocratie de service), qui avaient modele la societe et l'Etat venitiens tout au long de
quelques sept siecles. Elle est telle qu'elle est aujourd'hui grace au travail de Cicogna 2 et des
autres erudits et bibliophiles qui ont contribue a creer ses fonds. II est vrai que leur travail est
important moins par la qualite que par la quantile, mais ii serait trop facile pour nous au-
jourd'hui de souligner le fail que leurs ouvrages - realises au cours de ces soixante-dix ans
pendant lesquelles !'humiliation de la venitiennete a ete contrebalance par des efforts pas-
sionnes de sauvergarder les reliques la"fques du passe - ne sont que des catalogues et des
i_ndex souvent bizarres, que le nombre de leurs fautes est important en va-leur absolue, mais
derisoire en valeur relative, si l'on considere la quantile des documents ana-lyses, heterogenes
par typologie et valeur, trouves et sauves souvent d'une maniere fortuite. Dans l'ex libris des
codes du fonds Gradenigo Do/fin on lit: Ex libris N. V. Petri Gradenigo/ de/ Confinio S.
Justin'?, ab eol collectisl ad utilitatem studii sui, et ad/ usum pr'?stantium Nobilium Reipub!icl.
1
Sur l'histoire du Musee: Vicenzo Lazzari, Notizie de/le opere d'arte e di antichita de/la Raccolla
Correr, Venise (Tipografia del Commercio), 1859; Mario Brunetti, Guida de/ Museo Correr, Venise (C.
Ferrari), s.a.; Terisio Pignatti, /I Museo Correr, Bergame, 1958; Una citta e ii suo museo, Un seco/o e
l!)ezzo di col/ezioni civiche veneziane (editeur Giandomenico Romanelli), Venise, 1988.
t 2 Emanuele Antonio Cicogna (1789-1868): Origine de/la biblioteca di Emanuele Cicogna (edite
· par Ricardo Fulin), Venise (Tipografia del Commercio), 1872; Stefania Rossi Minutelli, «Emanuele
ntonio Cicogna e l'Opera de/le iscrizioni veneziane», Miscellanea Marciana (Venise), XXV, 2000,
.113-122; OB/, XXV, p. 394-397.
3
Pietro Gradenigo (1695-1776), erudit et collectionneur: Gianantonio Moschini, Vita di Ire personaggi
ustri de/la famiglia Gradenigo benemeri/i de/la /etteratura veneziana ne/ seco/o XVIII, Venise, 1907;
M. Marcella Ferraccioli, Gianfra nco Giraudo
L'idee du "service publique" et de la conservation des memoires de la Patrie est particu-

lierement percevable dans le fonds Dona dal/e Rose4. qui assemble une partie des archives
des families Dona et Tron, parmi lesquels on trouve des documents autographes de deux per-
sonnages remarquables dans des circonstances difficiles de l'histoire venitienne: Leonardo
5 6
Dona , le Doge de l'lnterdictum, et Andrea Tron , qui, au moment de !'extreme decadence de
Venise, semble incarner les vertus politiques de l'aristocratie des siecles d'or. L'autre grand
merite de la Bibliotheque est le suivant. D'autres exemplaires de la plupart des documents de
ses fonds sont conserves a l'Archivio di Stato, disperses dans les fonds de differents magi-
strats, ce qui implique un long travail de recherche et le risque de ne pas identifier des pieces
importantes. Au Museo Correr, si l'on veut etudier un certain personnage ou evenement, ou
une certaine controverse, on peut meme trouver des dossiers complets en un seul coup.
***
Les documents concernant Jean Hunyadi ne sont pas tres nombreux, mais ils sont signi-
ficatifs par leurs dates de parution. Un premier groupe remonte a la fin du XVle siecle, l'autre
aux 1680. La derniere decennie du XVle siecle represente une des periodes les plus com-
plexes et les plus tourmentes de l'histoire venitienne. Malgre la victoire de Lepante, la menace
ottomane est toujours immanente. Les rapports avec le Saint Siege deviennent de plus en plus
tendus et vont aboutir a l'lnterdictum. On retrouve encore aux debuts du XXe siecle un echo
7
des griefs romains contre Venise et sa connivence avec les schismatiques et les infideles :
La repubblica teneva in qualche modo al/a fama di ortodossia e vantava spesso di essere
figlia obbediente de/la Chiesa romana e baluardo de/la cristianita di fronte a/1'/slam.
L'abbondanza di chiese e di opere pie e lo sp/endore def cu/to potevano anche destar
f'impressione che la religione fosse qui mo/to fiorente. Ma almeno nei ceti piu elevati regnava
grande indifferenza re/igiosa, promossa anche dai continui rapporti con Greci e Maomettani.
All'universita veneziana di Padova fioriva /'averroismo col/a sua negazione dell'immortalita
dell'anima individuale [... ). Uberi pensatori come l'Aretino e Giordano Bruno avevano cercato
appunto in Venezia un /uogo di rifugio, e in nessun luogo d 'lta/ia ii protestantesimo incontr6
tanto favore come appunto cola. Se ne/la vita dei singoli, almeno secondo le apparenze, la
re/igione a Venezia significava ancora tutto, nel/a vita pubblica v'era per essa appena posto.
'Prima Veneziani e poi cristiani; era la massima dei dirigenti lo Stato. Per verita, v'era in
questo tempo anche a/trove un partito secondo ii qua/e ii bene de/lo Stato doveva preporsi a
tutto, anche al/a religione, tutti i cu/ti dovevano essere tollerati, e a/lo Stato spettava la
sovranita anche sull'elemento ecclesiastico. Ma, secondo un contemporaneo, Venezia eforse
la patria di questi principi, divenuti cola came e sangue.
Les temoignages de cette periode sur Jean Hunyadi refletent les attitudes envers ces
deux problemes. Si la prise de Constantinople (1453) avait represente le plus grand choc
de !'Europe chretienne face a un ennemi tout a fait neuf, dont la marche vers l'Occcident
semblait irresistible, les issues de la bataille de Mohacs (1526) avaient reveille l'ancienne
8
peur du toumant de l'histoire, comme l'avait definie Franz Babinger •
Notizie d'arte e di storia tratte dai Notatori e dagli Annali def N. H. Pietro Gradenigo (editees par Lina
Livan, avec une introduction de Giuseppe Fiacco), Venise (La Reale Deputazione Ed.), 1942-XX.
4
Ce fonds a ete acquis partiellement par le Musee au cours d'un demi-siecle (1881-1932). Une
0
partie est restee dans !'hotel de famille, qu'avait fait batir a la fin du XVl siecle Leonardo Dona, mais est
a la disposition des chercheurs sur demande: James C. Davis, Una famiglia veneziana e la conserva-
zione de/la ricchezza , Rome, 1980.
5
Frederico Seneca, II Doge Leonardo Dona, Padoue (Antenore), 1959.
6
Giovanni Tabacco, Andrea Trone la crisi dell'aristocrazia senatoria a Venezia, Trieste, 1957.
7
Ludwig van Pastor, Storia dei Papi dalla fine def Medio Evo, XII, Rome, 1930, p. 85-86.
8 1
Mehmet der Eroberer und seine Zeit, WeltensWrmer einer Zeitenwende, Munich, 1954 •
70
Minimalia Hunyadiana
D'un cote, on cherche a susciter un nouvel esprit de croisade dans le contexte d'une
Contrereforme qui va devenir de plus en plus aggressive. C'est pourquoi, l'on souligne !'en-
gagement de Hunyadi contre les Hussites et on exalte le role qu'ont joue le Cardinal Giuliano
Cesarini et le Franciscain Observant Giovanni da Capestrano. De l'autre cote, le portrait que
l'on trace de Hunyadi n'est pas seulement celui d'un strategue tout a fait exceptionnel, le seul
que Jes Otomans ne sont pas en mesure de vaincre, mais aussi celui d'un homme d'ordre,
qui, bien que n'etant de souche royale, assure la stabilite dans un pays divise.
L'autre groupe de textes remonte a l'epoque del la derniere grande peur, a 1683, levee
du siege de Vienne (Wien, Bees), a 1686, reconquista de la Hongrie, impliquant la necessite
d'enta-mer un processus de re-catholicisation du pays. Au debut du siecle suivant, le proces-
sus est complete grace au passage de la Transylvanie de la suzerainete de la Porte sous la
souverainete des Habsbourg. Encore une fois, Jes evenements de l'olim Regnum Hungariae
jouent un role important dans la vision geo-politique de !'Europe: !'Empire otoman n'est plus tel-
lement mena<;ant, et l'avenement, dans les terres de l'ancienne monarchie de St. Etienne, d'un
pouvoir tres catholique alimentent l'espoir d'un nouvel essor de la Contrereforme la aussi.
On retrouve le meme esprit de croisade encore au X:X0 siecle, entre Jes guerres, ce qui
temoigne d'une malencontreuse tendance, non seulement italienne, a se referer a des va-
9
leurs catholiques presomptives pour justifier toute attitude raciste et tout desir d'hegemonie :
Fwono le gesta di H<unyadi> a creare dell'Ungheria un antemura/e de/ C1istianesimo e def/a
cultura occidenta/e. I tratti piu caratteristici di H<unyadi> furono ii genio militare e ii sentimento
cattolico, che lo fanno paragonare ai pill famosi capi de/fe crociate medievali.
***
L'Vngheria spiegata 10 de Doglioni 11 est peut-etre le meilleur compendium de l'histoire

hongroise de l'epoque, construit avec une bonne precision sur Jes Awisi'', une gloire du
systeme venitien d'information politico-militaire. Le role qu'a joue Jean Hunyadi dans les lut-
13
tes dynastiques de la premiere moitie du XV° siecle est decrit de la fa9on suivante :
... tutti i Prencipi, e /ignori dell'Vngheria, ne conclu/ero farli /or dare ii fanciuflo Re Lad1/lao, & per
questo ne mandarono all'lmperator Federico /or messi. Ma non vof/e Federico mandarlo,
dubitando forle, che non auuem/!e a/cun male; da che nacque grand'odij, & hauendo gli
Vngheri creato /'Vnniade /or capo, & col name di Gouematore de/ Regno; questi entrato
nefl'Au/tria, buona parle ne po)e a ferro, fuoco, & rouina, dimandando pur ogn'hora che gli fu!!e
con)egnato ii fanciuflo, ne pero mai lo puote egli hauere, onde ritomo))i nel Regno, attendendo
al gouemo di quef/o con )ua lode inflnita, & contento di ogn'vno [... ], si ridussero i principa/i, e de
g/i Vngheri, & de' Boemi in Vienna, doue giunto Lad,/lao fij da tutti come /or Re /egittimo riuerito,
& accettato, e l'Vnniade gli rinontio ii gouemo defl'Vngheria, che per Jui fino af/'hora per lo spacio
di otto anni conunui haueua gouemato, onde ii Re lo creo Conte di Bistrico; e )e bene fu/Je ii
utolo presso di Jui, nondimeno conflnno nefl'Vnniade ii gouemo defl'Vngheria [... ].Sendo poi
giunto a//'eta legittima, et hauendo egli stef!,o preso ii gouemo dei Regni, Mahometto che era al
9
El, XVIII, p. 607.
10
L'VNGHERIA, I SP/EGA TA I DA G/0. NICOLO DOGLIONI. /Oue chiaramente )i /eggono tutte
le co)e )ucce!!e in I quel Regno, da che primo fu co)i nominato, I )ino a//'anno co,rente 1595. I Con la
Tauo/a copio)i)J;ma di tutto quef/o, che di degno, I & di memorabile vi )i legge. I ... / IN VENETIA, M. D.
XCV. / Aprresso Damian Zenaro.
11
Giovanni Nicolo Doglioni (1548-1629), notaire et auteur de plusieurs ouvrages historiques, en
partie ecrites sous le nom de plume Leonico Goldioni: lnscrizioni, II, p. 23-26: Luigi Alpago Novello, «No-
:,tizie di Giovanni Nicolo Doglioni e di un suo scritto inedito», Archivio Storico di Befluno, Fel/re e Cada-
re (Belluno), XVII, 1939, 61, p. 1045-1050; OBI, XL, p. 368-369.
12
Sur la typologie et la diffusion des Avvisi: Achille Bosisio, Avvisi ed avvisatori, Venise, 1960.
13
L'Vngheria spiegata, pp. 63-64.
71
M. Marcella Ferraccioli, Gianfranco Giraudo
padre Amurate ne/la fignoria de' Turchi fucceffo, ne pa/36 per hauer la Citta di Costantinopoli, &
la hebbe anco, prima che da alcuno pote/3e e/3er f occorlo; & di la s'entro poi depredar a
a
/'Vngheria; Per lo che Lad1flao fi fuggi pien di timore Vienna; ma ii fudetto Giouanni Vnniade, o
Coruino Conte a!l'hora, non volendo che que/ Regno fuffe cof; malamente abban-donato, col
14
foccorlo de/le prediche di Giouanni da Capistrano frate de!l'Ordine de minori, per fantita fi
memorabile, f; ndu/3e ad Alba Regale [Szekesfehervar, Stuhlweissenburg]; Quiui pocco dopa
giunse ii Turco, & vi pofe l'af.fedio [... ]. II Capistrano da una Torre gridando con un Crocifi/3o in
mano ef_fortaua ciascuno a f tar forte, e l'Vnniade qua, e la con vn numero di soldati correndo,
animando ciascuno, foccorreua doue piu n'era ii bifogno, in vn tempo medefimo dimoftrandofi
capitano efperti.ffimo, e guem·ervalorofo.
L'auteur souligne que Hunyadi n'avait jamais pretendu d'obtenir des prerogatives royales,
mais s'etait limite a servir les rois legitimes tout en jouant un certain role dans le choix de
ceux-ci. Selon le meme principe, ii remarque que Matthias (Matia, Matyas) Corvinus etait fuori
de/la linea Regale 15 . II evite aussi de souligner, comme le font d'autres auteurs, que Hunyadi
avait conseille de ne pas s'engager dans la bataille de Varna, ou furent tues le roi Vladislas
(Wladyslaw, Ulaszl6) I (Ill) Jagellon et le cardinal Cesarini fuori de/la linea Regale (a battaglia,
nella quale vinto, vi rimase egli, & ii Cardinale (che haueua quesJta guerra perfuafa) morti, &
l'Vnniade apena Ji Jalu6 con la fuga) 16_
Doglioni traite de la Hongrie assez diffusement dans deux ouvrages d'histoire universelle,
Compendia et Anfiteatro d'Europa17_ Dans le Compendia, ii exalte les victoires de Hunyadi con-
18
tre Mezid bey a Sibiu (Hermannstadt, Szeben) et Kula Shahin a Vaskapu (Pof"iile de Fier) :
II Gran Turco Amurate, che a/Iara a' Turchi regnaua, faputo quefti difpareri, & diuisioni de gli
Vngheri, f; moffe contra di faro, ma fu da Giouanni Hunniade Va/acho primo huomo di
Vladislao, che fu poi padre def Re Mattia, che regno fopra gli Vngheri, vinto in battaglia con
mo/ti de fuoi. Quefto Giouanni paffato poi fopra un altro Capitano de' Turchi, che poneua tutta
la Tranfiluania in rouina, lo uinfe medef;-mamente, che pochi ve ne restarono in vita, onde
tomarono a/la diuotione de gli Vngheri tutti quei luoghi, che gia in que!le parti erano da' Turchi
f tati occupati. Di quefto fdegnato piu che mai Amurate, con un e/3ercito di ottanta mi/a persone
ripa/36 fopra la Tranfiluania, ma effendofegli opposto di nuouo /'Hunniade, fu da Jui in un fatto
d'arme fanguinolente mo/to, & tutto di nuouo, & vinto con gran mortalita de infedeli [1442].
Dans la description de la bataille de Varna (qui repete presque litteralement celle donnee
19
dans l'Vngheria spiegata), ii expose une theorie politique non moins douteuse que pieuse :
14
Giovanni da Capestrano, OFM Obs., precheur et inquisiteur, actif dans la lutte contre les heret-
iques et les Juifs: Amandus Hermann, Capistranus Triumphans, Seu Historia Fundamentalis de Sancto
Joanne Capistrano, Ordinis Minorum lnsigni Regularis Observantiae Propagatore, Coloniae [Cologne]
(Endler), 1700; Johannes Hofer, Johannes van Capestrano, Ein Leben im Kampf um die Reform der
Kirche, lnnsbruck-Vienne-Munich (Tyrolia), 1936; Nivard Zullig, Der Sieger van Be/grad, Die Lebens/e-
gende des heiligen Johannes van Capestrano, der var 500 Jahren das christliche Abend/and rettete,
Wurzburg, 1956; Cudesa Ivana Kapistrana [Les Miracles de Giovanni da Capestrano] (edites par Ive
Mazuran), Osijek, 1972; OBI, LV, p. 745-757. II est aussi le heros de plusieurs romans historiques.
15
Cette precision est inseree dans CATALOGO, ET NOMI I DE' RE O'VNGHERIA, I Per la
qua/e facilmente puo vederli la for I difcendenza (p. 209-210; ici p. 210).
16
L'Vngheria spiegata, p. 63; Sur Giuliano Cesarini, Cardinal di Sant'Angelo (1398-1444), legal
en Hongrie, Pologne, Bohemie et Autriche: OB/, XXIV, p. 188-195.
17
COMPEN0/0 I HIS TOR/CO I VNIVERSALE I Di tutte le cofe f ucceffe nel Mondo, dal principio
de/la Jua creationr fin'hora I [.. .] / DI GIO: NICOLO DOG LIO NI / [.. .] / IN VENETIA. MDCXXII.;
ANFITEA TRO I DI EVROPA I In cui fi ha la defcrittione I DEL MONDO CELESTE, ET
ELEMENTARE I per quanta fpetta a/la Cronografia I[... ]/ Di Gio. Nicolo Doglioni, Nobile Bellunese
[ ... ]/IN VENETIA. MDCXXIII/ Preffo Giacomo Sarzina.
18
Compendia, p. 439; Alessio Bombaci, Stanford J. Shaw, L'/mpero ottomano, Turin, 1981 , p. 335-
336
72
... nelf'Vngheria, essendo morta la Regina Elisabetta, /i quietarono mo/to le intestine discordie,
per lo che Giuliano Cesarini Cardinale, che vi era dal Papa stato mandala per componer le
1i/le, cominci6 a e//ortar ciascuno a dover contra de Turchi a µrender /'amii, che gia nuouo
apparecchio contra quel regno faceuano. Per questo /'Hunniade fatto un gro/3o e//ercito
presso Sofia nel/a Traccia attacc6 ii fatto d'anne, & res/6 vincitore con vna rotta, & stragge
grandi//ima de' nemici, de' quali quarantamila ne morirono, /econdo che g/i Vngheri
al/'lmperatore /cn//ero, tutto che ii CeJarini di /ei mi/a ne de/je nuoua. Da questa tan/a rouina
sfo1zato Amurathe, ne addimand6 (& ottenne) una tregua di dieci anni; con tanto di)piacere def
Cardinale, che /crittone a Roma, ii Papa ne re/cn//e al Re Vladis/ao e//ortando/o di continuare
nella guena, nu/la senuando la fede al nimico def name di Christo, & che egli perci6 da ogni
giuramento che fatto haue/le per questa cau/a, lo liberaua, & a/3olueua; & tanto potero que!te
e//ortationi, che ne rinou6 ii Polacco [Vladislas Ja~ellon] la guena, & mo/lo /'e)ercito (perche
Amurathe era pa/3ato contra ii Re di Caramania2 ) and6 fin /opra Varna nel mar maggiore,
doue pensaua haver in /occorso l'AIT71ata de Christiani, ma nu/la vi vidde egli, anzi che
a
ritomato ii Turco con gran numero di so/dati, fu /forzato venir seco in battaglia ...[1444].
D'ailleurs, l'idee que ce ne soil que l'aggressivite otomane a obliger a l'epoque les Etats chre-
21
tiens a se defend re et a defend re leur foi menacee n'est plus acceptee dans l'historiographie :
Le ragioni di una politica sostanzia/mente difensiva [de Murad II] vanno ri-cercate, in genera/e,
nell'evo/versi de/fa civiltEJ ottomana che anteponeva la pace al/a gue!Ta, i proficui e sicuri traffici
alfe costose e aleatorie spedizioni bel/iche, le opere intese a fini religiosi e umanitari a/le
apparecchiature militari.
En ce qui concerne Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar), Doglioni semble dire que Hun~adi
n'a ete que le bras seculaire de l'Eglise, a laquelle seule reviendrait le merite de la victoire :
2
Mahometto doppo preso Co)tantinopoli, ne pa/so ii terzo anno con duecento mi/a combattenti
nel/a Va/acchia, & acquistatone la maggior parte, and6 quindi nell'Vngheria, & assedi6
23
Be/grado, ma fu la citta dife/a dal Cardinal Canuagia/e Spagnolo mandala dal Papa, & da
Giovanni da capi)trano frate de' Zoccoli, che con le prediche haueua ridotti in/;eme meg/io di
quaranta mi/a so/dati, vi giunse anche /occot!o di Giovanni Vaiuoda Pl avail ete vorvode de
a
T ransylvanie, de 1441 1446], per lo che animati i Chn/uani fecero col nemico ii fatto d'alT71i, &
con /ua horribil stragge, e morte di venti mi/a de Turchi ne acquistarono /egnalata vittoria [1456].
***
24
Parmi les dossiers ayant appartenu a Giovanni Tiepolo, Patriarche de Venise , on
trouve un texte assez curieux de la fin du XV' siecle, reproduit sans date ni indication du nom
de l'auteur25 . Selon la tradition de la diplomatie venitienne, tout fonctionnaire revenant d'une
19
Compendia, p. 441.
20
A. Bombaci, S.J. Shaw, L'lmpero ottomano, p. 337.
21
Ibidem, p. 311-312.
22
Compendia, p. 446-447.
23
Sur le cardinal Juan Carvajal (1400-1469), qui prechait la lutte contre les Hussites au nom de
l'unite de l'Eglise et la croisade contre les Otomans: Domingo Lopez de Barrera, De rebus gestis S.
R. E. Cardinalis Carbaja/is Commentarii, Rome (Typis heredum L. Barbiellini), 17-52.
24 Giovanni Tiepolo (1571-1631), Primicerio di San Marco (1603-) et patriarche (1619-): A. Balbi,
Orazione nel/'e/ezione in Patriarca di Venezia de/I'll/. e Rev. Mons. Giovanni Tiepolo, Venise (Turini), 1619;
Baldassare Bonifacio, Oralia et Ca1T71ina pro inauguratione Joannis Theupo/i Patriarchae Venetianum,
Venise (Pinelli), 1619; Antonio Niero, I Patriarchi di Venezia, Venise, 1961, p. 117-120; Gaetano Cozzi,
Note su Giovanni Tiepolo, Primicerio di San Marco e patriarca di Venezia: l'unitEJ idea/e della chiesa veneta,
in Chiesa, Societa e Stato a Venezia: Miscellanea di studi in onore di Silvio Tran/in ne/ suo 75' anno di
eta (editeur Bruno Bertoli), Venise, 1994, pp. 121-150.
25
11 ya un autre exemplaire du tex1e dans la BNM, Cod. Ital. Vl-276 (;8398), f. 96'-108' (description
lnventari dei manoscritli de/le Biblioteche d'lta/ia, LXXVII, Venezia-Marciana, Mss. lta/iani-Classe VI
73
mission dans un pays etranger devait delivrer au Senat un compte-rendu avec un nombre de
renseignements obligatoires: description du pays; etat de !'agriculture, des manufactures et
du commerce; liste des marchandises que l'on pouvait en importer et y exporter et leurs prix;
un bref apen;:u de l'histoire recente du pays, son systeme de gouvernement, avec une atten-
tion particuliere au niveau de stabilite politique, aux controverses religieuses, si c'est le cas, et
a ses rapports avec les pays voisins. La Transylvanie est indiquee comme la region la plus
importante de la Hongrie, grace a ses ressources naturelles et humaines26 :
La piu utile, et principal parte de) Regno si e Transiluania dal/a q•te si caua ii sale che bisogna
net regno che Ii uale d'intrata i00 Im 6 circa a l'ano la q•t e principal entrata def/a Corona.
Appo-1: ii sale ui sono mo/le uene d'oro, argento et rame, et piombo; Argento uiuo, ferro, e
azatf-7; E grandiss." quantita d'Animali, cioe Bouini Caseratf6 et Caualli et molte case utiliss_e
Questa Transiluania e ben habit/ala da genie uirile pc-1:h continuam. te sono a/le man con
Turchi, et cauasi di quel/a Pt difension de,! Regno, circa 40 Im pc,sone di buona, et utile
genie, atta a ta/'lmp-1:se. Et lo sforzo sono Tedeschi, et un altra na/_ne appellata siculi [Szekely,
Szekler, secui], mo/to rigorosi, et u-1: a/tra natione, appellata sassi [Sachsen, Szaszok, sa~i]. In
q#o Regno sono poche terre, cht potesser esser sufficie#i di muri a resister ad una potentia
grande, come quel/a def Turco. La fortezza sua sono le fiumare grosse che ui sono, et poi la
q•tita dei popoli animosi contra Ii Turchi che quando hanno tempo di potersi unire si Pt essere
0
faro di grandiss_mo a/ contra faro come ac-1:he per n° grosso occorendo ii bisogno si uagliono
piu da faro perquesti mezzi che per speranza di Fortezza di terre murate che habbino in q•lle
parti. Le Terre murate che sono net Regno da fame mentione sono queste. In Transi/uania
e
sono da/ una chiamata Driasouia che la ultima Terra d'Vngheria uerso va/acchia nella q•te
sta la piu parte tedeschi: questa e fortissima per modo che da un essercito grosso si poteua
pc,fin che soccorso def Regno uenisse: Vn 'altra uerso scirocco pur a/le confina, che si_ chiama
Sibino, la quale e fortiss:"'•, et Pt lo simile si teneria. Sona piu Castelli fortiss:m', com'e
Bestrizza Georgiu Deua, Vngiat qs#i sono c/Je Pt un anno potriano sostenere ogn'assedio
hauendo uettouag/ie dentro, per essere in /uoghi forti uerso Grego.
Le recit des evenements lies a la figure de Hunyadi est assez singulier. On mentionne
d'une fac;:on hative la bataille de Varna et pas du tout celle de Belgrade. On souligne !'entente
nature/le entre Hunyadi et Georges Podiebrad (Jii'i z PodebFad). On loue les deux Gouer-
natori en tant que doues de vertus regales et done victimes de l'hostilite du roi legitime29 .
Et d# i444 a persuasione di Papa Eugenio fece impresa contra Turchi. Era co-I: /ui ii Card. e di S.
Angello nel/a q•t lmpresa si peri lui et ii Card.•. Ma scampo Janus Vaiuoda Cap.0 d# Regno ii
qua/ uenuto et tomatto in Vngheria essendo ii Regno vedouo et senza Re che hauesse perfetta
(edite par Giulio Zorzanello, Firenze, 1950, pp. 100-101; voir Joseph Valentinelli, Regesta documen/o/1./m
Germanice 11/ustrantium. Reges/en zur deutschen Geschichte as den Handschriften der Marcusbiblio-
thek in Venedig, Munchen (Verlag der k. Akademie), 1864, p. 43). II appartient au fonds Contarini, legue
a la Bibliotheque par Alvise II Girolamo Contarini (1770-1843), comprenant 8365 pieces, parmi lesquelles
on signale les documents des nombreux diplomates de la famille Contarini (Marino Zorzi, La Ubreria di San
Marco, Milan, 1987, p. 381). Le texte de la BNM (fin du XV" siede) correspond presque totalement a celui
du BMC. A !'exception des differences d'othographie, on ne remarque que quelques remplacements de
mot sns influence sur le sens general. Le texte du BMC a ete compose du vivant du roi Matthias (ff. 8,
13), tandis que celui de la BNM enregistre des evenements posterieurs a sa mort (f. 106v; La intrata di
dito regno spettante al/a corona ordinariamente al presente ... (dans le texte du BMC, f. 14r; L'entrade
ordinarie che al pn#e sono d# detto Re ... ), 108v; Vladis/ao fu fiol primogenito def Re di Polana za uno
anno morto ... ; comme Casimir (Kazimierz) IV Jagellon, pere de Vladislas II, depuis 1471 roi de
Boheme et, depuis 1490, d'Hongrie, mourut en 1492, ii s'ensuit que cette relation fut ecrite en 1493).
26
BMC, Mss. Wcovich-Lazzari 24, fasc. 3, f. 3r•v; la description de ce code dans l'Appendice I.
27
Venitien: «aciers» (Giuseppe Boerio, Dizionario def dialetto veneziano, Venezia (G. Cecchini),
18562 , p. 52).
28
Du venitien, casera, un lieu ou l'on porte le lait et l'on produit le fromage (cf. Ibidem, p. 144).
29
BMC, Mss. Wcovich-Lazzari 24, fasc. 3, ff. 7'-8'.
74
0
eta fu ef/elto in Cap. General et Gouematore d# detto Regno finche Ladis/ao putto che in man
d# Imp. ro peruenisse ad ottima elade. Et cosi fece ii Regno di Boemia che uedendo ii de/to Re
putto tolse un genli/110,f, in gouemo d# Regno suo. Questi Gouematori gouemaro delti Reami
fin al'eta perfetta di Xviii anni d# de/to Ladis/ao. Li qi# Gouematori per 17 /ongo tempo d#
gouemo haueuano fatt9 in detti Regni haueuano essaltato in tanto statto che come fossero
slatti proprij Re, et Sig." di q0 1/o erano in Reputatione. Essendo dunq detto /adislao Re ridotto a
perfetta eta cerco uo/ere co,f, diuersi modi, et uie di mettere de/ti Gouematori et ridurli in statto
fin infinno perche Ii suoi Consigben· lo consigliauano che se questi gouematori non erano
deposti di questo gouemo et non fosse to/ta /oro la reputatione mai /ui polria hauere libero
gouemo et dominio dt, detti Reami. Quesli Gouematori intendendo la uo/unta di Ladis/ao
cercomo Ira faro di prouedersi per modo che la intenlione def Re hauesse effetto. Et fra janus et
lo Gouematore di Boemia fu contra/ta una consul/a Confederatione et fu tenuta a deffensio,f, de
/oro stadi et giuramenti Ira /oro mo/lo stretti ch /'un no,f, offendesse /'a/tro anzi uniesi in darsi
soccorso ad ogni suo biso9[1o, et finalme#e ii Re no,f, pottendo adempire ii suo intento cerco
per/a uia dt,I Conte de'Ci/e O perdere Janus ma no,f,fece nu/la.
Celle relation, formellement correspondant a la pratique diplomatique, mais singuliere p,our
1
ce qu'elle dit et ne dit pas, se !ermine par un eloge non mains singulier de Jean Hunyadi :
... Janus mori et fascia due fig/ioli uno di etta di anni alto appellato /ad,s/ao, et /'altro Mafias
che pnte e Re d Vngheria [... ]. Li fauori, che ha ii Re sono questi. Prima, la bona fama et
reputalione di Janus suo Padre ii q'I fece mo/le cose per ii Reame contra Turchi et morete in
quella impresa. Perquesto Matthias e dal/i popu/i amato.
***
a a
L'eloge le plus historically correct est, notre avis, celui qu'a formule la fin du siecle
dernier un historien hongrois, qui evite les exces de !'esprit de croisade et indique une
perspective sociologique tout a fail acceptable 32: . . . Hunyadi; der von der Christenheit
gefeierte Held und vom ungarischen Mitteladel verehrte Abgott ...
30
Ulrich II (1406--1456), Comte de Gilli (Celje, Celeia), tuteur de Ladislas Vet ennemi des Hunyadi:
Alexander Georg Supan, Die vier /etzten Jahre des Grafen Ulrich II. von Ci/Ii, Vienne (BraumOller), 1868.
31
BMC, Mss. Wcovich-Lazzari 24, lase. 3, f. 8'; voir aussi f.13' (ii dello Ree mo/lo giouane).
32
Kurze Geschichte Siebenbilrgens (edite par Bela Kopeczi), Budapest, 1990, p. 224.
75
Append ice
I. BMC, Mss. Wcovich-Lazzari 24
0
Liasse contenant 14 fascicules, fin xvI•-debut XVll siecle. Relations diverses ayant
a
appartenu Giovanni Tiepolo, copiees par lui meme ou sur sa demande.
fasc. 1 - Papier. 21 f. non num. XVI siecle, mm. 260x157. Reliure en carton. Titre au dos:
Relation de/la Repub." di Genoua. Anno i592.
0
fasc. 2- Papier. 26 f. non num. , fin XVl -debut xv11• siecle, mm. 260x157. Reliure en carton. Titre
au dos: Re/azioni di Moscovia [1591].
0
fasc. 3 - Papier. 15 f. non num., fin XVl -debut xvII• siecle, mm. 260x157. Reliure en carton. Titre
8
au dos: Relatione def Regno d'Vngher. Anno.
fasc. 4- Papier. 18 f. non num., fin xvI•-debut XVII" siecle, mm. 260x157. Reliure en carton. Titre
au dos: Relation [illisible] Fil Capit. 0 in Fiandra i48i.
0 0
fasc. 5 - Papier. 16 f. non num. , fin XVl -debut XVll siecle, mm. 260x157. Reliure en carton. Titre
au dos: Relation di Fiorenza Anno i576.
0
fasc. 6 - Papier. 9 f. non num., fin XVl -debut xvII• siecle, mm. 260x157. Reliure en carton.
Titre au dos: Relatione de/la Tregua Fra /'Imper. e ii Re di Francia. Anno.
0
fasc. 7 - Papier. 18 f. non num., fin XVI°-debut XVll siecle, mm. 260x157. Reliure en carton. Titre
au dos: Relatione de/la Congiura di Birone Marescial Anno.
0
fasc. 8 - Papier. 8 f. non num., fin xvI•-debut XVll siecle, mm. 260x157. Reliure en carton.
Titre au dos: Relatione di Francia Anno i59i.
fasc.9 - Papier. 26 f. non num., fin XVl"-debut xvII• siecle, mm. 260x157. Reliure en carton. Titre
au dos: Relatione de/la Statto def Turcho Anno i594.
0 0
fasc. 10 - Papier. 12 f. non num., fin XVl -debut XVll siecle, mm. 260x157. Reliure en carton.
Titre au dos: Relatione de/la Forza de/la Germania Anno 1530.
0 0
Titre au dos: Relatione def Regno di Portoga/o Ann 1592.
0 0
Titre au dos: Relatione de/ regno di Spagna di Anno.
0
fasc. 13 - Papier. 32 f. non num., fin XVl -debut XVII" siecle, mm. 260x157. Reliure en carton.
Titre au dos: Relation def Regno di Spagna di Anno i577.
fasc. 14 - Papier. 14 f. non num., fin xvI•-debut xvII• siecle, mm. 260x157. Reliure en carton.
Titre au dos: Relation de Progressi Jn Prouenza de Duca di Sauoia A. i591.
II. BMC, Mss. Wcovich Lazzari 24, fasc. 3
(c. [1'])
8
lnformatione delle Conditioni, et q lita dal #Regno d'Vmgheria
et d' suoi membri spetanti a q•lla, et de suoi confini onde
circonda, et etiam q"I che pie:# delle Cond."; et q"lita d #
suoi vicini, confinaili al detto Regno, sdo# la
Prattica, et notitia hauuta del detto Reg=
no in molti anni.
II Corpo prencipal d'Vngheria confina da parte di Leu= / ante o uerso Siroho, con la Valachia,
Seruia, et Schiauonia / Da sirocho in Austro confina parte con la Schiauonia, et parte / con la Bossina:
Da Austro in Garbin confina parte co #la Schiauo#ia / et parte con l'Alemagna. Dalla parte di Garbin
verso Ponen- I te confina con l'Alemagna. Da Ponente uerso Maestro confina /con l'Alemagna. Da
a
Maesto uerso Tramontana confina / con ii Regno di Boemia, parte con Polonia. Da Greco I Leuante
confina parte con Polonia, et parte con Tartaria, I et Valacchia. /
76
Tutto ii Corpo dl;f Reg no da un canto cominciando uro;f I Leuante seguendo uerso ponente e di
1onghezza I circa miglia i00 Vnghere che sono circa 500 ltaliane, la / p.' terra uro;f Leuante uenendo
uro;f Ponente che si troua de! / corpo di ;fdetto Regno, e appellata lsonia, che e la p.' che si / troua
uscendo di Valacchia per uenire in Vngheria, I'/ ultima Terra uerso Ponente del Regno d'Vngheria e /
Vergelin, et Nadalizza, che sono parte schiaue, et parte / Tedesche. /
II trauerso di ;fdetto Regno d'Austro, a Tramontana sono / miglia ca. 70 6 80. Vnghare che sono c.'
0
300 ltaliane /Vidl<# dal Vlt. logo dalla banda d'Austro ii q'le e, ii/ (c. [1']) Castello et terra di Belgrado et
andando ur;!-o Tramontana I fin ad una terra detta Cassouia uerso Polonia, et Boemia / si che per
trauerso sono Miglia c.' 380 6 400 ltaliane. / Li Membri che aspetta al detto Regno, sono questi, la
Valacchia / grande, et picciola, la Seruia la Balgeria la Dalmatia la I Croacia, et Bossina. /
La Valacchia grande, et picciola confina dalla banda di Greco I a Leuante con ii mar Magg.", su ii
detto mar sono molti / luogi, che aspetta a detta Valacchia, Li principali sono / Moncastro33 , Licostono,
Bailigo; confina Valacchia da siroc= / cha con la Balgheria, et Seruia. Da Grecho con / Polonia, et
Tartaria. Da Ponente co;f Vngheria uerso /Transiluania. /
La Seruia e uno degl'altri Membri dll detto Regno d' / Vngheria, confina da Tramontana, et Greco
co;f l'Vngheria / Da Leuante con Bulgeria da Siroccho, con schiauonia, / Da Mezzo di co;f Bossina et
Albania./
La Bulgeria un altro membro confina da Leuante co;f Romania / da Ponente co;f Seruia da Grecco
cot Valacchia da mezzo/ di con la detta Seruia. /
La Dalmatia, et Coruatia, parte confina con la Marina / nel Golla, parte co;f Bossina parte co;f
Vngheria parte / con Alemagna, et parte co;f !'!stria./
Le conditioni dl;f Corpo d'Vngheria et di q'lli che ui / stanno sonno queste. /
II Regno e habitado da diuerse nationi di gente, et p.' / sono Vnghari puri, cioe, Baroni, et Nobili, et
Populi, et/ Cittadini et stano;f nelle terre fermam." et Villani stanno in/ (c. [2']) essertitio delle terre. /
Li Baroni, et Nobili di qcl Regno vlm#te sono bellicosi continu= / amente desiderano essercitarsi al
misterio delle Arme / uoluntiera Pl dano;f; et qn;f non hanno onde Pldare a i logi / de Nemici si rubbano
l'un, l'altro, per modo che con;;;/ tinuamte stann in qalche essertitio di Guerra. /
Questi Baroni et Nobili sono obligati ad ogni bisogno et/ Requisition dl;f Re dentro Ii confini dl;f detto
Regno a / loro proprie spese andare a seruir la Lorena con quelle / persone che per l'ordine loro e
34
stabilito generalmente: I Et qn;f non obediscono sub. e fatto infidele de! Regno, et I Plde l'hauere, et la
0
sua testa, Et uoliendo condur / ii Re questi tali delle confin dl;f Regno e obligato / darli la paga did.' 3. in
4 per Cauallo al messe, come I a gente straniera. Et per questo ta! ordine tutti / detti SS." Baroni, et
Nobili continuam." hanno gran / de famiglia appo;f di loro acciocche alli bisogni si possono / seruire di
loro. Pl questa ta! rag."' et per essere la I spesa grande, et essi di natura Pldighi, et la magg.' parte /
con poca mesura, occore che l'intrade non ponno sup= / lire alle spese, et di necessita conuiene che
robbino / chi manco puo di loro. Et per esser difesi tutti uniue- / rsalm." sono SS" l'un dall'altro Ii piccioli
sono / Ii grandi di grado in grado, accioche l'impotenti / essen. 0 delli grandi Set siano guardati et diffesi
dalli / loro contrarij. /
Questa Regno e habitado da Tedeschi, i q'li essercitano / (c. [2']) uoluntieri, et sono vltm;fte
industriosi. Questi si p_uo repu- / tare che possedino la magg.' parte dl;f Reame, perche Vn- /ghari sono
gente di pocca indu;rtna, et massime i / populi i q3 1i hauuendo ii uiuere abondantamente / non curano piu
:·oltre. Ma Tedeschi industriossi in/ ogni essertitio, et co;f mercantia, et in far cauar Manta=/ gne di
diuersi mettali, d'oro d'argento, et rame, et I piombo, et co;f altri loro essertitij tanto han;fo fato / che la
magg.' parte dl;f ban de! detto Reame e possedu= / to da loro et han;fo alcune Cittadi forti et murate et
C<Yf:. I bani casamenti, che si puo dire non essere altre terre / da far alcuna menione sola#= quelle doue
stanno d'tti / Tedeschi, et oltre ii beneff. 0 delle loro faculta / aquistate in q'lle parti ancora son;fo bene
lissati / d honori che sono q'lli che reggono co;f officij, et altri / honori q'li la magg.' parte di detto Regno I
q'li I Tedeschi stan;fo la magg.' parte nelle Terre murate / et pochi stan;fo in villa saluo q'li che stan;fo
nelle I Montagne. I
Trouassi detto Regno in alcuna parte di esso esser ha=/ bitado da Tartari i q'li uiuono in loro fede
.et I chiamassi Criani, et pagano certo affitto al Re/ ogni anno stando in loro paese i q'li furno di I q91i dl;f
gra;f Tamberlan ch'aquisto detto Regno poi/ ii perde Et per habitar ii paese fu concesso a detti / Tartan
pottessero habitar in qclla PlLiincia cosi rimasero. /
33
Akkerman, Belgorod, Cetatea Alba.
34
Erreur evidente du copiste pour Corona.
77
(c. [3r]) Trouassi ancora detto Regno habitado da genie Fiumenga / i q"li parlano dritto Franceze.
Questi hanno una PlUincia / per loro separata costoro rimasero nel Regno anticham.10 / qn;I: ii Re Carlo
lo conquist6. /
In alcuna parte ancora dl;I: Regno habitano schiaui Ii q•li / di Seruia, et d' Schiauonia s'hano;I:
risetatto et ridotti / nel Regno ad habitar in certe prouincie separate / dalle altre. /
Ancora habitano nel Regno in prouincia separata Cinga I ni, et Filistei, et di dette Prouincie si
partono et I uanno pergirando ii mondo ii q"I peregrinaggio / fanno co;I: Mercantia et lncanti di loro femine
et di / robbare con sotili furti et inganni. /
II silo di questo Regno e ben disposto perche parted/ pa de monti e de piani, ma Ii monti non sono
sterili / ne troppo aspri ma sonno fertili. La magg.r parte, e / pianura ma con alcuni colletti non troppo
aspri, ma si / ponno lauorar tutti. La terra com;l:unamente e tutta / bona, et fertile, et terra assai piu ch;I:
bisogna a detti / populi. Auanza gran paese che non si lauora per cares= / tia d'huomini produce
abondantamente tutte le cose / necessarie alla uita humana, saluo le cose che Pl gran / fredo non si
possono sostenere, come d. Oliui, Naranzo I Figari et altri simili arbori ma basse d'ogni sorte I con
ragioneuoli villi in ale. logi bon' et a;I: Ii./ perfetti. Bestiame assai in gra;I: quantita d'ogni sorte. I
La piu utile, et principal parte dl;I: Regno si e / (c. [3v]) Transiluania dalla q"le si caua tutto ii sale che
bisogna / nel Regno che Ii uale d'intrata i00/m 6 circa a l'ano / la q"I e principal entrata della Corona.
Appo;I: ii sale / ui sono molte uene d'oro, argento et rame, / et piombo; Argento uiuo, ferro, e azali; E /
grandiss.• quantita d'Animali, cioe I Bouini Caserati et Caualli et molte cose utiliss.0 / Questa T ransiluania
10
e ben habittata da genie uirile / PlCh;I: continuam. sono alle man con Turchi, / et cauasi di quella Pl
difension dl;I: Regno, circa / 40/m PlSone di buona, et utile genie, atta a !al' / lmplse. Et lo sforzo sono
0
Tedeschi, et un altra I nat." appellata siculi, molto rigorosi, et u # altra natione, appellata Sazd5 . In
qsi:to Regno I sono poch;I: terre, ch;I: potesser esser sufficie;cti / di muri a resister ad una potentia
grande, I come quella del Turco./
La fortezza sua sono le fiumare grosse che ui sono, et poi / la q"lita dei populi animosi contro Ii
Turchi che quando / hanno tempo di potersi unire si Pl essere loro / di grandiss.mo ai10 contro loro come
etia;I: per n° grosso / occorendo ii bisogno si uagliono piu da loro per/ questi mezzi che per speranza di
0
Fortezza di terre murate / che habbino in q 11e parti. Le Terre murate che sono / nel Regno da fame
mentione sono queste. In I Transiluania sono dal una chiamata Driasouia36 / (c. [4r]) che e la ultima
Terra d'Vngheria uerso Valacchia / nella q"le sta la piu parte Tedeschi: Questa e fortissima / per modo
che da un essercito grosso si poteua PlUalere I per 4. 6 6 mesi Plfin che soccorso del Regno uenisse: /
Vn'altra uerso sirocco pur alle CC>nfina, che si chiama / Sibino la quale e fortiss:ma, et Pl lo simile si
teneria. Sono piu Castelli fortiss:m', com'e Bestrizza , Georgin3 8 Deua39 , Vngiat40 qsi:ti sono che Pl un
37
anno potriano sostenere ogn'assedio I hauendo uettouaglie dentro, per essere in luoghi forti / uerso
Grego. Alli confina di Polonia e una bona terra fo / rtissima appellata Cassouia41 appresso q"lli confina
sono / alcuni Castelli et Terre fortissime et altri da fame I poca stima. Li forti sono Zolun nouo42 Zotto
Vecchio/ Saios, Trincino43 . /
Verso la parte di Schiauonia sono alcuni forti Casteli / possedutti Pl ii Sano Paneciano fumo del
44
Conte I di Zilieno Castello di s.r Zorzo Medenet Graziano / uerso Austro et siroccho Vellaterra et
Castello di / Belgrado. I
Altre terre, et Castelli non son da far mentione / la sedia principale dl;I: Re e la Citta di Buda la q"I /
no;I: si potria tenere tre giomi PlChe non si temaria / cosa nessuna. /
L'aque grandi che sono per mari di questo Regno sono / queste V uerso la Turchia alli confin del
Regno I (c. [4"]) di Vngheria e ii Danubio Fiumara grossa magg_r assai / che non e ii Po di Lombardia.
Questo Danubio diuide I'/ Vngheria dalla Seruia, et Bolgheria et ua fino al mar/ magg.re Plmodo che la
35
Les Saxons.
36
II s'agit vraisemblablement de Bra~ov (Kronstadt, Brass6), ou vivaient des marchands saxons.
37
Bistrita, Bistritz, Beszterce.
38
Gorg6ny, Gheorghieni.
39
Deva, Deva, Schlol?,berg, Diemrich.
40
Hunyadvar, Hunedoara.
41
Kosice, Kaschau, Kassa.
42
S61iom, Zoliom.
43
Trencin, aujourd'hui en Slovaquie.
44
Le Comte de Cilli.
78
confina dl,S circuito di dette aque I detto Corpo di Vngheria uien a stare molto securo. Et I per le riue sono
molti Castelli redrizzati al incontro d'altre / Castella che sono dall-altra banda del detto flume che / sono
d' Seruia che al pn"1e sono nel potere di Turchi./ E accioche q'lli che stanno in detti Castelli alla banda /
di Seruia non possono uenire a daneggiare l'Vng / heria le castella deputate alla guardia di dette riue / le
quali cominciano in questo modo ridtt;'. II Castello/ di Cai in su la banda d'Vngheria sta al incontro del /
Castello di sabecco che e nella riua dl,S flume in Seruia / ii Castello di S' Lassallo che e nella parte
45
d'Vngheria / sta al incontro dl,S Castello di Columbazzo • /
Dalla parte di Seruia ii Castello di seruia dalla parte / d'Vngheria sta alincontro del Castello di
Bordon / dalla parte di Seruia. E cosi ua continuando di / luogo in luogo fin alla Valacchia et al mar
46
magg.' I Vn altra fiumara la q'I nasse nelle Montagne dell' I Alemagna uerso Garbino et uien giu Pl le
confin dll,Sa / schiauonia appellata Saua che e come Ladese d Verona I qn,S e pieno questo diuide
47
l'Vngheria dalla Schiauonia I et mette Capo nel danubio appresso a Belgrade, la q'I / (c. [5']) Fiumara
diffende ii Regno che essercito grosso senza I grande apparecchio de ponti et di Naui non potria /
passare, ii qal apparecchio non si potria fare di I secretto che non si sapesse da Circunstanti i quali di/
sub.0 si farianc# a ostacolo. /
Vn altra Fiumara chiamata Daraca48 uiene dalla / parte sopradetta ma molto remo;'tta l'una
dall'altra / fa simile corso nasse uerso Garbino et entra nel / Danubio uerso Grecco, grossa et nc# si puo
guazzare / in alc. 0 luogo a piedi ne a Cauallo. I
Vn altra grossa Fiumara chiamata la Mura49 nasse I nelli Monti d'Alemagna uerso Maestro entra
nella / Draua uerso Austro diffende questa ii Regno et da / quella parte no;' puo essere ofesso. /
Dalla banda di Grecho nasse un'altra Fiumara / et trauersa l'Vngheria et entra nel Danubio uerso
Gar/ bino et chiamassi la Tisza50 et e fiume grosso nc# sl / puo guazzare in alc. luogo questa e una
0
diffesa / da una parte del Regno da esserciti che hauessero I passato ii Danubio passato un altra
Fiumara chia / mata Tamisino la qal nasse uerso Greccho et entra I nel Danubio uerso Austro la qual
Fiumara fa suo I corso Pl mezo Transiluania, et e deffentio;' del Regno / si che concludendo dico che
l'Vngheria Pl queste et Pl / molte altre aque che si nomano qui uien ad essere fortificata I (c. [5v]
bianca; c. [6']) et sicura et massime da genie Oltremontane che / uolessero entrare da leuante et da
siroccho come/ sono Ii Turchi. I
Li Turchi da 80 anni in qua sono questi:
Del i380 reg no ii Re Lodouico ii qua I mantiene / ii Regno in grandiss. m, Pace et ban gouerno co;'
gra,S / giustitia manco lui rimase del detto la Dona;' et una / figliuola la qual auanti che morisse haueua
PlD I rnessa a Sigismondo fig. 10 del Re di Boemia I che poi fu lp.ro et Re di Boemia dopa la morte / dl,S
Padre Morta dunq ii Re Ludouico parte I dl,S Regno no;' uoleua acconsentire che la fan I cciula fosse
datta a Sigismondo et parte si / per la qual Causa na~uero molte guere Plmodo / che fu constretta
5 0
acconsentire al Re Carlo et che I l'fosse Re d'Vngheria . Questa Carlo essen. I uenuto ad occupare ii
Regno fu trouato morto da alcuni I Baroni seruidori di questa Reina Maria che fu / amaruato. Per la q'I
•. morte naquero grandi guere: / E che ii Reame parte teneua co,S lei parte contra/ Vltimam.,. detta Reina
fu uinta da suoi contrarij I et nelle forze loro PlUene* et stete alcun tempo I fin che detto Re Sigismondo
co;' grandiss_m, potenza / (c.[6v.J) uene* di Boemia si che per hauer grande essercito / et per hauer una
parte del Regno suo in tutto, et/ entrato nel Regno per rnanco scandolo si pacifico / co;' Ii suoi Contrarij.
Et di uolunta di tutti Ii fu / datto ii Regno ~t la Dona;' co;' promission che no;' / douesse rnai reccordarsi
delle offese receutte / ma di perdonar a tt' coloro et alla sua Dona;'/ Dopa alc. tempo per industria della
0
Dona;' fe dee / capitare trei Baroni delli principali del Regno /vidlt;' (mo;'lt) di q'lli che erano stati a lei
contrarij et al / Marita. Doppo pocco tempo mori la Reina, et/ Sigismondo fu preso dalli altri Baroni, 0et
datto I in prigion nelle mani delli suoi principali / nemici, che haueua accio ii facessero morire. Senten. /
questo ii Conte di Gile che haueua due fig. 1' cerco / l'una delli qale diede al detto Re Sigismondo Pl I
sua Dona, l'altra ad uno di questi fratelli, che lo I hauueuano preso facendo, l'uno et l'altro large I
45
Golumbac, Guvercinlik.
46
En venitien: Garbin, vent qui souffte de l'Ouest.
47
Adige, Etsch.
:: ~i)!~:blablement la Drava.
50
Tisza, Tissa, Tisa.
51
Charles de Durras, Roi de Naples, auquel on avail offert la couronne de Hongrie pendant la
regence de Marie, fille de Louis le Grand.
79
Plmesse di souenirsi et aiutarsi asuoi bisogni I per modo che cc# le spale del Regno di Boemja / et cot:.
a
le spale di Casa di Gile, et di Cognati ueneo' / da nouo ricuperare ii Regn □ et di uolunta di tt.' / (c. [7'1)
ottene la Sig.na et uiuete fino a i435. Rimase / di lui una fig: 18 chiamata Regina lsabetta che fu ma=/
ridatta al Duca Alberto d'Austria fratello di Fedrico / Imp.re et tolta detta Donat Rimase Re' d'Vngheria /
di Boemia, et Duca d'Austria et Sig.' di Viena / Et doppo mori ii detto Alberto lasciando la Regina /
grauida la q'I parturite poi ii Re Ladislao. Ma / auanti che ii tu nasciutto tu elletto Re di Vngheria / Et
introdotto ii fratello del Re di Polonia / Mancato la Reina lascio ii putto co¢ la Corona di¢ Regn □/ la qual
cautamente haueua saluata appresso di se con / alcuni Castelli del Regno che a lei restauano / in
potere le q'li lascio in mano di detto Imp.re/ Morta questa Reina lsabetta rimase ii put □, et la Corea¢ I et
Ale.' Castella del Reame in man di Fedrico Imp. re / Questa che era statto introdotto Re d'Vngharia, et
ch¢/ era fratello del Re di Polonia regno circa anni 4. 6 5 co¢/ general obedentia di tutto ii Regno.
Et di¢ i444 a persuasione di Papa Eugenio fece / impresa contra Turchi. Era co¢ lui ii Card.' di S.
Angello/ nella q'I lmpresa si peri lui et ii Card.'. Ma scampo / lanus Vaiuoda Cap. 0 d¢I Regno ii qual
uenuto et / tornatto in Vngheria essendo ii Regno Vedouo / et senza Re che hauesse perfetta eta fu
elletto / in Cap. 0 General et Gouernatore d¢I detto Regno / (c. [7']) finche Ladislao putto che in man d¢I
Imp.re penuenisse / ad ottima etade. Et cosi fece ii Regno di/ Boemia che uedendo ii detto Re putto tolse
un gentilho # in gouemo d¢I Regno suo. Questi Gouernatori gouemano / detti Reami fin al'eta perfetta
di Xviii anni d¢I detto / Ladislao. Li q'li Gouernatori per ii longo tempo d¢I goue / mo haueuano fatto in
detti Regni s haueuano essaltato / in tanto statto che ccme fossero statti proprij Re, et/ Sig." di q'llo
erano in Reputatione. /
Essendo dunq detto Ladislao Re ridotto a perfetta eta / cerco uolere co¢ diuersi modi, et uie di
mettere detti / Gouernatori et ridurli in statto piu infirmo / perche Ii suoi Consiglieri lo consigliauano che se
/ questi gouernatori non erano deposti di questo gouemo I et non fosse tolta loro la reputatione mai lui /
potria hauere libero gouerno et dominio dl detti / Reami. Questi Gouematori intendendo la uolunta / di
Ladislao cercorno tra loro di prouedersi per / mod □ che la intentione del Re hauesse effetto. / Et fra
lanus et lo Gouematore di Boemia fu / contratta una consulta Confederatione et fu tenu / ta a deffensic¢
de loro stadi et giuramenti tra loro molt □ stretti ch l'un no¢ offendesse l'altro anzi uniesi / in darsi
soccorso ad ogni suo bisogno, et finalme;l;te / ii Re no:;{: pottendo adempire ii suo intento cerco / per la
uia dll Conte de' Gile perdere Janus ma no¢ fece / (c. [8'1) nulla, Et stando cosi lanus mori et lascio due
figlioli / uno di etta di anni otto appellate Ladislao, et l'altro / Matias che al pn¢te e Re d Vngheria.
Essendo / dun9 morto Janus ii Re Ladislao co¢ ii Conte di Gile/ uenero in Vngheria per ocupar ii regno /
ma ladislao fig. 0 di lanus si fece forte per mod □ / che no¢ poteua far nulla, Onde questo Re Ladislao
delibero / con lnges\lno pigliare questi duoi figliuoli di lanus / nel Castello di Belgrade ma segui l'opposito
che / l'Assemiale che era barba delli detti doi fig." di lanus / et teneua la fortezza di belgrado
cognossendo come / ii Re uoleua pigliare la fortezza co¢ Ii Nepali si acccrdo / co¢ certi partesani di
lanus si che essendo uenuto ii Re/ et ii Conte di cile in Belgrade fu preso ii detto / Conte, et Amazzato.
Ma ii Re Ladislao non mostro / curarsi di questo fingendo lettitia uene¢ a / Buda, et qui erano Ii fig." di
lanus. Et PlCh¢ lassulbano teneua la fortezza di Buda, et PlChe / l'assulbano haueua promesso una
a
fig.1" sua Pl / molie Ladislao di lanus Lassimiale suo Barba / et gli allri suoi adherenti gli lasciorno
andar I lo Ma Ladislao Re tanto seppe ordinare co¢ alcuni / Baroni, cioue Nicolao Vaiuoda53
Lassolbano54 de / Zaris soprascritto Rinaldo di Rossgoni Bamhapale55 / (c. [8'1) lssaduit Boerne per
modo che Ii fig." di lanus tene / ndosi securi in detto Castello per lo socero / Tutti doi furn □ presi, et poi el
di seguente fu / decappitatto ladislao come Lassamelle56 che era / Barba di detti putti intese la noua si
parti da I Belgrade lasciandoui guardia et uene¢ da sua / sorella madre di detti Putti, et moglie q. del /
detto lanus la qual gli diede tutto lo statto, et/ thesoro di¢ Marita, per la qualcosa in pocchi di / fe tanto
0
a
n. di gente che spauento tutto ii Reg no / Onde ii Re Ladislao no¢ si tenendo secure Buda / si parti
ando a Viena menando sec □ Ma / htias¢ Pl9i □ ne che era de eta di i6 anni, Et sub. 0 / mando Pl ii
52
Michel (Mihaly) Szilagyi (t1460), regent d' Hongrie (1458).
53
Nicholas (Miklos) Ujlaki (t1477), vorvode de Transylvanie (1441-1447, 1449-1458, 1460, 1462-
1465J, roi de Bosnie (1472-1477).
4
Ladislas (Laszlo) Kanizsai (t1501), ban de Croatie et de la Slavonie.
55
Paul (Pal) Banffy (Banfi). En 1444, ii s'empara du chateau de Szent-Grot
index.ohp?option;com content&task;view&id;53&Itemid;68).
06
Autre variante du nom de Michel (Mihaly) Szilagyi.
80
Gouernator di Boemia 57 , che uenisse / co:f:. piu essercito Jui poteua uolendo tornare nel / Regno
d'Vngheria Questa Gouematore uenne / appresso duo miglia a Viena et mando a dire al / Re Ladislao
che not uoleua entrare in logo mu / ratto, perche not facesse a lui quello che haueua / fatto alli fig." di
a
lanus. Et ii Reando da lui / et Ii promisse d'andar Praga spazzo do/ desi solleni Amb." al Re di Francia
1
Pl' confirmar / la parentella della sua fig. ' fra loro stabilita. /
a
(c. [9']) In questo mezzo fu tenuto modo che Matihas che era/ in prigione fu condotto Praga: Ma
auanti chel / giungesse detto Re Ladislao morite, et quello Go/ uernatore fece grande honore a Mathias.
/ Qsto sentendo Lassiamale che era in Vngheria / fece cot tutti Ii Auersarij Pace, et tene modo / che
1
detto Mathias fu elletto Re Ma auanti cht / ii Gouernator di Boemia lo lasciasse Ii Plmise I una sua fig. '
per moglie Questa Matihas / uene in Vngheria et fu elletto Re cosi ii/ detto Gouernatore fu elletto Re di
Boemia et cosi sono. I
Hauendo Matihas preso la possesione dlt Regno d'Vn / garia per gelosia cot l'Assemiale suo
Barba PlChe / al Re pareua che lui hauesse assunto tutto ii / suo thesoro et la maggior parte del suo
a 0
stato, et lassa / miale non fidandosi del Nepote, chiam6 se tutti/ Ii contrarij del Re, cioe Nic. Vaiuoda,
Lassolobano, / et tutti Ii suoi adherenti, et fecero tra loro Lega, et / confederatione contra ii Re, et suoi
adherenti: Et Pl/ questo ii Regno si diuise, parte teneua con ii Re, et parte con lassamiale. /
Onde ii Re Pl minor scandolo s'acord6 con qs;<to suo / Barba, in qs;<to modo, cioe che oltra qs;<to,
che / (c. [9']) lassamiale hauesse quasi tutto ii Tesoro dlt Regno et le / principal Fortezze hauesse
ancora ii Contado di Bestriza / et fu accetato Conte di Bestrizza. Ma fu desmesso che not I fosse piu
Gouernatore et cosi fecero pace. Ma dila / a puoco tempo ii Re Mathias fece uista di uolere I andare in
Seruia et ando uerso Belgrade, et mando / Pl ii detto Lassimiale suo barba 11 quale senza sus / petto
uenne et giunto che fu da lui fu preso et/ pasta in grat stretura, et fu in grandiss_mo pericolo / della vitta,
Et se no fosse statta l'opera dell/ Ill.mo Card. 10 di St. Ang. 10 ii Re lo hauaria fatto / rnorire. Per questo
rnodo Ii cauo tulle le fortezze / et ii Thesoro delle mani questo uedendo Nicolo / Vaiuoda, et gl'alti suoi
a
Collegati dubitando / che ii Re not facesse di loro quello che haueua fatto / lassimiale di nouo
s'accordorno et fatti Rebelli / del Re ando'"0 da Fedrico Imp."' et praticorno / tanto cot lui promettendogli
di darli ii Regno ii quale / accetto ii Titolo Regale dando speranza a detti / Baroni uoler uenire nel Regno
cot:- grandissimo / essercito, et scrisse molte lrt# alli Baroni del / Regno come lui uoleua uenire a pigliare
ii / (c. [1 O']) Dorninio di q'llo, et che fossero pronti, et sparechia / ti ii di di S. Michele che ueniria ad
honorarlo, et far ii suo debito, i quali tutti si preparomo cot ogni suo sforzo ad aspetarlo Pl uolere
introdure nel Regno / per Iara Sig.re. Dalla altra parte ii Re Matihas / s'apparechi6 animosamente alla
.diffesa facdfo / ogni suo sforzo et uenne contra ii detto Imp."/ et cosi gionti tutti doi l'esserciti appresso
fu / fatta una grat Bataglia per modo che l'lmp.re / fu rotto, et fracassato. Da poi Ii detti Baroni /
:persuadendo pur all'lmp." che danouo facesse / essercito, et not uolendo dar fori denari / not
attendendo qcllo haueua promesso essi mutorno / proposito, per no far peggio cercorno / di pigliare
accordo cot ii re Matihas Et questo I era perche not poteuano stare su la spesa della / guera, et PlChe
_si uedeuano abbandonati, / et sbeffati dal Imp."' Et cosi fu fatto tra / loro Pace, et accordo benche not si
fidasse / l'un de l'altro. Et fuor uenero tut' alobedie / nza del Re. Poi ii Re tanto fu Plgatto / (c. [10']) che
_libero suo Barba Lassimiale di prigione / et fu fatta pace et accordo fra loro. I
Ma questo lassemiale maletioso si lauoraua cope I rtamente cot Ii contrarij del Re Pl torli ii Regno I
a dio not uolse tanto male che essendo lui co;<tro / Turchi fu rotto et preso et condotto in
ostantinopoli et qui fu deccapitatto onde ii Re rimase si / cura. /
'; Matihas Re che prirna haueua tolta l'lmpressa / contra Boerni intesa la morte del Barba / piu
nimosam. 1(! seguito l'lmpresa Erano / questi Boemi gia 80 anni passati stati nel / Regn □ di uerso
ontana Pl forze a Confine/ di Boemia, et di Polonia et tanto haueuano / fatto che occupauano 36
telle murate I Questi Boemi sono Cap. 1 solditi [sic 1 et Corsari, / i quali come not haueuano soldo si
uano insie / me et andauano rabbando dette Castel la che eraot / tanto forti che rnai Re che sia statto
80 I 80 anni pole hauer vittoria contra di Iara Pl / Iara consuetudine entrauano ogni anno nel / (c.
1']) Regno d'Vngharia edificando noui Castelli / di legname in diuerse Prouincie. Di qui facen / dosi
Jli, et fornendogli di rnunitioni, et vettouaglie dlt paese et cot sue genti / soccoreuano tutto ii Reame
· modo che conue / niua che tt. 0 ii Reame uenisse contra di loro / et la magg.r parte ueniuano Vngheri
rimaner I perditori, et bisognaua che Pl forza di / denari Ii cauassero uia, hara ca# i8/m hara / ca#
m et cosi si partiuano in pace et ren / deuano Ii Castelli di legname. Et qusti / Boemi faceuano piu
57
Georges Podiebrad (Jiri z Podebrad), rai de Boheme (1458-1470).
81
danc# assai ch;t: Turchi I Onde questo Re matihas Pl far sicuro ii / Reame, et per castigar detti Boemi
drizo I ii suo essercito contro di loro, et in Campo or I dinato fece cinq Bataglie co;t: loro nelle I quali semp
fu vittorioso, et si Ii fracass6 / in modo che si riducero nelle fortezze le q3 li / tutte ii Re 6 per forza, et parte
0
per accor I do aquisto. Onde q 11i che rimasero danno I bona obedienza, et cosi fu francata quella / (c.
[11 v]) Patria che fu gra;t: securta del Regno perche ogni I uolta che Vngheri faceuano esercito contra /
Turchi bisognaua che ne facessero anco un / altro contro questi Boemi. /
Questo uedendo ii Re di Boemia, et conside_ran.0 I ii gra;t:de Zio et la prosperita di questo I Matihas,
et conossendo che ii Ms faceua leua I contra tt.' i suoi nemici, et contrarij trouo modo I di uenire a far
lamento co;t: lui et tratorno I molte cose che no;t: sono notte ad ogni persona, I et s'accordorno insieme.
1
Ma di la a pochi / giorni fu condotta la fig. • del detto Boemo I nella Corte di Mathas Pl sua legitima
sposa I Pl attendere a quello ch;t: haueua PlOmesso in / Praga. Ma dubitando Pl tanti contrarij / ch;t:
haueua no;t: potter ottenere ii Regno I haueua differito. Per q.10 naq gra;t: de odio I fra ii Fedirico Imp.re, et
ii detto Re di I Boemia solo fu PlChe l'lmp'e speraua I ch;t: uolta ch l'tornasse co;t: essercito in I (c. [12'])
Vngaria hauerebbe ii deto Boemo in sua compa I gnia et mai no;t: gli douesse dar la figliuola I ma ii
Boemo sentendosi la lega del Ongaro suo I genero no;t: curo l'lmp.re et I accordosi co;t: piu stretti patti
0
co;t: ii genero prometen. I a quello di douerlo agiutar a conquistar la corona dl;t: I Reame. Et a q. s10
effetto ii Boemo ha fatto diuerse opere I cioe in fare ii concilio congregare Pl fare un altro I Re de
Romani, poi ha fatto union co;t: Lodouico Duca I di Bauiera et lo ha incitatto a guera contra di lui / et
semp gli ha prestatto aiuto, et fauore Onde Pl questo / et Pl altre cose accadute ii detto Imp.re co;t: ii
detto Re / di Boemia sono stati et sono inimici. I
Questo Matihas benche sia Re di tt.• l'Vngheria I niente di meno stain grandissm0 pericolo di Plder
/ ii Regno Pl molti contrarij ch;t: lui ha nel Regno. Vn / gra;t: contrario di questo Re e perche essendo lui
3
dicezo I da !anus ii q le no;t: era Ongharo nobile, ma Valacco I no;t: di troppo gentil parentella, Ii baroni
sdegnando I si di sottomettersi al detto Re di strania parentella I cercano ogni giorno modo uia di cauarlo
dl;t: Reame I et fra l'altre occulte uie hano;t: stimolato et no;t: cessano di / tentare ii Re di Boemia no;t:
ostante ch;t: sia suo socero I ch;t: sel uol tor l'lmp;t:sa di uenir a far suo figliuolo I Re gli uollino dare ogni
fauore persuadendogli, I (c. [12v]) che meglio, et piu honore gli saria che ii fig.10 fosse Re/ che la fig.'•
Reina./
Et questo intendendo Fedrico Imp.re s ha accordato con I Mathias di darli la Corona del Regno
d'Vngheria, et ha / tolto 80m d. I
0
Questi Contrarij sono p. Nicolo Vaiuoda [illisible] Ludouico et suo fratello dei Moreti, che sono gli
altri piu principali I del Regno Richi et di possessioni et de denari, et/ sono generi dl;t: detto Nicolo. I .
Appresso l'Ariuescouo di Strigonia et tutti Ii suoi parenti / per esser cugnado del detto Nicolo et tt.' Ii
parenti del detto / Arciuescouo. /
Questo e principal prelatto del detto Regno Poi glie Mandisboch parente del detto Vaiuoda, et
confede I rati sono Panisanbono di Schiauonia suo fratello giu / ratto, et Dino ho;i:mo di gra;t:
0
Reputatione, et famoso Cap. I Appresso Ii Conti di Prosenobo. Alie Confine de/ Alemagna uerso Viena
seno Ire fratelli ualentisimi / guerieri. Ancora Panisolo ualentiss.m° Cap.0 ii q•le / fu gra;t: causa della
morte del frattello di Matihas / Re: Con questi tiene Bamphi paulo58 da Landisa homo di boniss:ma
reputatione, et tutti gli amici I parenti et coaderenti suoi. /
Vn altro contrario perche ii Re e solo senza parenti / poiche morite Lassimiale suo Barba ii qale
sempre/ (c. [13']) staua in arme: ma adesso bisogna, che sel uol far grandi / homini Ii faccia di uil
conditione, che questi che / son gentili, et antichi si sdegnano ad essergli suggetti / Vn altro contrario,
cioe perche ii Re no;t: e ico;i:ronato I perche la Corona e in man di fedrico Imperatore/ ii qual semp l'ha
tenuta co;t: speranza d hauere, et / di tomare nel detto Regno benche di nouo s'ha accordato / di darla
co;t: alcuni fratti. /
0
L'altro Contrario, e perche tt. quello ha fatto ii Re / ha fatto con forza di denari, Onde tutto ii
Thesoro e / speso et tutto II Regno e impouerito. Onde tutti / Ii populi sono stracchi et poueri Pl tal modo,
che I se ii Re loro uolesse impor alcun grauezza, haueria / fatica a trarne niuna. /
Li fauori, che ha ii Re sono questi. /
Primo, la bona fama et reputatione di lanus suo Padre / ii qal fece molte cose per ii Reame contra
Turchi/, et morite in quella impssa. Per questo matihas / e dalli populi amato. /
58
Paul (Pal) Banffy.
82
Minimafia Hunyadiana
Secondo perche ii detto Re e molto giouane, et in questa / eta giouenile ha fatto con fortuna
prospera di molte / fatiche Pl ii Regno contra Turchi contra Fedrico / Imp." et ha liberato ii Reame dalla
persecutione di/ (c. [13']) Boemi, com'habbiamo detto di sopra. /
Terzo perche tutti Ii Populi essendo lui nato in Vngheria / ii stimano essere de suoi et si sforza a
tutto / suo potere di mantenere giustitia et tiene una vita/ molto honestissima. /
Quarto la madre la q"I e una sap.""' et santiss.m• Donat Ii da / grande reputatione pche e molto
reuerita et amata da tutti. /
Quinto: perche lui ha in sua podesta tutte le Castella, et fortezze dlt Regno le q"li gli danno grat
0
fauore. I Poi lui si sforza di esaltare tt.' i suoi amici et farli / grandi. Et di questi sono p. delli Prelati
59 60
Ecclesiastici / lo Episcopo di Varadin , lo Episcopo di cinq chiese / suo fratello, l'Arcie-piscopo di
63 64
Collatia61 , lo Episcopo / di Transilvania62 , lo Episcopo di Vesprino , l'Epa* / di Vaccia , l'Episcopo di
65
zenadino con suoi seguazi / Ma si puol far grat stima dlt saldo et ban Consiglio/ dlt detto Episcopo di
Varadin cht di tutta la potet;'ia I degli altri Prelati. Degli Sig." seculari 2° orsege / miale ii grande Conte.
Questa e grande, et e Bara* / naturale et e Thesoriere, Questa e di uil natione / et per essere fedele ii
66
detto Re lo essalta ha name/ Almerigo Diacho. M, Giouanni di Rossengo et/ Rinaldo, et suo frattello
Baroni naturali secundar / Simon et suo fratello, et Paulazzo, Simon Seculo / (c.[14']) Thomasa Sarai
della Verena et altri baroni naturali et / alcuni altri loro seguazzi da na* far grande stima / L'entrade
ordinarie che al pn"1e sono dlt detto Re Matihas / sono alla sumat di ducento miglia ducati in questo
modo I La principale sua Entrata e ii sale. II qale si caua da alc."c Montagne, che sono in Transiluania, et
59 Nagyvarad, Grosswardein, Oradea (Mare). II s'agit ici de Jean (Jan/Janos) Vitez (de Zredna)
(1433-1472), qui a joue un role imporant dans l'election de Matthias Corvinus. Vitez fut eveque d'Ora-
dea (1445-1465), archeveque d'Esztergom (Gran, Strigonium), des 1464 chancellier, des 1471 cardinal
(Hierarchia Catho/ica Medii Aevi, sive Summorum Pontificum, S. R. E. Cardinalium, Ecc/esiarum Anti-
stitum Series (edite par Konrad Eubel), 11, MQnchen (Sumptibus et Typis Librariae Regensbergianae),
MDCCCXCVIII, p. 15 (no. 8), 266, 288; Csaba Csapadi-Gardony, Die Bibliothek des Johannes Vitez,
Budapest (Akademiai Kiado), 1984; Tibor Klaniczay, Das Contubemium des Johannes Vitez, die erste
ungarische Akademie, MQnchen (Trofenik), [1988]).
60 Pees, F0nfkirchen, Sopianae, Quinque Ecclesiae. II s'agit ici de Jean (Jan/Janos) Csezmicei
(1434-1472), le neveue de Jean Vitez, plus connu sous son nom de plume Janus Pannonius, eveque de
Pees des 1459 jusqu'a sa mart (Hierarchia Catho/ica Medii Aevi, 11, p. 242; Janos Huszti, Janus Panno-
nius, Pees (A Janus Pannonius Tarsasag Kiadasi), 1931; Paolo Santarcangeli, Un umanista magiaro,
Giana Pannonio, nel quinto anniversario de/la morle, Firenze (Le Monnier), 1973; Tibor Kardos, Sandor
Kovacs, Janus Pannonius tanulmanyok [Eludes sur Janus Pannonius], Budapest (Akademiai Kiado),
1975; Csaba Csapodi, Janus Pannonius szoveghagyomany [La tradition lyrique de Janus Pannonius],
Budapest (Akademiai Kiado), 1981; Marianne D. Birnbaum, Janus Pannonius, Poet and Politician,
Zagreb (JAZU), 1981).
61
Kalocsa. Pendant le regne de Matthias, on connait ces archeveques (Hierarchia Catho/ica
l(ledii Aevi, 11, p. 147; Menyhert Erdujhelyi, A ka/ocsai ersegseg a Renaissance koraban [L'archeve-
pie de Kalocsa a l'epoque de la Renaissance], Zenia 1899; Raban Gerezdi, Egy magyar humanista:
Varadi Peter [Un humanist hongrois: Pierre Varadi] (1-11), in Magyarsagtudomany [Eludes <culture!-
> hongroises] (Budapest), VII 1942, p. 305-328, 532-563): Pierre Vardai (1457-1471; des 1467 car-
al); Gabriel Rangone (de VeroneNeronai) OFM (1471-1479; vicecamerarius du roi); Georgius, Prae-
ositus quinqueecc/esiensis (1479-1481); Pierre Varadi (Vardai) (1481-1502; des 1479 chancellier).
62
Pendant le regne de Matthias, on connait ces eveques (Hierarchia Catholica Medii Aevi, 11, p.
79): Nicholas (Miklos) Zapolya (Szapolyai) (1462-1472); Gabriel Rangone (de VeroneNeronai) OFM
1. 472-1476; jadis nonce en Hongrie); Ladislas (Laszlo) Gereb (1476-1502), protonotaire apostolique.
63
Veszprem, 1/Vesprim. Pendant le regne de Matthias, on connait eel eveque de Veszprem (Hie-
rchia Catho/ica Medii Aevi, II, p. 292): Albert de 1/Veethes (1458-1489).
64
Vacz, 1/Vaitzen. Pendant le regne de Matthias, on connait ces eveques de Vacz: Vincent (Vin-
'entius) Canonicus Waradinensis (1450-1474) et Bathory Miklos (1474-1506.
65
·•.·· Csanad, Cenad. Pendant le regne de Matthias, on connait ces eveques de Csanad: Albert
1458-1466) e Jean (Janos/Johannes) Zochol (1466-1493).
66
Rozgonyi. On retrouve deux voevodes de Transylvanie dans cette famillie: Jean (Janos) (1450-
58) et Sebastien (Sebestyen) (1458-1461).
83
sono quali in forma di pietra di ma_rmor, et se ne fa pezzi in modo / de quadrelli peso di 200, et 200 lire/ ii
pezzo ii q'I sale si manda in ale.' luogi di¢ Regno / nelli quali luogi uien uendutto, che Ii populi circa /
nstanti uanno a comprare: Et chiamansi Ii luogi / doue si uende Camre-Regali di#: sale./ Questa sa!e e
d'entrata di Ottanta mille duccati / in Cento mille in circa, et piu et meno secondo / Ii tempi che occorono,
ma com¢unamente ii Re no¢ ha/ 100/m /
Poi son le Dicche. Queste Dicche sono che ii Re uole / delle terre sottoposte a lui d'ogni poco ogni
anno un / duccato et questo e l'ordinario. /
Ma per le molte spese estraordinarie che bisognauano contra / Turchi, et Boemi oltre l'ordinario, ii
Re toglie due/ altri duccati, et taluolta tre, secondo ch* l'impresa / sara grande, et a lui parera. /
(c. [14']) Poi sono le Cecche che sono 4 luogi doue principalm1' / si lauora oro, argento rame in
moneta, la p_a e una in / Transiluania detta Riuo Dominar. doue son □ monete / d'oro, et argento di
questa Ceccha si caua circa/ 20/m a l'anno- la seconda Camra di Cecca pure in/ Transiluania ed una
terza chiamata Sebino, questa / e d'utilita circa 6m d. all'anno. La 3.' un'altra Mo;ttagna / chiamata
Cremonizza paga questa all anno 12m. du/ cati, la quar.' e la Cam:ra di Buda, che da d'utilita / ordinaria
circa 6m d. all anno. Tutte queste Cecche / sommariamente sono d'utilita di 44m d. in 84m. du / cati
all'anno. Ma ii Re Pl agiutarsi l1a fatto ba / ttere molte monette pouere che Ii ha datto gran / vtilita. /
Ancora ui sono le Trentesime, cioe un Datio consuetto / et Generale che tutte le Mercantie d'entrata
et / d'uscita di¢ Regno, pagano al Re cinq Pl cento, et trazze d'vtilita c.' 82m fino a i00m Duccati all' /
anno, Et oltre dette son ancora vtilita di rame, et/ di Giudei che uogliono 30/m. Ducati. / Con tutta questa
entrata bisogna, che ii Re si mantenga / se et la sua Corte, et faccia ogn'altra spesa, et se / bisogna per
alcune importanti cause trouar monete / (c. [15']) per beneficcio del Regno bisogna far general concilio /
et conuocar Ii Baroni Ecclesiastici seccolari / et Gentilhuomini, et Proulncle del Regno, et / in dette
Congregationi ottenere la liberta / di potere imponere grauezza al detto / Regno. Et secondo, che si deli/
bera nella detta Conuocatione / cosi ii Re uol scuodere / et non piu.
84
La personna/ite de Jean Hunyadi
ref/etee dans /'historiographie transy/vaine allemande
du XIX' siecle
Lorand Madly
Academie Roumaine
lnstitut d'Histoire «George Bari\iu»
Cluj-Napoca
Jean (loan/lancu, Janos) Hunyadi fail figure a part dans l'histoire medievale de la Tran-
sylvanie. Le recommandent le role qu'il a joue dans les evenements de son temps, les traits
definitoires de sa personnalite et non en dernier lieu son appartenance a la grande famille
des Hunyadi, d'importance primordiale dans l'histoire de la Transylvanie et de la Hongrie.
Naturelment, la personnalite et les exploits d'un tel heros sont largement presentes
dans historiographie transylvaine, y compris dans celle de langue allemande du XIXe siecle,
des Saxons de Transylvanie et des Souabes du Banal. Ce siecle marque d'effervescence na-
tionale, qui a mis l'histoire au service de l'idee de nation, a valorise par taus les moyens pos-
sibles Jes evenements, personnages et valeurs du Mayen Age. A une epoque qui avait deja
connu une historiographie culte et raffinee et ou l'interet pour le passe historique se faisait de
plus en plus sentir, de nombreux speci-alistes ant commence a etudier le Mayen Age, a redi-
ger des recueils de documents et differents ouvrages sur ce theme, tout en profitant des con-
tacts avec les specialistes europeens et, dans noire cas, avec ceux du monde germanique.
Les coordonnees de l'historiographie saxonne au XIXe siecle
L'historiographie saxonne du XIXe siecle est fort marquee par les mutations survenues
dans la societe transylvaine et europeenne du temps. Des la fin du XVllle siecle deja, la
_Revolution fran9aise avail clairement signale le declin de la societe des etats et l'aurore de
l'epoque des Nations. L'Europe entiere ressentit au fur et a mesure les effets de ce change-
ent essentiel dans son histoire, effets ressentis assez vite en Transylvanie egalement.
Dans la premiere moitie du XIXe siecle, on y constate !'effervescence des represen-
ants des idees reformistes, modernes, tant au sein des nobles que parmi les Saxons transyl-
ains, qui constituaient en Transylvanie la force novatrice, bourgeoise, impliquee dans un pro-
ramme politique et economique de type liberal, de souche europeenne. Ce nouveau souffle
e la modernite permit aux Saxons transylvains d'afficher une attitude tranchante a l'egard
e la politique des etats, qui ne se conformait pas a l'air du temps. lls devinrent conscients
leur force novatrice et reformiste, capable de faire avancer les choses en Transylvanie,
rtout a une epoque d'affirmation des nations et des mouvements nationaux.
Bien que les Saxons n'eussent pas ouvertement affiche leurs idees revolutionnaires, au
ns d'appui offer\ au troisieme etat, le message du pretre Stephan Ludwig Roth ne pouvait
s passer inaper9u. Lars de son fameux toast de Sebe~, ii souligna clairement le role poten-
1_ des Saxons de moderateurs entre la noblesse preponderante hongroise et les Rou-
ains asservis. Ce message devint manifeste apres le Sprachkampf de la Diete transyl-
1
ine, moment qui marqua !'attitude tranchante des representants de l'intellectualite saxonne .
1
Andreas M6ckel, «lstoriografie 9i con9tiinta etniGa la sa9ii ardeleni» [Historiographie et conscience
nique chez !es Saxons Transylvains}, in T~ansilvania §i sa§ii ardeleni In istoriografie [La Transyl-
ie et les Saxons Transylvains dans l'historiographie], Sibiu-Heidelberg, 2001, p. 11.
Lorand Madly
La Revolution de 1848-1849 representa un tournant en Transylvanie, comme d'ailleurs

en toute !'Europe centrale, marquant !'apparition de nouvelles relations a l'interieur des trois
etats transylvains, de meme qu'entre les etats et !'Empire des Habsbourg. Situes au debut du
cote de la revolution hongroise, les Saxons finirent par appuyer le parti habsbourgeois, pous-
ses par le desir de conserver leurs privileges et la terre royale. Pour vaincre la revolution,
l'Autriche accepta l'appui de la Russie et imposa une Constitution au printemps 1849. Apres
la defaite des mouvements adverses et l'instauration du regime militaire, elle allait suspendre
la Constitution deux ans apres, marquant ainsi le debut d'un regime de type absolutiste.
Apres 1849, la nouvelle devise du regime sera l'egalite des droits entre les nations, con-
c;;ue comme un effort de nivellement. Ses premieres victimes furent justement les Saxons. Pour
le loyalisme dont les Saxons transylvains avaient fait preuve pendant les luttes, les Habs-
bourg leur avaient promis la constitution d'un territoire autonome regi directement par Vienne.
Non seulement que les Saxons de Transylanie ne rec;;urent jamais cette permission, mais
on leur supprima tous les privileges specifiques a la terre royale et la dignite de comes de la
nation. En 1853 la terre royale etait deja un territoire quelconque de l'empire, qui ne gardait
aucune trace du comportement loyal des Saxons pendant la revolution de 1848-1849, ni de
leurs privileges d'autrefois. Cettes interventions allaient, certes, decevoir profondement le
Saxons de Transylvanie, fait ressenti aussi dans le ton general de l'ecrit historique.
C'est !'ambiance dans laquelle vit le jour l'un des ouvrages les plus complets sur l'histoire
des Saxons de Transylvanie, ceuvre du lettre et eveque Georg Daniel Teutsch, continuee par
son fils, Friedrich. L'ouvrage est d'autant plus important que ses deux auteurs ont exerce une
forte influence sur !'opinion publique des milieux saxons. Le role de la Maison de Habsbourg
y est presente avec une certaine froideur, ce qui ne doit pas surprendre, les auteurs insistant
surtout sur les moments de "gloire" des Saxons transylvains, lorsqu'ils avaient collabore avec
le pouvoir d'Etat, avaient beneficie de privileges et avaient pu se developper a volonte.
L'ouvrage de G.D. Teutsch a une forte connotation nationale, signalant le desir d'affirma-
tion de la nation saxonne, de meme que son evolution d'une nation definie du point de vue
legislatif et constitutionnel, a une nation linguistique. II marquait aussi, dans le contexte de
la deception provoquee par !'attitude de l'Autriche, le debut de rapprochement des Saxons
2
transylvains de l'Allemagne . Dans cette meme periode, Friedrich Schuller von Libloy ecrit
plusieurs volumes sur l'histoire du droit saxon, ouvrages tres importants pour ce temps-la.
I. Jean Hunyadi dans les ecrits des historiens saxons
Dans le premier volume de son Histoire, Georg Daniel Teutsch retrace l'epoque de
Jean Hunyadi dans le XV' chapitre (circonscrit a la periode 1440-1458) du livre trois, dans le
contexte de la menace ottomane et du debut de !'influence hongroise a Cluj (Klausenburg,
Kolozsvar). Apres une presentation succincte de la periode qui succeda a la mort du roi
3
Albert (Albrecht) de Habsbourg, G.D. Teutsch decrit la situation de la Transylvanie .
[La regnait le vorvode] Johannes Hunyadi, fils /egendaire d'une famille roumaine de knezes,
forme au temps des combats des hordes hussites en tant que combattant et commandant
d'armee, brave et anime du desir de chasser /es Tures de /'Europe.
On retrace ainsi l'invasiQn ottomane conduite par Mezeth-Beg et le siege de Sibiu (Her-
mannstadt, Szeben), lorsque Hunyadi rassembla une nouvelle armee et, avec l'appui des ha-
bitants de cette ville, attaqua le camp ottoman. Mezeth-Beg et son fils furent fusilles, alors que
2
A. Mcickel, «lstoriografie $i COn$1iinta etnica», p. 15-16.
3
Geschichte der SiebenbOrger Sachsen far das sachsische Volk [L'Histoire des Saxons transyl-
4
vains ecrite pour le peuple Saxon] I, Hermannstadt, 1925 , p. 144.
86
La personnali/e de Jean Hunyadi
/e chemin vers /es montagnes etait couvert de cadavres (1442). Une fois les dissensions poli-
tiques hongroises clarifiees, Hunyadi allait diriger toute la force du royaume contre les Otto-
mans (1443), qui seront vaincus et obliges a conclure la paix. Cependant Vladislas (Wladyslaw,
Ulaszl6) I (Ill) se laissa tenter par les legats papaux a se parjurer et reprit les armes, fait qui lui
co0terait la mart a Varna, ou Murad II reduirait au neant l'armee hongroise (novembre 1444).
Dans le chaos qui s'ensuivit, la Diete elit comme roi Ladislas (Laszlo) V, le fils du feu
Albert, alors que Jean Hunyadi devint gouverneur. Voulant se venger de la defaite subie a
Varna, ii rassembla en 1448 une grande armee qu'il dirigea centre les Tures. Le combat dura
deux jours a Kossovpolje et se solda par la defaite des Hongrois, qui perdirent 17.000
4
soldats. Jean Hunyadi reussit a y echapper par la fuite (rettete sich durch die Fluch/) .
La periode suivante fut tout aussi mouvementee. Ladislas, couronne l'annee meme de la
conquete de Constantinople, eut de mauvaises relations avec Hunyadi. Peu de temps apres
les Tures assiegerent Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar), ce qui exigeait une action rapide:
Hunyadi obligea de nouveau Mahomet II qui subit de grandes pertes, a se retirer (1456). 20
jours apres, Hunyadi trouva sa mart, etant enterre a Alba lulia (Gyulafehervar, Weissenburg).
Teutsch decrit aussi les evenements posterieurs a la mort du grand combatant. II trait de
la mort de Ladislas V une annee apres, qui du fait d'avoir execute sans justification Ladislas, le
fils de Jean Hunyadi, et d'avoir jete en prison Matthias (Matia, Matyas,), dut subir !'opposition
de son oncle, Szilagyi. Le confiit prit de l'ampleur a l'interieur de la Transylvanie, les Saxons
5
prenant les armes en raison d'une ancienne approbation que leur avail donnee Hunyadi .
Jean Hunyadi est presente dans le contexte bouleverse de cette periode, marquee de
conflits avec les Ottomans. Au cours desquels ii apparait comme un combattant inegalable et
comme un grand defenseur de la chretiente, de la Transylvanie et des Saxons transylvains.
L'etude de l'histoire du milieu saxon fut substantiellement appuyee par /'Association tran-
sy/vaine pour la connaissance de la patrie (Verein fOr siebenbOrgische Landeskunde), cons-
tituee des 1840, don! les reunions annuelles allaient continuer pendant la decennie neo-ab-
. solutiste. La publication la plus importante de cette association fut Archiv des Vereins fOr sie-
benbOrgische Landeskunde, qui souligna des son premier numero !'importance des ecrits
historiques et scientifiques pour la Transylvanie. L'initiative de constituer une tel!e association
_datait depuis longtemps deja, revelant !'effort des Saxons de contribuer au progres culture! et
a !'education du people. Apres la fondation de /'Association Agricole (Landwirtschaftlicher
6
Verein), cette !'initiative fut mise en pratique, ses statuts etant promulgues le 11 mai 1841 .
Dans le volume 6, tome 1 des Archives on mentionne l'un des episodes interpretes com-
me negatifs dans les relations de Jean Hunyadi avec les Saxons transylvains. II s'agit de la
onation du Pays de Nasaud (Nussdorf, Nasz6d) a Jean Hunyadi, donation jugee comme un
bstacle devant le developpement de cette region. L'auteur Wilhelm Wenrich, officier a la re-
raite, ecrit que eel acte a ete appuye par des ressorts tres forts, et que le rapprochement de
a Moldavie aurait permis ace pays un meilleur deve-loppement autonome .
7
Un autre fail de la meme categorie fut la sortie de la ville d'Ora~tie (Broas, Szaszvaros) et
eas ses environs de la juridiction des sept juges, qui etait a ce moment !'expression politique
mmune de la terre royale. Le responsable en fut toujours Hunyadi, dans la periode ou ii
·mplissait la fonction de gouverneur. Mathias, qui entretenait des relations complexes avec
Saxons transylvains, allait plus lard retablir la situation. Tous ces elements son! evoques
8
ns une breve elude sur l'histoire du siege d'Ora~tie, dans le numero des Archives de 1880 .
4
G.D. Teutsch, Geschich/e der Siebenburger Sachsen, I, p. 145.
5
Ibidem, p. 146.
F. Teutsch, Geschichte der SiebenbOrger Sachsen, 111, Hermannstadt, 19101 , p. 177 sqq.
AVSL, VI, 1863, 1, p. 67.
AVSL, XV, 1880, 1, p. 192.
87
Lorand Madly
On mentionne dans le meme contexte la demolition de la citadelle de Bra§0V (Kronstadt,

Brass6) en 1455. La demolition a ete accompli sur l'ordre du meme Jean Hunyadi. Elle est
evoquee dans un bref historique de cette citadelle, ou l'on cite le document latin original 9 .
A cette periode l'ecrit historique des Saxons transylvains s'orientait vers des evenements
et des facteurs qui, selon la conception de l'epoque, renfor9aient le sentiment national et la
conscience historique, devenus essentiels apres la perte graduelle des droits historiques et
constitutionnels Saxons. On peut aisement comprendre pourquoi !'effort des historiens se
dirigea surtout vers les chapitres plus significatifs de l'histoire de la Transylvanie, tels la colo-
nisation des Saxons et Jes premiers privileges, l'epoque de la Reforme et les debuts de la
domination habsbourgeoise. C'est ce qui explique les references assez rares a la person-
nalite de Jean Hunyadi, dont la figure est surtout liee aux combats anti-ottomans - suffisam-
ment importants pour qu'aucune historiographie serieuse ne puisse les omettre.
On commence par mentionner dans ce contexte une breve evocation de ces combats,
signee Johann Benigni van Mildenberg. Benigni etait le redacteur d'un journal important des
Saxons transylvains, le Messager Transylvain (SiebenbOrger Bole). Celui-ci souligne, lors de
la description de la bataille du 9ibot (Alkenyer, Unterbrodsdorf) de 1479, que Hunyadi avail
anterieurement rejete par plusieurs victoires /es ennemis aux frontieres du Royaume 10.
La presse culturelle ou Jes supplements culturels des grands journaux du XIX' siecle
mentionnent brievement Jes fameuses victoires remportees par Jean Hunyadi au cours du
XV' siecles. Les batailles sont evoquees par la citation de poemes. Ces poemes soulignaient
surtout la participation des Saxons transylvains aux combats anti-ottomans mentionnes 11 .
Ce qui explique generalement !'absence de references scientifiques complexes liees a
l'origine, a la vie et a !'importance de Hunyadi, c'est la parution d'une etude plus vaste sur ce
theme des 1790. Les recherches du XIXe siecle n'ont fail qu'enrichir de quelques elements
(la plupart des evocations de cette epoque reposent sur ses donnees) cette elude 12.
Michael Lebrecht avait publiait dans le premier numero de la Revue Transylvaine tri-
mestrielle (Siebenburger Quartalschrift), sur La Vie de Jean Hunyadi (Johannes Corvinus).
Des l'introduction, !'auteur signalait qu'il s'agit d'un combat/ant magyar du Xv" siec/e [... ], /'un
des hommes !es plus remarquables du XVe siecle, qui s'appelait aussi Corvinus (1790).
On y enoncait aussi une theorie relative a son origine. Jean Hunyadi serait le fils du roi
Sigismond (Zsigmond, Sigismund) de Luxembourg et d'une aristocrate roumaine (Elisabeth).
II se rendit plus tard a Buda (Olen) et mantra au roi la bague qui prouvait sa paternite, fait qui
Jui valut une fortune, le domaine de Hunedoara (Vajdahunyad) et le titre de noble.
Cette fois-ci aussi, la personnalite de Hunyadi est presentee a travers ses nombreuses
actions militaires. Les actions en revelaient le caractere fougueux et combatif de Hunyadi.
Lebrecht n'omettait ni de mentionner trap de hate, de fougue et de confiance en soi et mains
de precaution a l'egard de son caractere. Hunyadi paya de sa vie sa plus grande victoire, trou-
vant sa mart peu de temps apres, le 11 aoat 1456. Ainsi Lebrecht conclut par les mots 13 :
... voi/8 la breve histoire de /'un des plus grands hommes non seulement de Hongrie, mais
de toute /'Europe, [qui selon son desir, fut enterre a Alba lulia], /a gloire de noire pays et
/'effmi des Turcs. Sa tom be est sainte pour chaque patriote !
9
SiebenbOrgerProvinzialb/atter[Feuilles provinciales transylvaines] (Hermannstadt), I, 1805, p. 1-11.
10
Transsilvania (= Beiblattzum SiebenbOrgerBoten), 58, du 24 juillet 1840).
11
G.D. Teutsch, «Ober die Anfange der siebenburgisch-sachsischen Geschichtsschreibung» [Sur
les debuts de l'historiographie Saxon-Transylvaine], AVSL, XXI, 1886, 3, p. 443-460; l'auteur presente les
premieres tentatives historiographiques, citant aussi un bref pDeme, note par un contemporain, dans la
periode de la bataille de Varna (1444).
12
Des references aussi dans Unterl1a/tungen aus der Geschichte SiebenbOrgens [Materiaux ext-
ratts de l'Histoire de Transylvanie], (Hermannstadt), I, 1840, 2, p. 182-183, 186-187, 256-290.
13
SiebenbOrgerQuarla/schrif/(Hermannstadt), I, 1790, p. 46, 53.
88
II. Jean Hunyadi dans les ecrits des Souabes du Banat
Les historiens provenant du milieu des Souabes banatois presentent tout aussi large-
ment la personnalite et les exploits de Jean Hunyadi. Cependant le caractere militant-national
est absent de leur historiographie au XIX' siecle. Formes surtout dans le milieu hongrois,
les historiens souabes se servent massivement des ressources de l'historiographie hongroise,
a
of/rant des ouvrages comparables du point de vue qualitatif ceux des Saxons de Transyl-
vanie - notamment dans la seconde moitie du XIX' siecle.
Deux histoires du Banal de Timi 9 (Ternes) virent le jour en 1861. Leonhard Bohm dedia
la premiere au public banatois, par patriotisme, anime d'un sentiment de profonde piete, et
a
commeni;:ait le sous-chapitre consacre Jean Hunyadi par les propcs suivants :
14
On parle de Jean Corvin, qui s'appelle aussi Hunyadi. II gagna parses exploits et
autres dignit8s et, en tant que voiVode de fa Transylvanie et gouvemeur du Severin, ii
s'opposa courageusement aux invasions repetees des Ottomans. C'est un homme ne
pour prendre /es annes et pour diriger des annees.
L'auteur souligne aussi la position de Hunyadi en !ant que comes de Timi 9, ou ii avail
a
fail construire une citadelle, la chance qui l'a toujours accompagne, pas Varna, le cou-
rage dont ii a fait preuve et la confiance que lui faisaient ses sujets. La victoire de Belgrade
15
est mentionnee comme un jour memorable, qui a fail epoque dans Jes ennales hongroises .
Sa mart est presentee en detail. Hunyadi re9ut les derniers sacrements de Capistrano,
s'eteignant apres une breve etreinte de la mart[ ... ] dans le chant des psaumes, entre Jes
bras du saint. II se fit suivre par une gloire immortelle et un sentiment de perte irremplagable.
Son fils allait renforcer la notoriete de cette famille, accompagne des lannes gene-rales
des peuples, meme si la victoire remarquable du heros qui Jes provoquait avail offer/ au pays
fa stabilite, la securite et /'ordre. On y evoque aussi les moments qui succederent a la mart du
a
heros, marques de conftits interieurs. On enumere les theories relatives son origine, de
a
meme qu'on retrace sa jeunesse, lorsqu'il s'etait decide embrasser la carriere des armes.
a
Le second ouvrage significatif appartient Johann Heinrich Schwicker et a le meme
titre que le premier: L'Histoire du Banal de Timi§oara. La personnalite de Jean Hunyadi y
est evoquee dans un chapitre sur /es combat/ants courageux des Tures (1439-1494). Les
evenements historiques sont presentes de maniere plus pragmatique, accompagnes de
a
conclusions "moralisatrices". Par exemple, la defaite subie Varna par les croises, en 1444,
a
est consideree le prix payer pcur l'infidelite au serment demontree par le roi de Hongrie.
a
Chasser les Ottomans de l'Europe a ete pour Hunyadi, don! le nom lui seul eveillait
f'effroi des Tures, la mission de sa vie. Ce plus grand noble patriote de Hongrie commenga
16
ainsi la plus illus/re epoque de sa vie, aureo/ee d'une g/oire qui ne s'estjamais eteinte .
C'est une bonne occasion pour l'auteur de realiser une ample description de la bataille
de Belgrade, en soulignant son importance exceptionnelle pour l'Europe chretienne tout
a
entiere. Malheureusement pcur lui, la couronne de lauriers gagnee ce moment se trans-
a
forrna en couronne funeraire. Dans les derniers instants de sa vie ii conseilla ses fils la peur
.de Dieu et l'amour pour la patrie, et aux magnats, l'unite et la poursuite de la lutte contre
l'ennemi seculaire de la chretiente. Ce! auteur mentionne lui aussi que Jean Hunyadi s'est
·eteint dans le chant des psaumes, entre les bras de Capistrano, en age de 56 ans.
14
Geschichte des Temescher Banats [Histoire du Banal de Timi 9], Leipzig, 1861, p. 45.
15
Ibidem, pp. 54 sqq.
16
Geschichte des Temescher Banats. Historische Bilder und Skizzen [Histoire du Banal de Timi§
Timi§oara/Temesvilr>. Representations historiques et esquisses], Gross-Becskerek, 1861, p. 86.
Lorand Madly
Le pape Calixte Ill allait celebrer une messe en l'honneur de Hunyadi, le defenseur de la
chretiente dans l'eglise St. Pierre a Rome. Pour toute conclusion, voila la caracterisation finale
de Johann Heinrich Schwinker, l'une des plus reussites de l'historio-graphie de l'epoque17 :
lrreprochable comme personne, religieux sans exagerer, juste, genereux, ii est dans
/'histoire de la Hongrie l'un de ses plus grands heros, le caractere le plus magnanime et le
plus pur. Par le but qu'il s'est propose dans sa vie, de chasser /es Tures, ii appartient non
a
seulement sa patrie, mais se fait digne de /'admiration de toute /'Europe. Comme ii /'a
souhaite, ses depouilles mortelles sont conservees dans l'eglise cathedrale de Alba lulia.
En guise de conclusions
Les ecrits historiques allemands de Transylvanie du XIXe siecle offrent une image riche et
complexe du grand heros qui fut Jean Hunyadi. Avec une erudition specifique du positivisme
dominant a l'epoque, par l'appel constant aux sources historiques, tant l'historiographie des
Saxons de Transylvanie que celle des Souabes du Banat a illustre sa figure principalement a
travers ses combats anti-ottomans, qui avaient constitue un exemple pour toute l'Europe.
Jean Hunyadi a represente un exemple d'abnegation et de constance, de loyaute et de
patriotisme, au benefice de la chretiente et de son pays. De ces ecrits erudits, Jean Hunyadi
passera dans les manuels scolaires comme un modele de vertus pour un grand nombre
de generations. L'importance des ecrits patriotiques s'accroH dans la seconde moitie du
XIXe siecle, ce qui fait que la figure de Jean Hunyadi soit valorisee plus loin dans le temps.
Les Souabes valorisent les exploits du grand heros de la chretiente dans la direction du
patriotisme hongrois, le mentionnant maintes fois comme un grand patriote ou heros de la
Hongrie. Les ecrits des Saxons en revanche soulignent !'importance du personnage au niveau
de toute la Transylvanie, en relation avec les combats anti-ottomans auxquels les Saxons
Transylvains avaient pleinement participe, ce qui leur donnait done le droit de s'attribuer une
partie de ces victoires. Somme tout, on souligne aussi le fait que, issue d'une famille de
knezes roumains, Hunyadi avait accede aux plus hautes dignites du royaume hongrois.
La personnalite de Jean Hunyadi est un exemple de solidarite pour la defense du christia-
nisme, plaidant pour une meilleure collaboration entre les nations europeennes. Cette entente
avait le meme poids au XIXe suite aux evenements et phenomenes connus par l'Europe.
17
J. H. Schwicker, Geschichte des Temescher Banats, p. 88.
90
Nationality and Historicity:
The Image of John Hunyadi (lancu de HunedoaraJ in Historiography
Paul Philippi
Institute for Protestant Theology
Sibiu
My lecture does not aim to deliver a new understanding of lancu of Hunedoara (/ancu
de Hunedoara is the Romanian name of Johannes de Hunyad, Hunyadi Janos). Its only
aim is to raise a question which is neither new, nor is original, in itself. But it is a question,
which, in my opinion, has, defently, not been not treated enough until now. The question is:
How did lancu of Hunedoara (John Hunyadi) see/define himself from national point
of view- consequently: how should he be indentified correctly in history?
•••
Please allow me to start with a remark apparently outside the topic, which is the text of
our national anthem. This dates from the mid 1800', as we know. But its text awakes - or
st
whishes to do so - ethno-national among those who listen to it or sing it now, in the 21
century. This intention is realized by touching historical feelings:
Privi/i, miire/e umbre, Mihai, ~tefan, Corvine, I Romana na/iune, ai vo§tri stranepo/i JI Cu
bra/ele annate, cu focul vostru-n vine,l "Via/a-n fiber/ate ori moarte" striga to/i
[See, glorious shades, Michael, Stephan, Corvin/ The Romanian nation, your grand-gransons,/
Armed, with fire in our venes/ "Life in liberty or death !" is what they all yell].
Such an instrumentalization of history was not new, but rather well used during the
1800' by all European nations. The reasons which determined Andrei Mure§anu, the author
of the anthem, and his generation to instrumentalize history in order to awake national fe-
elings among the Romanians, particularly in Transylvania, are not only easy to understand,
but have to be valued: The Romanians of Transylvania, disadvantaged as a national com-
munity as compared to the three privileged nations (tres nationes) had to be encouraged in
order to impose their national will for the conquest of full political rights. And because the
Fathers of the Transylvanian School Movement invoked the noble Roman descendance of
the Romanians, Mure§anu did the same, using Trajan's name and the roman blood (strophe
II). Other strophes touched upon the feelings of national unity, as these glorious examples
could stimulate Romanians' pride: Michael [the Brave] for Walachia, Stephen [the Great]
for Moldavia and Corvin for Transylvania and the Transylvanian Romanians (strophe IV).
It is highly possible that Andrei Mure§anu referred, in the first strophe of our anthem, to
lancu de Hunedoara, not to his glorious son, Matthias (Matia, Matyas) Corvinus. Damaschin
Bojinca had already publicshed a study titled Descnere a na§terii §i eroice§lilor fapte ale mutt
vestitului §i de toatil Europa admiratului erou loan Corvinus de Huniad [Description of the birth
and heroical doings of the most famous in whole of Europe and admired John Corvinus of
1
Huniad] (1830) , whom he had called Roman nilscut §i patriot adevarat cu sufletul §i cu
trupul [a true Romanian, born a patriot in his soul in his body] 2 .
1
Cami! Mureaanu, /ancu de Hunedoara [John Hunyadi] (Bucharest 1976), p. 126.
2
loan Dragan, Nobilimea romaneasca din Transi/vania. 1440-1514 [The Romanian Nobility ofTran-
sylvania. 1440-1514] (Bucharest 2000), p. 28.
Paul Philippi
'**
Tl1is relatively early appreciation did not lose any of ist value, although the socio-political
studies on lancu multiplied in between by the hundreds. I consider the obiectivity and the
profesionalism of these studies done by Romanian historians remarkable, judging by some
of them I read lately. But the interest with which the Romanian historiography approaches
this historical figure of first importance seems to me to be put on the same old line, already
defined by Andrei Mure~anu and Damaschin Bojinca. The interest is to underline the fact
that lancu was a Romanian, that he was part of the Romanian nobility in Transylvania 3 .
[lancu is] the most proeminent personality risen from amongst the Romanian people, unlit the
end of the 1ff' century, on the big scene of universal history (C. Mure,;;an); he is part of that
historical gallery of national hems for whom the love of his own people, country and nation [... ]
was a supreme ideal, shown in that never/ired fight for liberty and independence (T.D. Tripa).
It is true: I ommited in this last quote an important word. Tripa does not talk only of lancu's
love of his own kind, but also of his love of country. It is due to the context, however, that in
the historian's conception the terms love of his own kind and country coincide to such an
extent, that the unfatigued fight for liberty and independence, due to which lancu became a
national hero, has to be understood by the reader as a fight for the independence of the Ro-
manian nation (see the emotional convergence with Mure~anu's lines: The Romanian nation,
lancu's grand-grandsons, armed, with fire in their venes, Life in liberty or death they all yet{).
I. Dragan asked - and rightly so - and treated the clarification of the role of the Romanian
nobility in Transylvania between 1440 and 1514 with success. The topic of Mr. Dragan's study
is totally justified and its results seem persuading to me. It was that this segment of the Tran-
sylvanian nobility be brought to light and included into the self-consciousness of Romanian
historiography and not only. But the same question here: is this inclusion of the Romanian
nobility into the national consciousness the central focus point in order to clarify the role of this
nobility in its historical dimension? Do we not fail to reach this dimension of the historical role,
by underlining the praising of the national conscience exclusively? 4
the problem of the Romanian nobility in Transylvania is a strong handicap, as compared to the
national conscience, because betraying through denationalization, this nobility has contributed,
together with the secular enemy, to the oppression of the freshly-born Romanian nation.
By secular enemy, the Hungarian nation is meant of course. But overcoming this shortage, Mr.
Dragan wishes to integrate the Romanian nobility of Transylvania into the national conscience.
In his extensive study, Mr. Dragan indicates that the overall negative judgement on the
Romanian nobility in Transylvania is not entirely justified. It is more the case to quickly adopt
that class into the Romanian historiography and national conscience5 . But even so, I have to
again raise the question: is this inclusion of the Romanian nobility into the national con-
science (a process I greet and agree with) the final and decisive step through which we
touch upon the understanding of this class and its historical role?
It does not seem to be an accident to me that researching the role of the Romanian nobi-
lity seNes Mr. Dragan as an instrument against the myth of/he late immigration of the Roma-
nians. In other words: such an understanding of the role of the Romanian nobility in Transyl-
vania would bring arguments for sustaining the theory of Romanian continuity. Such results, be-
3
Titus Dorin Tripa, 'Personalitatea lui lancu de Hunedoara 1ntre legenda ,;;i adevilrul istoric' [John
Hunyadi's Personality between Legend and Historic Truth], Corviniana, VI (2000), p. 160; Mure,;;anu,
lancu de Hunedoara, p. 127.
4
Dragan, Nobilimea romiineascii, p. 28.
5
Ibid., p. 13.
92
Nationality and Historicity
neficial for the general thesis on national historiography are found in other discussions on this
topic as well. But are they indeed the essence of understanding, if we wish to comprehend the
role or significance of the Romanian nobility within the historical context of the 1300'-1600'?
'**
I come back to lancu from Hunedoara, as being a good example for our topic. lancu's
grandfather, $erbu, was already in the service of king, Sigismund (Zsigmond) of Luxemburg
(who was of no Hungarian origin!). lancu's father, Voicu (Vojk), had already received, in 1409,
the Hunedoara Castle and the surrounding domains as a pay for his loyal services. We should
neither discuss Voicu's paternity, nor the ethnic origin of his mother Elisabeth (Elisabeta/
Erszebet) of Morsina. It is enough that the family belongs to the Catholic Church.
The son lancu, born around 1407, grows among the royal circles. He spends the most
part of his youth in different regions of then Hungarian realm, far from Transylvania, always in
the service of this kingdom. I do not know whether the language spoken in the Hunyad's fa-
mily has been determined by now. lancu's wife came frorn the Hungarian nobility. His younger
son became the adored Renaissance king of Hungary. It is true, from what I recall from my
readings, that lancu and his family kept and cherished the liasons with the nobility, i.e. the ro-
yal knezes of Hunedoara who were, by their majority, as the Hunyadis themselves, Romanians.
This inter-nobiliar comingling from that area is in itself an element worth researching. The
important history of this regional cohesion cannot be reduced to the measure of ethno-national
feelings. This is to say that the reason which determined such a sense of solidarity could not
mainly be based on ethnicity. Could it not have been a community of interests? It seems stran-
ge to me to believe that there was already (or still) an ethnical solidarity, like a modem anticipa-
tion, as Mr. Dragan supposes6. It could have been the opposite. That this ethnic solidarity pre-
tended by Mr. Dragan, could be a retrojection of the modern historian back to medieval times.
Nevertheless, lancu of Hunedoara's career made him the most important soldier of
Christianity of his time and the most important political figure of the Hungarian kingdom. The
literature on lancu which I leafed through did not answer my question, what do Romanian
historians believe that lancu would tell us, if we would be able to ask him about his
nationality? Could we at least assume that he once in his life listened to be called lancu?
It is not my intention to start a polemic, and it seems self-evident to me that it be wrong
if we would propose to push lancu of Hunedoara now into the national Hungarian "camp".
But I suspect that he would have seen himself as a Hungarian noble man, more likely than
a Romanian or a Valach. We must not return to loan Bogdan's judgement either, according
to which becoming noble men, the stop being Romanians.
Perhaps lancu lives with the certainty that he descended from those nobiles valahi of
Transylvania, whom we know from historical documents. But it is certain, I believe, that the
consciousness to be part unae et eiusdem nobilitatis of the kingdom - which is to say being
a nobilis hungarus, created by the Holy Apostolic Crown - has been much more powerful
than any ethnic identity or criterion. As a result of this assumption, not only the chances of
the Romanian nobility's self-affinnation7 had been diminished, as Mr. Dragan assumed in the
mentioned study, but also the wish for such a unitary affirmation as a Romanian nobility was,
at that time, as I suppose, reduced or even non-exist.
...
The historiographical conclusion of such an appreciation would be: the ethno-national
questions on medieval problems should be downgraded, and the social and legal categories
6
Dragan, Nobifimea romiineascii, p. 15.
7
Ibid., p. 14.
93
Pau l Philippi
which dominated the ruling classes of those times should better come to the fore. On the
other hand, lancu's supra-national horizon or - to put at lancu's side another striking example,
that of Nicolaus Olahus - should be underlined. Nicolaus Olah us was related to lancu.
What should we call him? He originated from a noble Romanian family, but was born and
grew up on the Saxon fundus regius, where his father held a high office. He became the Ca-
tholic archbishop of Hungary and as such he wrote as an opus magnum the book Hungana
Can we call him a representative figure of Romanian humanism, as the historian Tripa8 ,
as a self-evident assertion? Should he not rather be considered to be another example of the
th
fact that the Transylvania's Romanian nobility (15116 century) believed to be an integrating
part - and thus an integrated part - of the Hungarian realm? And, as such, could this nobility
not consider itself a representative bearer of the Central-European code of values of those cen-
turies? And that it accepted a responsible role inside the state, identifying itself with this state?
By asking this question I relate it to a reservatio mentalis, that is, whether the notion of
state describes in a pertinent way the topic, we talk about, if we have in mind the medieval
kingdom of Hungary or the principality of Transylvania in the 16th century. The term state is
not well chosen for the political union of the kingdom or of the principality. Nor is it suitable
th th
to compare those kingdoms or that regnum with the 19 -20 century states.
th th
Those states of the 15 - 16 century were rather sovereignties without a vote for or
against a certain ethnic group. It meant accepting a certain legal status, a social and political
one too. This status, as we, the ones who come after many centuries, know, would develop,
in time, more and more elements of ethnic consciousness and irritability.
This explains the fact that the later historiography tends to reflect lancu's and other
noble men's position through the prism of their ethnic background. But in order to understand
the historical role of personalities and that of the social class they belonged to we should, I
think, better take into account the parameters of the times, they lived in.
From such a different perspective, another light would fall on the overall situation of the
Romanian nation or population in medieval Transylvania or, respectively, in the Principality of
Transylvania. This situation was deplorable from our modern perspective. It was deplorable
in particular because the Romanians were not recognized politically as a nation.
A nation in the sense used in those times included only representatives having the ability
of a political vote in dialogue with the ruling power. This was the case for the nobility and, along
with urban development, the patricians. Ethnicity in itself did not matter, for defining a nation.
And if we are about to evaluate the role of Transylvania's Romanian nobility we will come
to other categories about the deficit in rights of non-noble Romanians, i.e. of the Romanian
masses in Transylvania - and not only in Transylvania! But also about the non-noble non-
Romanians, as those generally had the same fate as the Romanians.
Exceptions deserve a separate study. As does the changed perspective of the specific
situation of the Romanian peasantry or sheJJherd-owners respectively starting with times when
ethnicity will indeed become relevant (18 century). Here, like in many other historical stu-
dies, it is good to behave to the advice of our Latin-speaking parents: Qui bene distinguit, bene
docet. lancu of Hunedoara's case could be a guide in this exercise.
Loving one's people, patriotism and national pride are praiseworthy: in a certain amount.
They can be a source of inspiration, an impulse for historical research. But these feelings do
not contribute necessarily to clarifying historical realities.
8
Tripa, 'Personalitatea lui lancu de Hunedoara', p. 165.
94
II.
Church and Symbols
The Resurection in a Graduate from the Bibliotheca Corviniana

A.II. Church and Symbols
Pulpit of Giovanni da Capistrano

(St. Stephen's Cathedral in Vienna)
96
1.
Greek and Latin Structures of Faith
Emperor John VIII Palaeologus on the Way to Florence

A.11.1. Greek and Latin Structures of Faith
The Roads of Pius II to Ancona
98
Miles Christi - patronus observantiae.
Johannes Hunyadi und die observanten Bestrebungen des
Dominikanerordens in Ungarn
Maria Mako Lupescu

.,Babe~-Bolyai" Universitat,
Klausenburg
Wenn wir Ober die Observanzbewegung aus dem lnneren des Dominikanerordens spre-
hen wollen, mussen wir auf jeden Fall zu den Zielsetzungen zurOckkehren, die anlasslich
er Grundung des Ordens festgelegt wurden. Diese aber, so wie sie noch von dem Grunder,
em HI. Dominik von Kastilien Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts verfasst wurden, waren sehr klar
nd konkret: das Eremitentum durch Predigten zu besiegen, und dies alles sollte durch die
lthergebrachte Einfachheit des apostolischen Lebens unterstotzt werden. Es ist m6glich,
ass Papst Vinzenz 111. darauf hingewiesen hat, dass man nur auf diese Weise die Ketzerei
it Erfolg bekampfen k6nne, wenn man selbst die apostolische Armut praktiziere (ein Brief
' diesem Sinne an den erwahnten Heiligen und Ordenspatron ist uns erhalten geblieben).
•.. So viel ist sicher, dass beim HI. Dominik und seinen Anhangem nicht das Fehlen des Eigen-
'rns, welches durch die Arbeit beider Hande und durch Betteln dahingefristete Leben die
·• htigsten Ziele waren, wie dies bei anderen, diese Zeit pragenden Grundern eines anderen
edigerordens - des HI. Franz von Assisi - der Fall war, sondern die Notwendigkeit des Pre-
' ens gegen die Ketzerei. Fur den HI. Dominik war die Armut nur eine Art der Verbindung.
Es war kein Zufall, dass die fnuhesten Anhanger der Augustinischen Regeln eben in die
igkeit der praktischen Evangelisierung und in der Verwirklichung der vita apostolica die
tigsten Grunde sahen. In der Zeitauffassung war die apostolischen Armut eine Folge der
ese, die die aussere Welt zuruckwies und den Menschen und die Natur mit Pessimismus
_rachtete. Fur Dominik war die Predigt als eine Zentralaufgabe. Die Organisierung, der Un-
·cht, die Regeln der Liturgie und die Armut selbst, war diesem einzigen Ziel untergeordnet.
Aus dem Sichtpunkt der Erhaltung des Ordens, spielte die Rivalitat mit dem anderen
igerorden der Franziskaner eine wichtige Rolle, da von diesern Elemente Obernommen
en, die fur die Erhaltung und Venmehrung des Ordens unentbehr1ich waren. For die Domini-
war es zum Beispiel sehr wichtig, dass sie die Haltung der Franziskaner der Armut ge-
Qber Obernommen haben, die dies ihre Starkung in den Stadten wesentlich geholfen hat.
l_hre Umsiedlung in die Stadt war eine Folge ihrer Lebensart. Fur die Erhaltung einer sol-
·.Gruppe, auch wenn sie m6glichst klein ist, ist eine grosse Bev6Ikerung notwendig, eine
··Ikerung die aber nicht am Rande des Elends lebt. Deswegen gab es diese Bestrebung,
Stadte zu ziehen. Die wichtigste Einkunftsquelle der Prediger waren die gelegentlich er
en Almosen. Sie kamen in die Stadte, weil man da denjenigen Aufmerksamkeit schenk
,e den Stadtern etwas zu sagen hatten; unter diesen fanden sie die ersten Mitglieder,
,yon diesen hing ihre Existenz ab. Die ganze Lebensweise hing von den Verbindungen
tadt ab. Diese bestimmten auch die Richtung der kOnftigen Entwicklung.
den Stadten konnte eine menschliche Gruppe hoffen durch Almosen zu Oberleben. In
rstadt aber kann man ohne Eigentum leben. Das war ein Problem fur all die den Armen
6ren wollten. Niemand, und vor alien keine Gemeinde, konnte lange Zeit v611ig arm
fl. Die alteren Orden l6sten das Problem indem sie die individuelle Armut im Rahmen
rporativen Eigentums als Ideal akzeptierten. Jedoch ist es klar, dass gegenuber der
hen Armut diese Ordensarmut eigentlich Reichtum ist, nur unter einem anderen Namen.
Maria Mak6 Lupescu
Fur die Dominikaner, !Or die als Ideal eher die Befolgung der vita aposto!ica, als die Armut
Christi, wichtig war, schien das Problem weniger schwierig. Letztendlich fuhrte die lnteraktion
der zwei Orden zu einem Kompromiss. Er ermoglichte den Dominikanern das Gebaude oder
die Einrichtung zu besitzen, die fur ihre Arbeit no!wendig war, aber sie durften kein gewinnein-
bringendes Vermogen besitzen. Die Auswirkungen der Vermbgensbeschrankung wurden da
durch stark gedampft, dass sie eine bestimmte Menge an Almosen im Jahr bekamen, die van
einer regelmassigen Einkunft nicht zu unterscheiden waren. Trotzdem blieben die Vermogens-
unterschiede zwischen den Predigerorden und den alten Orden gross. Die meisten Einkunfte
der ersten waren kleine Geschenke in Geld oder in Natur, aus Nachlassenschaften oder Ge-
buhren fur Begrabnisse oder Gottesdienste fur die Toten. Ihnen war es durch die Regel ver-
boten, mehr Grundeigentum zu besitzen, als fOr ihr 0berleben notwendig war.
Die Art und Menge der erhaltenen Geschenken sind aus den Testamenten des Spatmit
telalters ersichtlich. In diesem Zeitalter finden wir kaum weltliche Testamente, in welchen einer
der Predigerorden nicht erwahnt wird. (im Allgemeinen wurden gleichzeitig an die Dominikaner
und Franziskaner Goter vererbt). Diese Geschenke, verglichen mit den Schenkungen !Or die
Grundung der Kloster hatten einen sehr geringen Wert, aber der Vorteil bestand darin, dass
sie zahlreich waren und sie van den verschiedensten Schichten der Gesellschaft stammten. •
Das breite Spektrum der Stifter und der Schenkungen sind durch Aufzeichnungen der sie ,I
benburgischen Dominikanerkloster eindeutig bewiesen. Auf der Lisle der Schenker finden l
wir jeden: beim Konig van Ungarn beginnend bis zum wenig betuchten Burger. Der Vizewoj- l
wade Siebenburgens Nikolaus (Miklos) Vizaknai (van Salzburg/ Ocna Sibiu) d. A schenkte /
1
den Klausenburger Dominikanern seine Kurie in Secken (Sic, Szek(ana)) samt Teich. Durch .<t
ihr Testament (1471 ), schenkte Katharina Reich, die Frau des Goldarbeiters Martin (Marton)
2
i
Lukacsi, 4 Gulden den Dominikanern aus der gleichen Stadt Klausenburg (Cluj, Kolozsvar) y
Das breite Spektrum der Schenker kann man auch durch die, van den Schassburger Do- :;
minikanern angenommen, Schenkungen gut erkennen. 1455 war Konig Ladislas (Laszlo) V. ii
derjenige, der den Monchen des HI. Maria-Klosters in Schassburg (Sighi§oara, Segesvar) ein]
3
Haus, mit Grundstock und Zubehor, in der Burg schenkte Nikolaus Bethlen schenkte 1498 £j
diesen Dominikanern ein Venediger Purpurgewand. Im gleichen Jahr, schenkte er zusatzlich 9
einen Silberpokal, ein Kreuz und ein Antependium !Or den HI. Kreuz Altar der Kirche. 1499 ·
schenkte er den erwahnten Dominikanem drei Grundstocke und eben so viele Teiche in Marien- .
burg (Hetur). Es isl wahr, dass sich das Kloster zu Gebeten !Or Nikolaus Bethlen und die Seele
4
t
des verstorbenen Konigs Matthias (Matia, Matyas), auf der verlangten Weise, verpfiichtete. i's
Der Erzpriester Matthaus (Mate) van K6halma hinterliess diesen Dominikanern seineC,
theologischen und juridischen Bucher (1502). 5 Andere hinterliessen Geldsummen !Or klar i
1
MOL, DL 36393 (S. 153-157). MARTON Karl: Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte des Kaisder KapiJi
tels var der Reformation und der auf dem Gebiete desselben ehedem befindlichen Orden. Hermann•.,!!
stadt, 1875. 64-66; Ub., VI. 218-220; Konvent, I. Nr. 1676. +ffl
Ub., VI. 503-504: Konvent, I, Nr. 2029. ,.@i
Ub. v. 480-481; Urkundenbuch, 60; ENTZ Geza: Erdely epiteszete a 14-16. szazadban [Die Ar1'
3
chitektur Siebenburgens im 14.-16. Jahrhundert]. Kolozsvar [Klausenburg] 1996. 438-439.

4
;:II
Im Schenkungsbrief wurde dies folgenderweise geregelt. Jeden Dienstag muss eine Toten-:~j
messe !Or Matthias abgehalten werden, jeden Freitag eine Messe !Or Bethlen Ober die Leiden_:!
Christi, und Samstags eine Messe zu Ehren der HI. Maria. Am Tage des Apostels Matthias (25$1
Februar) und am nachsten Tag muss der ganze Konvent die 9 Lektionen der Vigi/ia samt Messen~I
abhalten. Am Tage des HI. Martin (11. November) muss dieselbe !Or die Erlosung des Bethlen alJ}I
gehalten werden. lhre Namen mOssen am jeden Sonntag van der Kanzel erlautert werden. Es musS:fl
mit den Glaubigen !Or Matthias und Bethlen gebetet werden, dass, falls sie sich im Purgatorium~J
befinden, van hier mit Gottes Hilfe erloset werden (Urkundenbuch. 118-120; Konvent, I. Nr. 3094) .
5
141
MOL, DL 21091; FABRITIUS Karl: Das Testament des Schonberger Plebans Mattheus van Repstl
aus dem Jahre 1502. AVSL Xll/2 (1874). 375-376. <1l;S
0-&
Miles Christi - patronus observantiae
bestimmte Zwecke. Simon Sartors VWwe hinterliess den Menchen Geld !Or den Ankauf van
6
dalmatica (1519), Stephan Pistors Wit:Ne !Or eine gradua/e und ein Antiphonarium (1511).
Die Dominikaner waren perfekte Empfanger !Or Schenkungen. Sie konnten auch kleinere
Geschenke benutzen und konnten geringe, aber wertvolle Gegenleistungen anbieten, um den
Schenkern den Weg ins Himmelreich zu erleichtern. Natorlich, und fast als Not:Nendigkeit,
hatten sie ihren Platz auf der Lisle der karitativen Tatigkeiten inne. Auf der gesellschaftlichen
Rangordnung emporsteigend, werden auch die Geldsummen grosser, die Anzahl der Gottes-
dienste !Or die Seelen wird auch grosser, aber die Grundelemente sind immer vorzufinden.
Im Spektrum der Wohltatigkeiten einer stadtischen Gemeinde bildeten die Dominikaner
eine breite Mittelschicht. Bis zu einem bestimmten Grad erfOllten sie alle allgemeinen religiosen
Notwendigkeiten. Sie waren arm und hatten die Hilfe not:Nendig, sicherten Begrabungsstatten
tor die Machtigeren zu, und Platz !Or ein Andenken an die weniger Machtigen, zelebrierten Mes-
sen !Or die Toten und betreuten die Sterbenden. For alle ebneten sie den Weg ins Himmelreich.
Natorlich, wie jede Einrichtung, ernteten die Predigerorden in kurzer Zeit die ,,SOnden", die
aus ihrer Lebensweise hervorkamen. So fOhrte die Armut und das institutionalisierte Betteln der
Dominikaner dazu, dass sie nach Erbschaften und Belohnungen suchten, und waren geneigt,
sondenbereuern leichter zu vergeben, wenn diese nebenbei auch ihre Stifter waren. Diese
Praxis, auf Lebensbedingungen und Charakter der Dominikaner beruht, war sehr verbreitet,
aber auch im schlimmsten Fall stammten diese SOnden nicht aus einer aristokratischen Nach-
lassigkeit. Die Lebensweise war anstrengend, und niemals war die Gefahr da, dass sich die
KJausen der Dominikaner sich in Korperschaften der gemOtlich lebenden Christen verwandeln.
Observanz-Klosterreform
Die Reform der Orden war eine universelle Erscheinung, beginnend in den Kreisen der
ranziskaner. Die Dominikaner betraten einen ahnlichen Weg, Nachahmung der ersten, und
uf deren Beispiel beruhend. Diese Reformbestrebung folgte die strenge Einhaltung der Re-
eln. Von hier stammt auch die Benennung dieser Richtung: strictioris observantiae (Bewe-
ung fOr die Observanz). Bewusst wurde die Veranderung des Geistes des Ordens geplant,
durch sich die latenten Kontradiktionen entfachten. DemgegenOber wurden die Anhanger
r alten Richtung Konventualen genannt, da sie in grossen Klostern, in Konventen wohnten.
Die Kontradiktion drehte sich nicht nur einfach um die Auffassung der Armut, ob ein Klos-
r eine Liegenschaft besitzen darf, ob es eine jahrliche Unterstotzung van Weltlichen anneh
.en darf, oder ob es die Goter so verwalten darf, dass sie einem Mitbruder Oberlassen wer-
n konnen, der nachher die Einnahmen der Gemeinschaft Obergibt (dass die Abwesenheit
s Vermogens so gesichert sei), oder ob das Kloster aus den taglich gesammelten Almosen
en muss? Der Begriff konventual schildert viel besser die Substanz der Kontradiktion.
Er weist darauf hin, dass die Anhanger der alten Richtung ihre Beweglichkeit zu verlieren
·fingen, ihr Leben knOpfte sich immer mehr an dasselbe Kloster. Folglich verschwand gra-
·ell der Unterschied zwischen ihnen und den Anhangern der alten Orden (hauptsachlich die
nastischen Orden). DemgegenOber lagen die Observanten, Manche die sich nicht an die
mOtlichkeit gewohnt hatten, die immer !Or den Einsatz bereit waren, die ohne Zogerung
· Befehle der Oberhaupter in die Tat umsetzen. 7 Unter diesen Umstanden, isl es ersichtlich,
s die Bruchlinie zwischen den konventuellen und observanten Orden durch die am Ende
6
·• FABRITIUS K[arl]: Zwei Funde in der ehemaligen Dominikanerkirche zu Schassburg. AVSL, NF, VI
861). 151, 18.
·7 MALYusz Elemer: Egyhazi tarsadalom a kozepkori Magyarorszagon [Die kirchliche Gesellschaft
ittelalterlichen Ungarn]. Budapest 1971. 291.
101
Maria Mako Lupescu
des 14. Jahrhunderts erschienene Neuerung der Orden - damals die Reformation der Orden
genannt - durch die Diskussion um die Interpretation der Regel entstanden ist
Die Anhanger der Reform waren bestrebt, die Essenz des Monchtums (Armut, Keusch-
heit, Toleranz), durch die Einhaltung der Regeln neu zu beleben. Gegen0ber standen die die
Notwendigkeit einer Veranderung abwiesen, die Konventualen, in deren Anschauung die mil
der Zeit aufgenommenen Gebrauche und Privilegien sie nicht hinderten, ihre Auffassung Ober
ihr Dasein zu erhalten. Die Anhanger der Veranderung waren der Meinung, dass die derzei-
tige Praxis von den althergebrachten Normen weit entfernt war, deswegen sprachen sie
Ober eine Krise der Orden. Aus ihren Forderungen (Abschaffung des eigenen Eigentums der
Manche, strikte Einhaltung der Klausur, Zugangsverbot /Or Frauen auf dem Klostergelande)
wird deutlich was sie als Anzeichen des Zerfalls betrachteten. Weiterhin fanden sie die Wieder-
herstellung des /Or jeden verbindlichen gemeinschaftlichen Lebens notwendig: die Teilnahme
an Messen und Psalmenvorsangen, das gemeinsame Essen, das Tragen der spezifischen
8
Gewander, sowie eine strengere Askese (das Einhalten des Fastens und des silentium).
Die Zunahme der Differenzen wurde langsam zu unvereinbaren Oppositionen zwischen
Konventualen und Observanten. Es ist also natorlich, dass bei einer so verbreiteten Bewe-
gung, die alle Predigerorden umfasste, auch der Heilige Stuhl darauf aufmerksam wurde und
Massnahmen ergriff. Wenn bis zum Anfang des 15. Jahrhunderts der Heilige Stuhl eine mehr
passive Haltung in dieser Richtung eingenommen hatte, haben sich in der zweiten Halite des
Jahrhunderts die Verhaltungsweise und die Rhetorik der Kurie gegen0ber der Beziehungen
des Heiligen Stuhles zu den observanten Bewegungen bedeutend verandert.
Am Anfang der Bewegung jedoch war Rom an der Reform der Predigerorden - die leicht
im Dienst der romischen Zwecke gestellt werden konnten - interessiert. Das hatte den Orden
an seinen Anfangen vom Schicksal der Kelzer bewahrt und ihnen zu papstlichen Privilegien
verholfen. Die Verbreitung der Refonn hatte als Falge die Bildung von Kongregationen die un-
abhangig von den Provin zen waren, und die Refonn der Kloster wurde von der Zunahme
dieses Einflusses auf die lokalen weltlichen Behorden und der geistlichen Hierarchie begleitet.
Aus selbstverstandlichen Grunden sah der Heilige Stuhl dies nicht mil guten Augen. Des-
halb, im lnteresse der Einheit aller Orden und des Schutzes ihrer Privilegien, wurde nach 1460 '
unter der Bedrohung der Exkommunikation immer mehr verboten. Beispielsweise wurden die
Kloster der Konventualen von den Observanten (mit der Unterstotzung der Laien) besetzt.
Dies war ein selbstverstandlicher Selbstverteidigungsreftex: die Verbote wurden von Bestati-;,
gungen der Privilegien der Konventualen und der Betonung der unmittelbaren Jurisdiktion-<
9
des Papsttums gegen0ber den Predigerorden, begleitet Die auf Antrage der ungarischen
Observanten (1440-1450) erfolgten papstlichen Erlasse bestatigen diese allgemeine Tendenz. :
Andererseits, versuchte man, Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts, die Reform der Kloster durch :
die Unterstotzung der Selbstreform der Konventualen in Rom voranzutreiben. Nicht nur diel
Oberhaupter der Orden strebten in dieser Richtung, sondern selbst die Papste sahen eini)l
dass die Folgen der Prozesse und bewaffneten Konftikte als Begleitungserscheinung der~
Reformen das Ansehen der Kirche zertorten. Den Wendepunkt bildete das Pontifikat Paulsj
IL (1464-1471 ), dessen Bulle zum Bezugspunkt auch /Or seine Nachfolger wurde. '!
Neben der Verteidigung der Einheit und des Ansehens der Orden hatte die papstliche Ent;.~
scheidung auch die Vermeidung der Skandale und die Beruhigung der schon vorhandenen*
8
Eine gute Zusammenfassung der Observantenbewegung liefert ELM Kaspar: Verfall und EmeJ)
erung des Ordenswesen im Spatmittelalter. In: Forschungen und Forschungsaufgaben. Untersuchunf:1
gen von Kloster und Stift. Gottingen 1980. 188-238. Vgl. Reformbem0hungen und Observanzbestre;'j
bungen im spatmittelalterlichen Ordenswesen, herausgegeben von ELM Kaspar. Berlin 1989. :/~
9
WALSH Katherine: Papsttum und Ordensreform im Spatmittelalter und Renaissance: Zur Wechse~;il
wirkung von Zentralgewalt und lokaler Initiative. In: Reformbem0hungen (wie Anm. 8). 411-431.
102
Spannungen, die um die Reform entstanden sind, zum Ziel gehabt. Ein van den ausseren Zu-
standen bedingtes strukturelles Merkmal der Klosterreformen war die Spannung zwischen
den kanonischen Rechtsverhaltnissen und die Praktizierung der Reform gewesen.
Die Tendenz, dass, entgegen der unmittelbaren papstlichen Jurisdiktion Ober Mendikanten
kloster, die Ergebnisse der Reform van den lokalen Faktoren abhingen, auf die sich die Ob-
servanten stotzten, siegte. So musste Rom sich anpassen. Die Entscheidung lag gesetzes
massig in den Handen des Papstes, aber deren Umsetzung in die Tat hatte nur dann Chan-
cen, wenn sie mit den lnteressen der starksten lokalen Fraktion Obereinstimmte. Letztend-
lich hatte die Erhaltung des Friedens erfauternde Rhetorik des Papsttums aus dem Spatmittel-
alter als Zweck, seine Schwache gegenOber lokalen Machtfaktoren zu decken. Die Klosterre
form als ein kirchengeschichtliches Ereignis - ahnlich mit der Kanonisierung der Heiligen - ver-
lief als ein Vorgang der Vereinbarung zwischen Zentrum und Peripherie (partes), wo sich die
10
Waage nur spater, unter Wirkung des Konzils van Trient, in die papstliche Richtung neigte.
Andererseits untersucht die deutsche Forschung die zusammengesetzten Ereignisse der

Klosterreform des Spatmittelalters, sowie deren geistliche Aspekte, die observante Bewegung
der Orden, als Vorbote der protestantischen Reform. Im Zentrum der Aufmerksamkeit stehen
einerseits Luther, der Glaubensreformator, Vertreter des radikalen Zweiges der Observanz,
andererseits sein Orden, die Augustiner Eremiten. In den letzten Jahrzehnten lauft die Ana
lyse dieses Vorganges auf mehreren Ebenen ab. Einerseits isl diejenige Betrachtung interes
sant, die die observante und evangelische Bewegung (der Anfang der Reformation) mit einer
geistlichen Bewegung in Verbindung bringt, die eine einfachere Theologie und Spiritualitat ver-
kOndet. Es ist auch schwierig zu diskutieren, dass anhand des intensiven Predigerprogramms
_beide der weltlichen Kultur gedient haben. Noch einfacher zu erfassen ist der als typisch be-
_trachtete Lebenslauf der protestantischen Reformatoren (nebst der grundsatzlichen Kontinui-
. tat), ehemalige observanten Monche. Das ermoglicht die Analyse der observanten Monche und
11
· der protestantischen Reformatoren als aufeinander folgende reformierte Pfarrergenerationen.
In breiteren Perspektiven verandert sich das Bild ein wenig. Wir befinden uns vielleicht
naher bei der Wahrheit, wenn auf dem Weg zur theologischen Verwahrheitlichung, verglichen
mit der observanten Theologie, die mystisch-affektive Spiritualitat (devotio modema), die auch
ie Orden ergriffen hat, als eine hbhere Stufe betrachtet wird. Und es isl auch moglich, dass
ir in den zu Reformatoren gewordenen Monchen nicht nur Observanten sehen, sondern die
eweglichen Elemente der priesterlichen und monastischen Kategorie, die ihr Christentum und
12
re Berufung ernst genommen haben, und sich um deren besten Verwirklichung bemuhten.
Ahnlicherweise kann man die Verwendung der Erfahrungen der Zeitgenossen in denjeni-
en historischen Werken bemangeln, welche, entgegen der frOher als entscheidend betrachte
n Kontradiktion, der Parallelismus zwischen den van den weltlichen Behorden (FOrsten-
.. mer, Stadte, Herrschaften) angebahnten und durchgefOhrten ,,Welle" der observanten Kloster-
rundung und Reformierung und die darauf folgende reformierte Auflbsung der Kloster be-
10
Eine solche Betrachtung der Kanonisierungsvorgiinge schildert auch BURKE Peter: How to
'I a Counter-Reformation Saint. In: DERS: The Historical Anthropology of Early Modern Italy. Essays on
rcepion and Communication. Cambridge 1987. 48-62.
11
HAMM Berndt: Von der spatmittelalterlichen refonnatio zur Reformation: der Prozess normativer
entrierung van Religion und Gesellschaft in Deutschland. ARG, LXXXIV (1993). 7-82 (var alien 24-
1); SAUZET Robert: Mendiants et Reformes. Les reguliers mendiants acteurs du changement religieux
:;ns la royaume de France (1480-1560). Tours 1994.
12
·, . SCHREINER Klaus: Laienfriimmigkeit: Friimmigkeit van Eliten oder Friimmigkeit des Volkes? Zur
zialen Verfasstheit laikaler Friimmigkeitspraxis im spiiten Mittelalter. In: Oms (Herausgeber): Laien-
migkeit im spiiten Mittelalter: Formen, Funktionen, politisch-soziale Zusammenhiinge. Munchen 1992,
78; SCHILLING Johannes: Gewesene Manche. Lebensgeschichten in der Reformation. Munchen 1992.
Maria Mak6 Lupescu
tonen: Beid_e sin,d als B_ewegungen betrach_tet, die aus_denjenige_n Kreisen der Kirche entsprun,
gen sInd, die fruher, mIt der vorher v1el aktIveren Be1h1lfe der La1en, eben der .,La1zisierung der
Religion" gedient haben: die Schaffung einer Kirche, die sich immer naher zu den BedOrfnis,
sen der Laien befinden sollte, und die immer mehr unter deren Kontrolle geraten war.
Weil Historiker die zwei Reihen von Ereignissen selbstbewusst im Rahmen dieses makro,
historischen Vorganges setzen, ist es schwerer fur sie die Frage, was die damalige lntentio~
der agierenden Personen war (das Wachsen ihrer Macht Ober die Kirche, oder eher religiose
Absichten), zu beantworten. Die Antworten unterscheiden sich. Wir konnen von politischen Fol-
gen neben religiosen Motivationen, oder von einer engen VerknOpfung der beiden lesen. 13
Dominikaner-Observanz
Nach dem Beispiel der Franziskaner, hat der Dominikanerorden im letzten Jahrzehnt des
14. Jahrhunderts begonnen sich zu erneuern, durch den Eifer des Anfuhrers Raimondo delle
Vigne da Capua (1380-1399), der auch der Beichtvater der Heiligen Katharina von Siena war.
Es muss auch in Betracht gezogen werden, dass die Ordensreform eher in einer Krisen periode
des kirchlichen Lebens stattgefunden hat. Zu der Zeit ereignete sich das Zusammenbrechen
der Kirche in zwei Teile. Dies hatte, wie wires spater entdecken werden, auch Auswirkungen
auch auf den Dominikanerorden gehabt, da auch hier ein Schisma stattfand.
Die dem Papst Urban VI. treuen Provinzen, unter denen sich auch Ungarn befand, waren
gezwungen ein neues Oberhaupt in der Person des Raimondo delle Vigne da Capua zu wah-
len, nachdem sein Vorganger sich dem Papst von Avignon angeschlossen hatte. Das frisch er-
nannte Oberhaupt begann Ende der 1380er Jahre seine reformatorische Tatigkeit. Sein Ziel
war die strenge Befolgung der Ordensregeln. Wenn wires naher betrachten, hat Raimondo da
Capua mit der Erlauterung dieses Zieles nichts Neues gesagt. Vielleicht, eben dadurch kann
man, nach anfanglicher Erfolglosigkeit, den grof?,en Erfolg der Bewegung erklaren. For die Ver-
wirklichung der Ziele hat er Plane ausgearbeitet. Nach seiner Auffassung mussten die Manche,
die freiwillig die Observanz befolgten, in Klostern versammelt werden und fur die Durchsetzung
der Reform ausgebildet. Spater, sollten die Bruder, die im observanten Geist ausgebildet war-
den waren, in andere Kloster versetzt, damit sie dort durch ihr Beispiel wirken konnten.
Wie es auch durch die Hervorhebung des Begriffes freiwillig betont wurde, gab es keine Ab-
sicht zur Akzeptanz der Reform und die Annahme einer strengen Lebensweise zu zwingen.
Resultate wurden eher durch Oberzeugung erwartet. Im lnteresse der Reform wurde 1390
auch ein Reform-Dekret erlassen, in dem verordnet wurde, dass es in jeder Provinz mindes-
tens ein Kloster fur diejenigen Manche geben soil, die die Regeln am strengsten und prazises
ten einhalten und befolgen, also fur die Observanten. Die Reformbestrebungen wurden durch
das Papsttum unterstotzt, was auch die Bestatigung des Dekretes des Bonifaz IX. hervorhebt14
Leider konnen wir anhand der jetzt vorhandenen Angaben nicht feststellen, ob das Reform
dekret auch unter der ungarischen Jurisdiktion Geltung hatte, ob hier auch solche Kloster ein
gerichtet wurden, von welchen spater die Reform der anderen Kloster der Provinz durchge-
fuhrt werden sollte. Es lasst sich am sichersten feststellen, dass die Initiative von Raimondo
delle Vigne da Capua vor allem in Deutschland und ltalien Anklang gefunden hat, aber keinen
entscheidenden Erfolg ernten konnte. Die Erfolglosigkeit tritt unter seinen Nachfolgern ein,
auch nach der erneuerten Anwendung seiner Verordnungen. Unter seinen Nachfolgern muss
13
STIEVERMANN Dieter: Die wurttembergische Klosterreformen des 15. Jahrhunderts. Ein bedeuten-
des landeskirchliches Strukturelement des Spatmittelalters und ein Kontinuitatsstrang zum ausgebildeten
Landeskirchentum der Fruhneuzeit. ZV\11.G, XLIV (1985). 65-121 (94-99); ZIEGLER Walter: Reformation
und Klosterauflosung. Ein ordensgeschichtlicher Vergleich. In: Reformbemuhungen (wie Anm. 8). 585-61 4.
14
HARsANYI Andras: A Domonkos rend Magyarorszagon a reformaci6 el6tt (Der Dominikanerorden
in Ungarn vor der Reformation]. Debrecen 1938. 31.
104
e van Bartholomaeus Texier (1426-1449) erwahnt werden, der die FOhrung dieser
ng tatkraftig in die Hande nahm und ihre Verbreitung wahrend seiner ganzen Amts-
malsig fortfOhrte. Aus diesem Blickwinkel betrachtet isl es also kein Zufall, dass zu
eit die Anbahnung der Ordensreform in Ungarn stattfand.
bei jeder reformatorischen Tatigkeit, gab es auch unter den Dominikanern Gegner
· gung, die je nachdem starker oder schwacher gewirkt haben. Gegen Ende des 14.
·. erts schien es, dass die Fraktion der Reformer siegreich wOrde; diesmal wurde auch
dass der Heiligen Stuhls zum Unterstotzer der Observanz avanciert hat. Dies spiegelt
'definitive papstliche Bestatigung der Dominikanerreform 1397 wider. In der Bulle His
religionis des Bonifaz IX. wurden diejenige Manche, die die Reform behindern, mil
mmunikation bedroht, was bedeutet, dass der offene Widerstand - falls jemand sich
15
ekt mil dem Heiligen Stuhl konfrontieren wollte - bekampft werden musste.
Kontradiktionen der zwei Richtungen der Dominikaner spitzten sich niemals so stark
ei den Franziskanern. So konnte man die Einheit des Ordens bewahren und es ent-
keine verschiedenen Zweige. Im lnneren des Ordens bewirkten die Veranderungen,
bservanz zugeschrieben werden konnen, kleinere Veranderungen im organisatori-
ufbau des Ordens. Der Orden blieb weiterhin unter der FOhrung eines Oberhauptes,
der Weise, dass an die Spitze der Observanten separate Vikare kamen. Die Ober-
,aer Konventualen blieben je nach Landesteil die Provinzialen. 16 In der Lombardei
17
418 eine gesonderte Kongregation for die reformierten Kloster gebildet.
; bei den Franziskanem, tauchten auch hier die Differenzen nicht nur um das Problem
tauf. 1475 erlaubte der Paps! dem Ordenschef den Gebrauch des Bettelns aufzuhe-
'dem Orden Liegenschaften zu besitzen. Da seit Eugen IV. ein Kloster nur durch Zulas-
• Ordenschefs eine Liegenschaft annehmen konnte, wurde das absolute Recht dazu
18
Paps! gewahrt. Diese Erlaubnis war ein unvermeidbarer Effekt der Entwicklung.
benbOrgen, bekam und akzeptierte das Schassburger Kloster, obwohl sie den Obser-
~hbrte, Liegenschaften van Ladislas V. 1455 und vom Vizewojwoden im 1465 als
19
ng. Essentiell waren die Erhaltung und Sicherung der Disziplin und die aufopfernde
der Berufung, und nicht die buchstabliche Befolgung der Regeln, die sich dem ent-
•· _n Leben entgegensetzt. Der Dominikanerorden Obernahm viele Burden, wie die
r Vv'lssenschaft und brauchte !Or seine Arbeit sowohl Bibliotheken, wie auch ihre Mit-
Ruhe brauchten, die ein individuelles Studienzimmer gewahrte. Das hiess aber
s der Orden unwordig !Or die Zielsetzungen seines GrOnders war.
··re auch wichtig zu betonen, dass die Notwendigkeit der EinfOhrung der Reformen
ie Betroffenen, also die Orden empfunden haben, sondern auch die weltlichen Men-
b ungarisches Beispiel kann man dazu zitieren, nahmlich eine Supplikation Konigs
<l (Zsigmond), die er 1433 in Rom verfasste und dem Paps! Oberreichte. Er verlanijte
:;chtigung damit er die Befolgung der Regeln in den Kl6stern Oberwachen kann. 2
·NYI (wie Anm. 14): A Domonkos rend. 31.

~ichungen konnten auch je nach der Oberwiegenheit der einer oder der anderen Richtung in
eintreten. Z.B. bildeten 1475 in der deutschen Provinz Teutonien die Obseivanten die Mehr-
Wahlten sie den AnfOhrer, und die Konventualen mussten slch mit einem Vikar begnOgen
stav: Handbuch der Kirchengeschichte fur Studierende, II. TObingen 1929. 276).
NYI (wie Anm. 14): A Domonkos rend. 32.
Angelus Maria: Compendium historiae ordinis Praedicatorum. Rom 1930. 67.
ndenbuch. 60, 65.
_KN61 Vilmos: Magyarorszag egyhazi es politikai osszekottetesei a R6mai Szent-szekkel a
;zsinatt61 a mohacsi veszig [Die kirchlichen und politischen Beziehungen Ungarns zum Heili-
om Konstanze, Konzil bis zur Niederlage von Mohacs]. II. Budapest 1902. 19.
Maria Mak6 Lupescu
Das lass! uns schlussfolgem, dass die Einhaltung der Ordensregeln keine besondere Star-
ke der ungarischen Kloster war. Diese Supplikation kann man in zwei Richtungen interpretie-
ren: als eine willk0rliche Einmischung in das Leben und die Tatigkeit der Kloster, aber auch als
einen Schritt zur Starkung des Landes. Gegen0ber der T0rkengefahr und dem hussitischen
Versuch, die Einheit des Glaubens zu spalten, lag eine geistliche Starkung im lnteresse des
Landes. F0r diese e,wiesen sich die Predigerorden, die vorher einiges schon bewiesen hatten,
als adaquat, natorlich wenn sie bestrebt waren, ihrer eigentlichen Berufung nachzugehen.
Dominikanerobservanz in Ungarn
Es isl var alien wichtig festzustellen, dass die Teilnahme der weltlichen Behorden an der
Klosterreform als ein symbolisches Instrument der Akzeptanz des Bedarfes der Behorden an
Unte,w0rtigkeit diente. Wir m0ssen es demnach als eine Massnahme, die die Stabilisierung
der Herrschaft durch die Anschaffung eines symbolischen Kapitals anstatt der Schwachung
der lnstrumente der Herrschaft auch den Moment betrachten, als unsere Herrscher aus dem
spaten Mittelalter, var alien die Hunyadis, tendenzweise, die reichen Kloster derjeniger Orden,
deren Prestige immer mehr verloren ging, den Predigerorden oder den Paulinern 0bergeben ha-
ben, die empfindlicher gegen0ber den sozialen Eiwartungen reagierten. 21 Ein anderer Aspekt
der Teilnahme der weltlichen Macht an der Observanzbewegung war die Bestrebung, die Re-
form auch in den existierenden Dominikaner- und Franziskanerklostern in die Tat umzusetzen.
Die Anfange der observanten Dominikanerbewegung kann man fur den Anfang der 1440er
Jahre festlegen, gleichzeitig milder Verbreitung der strenger orientierten Franziskaner. Eugens
IV. Pontifikant (1431-1447) kann man als die Zeit, in der sich die Observanten verbreitet haben,
bezeichnen. Am 7. April 1444 verfasst der Papst. seine Bulle Prospicientes ex apice, die aus
dem Sichtpunkt der ungarischen Dominikaner Observanten, eine besondere Bedeutung und
22
entscheidende Wirkung hat. Auch die Reihe der Empfanger weist auf den Ernst der Lage
hin. Die Bulle war an alle kirchlichen Oberhaupter, weltlichen Fuhrer und Christen gerichtet.
Laut ihr wurde Ungarn schwer ve,w0stet, var alien Siebenb0rgen, meistens wegen der
Grausamkeiten der T0rken. Priester und Manche wurden verschleppt, Kloster und Kirchen
niedergebrannt. Folglich konnte man an vielen Orlen keine Messen mehr abhalten ( ... ex
quibus fide/es utriusque sexus sacerdotes ac viri reliogiosi capti fuerunt et in miserabilem
infidelium servitutem pervenerunt et quad infelicius est, domus, monasteria ac ecclesiae et
alia pia /oca ab ipsis infidelibus combusta et diruta exstiterunt, unde in nonnulis /ocis ii/arum
partium divinus cu/tus omnino cessavit in aliquibus vero maxime diminutus exstitit in
23
magnum christianae religion is opprobrium). Um diese zerstorten Bauten in den ve,w0steten
Orte, zu Ehren Galles und des geistlichen Heils der Glaubigen, wieder zu errichten, damit die •j
Messen dart wieder aufgenommen werden, wurde der observanten Basler Dominikaner Jakob ,i
Richer zusammen mil ein paar Gesellen zum Vikar der Siebenb0rgischen Diozese ernnant.
Die wichtigsten Ursachen !Or diese Massnahme waren die osmanischen Ve,w0stungen ....
Diese hatten zum Verfall einiger Ordenshauser ge!Ohrt. Das eigentliche Ziel der Bulle van/
Paps! Eugen IV. war aber die Neuordnung der hiesigen Kloster im observanten Geist. ..'
Die Mission Richers erstreckte sich nicht nur auf die Verbreitung der Lehre, den Wieder-~
aufbau der zerstorten Kloster mil Hille der Glaubigen, sondern auch auf die observantiam@
21
Kus1NY1 Andras: Matyas kiraly es a monasztikus rendek [Konig Matthias und die monastischenl
Orden]. In: Mons Sacer 996-1996. Pannonhalma 1000 eve [Mons Sacer 996-1996. Tausend Jahre Pan-l
t
nonhalma], herausgegeben von TAKANCS lmre. I. Pannonhalma, 1996, 538-544. :~
22
XV. szazadi papak ok/evelei [Die Urkunden der Papste aus dem 15. Jahrhundert] (=MHI, 1-11),;~
hera~J'~f~~~~~o; ~~KCSICS Pal, II. Budapest 1938. Nr. 813; Ub., V. Nr. 2482; Urkundenbuch. 54.
4
':t
106 >Q
regularem in ii/is domibus, et monasteriis plan/are, et a Regula et institutionibus dicti Ordinis

24
devia reformare. Eugen IV. forderte die Empfanger der Bulle zur Hilfeleistung fur Richer auf.
Die Hilfe bestand hauptsachlich darin, dass sie den Monchen die Geltendmachung aller
Privilegien zusichern, d. h. dass sie frei die Beichten und Begrabnisse organisieren konnen.
thre Arbeit konnte man auch mit Almosen honorieren. Dazu wurde, eine zollfreie Reise den
25
jenigen BrOdern zugesichert, die aus grosser Entfernung kommen. In diesem Sinne, befahl
Papst Eugen IV. den Abten von Abtsdorf (Kolozsmonostor, Cluj-Mana§tur) und Kerz (Carta),
26
dass sie die Aufsicht Ober die Kloster der Franziskaner und Dominikaner Obernehmen.
Die grosse Entfernung zwischen Basel und SiebenbOrgen lasst darauf schliessen, dass,
obwohl Eugen IV. Richer zum siebenbOrgischen Vikar ernannt hat, der An!Ohrer des Ordens,
Bartholomaeus Texier derjenige war, der die ganze Aktion anbahnte und versuchte, die ganze
Arbeit durch die WOrde des Papstes effektiver zu machen. Jedenfalls hat die Bulle zwei Bedeu-
tungen. Einerseits, stand sie !Or die Ein!Ohrung der Observanz in die neu erbauten Kloster.
Andererseits beinhaltete sie auch die Absicht der Reformierung der alten Konventualen.
Am 13. Mai 1444, durch eine gemeinsame Supplikation, beantragen die Dominikaner und
Franziskaner, einen Abschied !Or die Besucher der Kloster von Weissenburg (Alba lulia, Gyula-
fehervar), Broos (Ora§tie, Szaszvaros), Muhlbach (Sebe§, Szaszszeben) und Hermannstadt. 27
Drei Tage spater, als eine Erganzung der vor ausgegangenen Supplikation, baten die Vertre-
ter der Dominikaner- und Franziskanerorden dass der Abschied auch fur die HI. Maria und
HI. Elisabeth-Konvente aus Bistritz gewahrt werden soil. 28 Die letzte Supplikation bezog sich
nicht nur auf die Ausdehnung der Bitte auf diese Kloster. Jetzt wurde hochstwahrscheinlich
auch das Dominikanerkloster von Winzendorf (Vin\u de Jos, Alvine) in die Liste aufgenommen.
In der ersten Supplikation werden 5 Kloster erwahnt, aber nur 4 von ihnen wurden genannt.
Die leicht veranderte Antwort des Papstes kam in kurze Zeit. Am 26. Mai 1444 erteilte er
einen Abschied !Or die Glaubigen, die in der zweiten Supplikation ~enannten Kloster be
suchten, darunter auch die Kloster HI. Maria und HI. Kreuz aus Bistritz 9• Wie es zu er sehen
ist, geschah eine Veranderung betreffend des Abschiedes !Or die Bistritzer Kloster.
In Bistritz fingen zur Zeit des Mittelalters auch die Franziskaner, sowie auch die Domini-
kaner Fuss, aber keiner von ihnen hatte ein Kloster HI. Elisabeth (wir kennen nur das Spital
HI. Elisabeth). In der gemeinsamen Supplikation der Dominikaner und Franziskaner isl wahr
scheinlich ein Fehler aufgetreten, der in der Antwort korrigiert ist. So betraf der Abschied das
Franziskanerkloster HI. Maria und das Dominikanerkloster HI. Kreuz. Von den erwahnten Klos-
tern, beschadigt oder vernichtet durch die Osmanen, kann man als Dominikanerkloster Weis-
30
senburg, Muhlbach, Alvine, Hermannstadt und das HI. Kreuz-Kloster in Bistritz betrachten.
Wenn wir die Hypothese annehmen, dass die Verabschiedung dieser Bulle mit Richters
Mission in Verbindung steht, dann muss man in dieser Aufzahlung die Lisle der Kloster sehen,
die !Or die Annahme der Observanz bestimmt waren. Von den erwahnten Ordenshausern kon-
nte man, mil 8.icherheit, nur das Hermannstadter Haus !Or die strenge Ordnung gewinnen.
1445, wandte sich der Stadtrichter von Hermannstadt und die Geschworenen der Sieben
StOhle an den Papst wegen der Demolierung des ausserhalb der Stadtmauer liegenden HI.
Kreuz Dominikanerklosters, und baten ihn einzugreifen. Laut den Bittstellern konnten poten-
24
Url<undenbuch, 54.
25
Ub., V. Nr. 2487; Url<undenbuch. 55.
26
Ub., V, 132-134.
27
Ub., V. Nr. 2488; Papak oklevelei, II. Nr. 814.
28
Ub., V. Nr. 2489; Papak ok/evelei. II. Nr. 815.
29
Ub., V. Nr. 2495; Papak oklevelei, II. Nr. 817.
30
HARSANYI (wie Anm. 14): A Domonkos rend. 36.
107
Maria Mak6 Lupescu
tielle Angreifer das von den TOrken vor sieben Jahren beschadigte Kloster gegen die Stadt
verwenden. Die durch die Demolierung gewonnenen Bausteine konnte man fur die Starkung
der Stadtmauer verwenden. So erfahrt man auch, dass das baufallige Kloster zwei TOrmen
und starke Steinmauern besass. Eugens IV. Eingreifen war notwendig auch weil Erzpriester
Anton sich immer gegen den Bau eines Klosters im lnneren der Stadt ausgesprochen hatte. 31
Eugen IV. genehmigte am Silvestertag 1445 die Bitte (Abriss und Neubau) und ernannte
32
als Bauherr den Abt von Kerz. 1447 war das Kloster noch nicht erbaut und sie besassen
auch noch kein Gnundstock dafOr. Papst Nikolaus V. befahl dem Hermannstadter Kapitel Mass-
nahmen zu treffen, dass die Dominikaner endlich ein Grundstock fur den Bau ihres Klosters in
der lnnenstadt bekamen. Der Papst wies auf die Bitte der Dominikaner hin. Laut der, da ihr
Kloster ausserhalb der Stadtmauer wegen des Schutzes der Stadt abgerissen und mit den
Bausteinen die Stadtmauern verstarkt werden wOrde, m6chten sie jetzt ihr Konvent neu-
erbauen, diesmal in der lnnenstadt, aber der hiesige Erzpriester war entschieden dagegen.
Die Weisung war kategorisch, lnsofern die Hermannstadter wirklich ein Konvent fur die
Dominikaner bauen wollten, dann soil das im Namen des Papstes zugelassen werden und der
Erzpriester soil sich nicht dagegen stellen. Das so erbaute Konvent wurde den observanten
Menchen zugelassen. Diese sollten weiter die Privilegien und lmmunitaten geniessen, wie im
alten Konvent, natOrlich ohne die Rechte des Erzpriesters und der Dritten zu verletzen.
Es ist wichtig, dass der Papst, in einem Schreiben an das Hermannstadter Dekanat, ein
prior et conventus sanctae Crucis de Cibinio Strigoniensis diocesis, ordinis praedicatorum
de obsarvantia regular/' erwahnt. Das bedeutet, dass auch das Hermannstadter Kloster zu
dieser Zeit An hanger der sch on angebahnten reformistischen Richtung war. 33 Folglich fing
man im Hermannstadter Kloster an, die Observanz zwischen 1444 und 1447 zu befolgen.
Wir wissen nicht genau, ob das sich vor oder nach der Zerstorung des Konvents ereig-
nete. Obwohl wir dazu keine konkreten Daten besitzen, konnen wir mit grosser Wahrschein-
lichkeit vermuten, dass Richers Emennung als Vikar der Verwaltung der Dominikaner in Sieben-
bOrgen in grossem Masse zur Verbreitung der Observanz in Hermannstadt beigetragen hat.
Wenn wir die Anfange der Observanz in dem Rahmen des Dominikanerordens erwagen,
mossen wir auch den Fall Klausenburgs erwahnen. Die Fachliteratur34 zahlt in die Kategorie
der in der ersten Welle reformierten Kloster auch das Klausenburger Ordenshaus, obwohl das
nicht auf der Liste der beschadigten Kloster von Mai 1446 vorkommt. Das observante Cha-
rakter des Klosters kann man eigentlich nur durch ein lnventar aus dem Jahre 1509 vermuten.
Laut dessen war der Konvent das erste reformierte Kloster ganz SiebenbOrgens. Die mil
observantem Geist gewappneten, von hier stammenden Manche gelangen spater an die St
tze der siebenbOrgischen Konvente. Sie gelangten sogar an die Spitze der ganzen Provinz. 5
31
Ub., V. 159-160.
32
Ub., V. 160-161; Papak oklevelei, II. Nr. 878.
33
Ub., V. 201-202; Papak oklevelei, II. Nr. 960. lhre Siedlung ins Stadtinnere tauchte auch spater als
Problem in der Stadtversammlung auf. 1hr Umzug in die Burg wurde mil der sachsischen Abstammung
des Priors und der Mehrheit der Manche verbunden (1474). Dies kann man aus den Verordnungen des Do-
minikanerprovinzes Stuhlweissenburg (Alba Regia, Szekesfehervar) entnehmen, durch die EntschlOsse
des Stadtrates gebilligt wurden: die Einsiedlung der vonnals jenseits der Mauern wohnenden Manche in
die lnnenstadt, aber mil Feststellung, als Bedingung, der ,,ethnischen" Zusammensetzung des Konventes.
Das Kloster ausserhalb der Stadtmauern ist verschwunden. Es stand an der Stelle der heutigen Ka
pelle zum HI. Kreuz, in der Nahe des nordastlichen Stattores. Laut einigen Dalen wurde ein Spital filr Lepra-
kranke im verlassenen Gebaude eingerichtet. Laut anderen Oaten, wurden die gewonnenen Bausteine bei
der Befestigung der Stadt verwendet. Die in die Oberstadt eingezogenen Manche erhielten einen Grund
stock neben der astlichen Burgmauer. Die neue Kirche wurde gegen Ende des Jahrhunderts errichtet.
34
HARsANYI (wie Anm. 14): A Domonkos rend. 38; MALYUSZ (wie Anm. 7): Egyhazi tarsadalom. 294.
35
EszTERHAzi' Janos: A kolozsvari Boldog-Asszonyr61 czimzett domonkosok, jelenleg ferencziek
egyhazanak tarteneti es epiteszeti leirasa [Historische und architektonische Beschreibung der HI. Maria
108
Eine balancierte Erwagung der Anfange der Observanz bei den Dominikanern konnte ein
paar sehr interes_sante Fragen klaren. Die Reformbewegu_ng, die mehrere Wellen gehabt hat,
erreicht gegen MItte der 1440er Jahre die ungansche Prov1nz durch die Verm1ttlung Basels. Es
ist auffallig, dass der hierher delegierte Richer nicht das Zentrum der ungarischen Ordens
provinz - der Konvent von Ofen - als Ziel fur die Verbreitung der Observanz hat, sondem
Ktausenburg oder Hermannstadt, die Siebenb0rgen angehoren. Die Antwort ist vielleicht in
der Bulle aus Mai 1444 zu suchen, die die Kloster der Franziskaner oder Dominikaner aufzahlt,
die in irgendeiner Weise beschadigt wurden, aber eigentlich eine Liste der Kloster erstellt, die
fur die Observanz gewonnen werden sollten. Wenn wir diese Hypothese als moglich betrach-
ten, dann konnen wir die dreijahrige Tatigkeit (1444-1447) Richers unter Fragezeichen stellen.
Von den auf der Liste vorhandenen Klostern Weissenburg, MUhlbach, Alvine, Hermann-
stadt und Bistritz/Hl. Kreuz konnen wir nur von dem Hermannstadter und dem hier nicht auf-
gezahlten Klausenburger Kloster behaupten, dass diese zu Anhangern der Observanz wur-
den. Spater haben wir keine Angaben, ob eines der erwahnten Kloster die Observanz aufge-
nommen hatte. Es ist Tatsache, dass auch das Gegenteil nicht behauptet werden kann.
Betreffend des Ablaufs der Bewegung konnen wir feststellen, dass von alien moglichen
Szenarien, in diesem Fall die reformistischen Plane, nur durch die Verwendung der Mitglieder
und lnstrumente der Kirche, im engeren Sinne des Heiligen Stuhles und des Ordens, mit Um-
gehung der weltlichen Behorden, verwirklicht wurden. Wenn wir berUcksichtigen, dass man 5
Kloster zur Gewinnung fur Observanz beabsichtigt hatte und dies bei 2 gelungen ist, dann ist
das Ergebnis gar nicht so erbitternd. Fast die Halfte der ,,Kandidaten" haben die Observanz
angenornrnen. Wichtiger als die Proportion isl die Tatsache, dass innerhalb der ungarischen
Jurisdiktion zwei der wichtigsten siebenbUrgischen Kloster die Reform angenommen haben.
Johannes Hunyadi und die Dominikanerobservanz
Nachdem Richer 1447 Siebenb0rgen verlassen hatte, trat anscheinend ein Stacken der
reforrnistischen Bewegung in der ungarischen Jurisdiktion ein. Bis Anfang der 1450er Jahre
gibt es keine Hinweise, dass ein neues Konvent in die Reihe der reformierten Kloster eintrat.
Nachher, verhaufigten sich die Ereignisse. Es war nicht 0bertrieben zu sagen, dass eine rich-
tige diplomatische Kampagne fur die Neubelebung der Reformbewegung gestartet wurde.
Wie fr0her, ging auch jetzt die Reformierung der Dominikaner Hanc:J, in Hand mit der des
anderen ansehnlichen Ordens, den Franziskanern. Abweichend von der vorherigen Lage,
hatte jetzt die zweite Staffel der observanten Bewegung aus Ungarn einen ansehnlichen weltli-
chen Stifter, der an der Reformarbeit aktiv teilgenommen hat. Dieser war Johannes Hunyadi.
Der Statthalter (und nicht nur er) wurde fr0her vom Papstum als Bef0rworter der Obser-
vanz bei den Franziskanern gewonnen. Der Erzbischof von Gran (Esztergom), spater Konig
Matthias und Thomas (Tamas) Bak6cz, in der Jagellonenzeit, waren Verteidiger der Franziska-
nischen Observanz. Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts haben wir auch Hinweise Ober die Tatigkeit
mehrerer italienischer papstlicher Legate, die die Reformation der Kloster betrieben haben.
Durch Kardinal Giuliano Cesarini, Eugens IV. Gesandter, wurden drei bedeutende Klos-
ter der konventualen Franziskaner reformiert, in Ofen, Pest und Neumarkt/ Mieresch (Targu
Mure9, Marosvasarhely). In Szeged hingegen, konnten die Konventualen trotz der Reforminitia-
tive ihr Kloster behalten. 1448 verordnete der Legat, Kardinal Juan de Carjaval, aufgrund des
Antrages des Gouverneurs Hunyadi und der Stande, dass mehrere Fraziskanerkloster in den
Kirche der Klausenburger Dominikaner], Magyar Sion (Budapest-Kolozsvar), IV (1866). 567. Es lohnt sich
die Ahnlichkeit zwischen der Verbreitung der Observanz und die Massnahmen zur Organisierung der Lehre
zu bemer1<en. Eben so wie es studium genera/e gab, wo Wissenschaftler ausgebildeten wurden, eben so
musste man in diesen Konventen MOnche ausbilden, fur die die reine monastiche Lebensweise wichtig war.
109
Maria Mako Lupescu
Stadten, die sich in die Hande van kirchlichen oder weltlichen Herr schern befanden '(
Lippa (Lipova), Debrecen, Sathmar (Szatmarnemeti, Satu Mare)), reformiert werden36y
Letztendlich hatten die Observanten nur ·1n der Residenzstadt des Erzbischofs
Reform verteidigte, Erfolg. In den anderen Fallen konnten die Konventualen (z.B. in Sz'
oder die Grundherren (z.B. in Debrecen) die Obergabe der Kloster verhindern. 37 Diei
gabe bedeutete eigentlich den Aufruf des Erzbischofs urn Annahme der observant
geln van den Monchen, sonst wurde den Monchen die Raumung in Aussicht gestellt. ,
Anderer seits gelangten im ganzen 15. Jahrhundert in Rom mehrere solcher Anti'·
die Reformierung van Klostern, wo der Antragsteller ein Marktflort oder ein Grundherr
das Klostergelande besssen. 1451 bat der siebenbOrgische Wojwod Nikolaus (Miklos)'
Nikolaus V. um Erlaubnis, dass das konventuale Franziskanerkloster, auf seinem Erb
sirmischen llok (Ujlak), wegen der Vernachlassigung der Berufung seitens der Monch
38
Observanten zu Obergeben. Die eigentliche Obernahme 1455 statt, dann auch nur:;
den personlichen Beitrag des Heiligen Johannes (Giovanni) von Kapestran (Capestran
Es ist kein Wunder, dass durch solche hervorragende BefOrworter die observanten F'
kaner immer mehrere Kloster bekamen oder grOndeten. Auch der Dominikanerorden/
Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts ahnliche Ergebnisse ein, die wir im Weiteren besprechen ·
Der Ursprungsort der von Johannes Hunyadi betriebenen Reforrnbewegung kann

ser Wahrscheinlichkeit mil Wien in Verbindung gebracht. Wie im Falle des Herman
Klosters, startete 1434 die Reformierung des Wiener Konventes aus Basel und NO[
Laut Harsany, feuerten die hier erzielten Ergebnisse auch die ungarischen Lande{
an, var alien Johannes Hunyadi, in der Unternehmung ernster Schritte auch in Unga("
Obwohl der Grund seiner Anwesenheit in Wien (Ende Februar-Anfang Marz 145
die Sache der Observanz der Dominikaner war, sondern Ladislas V. Befreiung40 , war"
Anlass, auch diese Observanz auf die Tagesordnung zu setzen. Es sieht so aus, das ·
Ladislas V. auch eine .,kleinerer Angelegenheit" zur Rede zwischen der Delegation d
41
rischen und 6sterreichischen Stande kam. Unter dieser ,,kleineren Angelegenheit''
wir versuchen, die Sache der Observanz der ungarischen Dominikaner zu verstehen'
In Hunyadis Supplikation vor dem 4. April, bat er, zusamrnen mit den Kirchenobe
und den Freiherren,Nikolaus V., dass dieser, zusammen mit dern Oberhaupt der Dami .
auch einen Vikar !Or die Reformierung der ungarischen Provinz zu senden. Er betont
ein solcher observanter Monch notwendig sei. Er konnte die Zerrottung des Ordens be
und die Manche auf den Weg der wahren Observanz leiten. 42 Hunyadi schrieb de111f
auch selbst und bat ihn, rnit einem kraftigeren Ton, dass der damalige Provinzial en
und ein solcher Vikar gesendet werde, der auch eine Autoritat innehaben und Anhan.
-,,
38
Zu seiner Mission: FRAKNOI Vilmos: Carvajal Janos bibornok magyarorszagi kovetsei(
1461 !Die ungarischen Sendungen des Kardinals Johann Carvajal 1448-1461]. Budapest 188 '
3
KARAcsONYI Janos: Szt Ferencz rendjenek tortenete Magyarorszagon 1711-ig. [Die G
des HI. Franziskus-Ordens in Ungarn bis 1711], I. Budapest 1922. 58-59, 331.
38
Ebenda. II. Budapest 1924. 175. .
39
FOGEDI Erik: Kapisztran6i Janos csodai. A jegyz6konyvek tarsadalomtorteneti tanul
Wunder des Johannes Kapestran. Die gesellschaftshistoeischen Lehren der Protokolle] In: DE
baratok, polgarok, nemesek. Tanulmanyok a magyar kozepkorr6I [Bettlermonche, Burger, A
dien zum ungarischen Mittelalter]. Budapest 1981. 34. Es sieht so aus, dass diese Tat van d
brOdern des Kapestran nicht mil guten Augen gesehen wurde (HOFER Johannes: Johannes
Ein Leben im Kampf um die Reform der Kirche, II. Heidelberg 19652 • 413).
40
ENGEL Pal: Hunyadi Janos kormanyz6 itinerariuma (1446-1452) [Johannes Hunyadis I_.
Reichsverweser. 1446-1452], Sz, CXVlll/5 (1984). 986.
41
HOMAN Balint-SzEKFO Gyula: Magyar tortenet [Ungarische Geschichte]. II. Budapest 19~
42
HA RSA NYI (wie Anm. 14): A Domonkos rend. 41. >r•
110
L Bruder Augustin van Agram (Zagreb) musste mOndlich den Papst Ober die je-
43
'informieren, die sich Hunyadi als Vikar des Dominikanerordens vorstellte.
r intervenierte aber nicht nur an hachster Stelle - beim Heiligen Stuhl - sondern
• auf einer niedrigeren, lokalen Ebene den Weg der Annahme der Observanz an.
chof Augustin van Raab den maglichen VerbOndeten. Er bat den Bischof, dass
weit er sich der Sache der Reformierung des Dominikanerordens anschliessen
:oberhaupt des Ordens zu schreiben, und weiter, falls er das als nOtzlich sah,
44
ardinal des Ordens zu schreiben, dass alle beim Heiligen Stuhl intervenieren. .
en nicht warum Hunyadis Entscheidung auf Augustin gefallen war. Wtr kennen
gebnis seines Eingreifens. Als erster Schritt bat der Bischof den Erzbischof van
cxgang offiziell einzuleiten. Das bedutete eigentlich die Einholung des Beitrages
45
ptes der Ungarischen Provinz Gleichzeitig schlug er var, dass die Refonmierung
h Ungarn mit der Vermittlung des Wiener Konventes stattfinden sollte.
lite Augustin seinen Sitz, das Rabber Kloster, reformieren und nannte den Na-
en, den er fOr diese Arbeit am geeignetesten hielt. Es war Leonardus a la Valle
onhard Huntpichler), Professor an der Universitat Wien, Dekan der theologischen
ie weiteren Ereignisse scheinen zu bestatigen, dass in diesem Punkt die Frage
gder Observanz in die Hande des Provinzials Andreas gelegen wurde. So war es
ss, Anfang April, der Graner Erzbischof Denes Szecsi und der Bischof van Raab
andten um seinen Beitrag zur Reformierung der Wiener Manche zu erhalten. Das
Raab, aber man wollte die Observanz Oberall verbreiten, woes maglich ware. 47
''ipzial Andreas, den Hunyadi versetzen wollte, sagte nach dem energischen
frnyadi und des Bischofs van Wien, Augustin, dem Start der Reformbewegung
ril 1452, gab er seinen Beitrag zur Einladung van Huntpichler und ihm die Macht,
nvente van Olen und Raab zu reformieren, und dann die restlichen Konvente.
''hider Manche /Ur die Reformierung beider Konvente nicht reichte, dann sollte
OPten tatig werden, weil dies das Haupt und das Herz des Landes ist. 48
;ll.pnl dem Papst unterbreitete Supplikation war auch erfolgereich. Nikolaus V. for-
. er Erzbischof auf, die Lebensweise der Kleriker, besonders die der Manche, zu
Scheinbar war der Provinzial Andreas mit der EinfOhrung der Observanz in der
rovinz einverstanden. Die anfanglich schwacheren Ergebnisse beweisen aber,
che nicht auf grosser Weise oder mit besonderer Begeisterung unterstotzte.
('Nie Anm. 14): A Domonkos rend. 41-42.

42. Zur Rolle der Kardinale als ·Befurworter der Orden, vgl. WALSH Katherine: Papal
J3_eform, RHM, XXII (1980). 105-145; HOFMEISTER Philipp: Die Kardinalprotektoren der
S, CXLII (1962). 425-464.
-~ifen Kardinals SzE!csi in die Reformbewegung war nlcht nur ein notwendiger, sondern
)e verheissender Schritt. Der energische Jurist und Erzbischof hatte schon im eigenen
~-: Er bemOhte sich fur den Kapitel entsprechend gebildete Chorherren zu ernennen,
jg~r hielt er die VViederherstellung der kirchlichen Disziplin. Er sendete Visitatoren aus
r9nstadt und Herrnannstadt), berief Synoden der Diozese und hielt besonders die Rechte
~r Kirche in Augen (!Or seine Personlichkeit, vgl. KUBINYI Andras: F6papok, egyhazi
v~llasossag a kozepkori Magyarorszagon [Hohepriester, kirchliche Einrichtungen und
_telalterlichen Ungarn]. Budapest, 1999. 139-145).
, :-,vie Anm. 14): A Domonkos rend. 43. Zur Karriere, vgl. FRANK lsnard W: Leonhard
f:1478), Theologieprofessor und Ordensreformer in Wien, AFP, XXXVI (1966). 313-
~.ti!<onziliaristische Dominikaner Leonhard Huntpichler (AOG, CXXXI). Wien 1976.
w1_eAnm. 14): A Domonkos rend. 43-44.
§"46.
eyelei, II. Nr. 1263.
111
Maria Mako Lupescu
Anders als im Falle Andreas, dessen Unterstotzung in dieser Richtung wir nicht k'
wissen wir mehr Ober den spateren Lektor, Agoston Zagrabi. Aus der Korresponder1
Thema kann man schlussfolgern, dass er von Beginn an begeisterter Anhanger der
gung war. Hunyadi, und der Graner Bischof Augustin hallen so viel Vertrauen in ihm, d
ihm lnformationen, als ausserst wichtig betrachtet, Obergaben, fur eine mOndliche Mitt
Die Sache der ObseNanz im Herzen tragend, bekam er, auf seinen Antrag, von
Silvius Piccolomini Empfehlungsschreiben fur den Paps! und die Oberhaupter der Ord·
grosse Humanist, der 1453 die Ergebnisse der Reform eine kargliche Stiftung (plant
pauperculae) nannte, halle Erfolg in der Unterstotzung der Reformbewegung aus Unga
Manche des Wiener Klosters konnen wir im darauffolgenden Jahr in Ungarn vortinden ..
Bever wir aber den weiteren Gang der Ereignisse schildern, mOssen wir eine w ·
Brief des damaligen Bischofes von Siena, Piccolomini, vom November 1453, an den
kanischen Ordenschef, Martialis Auribelli, betrachten. Der Bischof von Sienna empt
Wiener Manche als die heNorragendsten Manche, die fahig waren, die ObseNanz in _d
garischen Provinz einzufuhren, und wies auf die in Ungam, unlangst eingefahrten, ka
Stiftungen hin. so Auf ahnlicher Weise, verfasst er das auch in seinen Brief an Nikolaus
Diese Briefe erwahnen frOhere kargliche Stiftungen, also die vorherigen Versuche.G
gebnisse der Einfuhrung der ObseNanz. Man kann nicht ausgeschliessen, dass unter
herumtastenden Versuch der Einfuhrung der ObseNanz mil karglichen Ergebnissen die
vante Bewegung aus SiebenbOrgen verstanden wurde. Hier kann man als Resultat die
von Hermannstadt und Klausenburg nennen, die Anhanger einer strengeren Richtung
Huntpichler kam nur nach fast zwei Jahren nach Ungarn. Gegen Mille 1454, beg}'
Kaschau (Kosice, Kassa), auf Antrag der Anfuhrer der Stadt, die Reformierung des HI{
Klosters. Wir haben keine konkreten Angaben, wann das Ofener Kloster obseNant wur
wir die betonte Bille des Provinzials Andreas, laut der die Reformierung der Ordensh ··
dem Ofener Kloster (neu) beginnen rnusste, betrachten, konnen wir jedoch voraussetz
dieser Schrill vor Juni 1454 stattfand, vor Huntpichlers Ankunft, mit oder ohne seine ·
Man kann auch nicht ausschliessen, dass Huntpichlers Anwesenheit in Kaschau e
Meinung des Provinzialen Andreas, angesichts der Notwendigkeit der Reform, wider{
Letztendlich kam er nicht aufgrund der Einladung des Provinzialen nach Kaschau, s
wurde von der Stadtversarnmlung gerufen. Deswegen, abweichend von den ursprOci
Planen, kamm die Reformierung der Kloster von Olen oder Raab nicht mehr in Frage
Es sieht so aus, dass der Provinzial Andreas, auch wenn nicht offen, aber in ei
hOllten Form, die Tatigkeit der ObseNanten nicht gut angesehen hat. lnwieweit es · •
war, hat er Huntpichlers Einladung verzogert. Die Tatsache, dass die Reformarbeit in
nach zwei Jahren anfing, und nicht im zentralen Konvent der Provinz, konnte sich An_
der sozusagen die obseNanten Bestrebungen sabotiert hat, als einen kleinen Sieg am<'
Wir wissen wenig Ober die weitere Huntpichlers Tatigkeit. Sicher ist, dass, falls er_p
nicht Anfuhrer der Reformbewegung war, der General des Ordens ihn 1455 de iure zu ·
der obseNanten Dominikaner in Ungarn ernannte. 1457, als er abgegangen war, Ira
ner Stelle Jakob Richer, der vorher in der Reformierung der siebenbOrgischen Kloster t
wesen war. Er arbeitete als vicarius genera/is conventuum reformatorum Hungaria~/
Bischof der Walachei wurde, WOrde die mit der missionarischen Tatigkeit verbunden .
5
51
°FERRARIUS Sigismund: De rebus Hungariae Provinciae Ordinls Praedicatorum. Wien 1637.:-,
Ebenda. 589. ., '•
52
Es ist vorauszusetzen, dass die k8rglichen Stiftungen aus Ungarn, die Piccolomini erv1/ ·
auf die Kloster van Raab (Gyor) und Olen beziehen, deren Gewinnung fur die Observanz
Ende 1452 und Anfang 1453 festgesetzt werden kann. HARsANYI (wie Anm. 14): A Domonkos
112
enheit Huntpichlers in Ungarn isl nicht nur wegen der fur die Observanz ge-
ter bedeutend, sondern auch durch die ziernlich reiche Korrespondenz seines
onvents mil ihren Mitgliedern und den Generalen des Ordens. Diese klart die
der Reformierung auf. Scheinbar waren einerseits die Zulassung des Konigs,
53
ie der F0hrung des Ord ens fur die Anbahnung der Bewegung notwendig.
·ortung des Provinzials war nicht unbedingt notwendig fur die Reformatoren,
• · sich als n0tzlich. Das Beispiel des Provinzialen Andreas weist darauf hin, wie
''n einer solchen Befurwortung, in dem gegebenen Fall, die Verbreitung der Ob-
ern oder hindern kann. Andererseits ware es verfehlt zu glauben, dass auch
hrangigen Unterst0tzern die Reformarbeit ohne Hindernisse ablaufen konnte.
lltualen sahen die Observanten nicht mit guten Augen. Auch das weltliche Pries-
·erte mehrmals die Arbeit. Die Konventualen hatten einfach weggehen konnen,
n Observanten nicht anschliessen wollten. Mil dem weltlichen Priestertum gab
·;vor der Observanz Zwistigkeiten. Jetzt nahm deren lntensitat zu.
ein Zufall, wenn wir daran denken, dass die Observanz die Wichtigkeit der stren-
. der Regeln betonte, also auch diejeniger die das Predigen betrafen. Dieser
er von der Seelsorge untrennbar. Moglicherweise war es kein Zufall, dass in
~lfte des 15. Jahrhunderts, in der BIOtezeit der Observanz, die Streitigkeiten zwi-
54
nchen und den Vertretern des weltlichen Priestertums immer haufigerwurden
):u den Schlussfolgerungen treten, lohnt es sich den Fall der zwei siebenb0rgi-
nerkloster wieder zu erwahnen. 1447, nachdem Richer Siebenb0rgen verliess,
rmannstadter und vieleicht das Klausenburger Kloster als observant. 1455 er
.Elllen die Kloster von Kronstadt und Schassburg als observant. Sehr wahrschein-
, ;,,usgesiedlten Monche des Hermannstader Klosters verantwortlich fur die Ver-
llservanz in den anderen zwei Klostern der sachsischen Stadte (1447-1454).
hein nach, genossen diese Monche Hunyadis Unterstotzung im Laufe dieser
nicht auszuschliessen, dass 1455, als der ehemalige Staathalter 10 Silbermark
szins dem Kronstadter HI. Peter und Paulus Kloster verlieh, durch diesen Ent-
55
1ch den erfolgreichen Obertritt des Klosters zur Observanz belohnte.
.h geneigt, die Obertretung zur Observanz des Klausenburger Klosters mit der
,;gepragt von Hunyadis Namen, in Verbindung zu bringen. Der Eintrag im ln-
09, laut der dieser Konvent der erste reformierte war, isl von keinen ander Quelle
ein Verfasser begn0gte sich das einfach anzufuhren, ohne es zu detaillieren.
viEll akzeptabler scheint fur mich die Voraussetzung, dass die Verleihung,
56
•~yadis, von 50 Gulden jahrlich in Salz, aus der Salzkammer des Kreises , fur
der Kloster HI. Maria und HI. Anton und fur die Bed0rfnisse der Dominikaner
elohnung ihrer Gewinnung an der Seite der Observanz darstellte.
,a,nend, dass auch Johannes Hunyadis Sohn, Konig Matthias, in seine Fuss-
. ,d den Observanten - gleichwohl Dominikanern und Franziskanern - standige
{wie Anm. 14): A Domonkos rend. 51-52.

i~I wurde ich den Fall Klausenburgs eiwahnen, wain den 1460er Jahren emste Zwistig
\d~m lokalen Pfarrer und der DominikanerbrOderschaft um die Begrabnisse ausbrachen
u Maria: Egy konfliktus marg6jara: a vilagi papsag es a domonkosok kapcsolatai a
iiron [Bez0glich eines Konflikts: die Beziehungen zwischen das stadtische Plarrer amt
> ,ner]. In: Ora•e •i ara.eni. Varosok es varoslak6k [Stadte und B0rger], herausgegeben
._u\,fLOREA Carmen- PAL Judit, R0sz-FOGARASI Enik6. Cluj [Klausenburg] 2006).
09,
J.~t•Okleveltar Kolazsvar tortenete els6 kotetehez [Urkundenbuch zum ersten Band der
_enburgs]. I. Buda 1870.191. Fejer, X-1. 218-219. Ub., V. Nr. 2999. ENlZ (wie Anm. 3):
113
MBria Mak6 Lupescu
57
und sichere materielle Unterstotzungen zukommen liess. Diese wuden im grossen Masse
von den Konventen genutzt, weil in fastjedem Fall sehr aktive neue Bauarbeiten stattfanden.
Schlussfolgerung
Die Reform des Dominikanerordens aus dem 15. Jahrhundert land in mehreren Wellen
stat! und verursachte tiefgehende Veranderungen im organisatorischen, geistlichen und spiri-
tuellen Leben des Ordens. Die als obseNant genannte Reform erschien in Ungarn in den
1440er Jahren, und wurde von den Mitgliedern zweier Kloster, Basel und Wien, die schon fur
die ObseNanz gewonnen waren, gestartet. Es war wichtig, dass es in dieser Phase der Bedarf
an einer Ordensreform von aussen kam. Der grosse Unterstotzer der ObseNanz war Eugen
IV., der, wegen ausseren Ursachen, die Reformbewegung auf dem Gebiet Ungarns startete.
Im lnneren der ungarischen Ordensjurisdiktion fingen die Anhanger der strengeren Rich-
tung zuerst in Siebenb0rgen Fuss. Sie konnten bedeutendere Erfolge erzielen, als sie in der
Verwirklichung der reformistischen Bestrebungen, neben den Vertretern der kirchlichen Macht,
auch von denen der weltlichen unterstotzt wurden. In dieser Phase der ungarischen Geschichte
der obseNanten Bewegung der Dominikaner, spielte auch Johannes Hunyadi eine Rolle. Er
hat aber mehr getan als nur die ObseNanz zu befOrworten. Sein erfolgreiches Eingreifen bei
in- und aussenlandischen Behorden, verhalf den karglichen Plantationen wieder zu erbl0hen.
Die Verbreitung der obseNanten Bewegung wird dadurch bewiesen, dass zwischen 1474-
1525 die Oberhaupter des Dominikanerordens aus den Reihen der ObseNanten stammen.
Das isl ein offenbares Zeichen der Bedeutung der Befolger der strengeren Richtung am Ende
des Mittelalters. Wir m0ssen auch beachten, dass in der zweiten Phase der Reform, auch die
schon obseNant gewordenen Kloster des Landes, neben den auslandischen agiert haben.
Hunyadis Ansehen und W0rde trugen im grossen Masse dazu bei, dass schon im 15. Jahr
hundert die ObseNanz zu einem irreversiblen Vorgang wurde, der in den nachsten Jahrzehn-
ten die Karte der Ungarischen Provinz bedeutend umgestaltete. Seine Arbeit wurde van Sohn
Matthias CoNinus fortgesetzt, welcher in der Fachliteratur auch als der Reform verpfiichtet er
58
wahnt wird. Der erste grosse Vertreter der Hunyadis wurde und wird auch heute mit huldi-
genden Z0gen erwahnt. Meiner Meinung nach, dart der T0rkenbesieger, der unschlagbare
Feldherr, der Verteidiger des Christenheit auch Unterstotzer der ObseNanz genannt werden.
57
Die Schenkung des Vaters zugunsten der Dominikaner wurde von K6nig Matthias zweimal,
(1462,1467), bestatigt (Ub., VI. Nr. 3276, 3530). 1462 wurde die Schenkung van 10 Silbermark tor den
Daminikanerkanvent aus Kranstadt um 2 Mark vermehrt (Ebenda. 126-127).
58
1478 liess Matthias den Budweiser Konvent reformieren. Unter den bedeutenden Kl6ster die in
die Hande der Observanten gelangt waren, zahlte sein 1467 aus das van Stuhlweissenburg. nhse,va,,t
wurden auch die Kloster van Pest, Gran, Eisenburg (Vasvar), Grosswardein, F0nfkirchen (Pees)
andere (MALvusz (wie Anm. 7): Egyhazi tarsadalam. 295).
114
Notes critiques sur l'histoire de l'Eg/ise de Moldavie au XV siecle
Dan loan Mure,;;an

Ecole des Hautes Eludes
en Sciences Sociales
Paris
La nature des sources de l'histoire ecclesiastique du Mayen Age roumain est telle qu'un
historien ne peut se contenter ~'approches partielles. Les sources internes se limitent le plus
souvent au cote materiel de l'Eglise, et encore de maniere tres fragmentaire. Les sources
exterieures ne concernent que rarement de maniere directe les Principautes roumaines.
Cela montre les limites des entreprises, par ailleurs Ires louables et utiles, des grandes col-
lections sur lesquelles la recherche roumaine se fonde usuellement (Hurmuzaki, FHDR ou
Ciiliiton). II arrive bien souvent que le fragment concernant l'espace roumain perde son sens
feel une fois extrait de !'ensemble original. Cette precaution est encore plus necessaire dans
le cas des documents regardant les relations du Patriarcat cecumenique avec les Valachies.
Une fois que Darrouzes a demontre que les manuscrits de Vienne, publies par Miklosich
t MOiier, n'etaient pas des simples recueils de documents, mais le Regis/re officiel du Patriar-
··· t, qui refletaient l'activite administrative de rutine de la Grande Eglise, le sens des docu-
ents concernant les metropoles de Valachie et Moldavie s'est entierement modifie. Cela a
e prouve apres l'achevement de la monumentale entreprise des Reges/es (1991). C'est ce
i a rendu neces saire la nouvelle edition des manuscrits, avec le soin de mettre justement
evidence la preeminence de !'ensemble, concernant l'activite patriarcale envers le reste
corps ecclesiastique. Les choses s'accelererent avec la decouverte et la publication de
1
elques actes originaux provenant de !'equivalent post-byzantin du Regis/re (1474-1498) .
Tout etait des lors a repenser au rythme de ce renouvellement majeur des eludes byzan-
es dans le domaine ecclesiastique. Ce qui nous a oblige de renverser radicalement le sens
['analyse de ces rapports, afin de regarder les choses depuis !'institution creatrice de la
tructure hierarchique de l'Eglise orthodoxe de meme qu'emettrice de la majorite des docu-
ents utilises. Par ce changement de perspective ii fallait arriver a voir les choses, avant de
ger sur elles, du point de vue de la Grande Eglise elle-meme. Dans notre these, de/endue
_l'EHESS (Le Patriarcat cecumenique et /es Principautes roumaines aux XIV'-XVf' siecles.
roil nomocanonique et ideologie politique, 2005), nous sommes parti de !'analyse du mes-
ge ideologique exprime dans le Syntagma alphabetique de Matthieu Blastares, qui parvint
un statut de code quasi-officiel du Patriarcat, pour considerer ensuite la politique d'ensem-
de la Grande Eglise envers toutes les autres Eglises du sud-est europeen. Cela a permis
uvent de comprendre de maniere assez differente la place de cette institution dans
istoire et la pensee roumaines a la fin du Mayen Age et au debut de l'epoque moderne.
, Un auteur d'autres bards a change recemment de preoccupations pour produire plu-
~urs contributions portant sur l'histoire de l'Eglise de Moldavie au XV' siecle. Deux d'entre
, s nous concernent directement. Dans un premier temps, ii s'est interesse a la question
· !'apparition de la deuxieme metropole du pays, avec son siege a Roman2 . En second lieu,
1
Reges/es, I, 1-7; PRK, 1-111; Jean Darrouzes, Le regis/re synodal du Pa/riarcat byzantin au XIV'
le. Elude paleographique et diplomatique, Paris, 1971; Dimtris G. Apostolopoulos, 'O ·r.pd, K,Mll -rou
I
ictpx,rn:iu I
Kwvirn::tV7J1•owroA.:w, <rro ~' µ;a-oI 'rou IE' oowvct.
I I
Ta. p.avct. '}Vw/J71:lI 0'7ll'tflct:)p.ttnt,
I
t enes, 1992.
Ah"
2
Liviu Pilat, «Sihastrul Sava, Stefan al II-lea §i intemeierea mitropoliei de Roman» [L'errnite Sava,
nne II et la fondation de la Metropolie de Roman], SMIM, XXIII, 2005, p. 23-40.
Dan loan Mure~an
ii s'est occupe des questions plus generales concemant les rapports entre le spirituel et le
3
porel . Le caractere incitant de ses propositions rend evidemment necessaire une discw;sicm
approfondie. Nous allons diviser thematiquement notre approche, en essayant de M,-nn,·on~ 0~
les demonstrations de l'auteur et les nouveautes qu'il apporte a l'historiographie du sujet.
serons attentifs non seulement aux preuves materielles, mais aussi a la conception uu,manr
ses arguments. Nous apporterons quelques complements et suggererons d'autres exIJlrca-
tions possibles. Nous tenterons enfin une evaluation d'ensemble de ces contributions.
I. L'elevation au rang de metropole de l'eveche de Roman
Pour eviler de tourner en rond, ii est essentiel d'attaquer un probleme sous l'angle
plus avantageux. Pour expliquer la genese de l'independance des Etats-Unis d'Amerique,
on ne commencera pas par !'invention du parafoudre par Franklin, mais par !'analyse de
litterature illuministe des Colonies. Egalement, lorsqu'on s'adresse a la naissance d'une
tropole orthodoxe on s'interessera primordialement au droit metropolitain byzantin. Conce,r-
nant une question de juridiction et une institution qui se fonde sur une hierarchie
formee a !ravers plus d'un millenaire d'evolution et de reflexion, ii est imperieux de partir du
general vers le particulier. Qu'est-ce qu'une metropole? En quoi est-elle similaire et en quoi
est-elle differente d'un eveche? Qui cree la metropole et sous quelles conditions?
***
II est assez intrigant de voir que, pour parler de la fondation de la metropole de Roman
on choisit comme point de depart un ermite plutot obscure nomme Sava. Un ermite, fOt-il un
saint, n'est pour rien dans la procedure compliquee de la fondation d'une metropole. En
bonne logique ii aurait fallu par proceder depuis la source de la hierarchie dans l'Eglise: le
Patriarcat de Constantinople. Les deux eludes que l'on discute ne donnent du Patriarcat
qu'une representation tout au plus floue lorsqu'elle n'est pas entierement faussee.
L. Pilat commence par une demonstration assez amphigourique de l'identite entre un cer-
tain Nicandru, moine au monastere de Neam\ dont on fail mention dans l'obituaire (pomelnic)
du monastere de Bistri\a, et un certain moine Sava qui acheta un vignoble a un Andrica de
Neam\ (1443). Le point de rapprochement entre eux serait une note sur le verso du document
d'achat garanti par l'acte du prince Etienne ($tefan) II de Moldavie, qui parle sechement du
vignoble de Nicandnu. Le raisonnement s'envole et de ces elements epars, on conclut4 :
Nous avons afaire a un moine de Neamf Nicandru, qui renonce au mode de vie cenobitique
a la faveur de la vie idiorylhmique, et qui, apres avoir prit le grand habit, s'appel/era Sava.
a
Ainsi /'inscription dans l'obituaire est anterieure /'annee 1443, a /'epoque ou Nicandru se
trouvait encore dans ce monastere ....
On remarquera combien ces deductions sont excessives. II est improbable de postuler
dans toute la Moldavie ii n'y avail qu'un seul Nicandru, dont parleraient a la fois l'obituaire
Bistri\a et cet autre document conserve par hasard. D'ailleurs, que Nicandru change
nom en Sava est encore improbable pour le fail que dans la tradition monastique orientale
le nom du moine commence avec la premiere initiale du nom de bapteme, les ex,:e,,tiorns
etant rarissimes (Bessarion s'appelait dans le siecle, Basile, Marc Eugenikos -
Gennadios Scholarios - Georges, tandis que Georges Sphranzes devint le moine Gregoire).
Un peu de logique nous sera utile. Si Nicandru avail change son nom en Sava, la note
sur le verso du document, logiquement posterieure a !'emission du privilege princier, aurait
3
Idem, «Bisericii ~i putere in Moldova in a doua jumatate a secolului XV» [Eglise et pouvoir en
Moldavie dans la deuxieme moitie du XV' siecle], AP, I, 2005, 1, p. 133-150.
4
DRH, A, I, no. 241: L. Pilat, «Sihastrul Sava», p. 23-24.
116
Notes critiques
0 parler du vignob/e de Sava, car Etienne II confirme l'achat a ce dernier et non pas a
icandru. Mais puisque la note parle bien du vignob/e de Nicandru le sens du document est
ut simplement que Sava acheta un vignoble qui avait ete possede depuis si temps par un
icandru qu'il avait fini a porter dans la conscience collective son nom. Notons de plus que
icandru (Nikandros) n'est qu'une forme plus litteraire d'Andronic (Andronikos), et done
rsque le document precise que Sava acheta le vignoble a Andrica - et non pas a Andreica,
n derive d'Andre - ii faut y voir un diminutif d'Andronic. Concluons done, avec les editeurs
u document, qu'en realite, Sava a achete ce vignoble a Nicandru lui-meme .
5
Un obituaire fait par definition mention des noms des personnes decedees. Affirmant
·ue !'insertion du nom Nicandru dans l'obituaire daterait avant son depart du monastere de
eamt en 1443, Pilat ignore entierement que la formule Souviens-toi, Seigneur, des ames de
es servfteurs est la marque specifique d'un diptyque des marts, une question elementaire de
6
urgique byzantine . Les noms qui y apparaissent sont les noms que les personnes portaient
ste avant leur mort, et cela d'autant plus dans le cas d'un moine qui a change de nom en
renant l'habit angelique. Lorsque le metropolite Gheorghe (1478-1508) prend avant sa mort
grand schema sous le nom de David, Ureche parle de la mort du metropolite David, sans
ute en se fondant sur un ancien obituaire7. Si Nicandru s'etait vraiment fail appeler Sava,
aurait dO apparaitre dans l'obituaire sous ce dernier nom. L'absence de tout personnage
omme Sava dans /'Obituaire de Bistri\a refute definitivement l'identite entre les deux.
Pourquoi de telles complications? Paree que l'auteur a absolument besoin d'etablir un
pport entre deux personnages dont on ne sait pas grand-chose: le moine Sava et le metro-
olite Caliste de Roman (f/oruit 1445-?). Fonder des recherches sur une foi aveugle dans
s obituaires est risque. Ce type de source ne transmet guere autre chose que des simples
enoms. Qui plus est, !'edition dont on se sert n'est pas exempte de problemes serieux de
blication. Brei, lorsqu'on s'avance sur ce type de terrain, c'est mieux de rester prudent'.
· C'est un peril que l'auteur n'a pas affronte impunement. L'Obituaire met en proximite, sans
ablir aucune autre connexion, seulement un certain Caliste et un certain Nicandru (Rappelle-
k Seigneur, des ames de tes serviteurs: [... ], de Caliste, de Nicandru. Dans une deuxieme
rsion, entre les noms de Caliste et le nom de Nicandru sont interposes les noms d'encore
9
uatre moines, ce qui montre que le rapport entre les deux est plutot aleatoire .
L'identite de ce Caliste avec le metropolite de Roman du meme nom est seulement une
ssibilite, non une necessite. Observons que si les auteurs de la liste prennent soin de
.eciser la qualite de hieromoine d'un certain Vasile, ils aurait dO d'autant plus le faire pour
qualite de metropolite et archeveque de Caliste. On est dans un monde ou la preseance
· · ait, et dans les milieux ecclesiastiques plus que d'autres, la place la plus importante.
5
•' DRH, A, I, p. 435, 482 (index); voir le cas d'Andronic le Nonce, emissaire de la confratemite grec-
de Venise au pape Paul Ill pour obtenir !'exemption de l'autorite papale, l'auteur d'un fameux livre de
a~e publie comme Nicandre de Corcyre (Voyages, edites par Jules Albert de Foucault, Paris, 1962).
Sihas/rul Sava, p. 24; voir lil-dessus les explications de Robert F. Taft, A History of/he Uturgy of St.
n7Chrysostom. IV. The Diptychs (=OCA, CCXXXVIII), Rome, 1991, p. 95-120 (111, 117 en particulier).
Y Nicolae M. Popescu, «Gheorghe-David, mitropolitul Moldovei (t1508, aprilie 1)» [Georges-David,
tropolite de la Moldavie (t 1" Avril 1508)], BOR, LIV, 1936, 1-2, p. 1-13.
C' Damian P. Bogdan, Pomelnicu/ miiniislirii Bistri/a [L'obituaire du monastere de Bistrija], Bucarest,
1; Petre Caraman, «Cum nu trebuiesc editate vechile manuscrise slavo-romane» [Com me ii ne faut
_s editer les anciens manuscripts slavo-roumains], Rd!S, I, 1996, p. 563-591, 11-111, 1997-1998, p. 479-
.. ; Tout ce que l'on connait positivement de Caliste se reduit au document du 30 septembre 1445
,.RH, A, I, no. 259, p. 367) et ii la pierre tombale, decouverte ii Neamj (1961), avec !'inscription slavon-
}Le tombeau de noire pere kyr Calliste, l'archeveque de Mo/dov/achie ... dans /'annee ... (voir llarie
,-«Un ierarh moldovean, cu nume!e de Calist, Ynmormantat la manastirea Neamt» [Un pr8Iat mol-
e, du nom de Calliste, enterre au monastere de Neamtl, MMS, XLVI, 1970, 1-2, p. 66-75).
Pomelnicu/, pp. 88-89.
117
Dan loan Mure~an
II n'en est rien. Le nom Caliste n'est distingue par aucune marque. Soyons entendus:
nous ne contestons pas la possibilite, mais des preuves supplementaires devraient etre pro-
duites. Autrement, sans un critere plus rigoureux, ii est possible qu'a l'avenir le texte en
cause soil transforme en veritables fastes episcopaux de la «hierarchie parallele» de Roman.
Pour mieux expliquer !'apparition de la metropole de Roman, !'auteur suppose a son on-
gine l'activite d'un petit groupe charismatique, reunissant autour de Sava Etienne II et Caliste.
Fonde sur un simple acte de vente-achat, on parle dans ces termes de Sava: cela signifie
que /'on se trouve devant «un saint vivant», «un specialiste du surnaturel», un moine hesy-
chaste avec vocation de maitre spiritue/, mais aussi de thaumaturge 1°. Esperons !'auteur
prepare !'edition critique des ceuvres inedites du saint Sava, de meme qu'une ha,aioar,mh,i"'
ecrite par un de ses disciples. Faute de quoi, tout ceci n'est qu'une simple div,,gation
qu'une simple note d'obituaire n'implique pas un rapport special entre Caliste
qu'entre Sava et Nicandru n'est qu'un lien factice, on ne peut rien dire de certain d'un rap-
prochement entre Sava (le confesseur du prince) et Caliste (le metropolite).
Nous avons pris le temps de deconstruire la demonstration de L. Pilat qui repose a
l'origine de l'enquete en question pour deux raisons. D'un cote, parce qu'une methode de
travail bien particuliere s'y met a nu, et de l'autre pour faire voir que l'on peut s'occuper
choses plut6t sophistiquees, sans maitriser les concepts de base. Commencer en effet par
inventer un saint avant de proposer une nouvelle theorie sur les origines de la metropole de
Roman c'est avouer le besoin d'un miracle pour la rendre credible. Avec un titre qui n'est
q'un trompe l'ceil, !'article de L. Pilat ne peut finir qu'en queue de poisson.
***
Le lecteur sera vile surpris par le style volontairement «revisionniste» d'un auteur qui
n'a pas assez de dedain pour a peu pres taus ceux qui se son! occupe du sujet avant lui,
qui n'ont fail que se tramper, faire des confusions ou se laisser en proie a la fantaisie la plus
debordante. Avec un standard eleve d'emblee aussi haut, venons-en done a !'apparition de la
metropcle de Roman. Apres avoir monter une theorie sur, on cite, un aspect plut6t banal, ii can-
sidere que la controverse ne se doit pas a des sources contradictoires, mais, en premier lieu,
a la perspective erronee et a la superficialite avec /es sources ant ete interpretee. Les
miers caupables: Scar1at Porcescu, qui ecrit une premiere monographie en 1941 et une deux-
ieme edition en 1984, et Petre :;,. Nasturel, qui a faurni la piece centrale de la discussion11 .
Pilat est decide d'en finir avec la superstition medievale selon laquelle le progres de la sci-
ence vient du travail des nains juches sur des epaules des geants. Pour lui, on voit bien, c'est
le cantraire qui est vrai. Selan lui, la metropole de Roman appara1t ex nihilo en 1436, a !'inten-
tion du metropolite Calist cansacre probablement au meme moment a Byzance. Pour ce faire,
ii doit mettre en cause qu'un eveche ait deja ete fonde a Roman sous le regne d'Alexandre
{Alexandru) I". C'est ce que l'on pensait sur la foi d'une affinmation de la chronique d'Ureche.
Bien sOr, ii est toujours indique de questionner la credibilite des sources, mais ii faut
avoir les bonnes raisons de le faire. Dans !'occurrence, tout ce que nous apporte !'auteur est
la demonstration de Carol Auner sur le manque de valeur historique des informations de la
chronique sur le Concile de Florence. Et d'en conclure que: la situation est valable ega/ement
pour ce cas et je rn'etonne pourquoi /es historians n'ont pas regarde d'un reil critique Jes
«conies de fees» inserees par Misail Calugarul''. C'est aller un peu trap vile.
10
L. Pilat, «Sihastrul Sava», pp. 24, 39.
11
S. Porcescu, Episcopia Romanului in seco/ul XV [L'eveche de Roman au XV' siecle], Bucarest,
1941; Idem, Episcopia Romanului, Roman, 1984; P.$. Nasturel, «Un temoignage byzantin sur la
metrofole de Roman (Moldavie)», RER, XV, 1975, p. 198-202; L. Pilat, «Sihastrul Sava», p. 25.
1
Ureche (1958), p. 76; L. Pilat, «Sihastrul Sava», pp. 25-26.
118
Notes critiques
Le fait qu'une chronique interne puisse se trornper sur des evenernents de grande poli-
tique ecclesiastique europeenne ne saurait remettre automatiquement en cause sa valeur
paur les realites du pays. Or le texte d'ou est tiree cette information est remarquable. II assigne
a Alexandre I" la fondation de deux monasteres, Bistri\a et Moldovi\a, !'invention des reliques
de Saint Jean le Nouveau, enfin la fondation de la metropole de Suceava par l'appel au Patri-
arcat de Constantinople. Toutes ces activites du prince sont bien documentees par ailleurs,
avec cette precision pres qu'a Alexandre I" l'on doit non la fondation en tant que telle de la me-
13
tropale, mais la solution de la crise de 1395-1401 et la reconciliation avec la Grande Eglise .
C'est toute de suite apres que l'interpolateur d'Ureche lui attribue la fondation des
eveches de Roman (pour le Bas Pays de la Moldavie) et de Radau\i (pour le Haut Pays) .
. Enfin, ii precise que les eveques furent honores en etant sis dans le conseil princier a la
droite du prince, avant les autres dignitaires. Quant a l'eveche de Radauti, le document
emis par Alexandre 1•' le 6 juillet 1413 montre son existence a l'epoque. Le prince y fait don
du village de Co\mani, a sa belle-mere Anastasia, en ordonnant qu'apres la mart de celle-ci
ii revienne a l'eveche de Radau/i [ ... ] afin que le saint eveche jouisse de leurs revenus pour
tetern1/e. Toutes les autres affirmations du fragment etant confirmees par d'autres sources,
14
/es historiens avaient fait confiance aussi a ses affirmations sur l'eveche de Roman .
Dans quel sens pouvait etre considere le prince comme fondateur de la metropole et des
deux eveches? Apres la solution de la crise avec le Patriarcat, une question urgente fut de re-
glementer le statut des suffragants de la metropole. Le metropolite de Suceava avait des le de-
ut deux suffragants, qui apparaissent pendant la crise de 1395-1401: Joseph (losif}, eveque
d'Asprokastron, et Meletios, sur un siege non specifie. La structure ecclesiastique devant se
;plier sur la structure administrative, ii faut supposer que la reorganisation de l'Etat moldave
/par Alexandre I" eat comme effet !'installation des suffragants a Roman et a Radau\i.
Toute cette activite d'Alexandre I" eel Bun (le Bon, le Juste) ne pouvait se realiser qu'avec
le concours du Patriarcat de Constantinople, avec qui ii entretint les meilleurs relations, on y ac-
cueillant en 1416 le nouveau metropolite grec, Macaire de Poleanina, designe par Manuel II
Paleologue et consacre par le patriarche Joseph 11 15. Malheureusement, le cote byzantin de
l'affaire nous est desormais mains connu, car le Regis/re patriarcal s'arrete a 1402. Notons
."ici un aspect jusqu'a present ignore de la juridiction patriarcale dans les Pays Roumains. Le
canon 28 du Concile de Chalcedoine (451) accordait au siege de Constantinople, la Nou-
velle Rome, ville imperiale, les memes prerogatives qu'a l'ancienne Rome, et le second lieu
16
parmi les patriarcats. Son autorite comportait neanmoins deux niveaux d'exercice :
... /es metropohlains des dioceses du Pont, de /'Asie [proconsulaire] et de la Thrace, et eux
seuJs, ainsi que Jes eveques des parlies de ces dioceses occupes par [ou se situant chez}
les bamares, seront sacres par le saint siege de l'Eglise de Constantinople; bien entendu, /es
metropo/itains des dioceses mentionnes sacreront regulierement avec !es eveques de teur
provinces Jes nouveaux eveques de chaque province, sefon Jes prescriptions des canons,
13
Cf. en dernier $tefan Andreescu, «The Metropole of Halicz and the bishopric of Asprokastron. A
few considerations», EBPB, IV, 2001, p. 149.
14
DRH, A, I, no. 35, p. 49-50.
Syropoulos (1971), p. 100-104; Emilian C. Popescu, «Complements et rectifications a l'histoire
15
_de l'Eglise de Moldavie a la premiere moitie du XV' siecle», dans Idem, Christiani/as Daco-Romana.
Florife[Jium Studionum, Bucarest, 1994, p. 461-464.
1
\ Perikles-Pierre Joannou Discipline generate anlique (IV'-IX' siec/es), 1-1, Les canons des Conciles
mcumeniques (IV'-IX' siec/es), Grottaferrata, 1962, p. 90-93; sur la difficulte de traduction de ce passage:
Gilbert Dagron, Naissance d'une cap1/ale. Constantinople et ses insh/utions de 330 a 451, Paris, 1974,
p. 483-484. Dagron propose comme sens originaire: ainsi que /es eveques en terres bamares qui re-
/event des dioceses indiques ci-dessus. Chaque epoque reinterprete le sens de ce canon.
119
Dan loan Mure§an
tandis que, comme ii vient d'etre dit, Jes metropofitains de ces dioceses doivent etre sacres
par /'archevi!que de Constantinople, apres l'e/eclion concordante faite de la maniere accou-
tumee et notifiee au siege de celui-ci.
Distinction est faite entre un droit juridictionnel exerce sur le territoire des trois dioceses ci-
viles et qui agissait seulement au niveau des metropoles et un droit soustracti~ territorialement
bien plus large, exerce dans le territoire chez /es barbares, ou aucun autre patriarcat n'avait de
droits, et ou l'autorite patriarcale s'exerc;ait jusqu'au niveau des eveches. En interpretant la
signification des eveches en tois barbarikois au x11• siecle, Balsamon indique qu'il s'agissait
d'Alania et Rh6ssia. Blastares affirrne egalement que le patriarche de Constantinople est auto-
rise a consacrer les eveques parmi les peuples barbares, a savoir les Alains et les Russes17•
II resulte de la une difference essentielle entre la metropole de Valachie et la metropole
de Moldavie. La premiere avail ete creee par la translation de la metropole de Vicina, situee
dans le territoire de l'ancien diocese de Thrace (1359). Tandis que la deuxieme fut creee en
tois barbarikois, par la separation - on ignore dans quels termes, l'acte de fondation etant per-
du - d'un territoire ecclesiastiquement attache a la metropole de la Mikras Rhossias (Halici).
Qui plus est, la Moldavie avail incorpore vers le milieu du XIV" siecle une puissante forma-
tion politique d'Alains (/as), qui etait depuis 1308 en rapports avec l'Empire byzantin 18 .
C'est ainsi qu'a l'origine le nom de la metropole etait de Rh6ssovlachia. Cette difference
est a reveler car elle correspondait a des competences bien plus larges du Patriarcat dans le
cas de la Moldavie. Ce n'est pas par hasard qu'au XIV" siecle, tant que la difference etait bien
pergue, tous les documents provenant du Patriarcat touchent seulement les questions des me-
tropolites de Valachie, alors qu'ils touchent directement les eveques moldaves Joseph et
Meletios. Le Patriarcat detenait un droit de regard qui lui perrnettait de s'impliquer activement
dans les echelons inferieurs de l'Eglise de Moldavie. La crise de 1395-1401 nous revele de la
sorte arriver a Constantinople non seulement le metropolite chasse Jeremie, mais aussi un
dignitaire qui offre au Patriarcat ses monasteres prives comme stauropegies, le pr6topope du
pays et un pretre, qui appellent a la sollicitude du patriarche comme a leur pasteur directe.
Ainsi ii est injuste de taxer S. Porcescu et P.$. Nasturel de superficia/ite et de construc-

tions imaginaires. Ces deux connaisseurs des structures ecclesiastiques byzantines on! !res
bien compris un principe de base. Un eveche est le siege d'un eveque, ce qui le rattache au
domaine sacramentaire fonde sur la transmission apostolique, tandis qu'une metropole est
une institution relevant du domaine juridictionnel, administratif du rapport de l'Eglise avec le
milieu exterieur, politique. En consequence de quoi, par definition, une metropole n'est qu'un
eveche eleve en rang pour marquer le prestige politique de la ville ou ii siege. A l'origine,
dans les villes de l'Empire romain ii n'y avail que des eveques. Les eveques siegeant dans
les capitales des dioceses (metropoles) ont commence a etre nommes metropolites. Dans
la juridiction initiale du Patriarcat (Jes dioceses de Thrace, de Pont et d'Asie) ii n'y avait que
17
PG, CXXXVII, col. 485C; CXLIV, col. 1281 AB; John Meyendorff, «Balsamon, the Empire and
the Barbarians», dans Byzance au Xlf siecle. Omit canonique, pouvoir et societe (edite par Nikos
Oikonomides), Athenes, 1991, p. 533-542; sur la question generale de l'Eglise missionnaire a partir de
Byzance: Vittorio Peri, «Le Chiese nell'lmpero e le Chiese Ira i Barbari - La territorialitta ecclesiale nella
riforma canonica trullana», dans The Council in Trulfo Revisited (edite par George Nedungatt, Michael
Featherstone), Rome, 1995, p. 199-213; nous utilisons Jes concepts d'un canoniste orthodoxe contempo-
rain: Grigorios D. Papathomas, Le Patriarcat cecumenique de Constantinople (y compris la Politeia mo-
nasniue8
du Mont Athas) dans /'Europe unie (approche nomo-canonique), Athenes, 1998, p. 98-107, 695.
Virgil Ciocaltan, «Les Alains et le commencement des Etats roumains», Studia Asiatica (Bucar-
est), I, 2000, 1-2, p. 47-76 {elude revolutionnaire). Pour le theologien grec Pacome Rousanos de Zante,
Jes Moldaves etaient encore au milieu du XVI' siede des chretiens, mais barbares (N. lorga, «Doua texte
greceeti privitoare la 1enle noastre» [Deuxtextes grecs sur les Pays Roumains], RI, XIX, 1933, p. 1). Vu de-
sormais son important contenu ecclesiologique, ii serait interessant de poursuivre la carri8re de ce theme.
120
Notes cn·tiques
trois metropoles. Au cours des siecles, par des elevations successives d'eveches au statut de
metropoles, leur nombre s'etait accru a environ 70 au XV' siecle. Les no/ilia episcopatuum te-
moignent d~ ce processus fluctuant, au gre des realites politiques que la structure adminis-
trative de l'Eglise devait suivre. Ce qu'on en apprend c'est que la preexistence d'un eveche
est une condition de possibilite pour !'elevation ulterieure au statut de metropole.
***
Niant !'existence d'un eveche a Roman des le debut du XV' siecle, l'auteur est
logiquement oblige de proposer la creation ex nihilo de la metropole de Roman en 1436, en
s'appuyant sur une lecture tres maladroite d'une notice decouverte de J. Darrouzes et
commentee par P.$. Nasturel 19 . Si un eveche avail precede la metropole de Roman-attire
!'attention notre auteur au byzantiniste roumain-/a notice signalee par /ui aurait dO sonner
tout autrement, similairement a /'acte synodal de 1380 par lequel l'eveche de Kernitza est
erige au rang de metropote' 0 . C'est vraiment ignorer ce don! on parle. Car c'est une chose
une notice marginale sur un manuscrit canonique, et c'est tout autre chose un acte synodal
"en bonne et due forme emis par le synodos endemousa de Constantinople.
En realite, la petite note qui nous renseigne sur la metropole de Roman n'est qu'une
interpolation au paragraphe § 18 de I' Ekthesis nea, le manuel diplomatique du Patriarcat, inse-
ree juste apres la note concemant les metropole de Valachie et !'apparition de la metropole de
Moldovalachie, mais avant les metropoles de Russie et de Petite Russie. Dans la tradition
manuscrite assez importante de ce manuel, ce n'est que la version conservee dans le Vind.
hist. gr. 34 (sigle R de l'editeur) qui comprend !'information sur Roman: .J wpd oAi')-Ou ¥rcpo 1
\ 'P wp.aYou~ 10v
,,'1 10v \ '"
-,,opov
I =
0,\1 ~ J\E}!70U.
\ 'P wp.aYou I . peu, <fut consacre>
(Et depws . un autre
metropolite> au Forum de Roman, qui est appele aussi Roman)".
En nous occupant de la tradition manuscrite du Syntagma de Blastares, nous nous som-
fnes rendu compte que ce manuscrit de Vienne avail ete catalogue par erreur comme historicus.
il.s'agit en realite d'un manuscrit a contenu juridique et canonique. Surles ff. 1'-164' ii com-
prend le Syntagma a/phabetique et les annexes habituelles, etant suivi aux ff. 177'-310' par
.l'Hexabilos de Constantin Harmenopoulos22 . L'interpolation devrait done etre interpretee
dans le cadre canonique qui lui est propre, et nous avons identifie l'appareil canonique qui
egit la procedure de la division des metropoles. Notre collegue Lydia Cotovanu l'a recem-
ent utilise dans une etude fondamentale sur !'apparition de la metropole de Severin par la
ivision de l'ancienne metropole fondee en 1359, a laquelle on renvoie comme point d'ana-
23
ie essentiel pour la presente discussion . Le texte en cause est fondamentalement le ca-
24
qn 12 du Concile de Chalcedoine (451), repris et discute par Blastares dans le Syn/agma :
19
J. Darrouzes, «Ekthesis Nea. Un manuel des pittakia byzantin du XIV' siecle», REB, XXVII,
969 ,p. 5-165, (46-47); P.$. Nasturel, «Un temoignage byzantin», pp. 198-202.
2 L. Pilat, «Sihastrul Sava», p. 26 .
21
.... · La traduction du §18 de l'Ekthesis nea dans FHDR, IV, p. 312-313 ne fail pas cette precision, bien
ue !'interpolation concemant Roman apparaisse deja indiquee dans l'appareil critique de DarrouzE!s.
?ns doute, a l'epoque (1982), l'ouvrage de Nasturel n'etait pas encore parvenu en Roumanie. Cela
'_excuse pas Pilat en 2005, qui pretend avoir mieux compris le fragment que son premier exegete.
22
::. Herbert Hunger, Katalog der griechischen Handschriften der osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek,
.Codices historici, Codices phi/osophici et philo/ogici, Vienne, 1961, p. 35-39.
23
«Deux cas paralleles d'oikonomia byzantine appliquee aux metropolites Anthime Kritopoulos de
everin et Cyprien de Kiev, de Petite-Russie et des Lituaniens (deuxieme moitie du XIV' siecle)» (I),
l;IH, XLII, 2003, 1-4, p. 19-60 (!'aspect canonique: p. 54-56; avec la precision qu'il notre avis, Anthime,
· · mbre du clerge imperial, representait en Valachie les interets de l'empereur Jean V Paleologue).
24
P.-P. Joannou, Discipline generate, 1-1, p. 79-80 (Syntagma a/phabetique, dans PG, CXLIV, ool.
1305).
121
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Qu'un evi!que ne doit pas faire elever son siege au rang de metropole par lettre imperiale et
qu'une province ne saurait etre divisee en deux [... ] Le saint concile dfJcrete qu'B l'avenirnul
eveque n'ose agir ainsi; s'il le fait ce sera ases risques et pfJtils. Quant aux vii/es qui ant dfJj8
obtenu par lettre imperia/e le titre de metropole, el/es doivent, de mi!me que /'evi!que qui /es
gouveme, se con/enter d'un litre honorifique, et /es droits proprement dits doivent rester a la
veritable metropole.
La decision du canon precede par mesure d'oikonomia, en insistant de mettre fin a la mul-
tiplication inutile des metropoles, tout en fournissant solutions pour gerer les pressions qui la
produisent. Une metropole est un eveche promu par l'insistance de divers pouvoirs politiques;
si leurs initiatives produisent la division, le titre deceme a l'eveque est seulement honorifique est
ii cesse de regle son existence une fois que cesse la pression politique. La nouvelle metropole
garde provisoirement le titre, tant que dure la pression qui la fit promouvoir. lnteressantement,
le metropolite challenger assumait le titre de la province entiere, bien que ce fut seulement de
maniere honorifique. On parlera parfois dans les sources de deux metropoles de Bithynie, de
Thessalie, Russie, et meme de Hongrovalachie, bien que tout le monde sache de quoi ii en
etait question. En revanche, ii ne saurait accaparer les suffragants de son ancien superieur.
L'elevation de Roman au statut metropolitain serait done inconcevable sans !'existence
anterieure dans cette ville de l'eveche. Son nouveau statut canonique, de simple metropole
honorifique, conservait justement comme un vestige son passe episcopal. Et cela malgre
certaines instances ou la metropole de Roman est nommee metropole de Moldova/achie.
L'apparition de la nouvelle metropole eut lieu comme une consequence de la division du
pays entre les deux freres en 1436. Comme l'ont montre tres bien Cazacu et Cotovanu pour
Severin, la division d'une metropole est a mettre en rapport avec les forces centrifuges qui a un
moment donne exercent leur pression sur la stnucture ecclesiastique. Cependant, la resistance
de la hierarchie de Constantinople de multiplier le nombre des metropoles est bien connue.
Une simple division politique ne pouvait pas mouvoir le Patriarcat a proceder a !'eleva-
25
tion de l'eveche de Roman .La reponse doit etre cherchee dans !'episode exceptionnel du
deplacement du metropolite Gregoire de Moldavie a Florence. Deux lettres du 10 et 11 mars
1436) informent que Gregoire l'archeveque de Moldovalachie, en arrivant devant le pape
Eugene IV, accepta la foi et le rite de l'Eglise de Rome. Apres avoir fail acte de soumission en
bonne et due fonme, ii reconcilie par l'onction en la presence du pape. II etait desonmais
envoye en mission aux Valacos, Vulgaros et Moldovlachos in regno seu confinibus Hungarie
in praesentiarum existents[ ... ] pro augmento catholice fidei et romanae ecclesiae. On peut
s'imaginer le scandale qu'une telle conversion put provoquer en Moldavie, mais surtout au
Patriarcat oecumenique qui se voyait menace de perdre un de ses sieges importants26 .
Le metropolite etait s0rement envoye par le prince Elias I (Ilia;;). Quant a son frere, Etienne
II avail deja envoye a Constantinople pendant son regne seul (octobre 1433 - ao0t 1435) le
pr6topapas d'origine grecque Constantin, nomme par une source venitienne pater illius qui
dominatur Maurocastrum (Cetatea Alba) qui caloierus est, dans le but d'inclure sa ville dans
le circuit pontique du commerce venitien. Sa demande fut exaucee le 27 avril 143527 •
25
Matei Cazacu, «La Valachie medievale et modeme: esquisse historique», CB, XXI, 1994, p.
P.$. Nasturel, «Un temoignage byzantin», p. 198-202; L. Cotovanu, «Deux cas paralleles», p. 35-39.
26
Acta Eugenii, no. 421-422, p. 229-230 (lettre du 10 mars); Episto/ae pontificiae, I, no. 55, p. 49
(lettre du 11 mars); P.$. Nasturel, Gregoire f' metropolfte de Moldovalachie (1436), DHGE, XXII, 1988,
col. 4-6; E. Popescu, «Complements et rectifications», p. 464-66.
27
P. $. Nasturel, «Sur quelques boyards roumains d'origine grecque aux XIV'-XV' siecles»,
XXV, 1967, p. 107; Nicolae lorga, «Noi descoperiri privitoare la istoria romanilom [Nouvelle oe,couIvertes
concemant l'histoire des Roumains], dans Idem, Studii asupra Evu/ui Mediu romanesc [Eludes sur
Moyen Age roumain], editees par $erban Papacostea, Bucarest, 1984, p. 223-228; M. Cazacu, «V,enise
etla Moldavia au debut du XV' siecle», SMIM, XXI, 2003, p. 131-138.
122
Notes critiques
Ce terme de kalogeros ne designait pas a l'epoque un simple moine, mais un homme

de confiance du patriarche, un representant direct qui s'occupait des affaires locales de la
Grande Eglise. Ayant grace aces fonctions des soutiens importants a Constantinople, ce fut
le pr6topapas Constantin qui dut gerer au debut de l'annee 1436 la crise provoquee par la
conversion du metropolite du pays. Sans doute !'elevation de l'eveche de Roman au statut
de metropole - ce qui soustrayait pratiquement eel eveche de la juridiction de l'ancienne
metropole de Moldavie et le mettait en rapports directs avec le Patriarcat - etait une des
mesures strategiques pour contenir les effets de la conversion du metropolite Gregoire".
Les documents ne parlent plus du sort de celui-ci, qui dut mourir ou etre depose. Mais
surtout, Eugene IV devait lui retirer son appui s'il comptait engager des contacts directs avec
l'Eglise byzantine pour un concile unioniste. Tout cela montre combien la metropole honorifi-
que de Roman se trouva des l'origine rattachee a la problematique de l'union ecclesiastique.
Inutile de dire que l'etude en discussion ne souffle mot du cas du metropolite Gregoire.
Ce qui permet de considerer que, au contraire, !'elevation de Roman n'etait qu'une mesure
29
qui consolidait la position du metropolite Damien. Alors que c'est le contraire qui est vrai .
Au XIV' siecle, lorsque le Patriarcat etait en dispute avec le Patriarcat de Tarnovo, ii pro-
ceda par !'elevation au statut de metropole de l'eveche de Vidin. Egalement, ii n'y avail pas
une chose qui convenait mains aux metropolites de Kiev que l'elevation, plusieurs fois au
XIV' siecle, de l'eveche de Halici au statut de metropole. Remarquons que l'auteur semble
ignorer completement qu'un archeveque est, par definition, un eveque qui n'est pas subordon-
ne a un metropolite. Ainsi, le patriarche cecumenique avail aussi le titre d'archeveque pour
indiquer qu'il n'etait pas, ou n'etait plus, un subordonne du metropolite de Heraclee, l'ancienne
residence du diocese de Thrace don! dependait a l'origine la ville de Byzance. Un archeveque
subordonne a un metropolite est un oxymoron assez genant.
Le metropolite Damian fut nomme a uncertain moment entre le 6 septembre 1436 et 13

fevrier 1437. Les fragments des Memoires de Syropoulos qui parlent du sejour de Damien en
Moldavie son! !'occasion pour Pilat de s'adonner a quelques finasseries. Les Memoires de
Syropoulos ant, on le sail, deux versions, notees par leur editeur avec les sigles A et B, dont la
premiere est la plus complete. Le sejour de Damien en Moldavie fail partie des evenements
qui son! racontes dans les deux. Pilat considere, et c'est son droit, que la version qui apparalt
dans B correspond mieux aux buts de sa demonstration, ici indifferente, et c'est pourquoi ii
la reproduit dans le corps de son article. II ne peut cependant pas s'abstenir de rajouter une
longue note pour dire aussi son mot sur la version A, concluant que la version la plus veri-
30
dique, done la version originale, n'est pas A, mais 8 .Les raisons presentees seraient pres-
que convaincantes si on ne connaissait pas l'oeuvre originale dans son integralite.
Or comme l'a montre son editeur Vitalien Laurent, les deux versions ont en realite deux
auteurs differents. L'auteur de la version A est justement le Sylvestre Syropoulos, tandis que
l'auteur de B (seconde edition revisee et corrigee) est Thomas Katabolenos, un personnage
que l'historiographie roumaine n'ignore pas. En effet ce Katabolenos fut capture par Vlad Ill
Tepe§ (l'lmpaleur) Dracula et empale en 1461. II faudrait done informer les byzantinologues
que, selon l'assez jeune auteur roumain L. Pilat, Dracula rallongerait la lisle de ses mefaits
31
avec !'execution du veritable auteur des Memoires soi-disant «de Syropoulos»!
28
Ran9uin Van _Cauwelaert, «Caloyers», DHGE, XI, 1949, col. 460-462; J. Darrouzes, Recherches
·sur /es ,qxp,,u"- de l'Eglise byzan/ine, Paris, 1970; une fonction pareille avail eu le pr6topope Pierre lors
de la crise des rapports entre le Patriarcat etla Moldavie (1395-1401): Regestes, 1-6, nos. 2992-2993.
29
L. Pilat, «Sihastrul Sava», p. 32.
30
Ibidem, p. 30-31 (notes 49-50); en comparaison, voir la traduction roumaine et le texte grec de
Syro~oulos, dans FHDR, IV, pp. 372-373.
Vair l'lntroduclion de V. Laurent a !'edition de Syropoulos (1971), pp. 3-96, avec les precisions sur
1
\'auteur de la recension B. aux pp. 42-48; Vair les references que nous donnons, ainsi que l'interpre-
123
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On passe le traitement de l'activite de Damien a Florence, ou on ne dit rien d'interes-

sant ni de neuf par rapports aux recherches d'Emilian Popescu. On appro-fondira seule-
ment le probleme de la representativite de la delegation moldave a Florence. Ce qui n'est
pas du tout evident est le postulat qu'en realite Damien y representait l'Eglise de Moldavie
dans son entier. Nous venons de voir que la metropole de Roman ne lui etait pas soumise,
mais soustraite a sa juridiction. Qui plus est, Damien etait accompagne en llalie par le proto-
pope Constantin, don! le titre de 7V71V7'1fn'',;, de Moldovalachie prete a discussion.
Pour soutenir l'idee d'une «hierarchie parallele» a Roman, !'auteur doit en finir avec
!'interpretation qui voit le protopope Constantin comme un lieutenant, un representant de ce
siege a Florence. Pour ce faire, ii administre de maniere assez audacieuse des le9ons de
32
grec au repute helleniste E. Popescu . II n'etait meme pas necessaire a !'auteur de decliner
a la fin toute competence en langue grecque, tout lecteur averti !'aura vile compris.
Tous les dictionnaires de specialite sont unanimes a illustrer, avec de riches exemples,
que le sens de ce terme - qui apparait deja dans les actes du Concile de Chalcedoine et dans
la legislation de Justinien - est incontestablement celui de vicaire (ou suppleant, comme tra-
duit Laurent)". Quant a l'acception ecclesiastique de ce terme, les Memoires de Syropoulos
elles-memes renferment des pages et des pages concernant la question de la representation
des patriarches orientaux au Concile de Florence. Le concept qui y revient continuellement
34
est justement celui de topoteretes . La question etait de savoir qui pouvait representer en
Italia ces patriarches qui, en raison de la domination mamelouke, ne pouvaient pas quitter
!eurs sieges. Voila done toute l'absurdite de dire qu'a Florence - ou Damien et le pr6topope
Constantin etaient presents ensemble - ce dernier etait le topoteretes du premier.
Constantin ne pouvant done representer le siege de Suceava, P.9. Nasturel et E. Popescu
avaient par consequent entierement raison de conclure que celui-ci etait le representant de la
metropole de Roman. C'est dans cette qualite qu'il signa l'acte d'Union, de rneme que l'avait
fail aussi le metropolite Damien. Constantin representait en ltalie le prince associe du Bas-
Pays de Moldavie, Etienne II, car ii est peu probable qu'un prince aussi ombrageux - jaloux
du rang de souverain qu'il venait de perdre - aurait accepte de ne pas etre represente en
ltalie. Les conciles de l'epoque constituaient !'equivalent des reunions internationales, ou le
prince Etienne II aurait pu affirmer a peu de frais sa legitimite autrement discutable.
Etabli done une bonne fois pour toutes que Constantin representait en ltalie le siege de
Roman, la theorie d'une «hierarchie parallele» de Roman constituee par le metropolite «mol-
dave» Calist de Roman et le protopope luga - se voit sapee a la racine. L'opposition «natio-
nale» entre ecclesiastiques grecs et rnoldaves est a rejeter sans aucun reste. D'ailleurs, le
caractere force de cette construction ressort clairement du mal qu'a !'auteur a la situer sur la
carte. D'un cote, on la declare fondee en 1436 par le Patriarcat, qui consacrerait le metropolite
tation de la mission de Katabolenos en Valachie dans «De l'intronisation du metropolite ThE!octiste ler au
sacre d'Etienne Ill le Grand», dans $tefan-Atlet, p. 343-344, 361 (et note 78).
32
«Sihastrul Sava», pp. 34-35, et note 69: II en resulte, de maniere on ne peut plus cfaire [sic!] que
topoteretes n'est pas /'equivalent de vicarius, fa semantique des deux tennes etant differente.
33
Du Cange, Gfossarium ad scrip/ores mediae etinfimae graecitatis, 11, Lyon, 1688, col. 1585-1586
(vicarius, foci servator, /ocum tenens, topon epech6n); Henricus Stephanus, Thesaurus graecae finguae,
VII, Paris, 1854, col. 2308 (Vu/go Locum tenens dicitur et Vicarius); Evangelinus Apostolides Sophocies,
Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine Periods (from B. C. 146 to A. D. 1100), New-York, Leipzig,
1890, p. 1086 (vicarious, deputy, substftute, a /ocum-tenens, representative); George W. H. Lampe, A Patris-
tic Greek Lexicon, Oxford, 1961, p. 1398 (legate, delegate). Le verbe topotereo signifie simplement rempfa-
cerl re-presenterquefqu'un. Rappelons aussi que dans le decret d'Union signe a Florence, le texte grec tra-
durr le trrre de vicarius Christi deceme au pontife romain justement par topoteretes tau Christou (Les Con-
cites oecumeniques, edite par Giuseppe Alberigo, 11-1, Les decrets. Nicee I aLa/ran \I, Paris, 1994, p. 1082).
34
Syropoufos (1971), A: p. 192-195, 252-258; B: p. 599-601.
124
Notes ctitiques
calisl a Consta_ntinople et le comblerait de dons, mais de l'autre on la considere deja negligee

35
la Grande Eglise a peine deux ans apres . On postule que, en ne participant pas au Con-
de Florence, cette hierarchie paral/ele n'etait en rien concernee par les debats ulterieurs
et anti-unionistes. Enfin on estime qu'elle consolida ses positions durant le deroulement
concile, mais sans entrer pour autant en conftit ni avec le Patriarcat ni avec son repre-
sentant, le metropolite Damien. Sur cette balance tres sensible, on aura du mal a apprecier
ou s'arretent les nuances et ou commencent les contradictions. Remarquons seulement com-
bien de renseignements !'auteur a pu recueillir sur le metropolite Calist de Roman, grace, cer-
tainement, a un travail Ires critique des sources, en eliminant toute trace de fantaisie. On a
presque envie d'oublier que tout ce que l'on sail de ce personnage est finalement tire de
l'acte d'achat d'un esclave tatar en 1445 et d'une pierre tombale mutilee.
La seule suggestion interessante, qui n'aurait rien eu a perdre d'une presentation un
peu plus courtoise, est que le siege de Roman avail des son apparition un detenteur. De la
sorte, lors du sejour de la delegation moldave en ltalie, le topoteretes Constantin n'aurait
seulement represente un siege, mais aussi un metropolite qui pour diverses raisons n'a
pas quitte le pays de Moldavie. Ce metropolite pouvait etre ou non Calist, don! la consecra-
tion a Constantinople n'aurait pas echappe au dense recit contemporain de Syropoulos.
Rappelons que !'interpolation du Vind. hist. gr. 34 n'est ni datee ni nominale. De la place
est done laissee a plusieurs hypotheses possibles, egalement justifiees jusqu'a !'apparition de
nouvelles donnees. Mais si, pour Pilat, transformer le sire Nicandru en un saint Sava est une
preuve d'esprit critique, la supposition que le pr6topapas grec Constantin, kalogeros du Patriar-
cat a Cetatea Alba, negociateur de !'elevation de Roman au statut de metropole, topoteretes de
cette metropole a Florence, e0t pu prendre !'habit monacal sous le nom de Calist (en conser-
vant l'initiale de son nom de bapteme) pour mourir apres 1445 comme metropolite de Roman,
ne s'appelle pas a retracer un curriculum honorum, mais a emettre une hypot/Jese fantaisiste.
Ainsi, si une hierarchie paral/ele n'existe pas, l'explication gui suit en dira plus long sur les
36
prejuges de !'auteur que sur la realite des choses medievales :
Et cela parce que cette hierarchie parallele ne se fonde pas sur une insubordination au plan
ecclesiastique, mais sur un rapport different a la sphere du politique. D'un cote le metropolite
Damien est lie au patriarche cecumenique et a l'empereur de Constantinople, de l'autre, le
metropolite de Roman, le pr6topope luga et Etienne II ant /eur propre sphere d'interets, dans
/aquel/e sont attires aussi /es monasteres de Mo/davie a /ravers la generosite des donations
du ptince.
On !'aura enfin compris: d'un cote les Grecs avec leurs interminables et incomprehensibles
disputes theologiques, de l'autre cote les Moldaves qui n'en se souciaient guere. Un senti-
ment anti-grecque, a peine deguise, penetre d'un bout a l'autre cette elude.
II. Les reactions au Concile de Florence en Moldavie
On ne saurait elucider la naissance de la metropole de Roman sans considerer la ques-

du Concile de Ferrare-Florence, tant avec ses precedents qu'avec ses consequences.
une serie bien longue d'attaques ad hominem, ii faut reconnaitre qu'une des nos
35
«Sihastrul Sava», p. 32-33, 35; ii taut noter que Jes pieces liturgiques attribuees a l'eveque de
t' H:omar n'ont rien a voir avec le XV" siecte. Petre Guran («L'origine et la fonction theologico-politique de la
couronne patriarcale», dans Le Patriarcat cecumenique de Constantinople aux Xf\f-XVf siec/es: rupture et
continuite, Paris, 2007, p. 407-427), a montre que la mitre patriarcale, en tant qu'objet liturgique, apparait
setJ1en1en1 au milieu du XVle siE!de. Son utilisation par les metropolites se generalise progressivement,
non sans opposition, aux XVll'-XVIII' siecles. De la sorte, la concession de la mitre a l'eveque de Roman
dont p,arle Cantemir ne pouvait dater du XV", mais plut6t d'une epoque plus proche de l'erudit prince.
6
L. Pilat, «Sihastrul Sava», p. 30 (note 45).
125
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37
etudes est peut-etre la victime la plus eprouvee, bien qu'il soil facile d'observer qu'elle
constitue le veritable point de depart du texte de Pilat. En l'accablant de toutes Jes erreurs ima-
ginables, !'auteur entend «recuperer» la figure d'Etienne II, consideree deformee par nous.
Le jugement de Pilat est simple. En Moldavie, le Concile de Florence n'ayant eu aucun
echo, une resistance au Concile - et plus encore une resistance de grandes dimensions com-
me nous l'avons decrite dans noire elude- serait, elle aussi, impensable. Taus Jes debats con-
ciliaires ne regardaient en fail que le metropolite grec Damien et son attache Constantin, que
Jes Moldaves regardaient avec mepris, et nullement la hierarchie parallele de Roman, cons-
tituee par le metropolite moldave Calist et son pr6topope luga. On accordera que, subjective
ment parlant, quelque chose que l'on ignore est en effet inexistante. Pour parler du Concile de
Florence avec ses premisses, implications et consequences ii faut maitriser des sources et
une bibliographie enormes ainsi qu'avoir un certain sens de !'analyse qui fail parfois defaut.
Ouvrons une parenthese. On nous reproche d'appliquer des terrnes completement inade-
quats au Mayen Age, qui falsifieraient la grille de lecture: ii s'agit d'intemationale hesychaste.
Nous sommes flatte qu'il nous soil attribue, mais ce terrne a ete forge par Alexandru Elian 38 .
Obolensky en fut si convaincu, qu'il le considera - en renvoyant dans ses notes a l'etude
d'Elian - comme le terrne le plus approprie pour decrire l'unite spirituelle du monde orthodoxe
realisee aux XIV"-XV" siecles par Jes efforts des milieux hesychastes39 • Le concept a fail ecole,
etant repris par G. M. Prokhorov ou J. Meyendorff. II est regrettable que l'on puisse ainsi ignorer
l'un des concepts, peu nombreux, que l'historiographie roumaine a reussi a imposer a l'exterieur.
Voici un deuxieme exemple. En voulant donner de tres haul une le9on sur Jes nuances
de l'intellectualisme byzantin, Pilat se trahit en mains de trois phrases, en soutenant que
Bessarion etait un membre de la secte parenne platonisante de Plethon40 . C'est trailer avec
trap de desinvolture ce pere de l'humanisme chretien, qui fut non seulement l'eleve de Plethon
(comme le fut egalement Marc Eugenikos), mais aussi du traditionaliste orthodoxe Jean
Chortasmenos. En realite, c'est a Bessarion que l'on doit un revirement des eludes aristoteli-
ciennes grace a sa traduction de la Metaphysique (1447-1450) commandee par Nicolas V41 •
Bessarion croyait dans la possibilite de forger une synthese de l'aristotelisme et du plato-
nisme. Pour Jes reconcilier, ii a combattu Jes extremes. Cantre le platonisme radical de Plethon,
ii ecrivit Adversus Plethonem in Aristotelem de substantia. Pour critiquer l'aristotelisme radical
de Georges de Trebizonde, ii redigea In calumniatorem Platonis libri IV (Rome 1469). Pour le
cardinal de Nicee, si Aristote avail developpe la sagesse horizontale (sermo scientiae), appli-
cable aux realites du monde fini, Platon avail elabore Jes concepts de la sagesse verticale
(sermo sapientiae) ouverte par la contemplation aux verites de la Revelation. Le Byzantin
qu'etait Bessarion entendait corriger la scolastique tardive par une meilleure comprehension
du premier et par une assimilation des intuitions fondamentales du second.
37
«lsihasmul $i prima etapii a rezisten\ei la deciziile Conciliului florentin in Moldova (1442-1447)»
[L'hesychasme et la premiere etape de la resistance aux decisions du Concile de Florence en Moldavie
(1442-1447)], SUBBH, XLIV, 1-2, 1999, p. 3-57.
«Byzance et les Roumains a la fin du Moyen Age», PICBS, XIII, 1967, p. 199.
38
39
The Byzantine Commonwealth. Eastern Europe, 500-1453, Londres, 1971, p. 302.
40
«Sihastrul Sava», p. 27 (note 24).
41
L'oeuvre de Bessarion a ete editee dans PG, CLXI, et, de fai;on critique, par Ludwig Mohler,
Katdinal Bessarion a/s Theo/age, Humanist und Staatsmann, Padebom, I (1923): monographie; II (1927):
edrrion critique: In calumniatorem Platonis libri IV; Ill (1942) comprend des ecrits theologiques plus reduits
et la correspondance. Pour son role dans les eludes aristoteliciennes: Elpidio Mioni, «Contribute del cardi-
nale Bessarione all'interpretazione della metafisica aristotelica», dans Alli def XII Congresso intemaziona/e di
Filosofia, IX, Aristotelismo padovano e fi/osofia aristotelica, Florence, 1960, p. 173-182; Silvio Bemardinello,
I testi bessarionei de/la "Metafisica" di Aristotele, RSBNE, V, 1968, p. 125-145; Paul Moraux, D'Aristote a
Bessarion. Trois exposes sur /'histoire et la transmission de l'aristotelisme grec, Quebec, 1970.
126
Notes critiques
Dire que Bessarion etait platonicien est done simplifier grossierement les choses. Outre
on classicisme acheve, Bessarion a ete un grand theologien, un profond connaisseur des
eres, hagiographe, reformateur de l'ordre de St. Basile, vouant une veneration profonde a
42
Vierge et a la Vraie Croix et etant meme un adepte de la doctrine de Gregoire Palamas .
ire done que Bessarion etait un sectateur pa"fen est de surcroit une impiete.
cette parenthese fermee, nous passerons aux arguments. Le 15 septembre 1439, de

lorence meme, a seulement quelques mois de la conclusion de l'Union, Eugene IV ecrivait a
eveque Benoit de Severin, en remettant le soin des eveches catholiques de Siret et Bacau
ux treres mineurs du vicariat de Bosnie. II constatait que non so/um ipsa terra Mo/dauie, in qua
recana heresis quoque die magis ac magis pullulare dicitur, sed et finitimi huic tetTe Ciculi
artesque Transalpine. II confiait la protection des Franciscains au dilecto in Christo fi/io nostro
43
adis/ao il/ustri rege Polonie subiectoque eidem Elia pafatino Mofdauie . Le 1" juillet 1442, ii
nferait aux Franciscains ad partes Scithiae et Moldaviae pouvoirs supplementaires qui
ient necessaires pour: safutem fide/ium christianomm et conversionem infidelium, haeret-
'comm et schismaticomm et a/iamm nationum, que sanctum nomen domini et fidei catho!icae
44
eritatem non agnoscunt. Le pape Eugene IV revenait enfin de Rome le 1" fevrier 1445 .
. .. et in Moldauiae, in quibus tam a longis pestiferum virus schismatis, quad adhuc nonnulos
ii/arum partium populos, qui ad romane ecc/esiae unitatem nuper redierunt, inficere non desinit,
quam a paucis temporibus atra pravitaas here/ice, et potissimum Hussitarnm lethifera pestis in
maximum christianae fidei detrimentum quamplunina genninarunt perversa gennina, que
dietim, nisi desuper opportune prouideatur, abundantius succrescent, ac in septem sedilibus
Siculornm partibus.
Le sens est evident. Entre 1439-1445, le pape recevait des Franciscains des messages
\rrfisamment inquietants sur les evolutions ecclesiastiques de Moldavie. Bien que ses repre-
entants avaient appose leur signature sur l'acte d'Union, un courant d'opposition se deve-
bppait. En 1445, le pape est formel. Ceux qui avaient jadis accepte l'union en Moldavie s'en
·taient deja defaits, en etablissant des rapports avec les Hussites qui y sejournaient.
· Voici infirmees, de la source la plus autorisee, les allegations qu'en Moldavie, ii n'y avail
Ucune resistance au Concile. A moins que Pilat ne soit plus infaillible que le pape ! Ce que
Dus avons tente en 1999 etait de reinterpreter, en partant de cette cle de lecture papale, les
renements qui dechiraient a la meme periode la vie politique moldave. Le lien aurait ete
4
're mature avant le relan9ement des eludes roumaines sur les consequences du Concile de
orence et que Leon 9imanschi ne missent de l'ordre dans la succession des renversements
litiques apres la mort d'Alexandre I". II s'imposait de situer la guerre civile de Moldavie sur le
n plus large de la politique est-europeenne, marquee par la croisade preparee par Eugene
42
Frani;ois Masai, Le prob/eme des influences byzantines sur le platonisme italien de la Renais-
8nce, Paris, 1952; Agostino Pertusi, «In margine alla questione dell'umanesimo bizantino: 11 pensiero
__ litico del cardinale Bessarione e i suoi rapporti con ii pensiero di Giorgio Gemisto Pletone», RSBNE, V,
,968, p. 95-105; Andre de Halleux, Bessarion et le palamisme au Concile de Florence, dans Idem, Patro-
ie etoecumenisme. Recueil d'etudes, Louvain, 1990, p. 831-858; Gerhard Podskalsky, Von Photios zu
.Jssarion. Der Vorrang humanistische gepragter Theologie in Byzanz und deren bleibende Bedeutung,
,· 1esbaden, 2003; John Hankins, «Bessarione, Ficino e le scuole di platonismo del secolo XV», dans
<lem, Humanism and Platonism in the Italian Renaissance, II. Platonism, Rome, 2004, p. 417-429.
</ 43 Acta Bosnae potissimum ecclesiastica cum insertis editorum documentorum regestis ab anno
_25 usque ad annum 1752 (=MSM, XXIII), editeur Eusebius Fermendzin, Zagreb, 1892, no. 789, p. 176.
?· 44 Acta Bosnae, no. 803, pp. 179-180 (1442); no. 835, p. 191 (1445; date 1444 dans Hurmuzaki, 1-
no. 587, p. 700; pour le but que nous poursuivons ici, cette difference est mains importante).
45
Pour une synthE!se des ces etudes, voir loan Dragan, Nobilimea romaneasca din Transilvania.
40-1514 [La noblesse roumaine de Transylvanie. 1440-1514], Bucarest, 2000.
127
Dan loan Mure 9an
IV et concretisee par les offensives de l'armee du roi Vladislas (Wladyslaw, Ulaszl6) I", dirige,1!
par Jean Hunyadi: la longue campagne de 1443-1444 et !'expedition de Varna (1444). ,i,1
Le prince Elias de Moldavie etait ni plus ni mains que l'oncle par alliance du roi Vladis1Jt
ler (Ill). Le pape comptait sur lui pour la defense de !'Union que le boyard Neagoe avait sigM{
a Florence en son nom. II ~'affirma en ecrasant une colonne ottomane qui avait envahi la}
46
Transylvanie Quin 1432) . Etienne II apparait en revanche tres attache a Byzance. L'inscnc5
ption grecque qu'il fit apposer a Cetatea Alba ne laisse guere de doute la-dessus47 . Ja~i
Dlugosz avait signale qu'Etienne II avait renverse en 1433 son frere Elias en faisant appel;
aux Ottomans, devenus deja les protecteurs de son beau-frere Alexandre Aldea, prince de/
Valachie48 , et s'etait approprie le pouvoir princier pour lui seul (oct 1433-aout 1435). I
A la cour de Murad II, on considerait, de surcroit, que !'installation d'Etienne II avec le sou,
tien du sultan avait accompli l'assujettissement des Principautes roumaines aux Ottomans. En,
arrivant en 1433 a Andrinople et y rencontrant les otages laisses par le prince de Valachie,
Bertrandon de la Broquiere, l'emissaire du due Philippe le Bon de Bourgogne, notait49 : 'T
Avant que je passasse par icelle contree, le Grant Turc avoit conquis toutes /es deux
Va//aquies, c'est assavoir la grande et la petite [la Valachie et la Moldavie] et n'y avoit
plus nu/le cite, ville ne fortresse qui fust en l'obeissance de /'empereurde Constanunople que
tout ne fust subgect ou tributaire au Turc.
Le temoignage place sous un jour nouveau le debat sur le debut de la vassalite moldave}
50
envers les Ottomans: 1453/1456 . Sans !'intervention de Hunyadi dans les deux Valachies,i
(1442-1453) le regime ottoman se serait installe en Moldavie deux decennies plus tot ·
***
Les rapports de vassalite d'Etienne II envers Murad II eurent leurs retombees ecclesias-•:
tiques. Murad avait essaye d'empecher le depart des Byzantins en ltalie, denon913nt la vanite ·
des discussions avec les Latins, et s'offrant a payer des subsides au basileus. II aurait ensuite
voulu attaquer la capitale pour obliger Jean VIII a y revenir. Le grand vizir Khalil-pacha51 re-'
commanda l'expectative, dans l'attente des resultats des discussions theologiques, conside-
rant que le danger obligerait les Grecs a faire plus facilement des concessions aux Latins.
Murad II continuait cependant a s'interesser de pres aux raisons qui avaient pousse Jean VIII
a partir en ltalie (les questions posees en 1438 a !'Espagnol Pero Tafur, a Andrinople5'), et
decida de prendre des mesures pour eradiquer toute base a une croisade dans les Balkans.
46
me Minea, fnformafii/e romfJne§fi ale cronicii Jui Ian O/ugosz [Les infonnations roumaines de la chro-
nique de Jan Dlugsoz], Jassy, 1926, pp. 114-115; Constantin Rezachevici, Cronologia criticii a domnilor
din Tara Romaneascii §i Moldova (a. 1324-1881) [La chronologie critique des princes de Valachie et de
Moldavie], I. Secolele XIV-XVI [Xllf-Xlf siecles], Bucarest, 2001, p. 476-491.
47
Andrei Pippidi, «Din nou despre inscrip\iile de la Cetatea Alba» [De nouveau sur les inscriptions de
Cetatea Alba], dans In honorem Paul Cemovodeanu, edite par Violeta Barbu, Bucarest, 1998, p. 75-85,
(p. 81 ); a cette precision pres que les lettres papales evoquees empechent de voir en Etienne II un adep-
te de !'Union, comme ii en etait de son frere llia9.
48
Dlugosz (1883), p. 232; I. Minea, lnfonna/iile romane§ti, pp. 22-33; L'eveque de Cracovie infonmait
egalement le cardinal Cesarini que le prince de Moldavie s'8tait soumis aux Ottomans.
49
Voyage d'Outremer, edite par Chartes Schafer, Paris, 1892 (=Recueil de voyages et de docu-
ments pour servir al'histoire de la geographie. Depuis le Xllf jusqu'a la fin du XVf siecle, XII), p. 149.
50
9. Papacostea, «La Moldavie, etat tributaire de !'Empire ottoman au XV' siecle: le cadre internatio-
nal des rapports etablis en 1455-1456», RRH, XIII, 1974, 3, pp. 445-460; M. Cazacu, «Du nouveau sur
le role international de la Moldavia dans la seconde moitie du XV' siecle», RER, XVI, 1981, pp. 36-39.
51
Sphrantzes (1966), XXIII, 8-11; p. 60.
52
Pero Tafur, Travels and Adventures, 1435-1439, editeur Malcom Lettes, Landres, 1926, p. 126.
128
Notes critiques
Murad II for<;a le despote Georges (flurad) Brankovic et Vlad II de Valachie (1438l a l'ac-
3
pagner dans une incursion devastalrice en Transylvanie, rampant la paix de 1428 . Peu
· s la conclusion de !'Union, ii obtint la capitulation de Semendrie (Smederevo, Szendr6), en
exant le despotat serbe (1439r. La chronique ottomane de la balaille de Varna, Gazavat-
e, rejoin! cette opinion. Elle decrit le depart de l'empereur (tekfur) chez le pape, de qui ii
fnt 1a i:,romesse d'une croisade apres lui avoir baise la main (c'est-a-dire, reconnu sa su-
rnatie)". Le Turc etait conscient que !'Union annongait une entreprise croisee a venir.
Athas avail reconnu en 1424 son allegeance a Murad II. Ses privileges furent garantis
fois de plus apres la conquete de Thessalonique 56 . Trois representants des monasteres
la Grande Lavra, de Vatopedi et Saint-Paul avaient participe au Concile et signe le decre.
57
e partie des moines refusa d'accepter !'Union en_ champions de la foi de nos Peres .
En s'appuyant sur les Athonites et Murad II, Etienne II ne pouvait etre qu'anti-unioniste.
us ces elements renforcent noire hypothese de 1999: le rapport entre la revolte d'Etienne
ontre Ilia~ et la revolte concomitante du despote Demetrios Paleologue contre Jean VIII.
Le sultan soutint volontairement la revolte de Demetrios contre son frere l'empereur en
fournissant une armee pour assieger Constantinople (avril 1442)". Le despote etait le
ndre de Paul Assen, noble d'origine bulgare, enrichi par le commerce avec les Ottomans,
aitre de l'archipel thrace et de l'ile de Lemnos ou se trouvait exile Marc Eugenikos. Celui-
·reapparut d'ailleurs a Constantinople justement en aoat 1442, poursuivant sa campagne
· ntre !'Union a !'instant meme ou Demelrios essayait d'attirer a lui les habitants de la Ville.
Le siege fut mis en echec par les evenements inattendus du front danubien: les vicloires
Hunyadi sur Mezid-bey a Sibiu (Hermannstadl, Szeben) (22 mars) et $ahabeddin-Pacha, le
ilerbeyi de Roumelie, a la balaille de la lalomi\a (2 septembre)59. Ces victoires ramenerent
us contr6le hongrois la Valachie, ou Jean Hunyadi installa Basarab II, contraignant au retrait
unites ottomanes qui appuyaient Demetrios au siege de Constantinople (6 ao0t 1442).
i Prive du soutien ottoman, Demetrios fut arrete, mais par peur des60consequences, Jean
Ill ajourna la proclamation de !'Union a Constantinople. Syropoulos , qui ecrit vers 1445,
nsiderait le conflit entre l'empereur et le despote comme l'un des obstacles providentiels
ui avaient freine !'Union. Dans une lettre a Demetrios en 1450, Scholarios rappelait le tem~s
6 les anti-unionistes, encore disperses, retrouverent l'espoir a la faveur de l'acte du despote 1.
is y voyaient un nouvel empereur, qui devait restaurer un Empire orthodoxe libere de la
53
Virgil Ciocaltan, «La campagne ottomane de Transylvania (1438) dans le contexte politique inter-
ational», RRH, XV, 1976, p. 437-446.
54
: Agostino Pertusi, «La situazione dell' Europa orientale dopa la caduta di Smederevo (1439) in una
era inedita di Fra Bartolomeo di Giana», dans Byzance et Jes Slaves. Eludes de Civilisation. Me-
~nges Ivan Dujcev, Paris, 1979, p. 337-372 (la capitulation de Semendrie eut lieu le 19 aoert 1439).
55
• Halil lnalcik, «Byzantium and the Origins of the Crisis of 1444 under the Light ofTurkish Sources»,
AC/EB, XII, 1961 [1964], 2, p. 162.
56
[; Dumitru Nastase, «Le Mont Athas et l'Orient chretien et musulman au Mayen Age», RRH, XXXII,
.J993, 3-4, p. 317; plusieurs contributions sur !'attitude favorable des Ottomans envers le Mont Athas et
des Athonites envers les Ottomans dans Mount Athas in the 14th-11f" Centuries, Athenes, 1997.
57
Emmanuel Anmand de Mendieta, Mount Athas, The GanJen of the Panaghia, Berlin-Amsterdam,
1972,,p- 104-106.
;_ Pour le siege de Constantinople en 1442: Kleinchroniken, 11, p. 461 (chroniques 29/11, 62/10) et
il'ana~se de Ivan Djuric, Le crepuscu/e de Byzance, Paris, 1996, p. 335-339.
9
; Emanuel Antoche, «La bataille de la riviere de lalomita (2 septembre 1442)», NHB, IX, 1999, p. 85.
60
Syropou/os (1971), p. 568-569 (le depart d'ici [de Florence] du despote Demetrius et le differend
qu'il eut avec /'empereur et au sujet duquel on pensait meme a se battre; son obstination constante pour
defendre le dogme orthodoxe des ancetres ... [furent tout autant de] choses qui amortirent /'anJeur de
/'emp_ereur pour ce qu'il devait faire et qu'on /ui demandait de faire pour conso/ider /'Union).
61
Sc/Jo/arias, Ill, p. 119-121.
129
Dan loan Mure,an
corruption florentine. Dans ce contexte, a l'insistance du clerge de Constantinople, 22 des

32 signataires de !'Union, Antoine d'Heraclee en tete, renierent leur signature vers 1441 62 .
L'evolution des evenements en Moldavie suit de pres ce qui se passe a Byzance. L'accueil
fait au Concile semble avoir ete reserve . On assiste a un evenement particulier. !'inaugura-
63
tion de rapports directs entre la Moldavie et le Mont-Athos. Etienne II, sans son frere Elias, oc-
troya de sa cour de Barlad a l'higoumene du monastere Zographou venu en Moldavie, une
aide financiere annuelle (26 mai 1442)64. Or Zographou etait depuis uncertain temps en rap-
ports privilegies avec Murad II. Adoptant en 1426 une decision en faveur de Kastamonitou et
contre les interets de Zographou, le patriarche Joseph II craignait que les moines bulgares ne
s'adressassent au sultan et ii les menai;:ait d'excommunication au cas ou ils agiraient ainsi65 . II
est tres probable que l'higoumene bulgare ne faisait qu'etablir le contact entre Demetrios, en re-
bellion et en quete d'allies, et Etienne II, les anciens clients politiques de Murad 11 66 . Apres cette
rencontre, Etienne II attaqua par surprise Ilia§ et l'evini;:a de Moldavie (ao0t-septembre 1442).
Les actions de Demetrios et Etienne, concomitantes, ont la meme signification anti-unioniste.
Parmi les noms des 22 personnalites qui revinrent sur leur signature de l'acte du Concile,
67
on rencontre aussi le nom du metropolite Damien . Le logothete Neagoe - si9nataire de
!'Union a Florence - changeait aussi le camp et entra dans le conseil princier d'Etienne 11 68 .
Les evolutions moldaves etaient certes dignes de !'attention d'Eugene IV, qui, dans sa
de 1445, devait s0rement se referer premierement a !'abandon de !'Union parses signataires
moldaves que le pape avait pu connaitre en ltalie: le metropolite Damien et le boyar Neagoe.
***
Apres Varna, le parti anti-unioniste commeni;:a a s'organiser pour s'opposer a la procla-
mation officielle de !'Union a Constantinople. Les factions anti-unionistes, les «compromis»
de Scholarios et les «irreductibles» de Marc Eugenikos se reconcilierent peu avant la mort de
ce dernier (23 juin 1445), jetant les bases de la Hiera Synaxis6 9. Les conferences du palais
de Xylalas (aoot-novembre 1445), convoquees par Jean VIII et le patriarche Gregoire Ill,
62
Marie-Helene Blanchet, «Les divisions de l'Eglise byzantine apres le concile de Florence (1439)
d'apres un passage des Antirrhetiques de Jean Eugenikos», dans Hommage aAlain Duce/lier. Byzance
et ses peripheries, edite par Bernard Doumerc, Charles Picard, Toulouse, 2004, p. 17-39; Eadem,
«L'Eglise byzantine a la suite de !'Union de Florence (1439-1445). De la contestation a la scission», BF,
XXIX 2007, pp. 79-123.
63
Cronici/e, p. 44, 49; les Anna/es de Putna relatent que l'empereur grec, le patriarche de Constanti-
nople et beaucoup de metropolites se rassemblerent au conci/e de Florence, aupres du pape de l'Ancien-
ne Rome, et ifs furent tromp es par /es Lallns, une grande partie d'entre eux s'en revinrent, barbe coupee.
64
DRH, A. I, no. 221, pp. 311-312; pour les discussions, voir aussi notre etude «Notes critiques sur
l'Eglise de Moldovalachie au XV" siecie», AMN, XLIV-XLV, 2004-2005 [2007], p. 118 (note 60).
65
Ac/es de Kastamonitou (= AA, VII), edites par Nikos Oikonomides, Paris, 1978, no. 6.
66
II faut ajouter qu'en mars 1444, Murad II utilisa les services d'un moine pour le contact entre la
sultane Mara et son pE!re, Georges BrankoviC, en vue des pourparlers preliminaires a la paix de Szeged
(Notes, 11, p. 401) et que l'apanage du despote Demetrios se trouvait a Messembria (Nesebar), le
territoire byzantin le plus proche de la Moldavie et surtout de Kilia dominee par Etienne II. $. Papacostea
(«Un humaniste ltalien au service de Byzance en Europe Centrale au XV" siecle», EBPB, V, 2006, p.
365-375), a recemment mis en lumiere !'importance capitale de la voie maritime qui liait, avant la chute
de Bf,ance, Constantinople a !'Europe centrale, ayant comme etapes obligees Messembria et Kilia.
7
Scho/arios, 111, p. 194-195: dans la lisle autographe de Scholarios contenant la lisle des signatures
appos8es sur le dE!cret, se trouve la liste avec 22 signataires, dont ii eGrivait: 0 Mo;..,A{b;,rcx}ct{ ... p.£r.~1111:v
[Le metropolite de Moldovalachie s'est repentij; E. Popescu, «Complements et rectifications», p. 475-476.
68
A partirdu 6 mars 1443 (DRH, A., I, no. 225, p. 314-316).
69
Constantin N. Tsirpanlis, Marc Eugenicus and the Council of Florence. A Historical
of His Personality, Thessalonique, 1974, p. 43-44, 57.
130
Notes critiques
ermirent a !'opposition de se manifester au grand jour. Scholarios et Syropoulos d'un cote,

artolomeo Lapacci et Francesco Condulmer de l'autre, s'affronterent en quinze rencontres.
A la fin, la faction anti-unioniste s'adressa a Jean VIII, rejetant le Filioque et demandant
rganisation d'un nouveau concile a Constantinople. Mais la Hiera Synaxis ne representait en-
re qu'une poignee de personnes (les metropolites Macaire de Nicomedie, Ignace de Timovo,
amien de Moldavie, Theognoste de Perge et Attaleia, Acace de Derkas, le secretaire imperial
eorges Scholarios (patriarche de 1454 a 1456), les archontes Michel Balsamon et Sylvestre
yropoulos (patriarche de 1463 a 1464), les superieurs des monasteres de Constantinople:
·heodote de Stoudios, Joasaph de Kosmedion, Geronte-de Pantokrator, Germain de Saint-
asile, Cyrille de la Peribleptos, le hieromoine Isidore pneumatikos pater(patriarche de 1456 a
462, le hieromnemon Theodore Agallianos), dont Damien parmi les cinq metropolites.
Pour Pilat, Damien est une quantile a la fois negligeable et incommode, d'ou toute une
erie d'appreciations Ires contradictoires. D'un cote, ii n'y a rien qui pourrait etre interprete
mme un geste d'Etienne II contre le metropolite. Au contraire, ii le comble de donations. De
autre, dit-il, ma/gre ce fait, nous n'avons pas de raisons de croire que Damien se sentait tres a
aise en Moldavie. Ce metropolite ingrat meritait done la marginalisation progressive ~ar 70
le
rince, car ii ne serait, qu'un intrus, qui manquait d'autorite mais etait couvert de fegitimite .
On peut desormais affirmer, preuves a l'appui, que ce ne fut pas le prince de Moldavie qui
gna le metropolite Damien a son point de vue, mais le metropolite qui gagn_a Etienne II a
s conceptions. C'est le sens, que Pilat rate completement, des donations qu'Etienne II, une
71
is devenu prince unique du pays, fit a la metropole de Suceava le 11 avril 1444 • De meme,
:est pourquoi ii faut admettre qu'en 1445, le metropolite de Moldavie representait aussi son
·rince lorsqu'il se trouvait avec les autres anti-unionistes a ecouter les dernieres volontes de
arc mourant, avant de s'engager dans les debats du palais de Xylalas.
II s'agit done d'un peu plus que de simples speculations /iees a certains evenements pofiti-
/Jes, si insignifiants que Pilat ne daigne meme pas en faire mention. Ses prejuges envers la
ese que nous avons defendue vont jusqu'au point ou, en decouvrant dans un texte d'epoque
e possible allusion contre le Concile de Florence, ii s'arrete bnusquement, et nous propose
e explication etonnante. Le texte n'est pas une reaction officielle, !'inflexion anti-unioniste
partient seulement au scribe. Alors qu'un autre texte emis le meme jour, et de la meme fac-
'te, mais presentant juste un propos anodin, representerait, lui, la position officiellen
La Moldavie de Pilat apparait comme /'endroit ou if ne se passe rien. De Constantinople a

scou, de Rome a Kiev, les jeux se font et se defont, les gens sont obliges de se prononcer
ur ou contre l'union, pour ou contre la croisade, pour ou contre les Ottomans. Saul en
oldavie. Elle reste impassible, exterieure a tout Les memes prieres sont recitees dans les
'onasteres pour les memes princes genereux qui se font concurrence en gestes de
onnaissance. Cela non pas parce qu'elle aurait accepte le Concile, Dieu l'en preserve!,
ais parce qu'elle ne participait guere a tous ces evenements pofitiques. L'innoncence
ndide de !'auteur va jusqu'a reconcilier les freres ennemis, en faisant prier Etienne II pour
e de son frere Elias en 1447, oubliant que celui-ci survecut d'un an au moins a celui-ia".
Si on quitte cette vision profondement paroissiafe, les sources extemes qui pretent quelque
ention a la Moldavie racontent une histoire tout a fail differente. II est interessant que L Pilat
.· nore pas que Damien signa l'union en 1439, la rejeta ensuite en 1445 et fut remplace par
; chim en 1447. Mais le syllogisme Jui joue un mauvais tour car, de tous ces elements, sa
Cpclusion est qu'en fail, en Moldavie, ii n'a pas existe une resistance au Concile de Florence.
70
«Sihastrul Sava», p. 36-37.
71
DRH, A I, nos. 242-243; cf. L. Pilat «Sihastrul Sava», p. 36.
72
«Sihastrul Sava», p. 27 (note 24), 36.
73
«Sihastrul Sava», p. 138-139; voir C. Rezachevici, Cronologia criticii, I, p. 490-491.
131
Dan loan Mure$an
Or JX)Ur en finir avec /a soi-disant premiere etape de la resistance au Concile

74
F/orence ii ne suffit pas d'invoquer completement hors de propos un interminable cortege
donations qui prouvent seulement que les princes, unionistes aussi bien qu'anti-unionistes,
s'effor<;aient d'attirer les milieux monastiques par des actes de generosite. II faudrait
demontrer que le metropolite Joachim qui arriva en Moldavie au meme moment que
arrnees de Hunyadi, le bras de fer de l'Union en Hongrie, n'etait pas un adepte du Condie de
Florence. Mais Pilat semble tout ignorer de la veritable mission de Joachim en Moldavie.
Comment peut-on parvenir a des conclusions aussi contradictoires avec les sources?
C'est l'auteur qui l'avoue: La tentative de transborder /es remous theologiques de Byzance en
Moldavie n'a aucun sens, en tout premier lieu parce que ni le paysage culture/, ni le pay-
75
sage socio-politique n'est (!) le meme . II est evident qu'en suivant ce veritable appel au pro-
vincialisme culture!, on risque de transformer la Moldavie en un espace epistemologiquement
«autocephale», ou depuis les regles de la science historique jusqu'aux norrnes du droit
canonique, tout fonctionnerait selon la norme de !'exception.
Ill. «L'autocephalie» de l'Eglise de Moldavie apres la chute de Constantinople
Comme si tout cela n'e0t pas ete deja suffisant, Pirat recidive avec une autre etude, de
plus large portee, s'attaquant a des questions plus generales touchant aux rapports entre
l'Eglise et le pouvoir politique. Au creur de l'etude se trouve l'idee de l'autocephalie de l'Ec,lis,,>
de Moldavie sur laquelle ii insiste avec une vehemence singuliere. II affirme d'entree
La chute de Constantinople a signifie pour la Moldavie le renoncement a !'union de Florence,
acte don/ /'importance a ete beaucoup exageree [!'auteur se contredrr d'une proposition a l'autre],
mais aussi le debut des pretent;ons ottomanes venues sur la fili8re de la subordination eccle-
siasuque. Le depart de Joachim, le demier metropolite grec, a marque non une posffion par rap-
port au probleme de /'union religieuse, mais la rupture des liaisons avec le Patrtarcat de Con-
stanunople, reorganise par l'anu-unioniste Gennadios Scholartos [!]. Faute d'elements capab/es
de suggerer du mains /'existence de tels rapports, ii nous faut accepter que, apres 1453, /'Eglise
de Mo/davie a obtenu, de maniere fortuffe [j, son autocepha/ie.
Une fois de plus ii est evident que Pilat ne lit en fail pas, ou lit tres mal, les sources qu'il
cite. Lascaris a montre sans l'ombre d'un doute que Joachim avail ete consacre par l'<>n,n<>,11i
jure de Scholarios, Gregoire Ill, et installe par un prostagma de Jean VIII (novembre
Joachim dut quitter la Moldavie en raison d'un puissant mouvement anti-unioniste, comme le
montre la lettre, datee de Sandomir, 16 avrt/, appartenant probablement a l'eveque de Cra1cov·ie
(Krakow, Krakau) et cardinal Zbigniew Olesnicki et adressee au pape Nicolas V78 :
... le venerable pere et seigneur Joachim, eveque de Suceava en Mo/davie [... ] avail essaye
avec courage de mettre dans la voie de /'orthodoxie catholique Jes peuples conties a sa
direction, en leur assurant que c'f:tait pour eux une nf:cessitf: de safut de rester fid8les a !'Union
convenue au conci/e oecumenique de Florence en/re Jes Eglises /atine et grecque, et qu'i/s
devaient reconnartre comme tribunal unique celui du successeur de Pierre, qui est en meme
74
L. Pilat, «Sihastrul Sava», p. 37-38.
75
Ibidem, p. 27 (note 24); le desaccord grammatical est de L. Pilat.
76
Idem, «Biserica ei putere», p. 134.
77
Reges/es, 1-7, no. 3399; FHDR, IV, no. 61, p. 360-361 (traduction); dans «Sihastrul Sava», p. 37
(note 76), Pilat renvoie formellement a l'etude de Michel Lascaris («Joachim, metropolite de Moldavie et les
relations de l'Eglise moldave avec le patriarcat de Pee et l'archeveche d'Achris au XV' siecie», BSHAR,
XIII, 1927, p. 129-134, 159), sans oublier au passage de defigurer le trrre en fram;ais. Pour l'activite de
Joachim en Moldavie, voir P.$. Nasturel, «Urmarile caderii Tarigradului pentru Biserica romaneasca» [Les
consequences de la chute de Constantinople pour l'Eglise roumaine], MO, XI, 1959, p. 45-73.
78
Codex, 111, Appendix, no. 10, p. 514-515; M. Lascaris, «Joachim, metropolite de Moldavie» p. 132.
132
Notes critiques
temps vicaire de Jesus-Chdst ... [en revanche], ... apres avoir ete c/Jasse de son siege, <ii> a
decide de se rendre aupres de Vo/re Saintete [le pape] en meme temps que ceux qui, ayant
suivi /es exhortations de sa doctrine, professent la nonne de la vraie foi... Beaucoup de gens
par le faitde /eurmechancete ne purent supporterce sage avis [d'accepter !'Union de Florence]
et rejeterent /edit eveque comme un deplorable ennemi de /eur rite.
Les allegations se dissipent a la rencontre des documents. L'avenement de Theoctiste I"

presente certainement /a deuxieme etape de fa resistance a /'Union de Florence, parfaite-
79
. ent contemporaine, en rapport, avec l'avenement de Scholarios . Remarquons aussi l'incohe-
ence grave qui sous-tend cette nouvelle contribution. Tout en soutenant que l'autocephalie de
Eglise moldave fut a partir de 1453 l'objectif primordial des ecclesiastiques moldaves, on com-
ence par soutenir que cette autocephalie etait en realite fortuite, a savoir - supposant ~ue
auteur a la propriete des termes qu'il utilise - obtenue par le simple jeu des circonstances' .
Pour essayer de donner un semblant de consistance a ce concept, on propose une sorte

e pseudo-mecanisme d'auto-production interne de la hierarchie moldave, car Pilat semble
· nscient qu'en detachant Theoctiste de tout rapport avec le Patriarcat cecumenique, le me-
• polite mor1dave serait non seulement sorti du neant mais aussi suspendu en l'air sans aucun
ppui canonique. On nous suggere que la presence a la tete du conseil princier du metropolite
e signifierait nullement l'autorite morale et politique dont ii jouissait en tant que consecrateur du
rince Etienne Ill le Grand. Au contraire, ce serait le Conseil princier qui confererait un semblant
e legitimite a un metropolite alors exterieur a toute structure ecclesiastique legitime .
81
On pretend, pour une epoque dont on conserve a peine quelques documents par annee,
'oclefiser l'histoire de l'Eglise de Moldavie, en distinguant trois periodes. Entre 1457 et 1464,
· seul prelat qui se trouve en Moldavie etait Theoctiste. Un synode organise a la fin de 1464
t le metropolite Taraise de Roman. Un autre synode de 1470 elut loanichie de Radau\i. A
rtir de ce moment, la presence des trois prelats offrait fa possibifite de reg/ementation de fa
82
ccession, sans que fa presence d'un pre/at d'une autre Eglise ne soit plus necessaire .
C'est pour l'auteur l'origine de l'autocephalie de facto de l'Eglise de Moldavie. L'organisa-
n achevee, la legitimite de l'Eglise ne pouvait plus etre mise en cause, en raison de quoi /a
sence des prefats a ta tete du conseif princier n'etait plus necessaire. Apres 1473, le
etropolite et les eveques ne sont plus mentionnes que dans des documents concernant des
estions strictement ecclesiastiques83 . Le Maure a fail son devoir, le Maure peut partir ...
Tout ce systeme, qui ajoute le fastidieux des particularites banales a la pesanteur des ge-
_._ralites ambitieuses, n'a qu'un seul but: diluer l'interpretation qui avail donne un sens poli-
ue a cette disparition du conseil princier des ecclesiastiques moldaves. II est encore une
79
Nous avons attire deja !'attention (dans "Theoctiste I"", pp. 343-352) sur le fait que, depuis 1375, le
·arche serbe etait redevenu un archeveque suffragan! du patriarche oecumenique (le debat entre M.
ris, «Le patriarcat de Pee a-t-il ete reconnu par l'Eglise de Constantinople en 1375?», dans Melanges
rles Diehl, I, Paris, 1930, p. 171-175 et V. Laurent, «L'archeveque de Pee etle titre de patriarche apres
· n de 1375», Balcania, VII, 1944, p. 303-310). Ce statut etait d'actualite meme apres 1453. Brankovic
~manda au patriarche Gennadios Scholarios la pennission de transf8rer le si8ge du patriarcat de Pe6 a
_mederevo (Scholarios, IV, pp. 207-211; Erich Dobschulz, «Ein Schreiben des Patriarchen Gennadios
_cholarios an den FUrsten Georg van Serbien», ASPh, XXVII, 1905, p. 246-257; Constantin G. Pitsakis,
, anonica byzantino-serbica minora, I. Le tris8piscopat: une perversion serbe?», dans Byzantium and
rbia in the 14th Centwy, edite par N. Oikonomides, Athenes,1996, p. 279-280).
80
L'autocephalie, fortuitil («Bisericil ~i putere», p. 134), sera de/endue cu cer/Jicie (Ibidem, p. 144).
81
Ibidem, p. 135.
82
Ibidem, p. 136, 138, 143-144.
83
L. Pilat, «Biserica ~i putere», p. 144.
133
G!I
D_anl
______________ □ _anMure§ ______________ {t
fois regrettable qu'aucun point de vue de cet auteur ne puisse etre exprime sobrement, 1
sans donner cours a des ressentiments incomprehensibles. ,,
Plusieurs problemes mettent en cause cette reconstitution. Si ce mecanisme avail une \J

signification quelconque, pourquoi, une fois l'eveque de Radau\i elu en 1470, les prelats con- K~
tinuent-ils a rester dans le conseil princier jusqu'a la fin de 1473? Les vacances postulees sont ,,)
enonmes. II s'agirait, en prenant 1453 comme point de depart, d'une vacance du siege de ·zl
Roman de 11 ans, et de 17 ans pour Radau\i. Or les canons rendent un metropolite respon- ,)
84
sable de foumir un occupant a un siege episcopal vacant sous /es trois mois ! 'ffi
70
Can. 25 du Concile de Chalcedoine (451): Qu'une Eglise ne doit pas etre privee d'eveque
au-de/a de trois mois. Ayant appris que p/usieurs metropolitains negligent /eur troupeau et dif
ferent /'election des eveques, le saint concile a decide que /'election des eveques doit etre
faite dans /es trois mois, a mains qu'il ny eat une necessite absolue de differer plus /ong-
temps; si le metropofitain n'agit pas ainsi, Hsera soumis aux peines ecc!esiastiques.
La consecration de Taraise de Roman (I~ passage d'un a deux prelats) est la plus proble- 'ij
matique. On suppose qu'apres le mariage d'Etienne Ill avec Evdokia de Kiev, ce rapport matri- ·-~
mania/ put servir de mediateur pour une relation avec la metropole de Kiev, qui, a son tour, zj
avail interrompu sa liaison avec le Patriarcat cecumenique 85 . C'est une impossibilite evidente. •P~
Le metropolite de Kiev, Gregoire Bougarine, avail ete consacre par Gregoire Mamme<,1'
(1458). II resta en communion avec Rome jusqu'a 1467, quand, ii s'adressa au patriarcheiJll
Denys I" de Constantinople pour lui demander sa benediction. Celui-ci le reconnut comme le iJl
legitime metropolite de toute la Russie, en demandant a Moscou de !'accepter egalemenLj
Devan! le refus categorique d'lvan Ill, Dionysos declara le metropolite Philippe I" de MoscouJ1
schismatique, car intronise sans sa benediction pontificale (1469). En replique, Ivan Ill pre-,I
tendit en 1470 que le patriarche cecumenique n'etait qu'un prisonnier des infideles, en raison I
86
de quoi ii ne detenait aucun droit sur l'Eglise de Moscou et sa benediction et9it inutile • ,I
Ainsi, le retour de la metropole de Kiev dans le ressort de la Grande Eglise consacrait-il-'I
!'existence de facto de deux metropoles orthodoxes russes. La premiere - dans les limites.JJ
de la Pologne-Lituanie, revenue en 1469 sous !'obedience du Patriarcat. La seconde - a_•.:_,_il;B-•_··
Moscou, sous la haute main du grand-due, devenue autocephale depuis le synode de 1459. ~,
Un metropolite en communion avec Rome n'aurait jamais pu concelebrer en 1464 avec:~-
l'auteur moral de !'expulsion des Franciscains de Moldavie en 1462. Ainsi, le probleme de-,j
meure-t-il entier: si Theoctiste I" ne pouvait plus avoir de rapports avec le Patriarcat de Pec,,tf
s'il snobait tout contact avec le Patriarcat cecumenique et la metropole de Valachie revenue,J.
sous sa coupe, si enfin ii ne pouvait pas s'adresser au metropolite de Kiev, en communion,i~
avec Rome, ii faudrait en conclure que le deuxieme prelat de Moldavie avait ete consacre:f
par le metropolite Theoctiste I" tout seul, malgre toutes les dispositions canoniques. lij
}w--~
Pour faire fonctionner ce mecanisme de «clonage» d'eveques, Pilat n'hesite pas sur/. a
encherir avec cette affirmation ahurissante: ce/a signifiait que la situation de /'Eglise moldave'~-
etait assez critique, elle se trouvait dans /'impossibilite d'assurer sa succession hierarchique;j
se/on le droit canonique, la consecration d'un eveque devait etre faite en presence d'au moins:f
'f:0
84
P.-P. Joannou, Discipline generale antique, 1-1, pp. 88-89. ...
85
86
L. Pilat, «Biserica §i putere», p. 138. •£
laroslav Nicolaevich Shchapov, Vostochnoslaviansfefe i iuzhnoslavianskie knigi v sobraniiakh Po1°fi'
skoi narodnoi respublifef [Livres est- et sud-slaves dans les collections de la Republique populaire Pologne]:~!
Moscou, 1976, 11, Appendix, no. 52, p. 145-147; Elie Denisoff, «Aux origines de l'Eglise russe autocephale»:,
RES, XXIII, 1947, p. 73; Jakov A Luria, «Fifteenth-century chronicies as a source for the history of the for~0,;
mation of the Muscovite State», dans Medieval Russian Culture, editeurs Michael S. Flier, Daniel Rowland.-/i:::
11, Berkeley-Los Angeles-Landres 1997, p. 47-56; Andrei Pliguzov, «Ot florentyiskoi unyy k avtokefalyy'~.
russkoi tserkvy» [De l'Union de Florence a l'autocephalie de l'Eglise Russe], HUS, XIX, 1995, p. 513-530. j
134
Notes critiques
deux prelats (!)'7. En consacrant on ne sait pas tres bien comment deux eveques de plus,
Pilat se voit en possession de trois prelats moldaves, qu'il considere suffisants pour procla-
mer l'autocephalie moldave. En realite, le droit canonique insiste sur la necessite de la pre-
sence lors de !'ordination d'un eveque d'au moins trois, et non deux, prelats! L'erreur est suf-
fisamment grave pour qu'on s'y attarde, car deux canons etablissaient ces conditions, le pre-
88
mier repris et renforce par la seconde, justement pour dissiper toute ambigu"fte la-dessus •
Can. 4 du Concile de Nicee I (325): Par combien d'eveques un eveque est elu. L'eveque doit
etre avant tout choisi par taus ceux de la province; mais si une necessfte wgente au la longueur
de fa route sy opposait, trois eveques absolument doivent se reunir et proceder a /'election,
munis du consentement ecrit des absents. La confitmation de ce qui s'est fail revient de droit
dans chaque province a /'eveque metropolitain.
Can. 3 du Concile de Nicee II (187): Que les seigneurs rares ne peuvent prendre part a
!'election d'un eveque. Toute e/ecfion d'eveque ou de pre/re ou de diacre, faite sur la proposi
tion de seigneurs laiCs restera sans vafeur, confonnement au canon qui dit: «Si un eveque, se
servant de /'appui de Jaiios influents, oblient grace a eux une Eglise, qu'il soft de pose et qu'on
excommunie taus ceux qui sont en communion avec lufo. En effet, le futur candidat a /'episco-
pal doit etre propose par des eveques, selon qu'il fut decide par Jes saints peres du concile de
Nicee dans le canon qui dit: «L'eveque doit etre choisi par taus Jes eveques de la province;
mais si une necessite urgente au la longueur de la route s'.Y opposait, trois eveques absolu
men/ doivent se reunir et proceder a /'election, munis du consentement ecrit des absents. La
confitmation de ce qui s'est fait revient de droit dans chaque province au metropolitain».
Trois n'est pas un chiffre arbitraire. Pour Symecn de Thessalonique la presence minimum
'de trois eveques lors de !'election et de la consecration d'un eveque est le symbole de l'action
89
synergique des personnes de la Trinite . Des raisons canoniques, mais aussi theologiques,
interdisent tres severement de parler de seulement deux eveques consecrateurs. Qui plus est,
utocephalie ne signifie pas n'en faire qu'a sa tete, comme semble croire L. Pilat, mais: (1) le
roil de resoudre taus les probleme intemes de sa propre autorite, independamment d'autres
Eglise, et surtout (2) le droit de consacrer ses propres eveques et surtout le chef de l'Eglise,
90
sans aucune expression obligatoire de dependance envers une autre Eglise .
Avec ces precisions on touche ace que l'on pourrait nommer la condition d'(im)possibilite
/"'autocephalie" des metropoles de Va/achie et de Moldavie: leur nombre de suffragants
rap reduit pour assurer la consecration a l'interieur de l'Eglise de ses eveques ou du
etropolite. Les deux metropoles n'avaient chacune, tout au long des XV'-XVI" siecles, que
eux eveches suffragants: Ramnic et Buzau en Valachie, Roman et Radau\i en Moldavie.
Le besoin de consacrer un nouvel eveque n'apparaissait qu'apres la disparition d'un
eque. Le mecanisme propose est done inefficace, parce que sur les 3 eveques moldaves,
_uls 2 resteraient pour consacrer le nouveau prelat, ce qui n'est pas confrome au droit cano-
ique. Un simple calcul nous informe que pour avoir au moins trois eveques presents, une
glise autocephale doit posseder au minimum quatre prelats. Meme en ajoutant l'eveque de
9d (a partirdu XVI' siecle), on ne peut empecher les crises. En 1558 les eveques de Roman
de Radau\i moururent l'un apres l'autre, rendant necessaire la convocation d'un s¥node
1
I qui avait sans doute fail appel a des eveques de l'exterieur pour etablir une solution .
87
«Biserica $i putere», p. 137.
88
P.-P. Joannou, Discipline generale antique, 1-1, p. 26, 250-251.
89
Symeonis Thessalonicensis Archiep., De sacris ordinationibus, cap. CXCII, PG, CLV, col. 404 AB.
90
Voir dans St. Vladimir's Quarierly (Crestwood, NY), XV, 1971, 1-2, Alexander Schmemann, «A
eaningful Storm. Some reflexions on autocephaly, tradition and ecclesiology» (p. 3-27) et, surtout,
.hn Erickson, «Autocephaly in Orthodox Canonical Literature to the Thirteenth century» (p. 28-47).
:> 91 N. lorga, «O alegere de episcopi moldoveni in 1557-1558» [Une election d'eveques moldaves en
57-1558], Riiva§u/[La lettre] (Cluj), VI, 1907, 1, p. 3-7.
135
Dan loan Mure 9an
C'est la raison fondamentale pour laquelle durant toute cette epoque les Eglises des deux
Principautes durent faire continuellement appel au Patriarcat cecumenique, qui devait envoyer
le (ou les) consecrateur(s) supplementaire(s) dont elles avaient besoin pour ordonner un nou-
vel eveque. On sait comment se passaient les choses a l'epoque ottomane grace a la decou-
verte d'une source sur la mission d'Antoine Karmalikes, exarque de Jeremie I" en Valachie en
janvier 1534, qui s'acheva par la deposition d'un metropolite elu contre ces normes canoni-
92
ques et !'installation d'un autre . II est evident aussi que les prelats qui participerent au synode
de 1558 venaient de la part du patriarche Joasaph II (1556-1565), qui en excellents rapports
avec Alexandre Lapu 9neanu, prince de Moldavie, et qui visita la Moldavie a la fin de 1560 et
au debut de 1561, concelebrant avec le metropolite et les deux eveques elus auparavant93 .
Ce n'est qu'avec la fondation de l'eveche de Hu 9i que la large autonomie inteme de la
metropole de Moldavie attestee au xv11•-xv111• commence a etre viable. C'est sans doute au
remarquable metropolite Gheorghe Movila que revint le merite de cet acquis important, obtenu
en jouant avec intelligence la carte des rapports avec l'Eglise de Rome. La concession de
l'eveche de Hu 9i fut une des mesures du Patriarcat destinees a le soustraire a !'influence ro-
maine qui mena9<3it d'attirer l'Eglise moldave dans le sillon de !'Union de Brest (1595).
Le metropolite n'a jamais demande le statut de patriarcat, mais celui d'archeveche (s'inspi-
rant du modele d'Ohrid, avec qui l'Eglise moldave avait eu exceptionnellement des rapports;
94
1530-1544 ). Le nouvel eveche avail ete obtenu non pas en rampant les relations avec le Pa-
triarcat, mais en les intensifiant et en negociant une elevation de statut95 . Pour obtenir un cer-
tain degre d'autocephalie ii ne faut pas briser, mais renforcer les rapports, ce qui implique nego-
cier, demander, offrir, surencherir. Dans l'Eglise tout ce qui est arrache par la force est un acte
de brigandage (voir le conciliabule d'Ephese II), n'est pas legitime et n'est pas destine a durer.
Notre auteur n'ignore pas entierement ces evenements, mais les ecarte comme une ana-
logie valable, tout en faisant la gaffe monumentale d'attribuer a Meletios Pegas le titre de patri-
96
arche cecumenique . En realite, Meletios, patriarche d'Alexandrie, avail refuse par deux fois
d'etre elu patriarche de Constantinople et avait seulement accepte de gerer le siege cecume-
nique durant une vacance (mars 1597-avril 1598) en tant que epiteretes (lieutenant, vicaire, un
equivalent de topoteretes !). Gheorghe Movila conseivait ses rapports avec le Patriarcat, com-
me le montre l'acte de reconnaissance du Patriarcat de Moscou par le synode de mai 1590,
auquel ii apposa sa signature a la fin de la liste de taus les suffragants de Constantinopie97 ,
***
D'ou provient en fin de compte cette thematique de l'autocephalie des Eglises de Maida-
vie et de Valachie? Sauf quelques premisses remontant a l'epoque de la reconnaissance de
l'autocephalie de l'Eglise roumaine, ce theme avail ete lance avec virulence a l'epoque sovieti-
que, dans un article ecrit «sur commande» juste apres la rencontre des patriarches des Eglises
92
Vair Dieter R Reinsch, «Die Macht des Gesetzbuches. Eine mission des Megas Rhetor Antonios
Kannalikes in der Walachei», RHJ, VI, 1987, p. 307-323; TudorTeoteoi, «O misiune a Patriarhiei Ecume-
nice la Bucure~ti in vremea domniei Jui Vlad Vintila din Slatina» [Une mission du Patriarcat cecumenique a
Bucarest pendant le regne de Vlad Vintila de Slatina], RI, V, 1994, 1-2, pp. 27-44.
93
BAR-Bucure9ti, Pocaev, Cod. 116, I. 504' (note pour le 1" janvier 1561); Cronicile, pp.41-42.
94
Vair notre etude «Rever Byzance. Le dessein du prince Pierre Rare:;; de Moldavie pour liberer
Constantinople», EBPB, IV, 2001, pp. 207-265.
Hunnuzal<i, XIII, pp. 351-352; Meletios Pegas ecrivait a Jeremie Movilii: En ce qui conceme <la
95
question de> /'archeveche, je me r&jouis premierement qu'un autre eveque ait ete consacre, comme
nous le voulions. Pegas metait en relation !'apparition d'un troisieme eveque suffragant comme precon-
dition necessaire pour accorder a la metropole de Moldavie le statut d'archeveche qui impliquait l'auto-
cephaJie. Cependant, le synode qui devait en decider ne fut plus jamais convoque.
96
L Pilat, «Bisericii 9i putere», p. 143 (note 56).
97
Wilhelm Regel, Analecta byzantino-russica, Skt Petersbourg, 1891, no. 5, p. 85-92 (p. 91, I. 12).
136
Notes critiques
orthodoxes rassembles sous l'egide de leur collegue de Moscou (1948) pour feter le 500'me
centenaire de l'autocephalie russe. Ce congres fut !'occasion non seulement des attaques
contre Rome, mais aussi centre le Patriarcat oecumenique, le seul a echapper alors a !'influ-
ence sovietique. Mosoou entendait alors prendre sa place a la tete du monde orthodoxe, et a
!'occasion ressortit du placard le mythe de la Troisieme Rome.
Les rapports entre le Patriarcat et la metropole de Moldavia auraient ete, a l'instar de
l'Eglise russe, completement rompues a l'epoque du pontifical de Theoctiste I". Depuis, ce
theme est devenu une «dogme», accepte par tous sans avoir ete demontre par personne. On
se contente d'expedier un probleme de si grande ampleur et aux si nombreuses implications
dans de simples notes de bas de page. Cette approche avail ete critiquee (1950) par Vitalien
Laurent, qui a explique pourquoi une telle evolution etait impossible. Si Theoctiste le' avail98du
se faire orclonner a Pee- en raison de la situation confuse de la Grande Eglise - par la suite ,
fa reconna;ssance du Patriarcat recumenique fut certainement sollicitBe et accordee, sans quoi

/e statut de l'Eglise moldave eat ete anti-canonique et ii y eat schisme. En rea/ite, Theoctis/e,
reconnu par l'Eg/ise byzantine, du/ manceuvrer pour en eluder la lute/le qui, juridiquement,
resta entiere et joua au mains son plein effet dans la nomination au la confinnation de ses
successeurs. II n'en fut pas autrement pour l'Eglise russe jusqu'a la creation du Patriarcat;
/'agrement de Constantinople fut requis apres c/Jaque promotion ou elecUon.
Dans nos eludes sur Theoctiste le' (2004) et Girolamo Lando (2006), nous avons montre
99
combien les nouvelles oonnaissances acquises depuis confirment cette note oubliee .
Nous ferons ici tout juste deux remarques. II est indubitable que les deux paragraphes
attaches a I' Ekthesis nea - renfermant des formulas d'adresse au prince et a la princesse de
Moldavia(§ 63 et§ 64) -datent, comme l'a deja soutenu leur editeur, de la deuxieme moitie
100
du XI/ siecle et font reference a Etienne Ill et a l'une de ses epouses .
Les echanges entre le prince de Moldavia et le Patriarcat, dans la deuxieme moitie du
XI/ siecle, comprenaient aussi de precieux objets liturgiques. Au milieu du XVlle siecle,
l'eveque de Roman revetait une chasuble (phe/onion) multi-croix (polystavrion) dite de saint
Jean Chrysostome qu'un des patriarches de Constantinople avail offert a Etienne Ill (dit
101
/'Ancien), lequel en avail fait don a son tour a l'eglise cathedrale de la ville de Roman •
Pour conforter une autocephalie en manque d'eveques, !'auteur prend bien curieusement
au pied de la lettre le caractere episcopal de l'autorite conferee aux princes de Moldavie par le
sacre. II specule a eel effet sur !'utilisation pour le prince Etienne Rare~ du terme de vladiki, qui
102
mettrait en evidence la dimension sacerdotale du monarque moldave • En realite c'est
justement !'oppose qui est vrai. Le terme de vladika est emprunte au monde profane pour
designer l'autorite et le prestige seculier dont jouissaient les hommes d'Eglise a l'epoque.
Cela etait d'autant plus vrai apres la reforme judiciaire de l'empereur Andronic Ill de 1329,
ui marqua le dernier siecle de l'histoire du monde orthodoxe. Face a l'impuissance de son
98
A. Cerna-Radulescu, V. Ciimpineanu, «:;;tefan eel Mare §i Rusia» [Etienne le Grand et la Russie],
_rtodoxia (Bucarest), I, 1949, 1, p. 211-237 (et le compte-rendu de V. Laurent, BZ, XLIII, 1950, p. 458-
59); L. Pilat, «Sihastrul Sava», p. 29 (note 43).
99
«Girolamo Lando, titulaire du Patriarcat de Constantinople (1474-1497), et son role dans la poli-
ue orientale du Saint-Siege», AIRCRU, VIII, 2006, pp 153-258, et «Theoctiste I"», passim.
100
J. Darrouzes, «Ekthesis nea», pp 61-62; dans la partie valaque du formulaire, on s'adresse au
ircea I"' (1386-1418) dont le regne avail marque un grand approfondissement des rapports avec la
rande Eglise. Etienne II M un prince trap ephemere pour que le formulaire fill transforme a son attention.
101
Calatori, VI, p. 104 (Paul d'Alep): a cette epoque la, depuis plus d'un siede, Etienne Ill etait connu
mme l'.4ncien en Moldavie et Valachie (voir Miron Costin, Opere [CEuvres], editeur P. P. Panaitescu,
ucarest, 1958, pp 205, 210 (Chronique polonaise); (lstoria 1290-1690, p. 4; Gheorghe Bal§, «Bisericile
oldovene§ti din veacul al XVI-lea» [Les eglises moldaves du XVI' siede], BCMI, XXI, 1928, p. 26).
102
«BiseriGa §i putere», p. 148.
137
Dan loan Mure,,an
administration, l'Etat avail fail appel a la hierarchie de l'Eglise, en employant ses membres
dans la dispense de la justice civile, l'episcopat revetant une partie importante de l'autorite des
magistrats locaux. Les ecrits du metropolite Symeon de Thessalonique (1416-1429) docu-
mentent de maniere assez detaillee les prerogatives de juridiction civile dent pouvait jouir une
figure ecclesiastique. Ainsi, les sources venitiennes temoignent que omnes [des !arcs aussi
bien que des gens d'Eglise] irent ad Archiepiscopum ad ius tandis que Symeon se presente
lui-meme comme presidant sur /es jugements avec toute l'integrite et le zele pour la justice 103•
C'est presque un truisme que d'affirmer que la position eminente des metropolites des
Valachies dans le conseil princier herite du statut de l'Eglise a la fin de Byzance. Voici qu'il en
reste qui !'ignore, a force evidemment de refuser de transborder les renseignements byzantins
pour comprendre les realites moldaves. Grace a cette autorite civile, un eveque 104 eta it appele
dominus (latin), despotes (grec) ou vladika (slavon). L'application du meme terme a un prince
n'etait qu'une utilisation dans la sphere qui lui est propre, et non son caractere sacerdotal.
Par voie de consequence, Gilbert Dagron, sur qui Pilat pretend se fonder, se reconnaitra
105
difficilement dans les opinions qui lui sent attribuees . La subtile analyse du bizantinisant
frani;:ais porte en effet sur le caractere figure des attributs sacerdotaux de l'empereur byzantin,
en distinguant entre les positions des ideologues de cour et les reactions des canonistes. Les
premiers, d'Eusebe de Cesaree a Balsamon, parlent de la pretrise imperiale dans le registre
vetero-testamentaire, ce qui, apres !'incarnation du Christ, n'est a lire que metaphoriquement,
dans le registre du «comme si» (quasi-pretre, charismes quasi-episcopaux). Les autres, de
Basile le Grand a Symeon de Thessalonique, sent plus radicaux. Pour eux l'empereur ne sau-
rait avoir qu'une simple fonction diaconale. Mais Dagron montre que, d'un cote et de l'autre, tou-
te l'histoire byzantine n'est qu'une deconstruction plus ou mains radicale de l'effectivite du ca-
ractere episcopal du pouvoir de l'empereur. Le sacre imperial ne transmet aucun charisme,
parce qu'il n'est pas un sacrement, un mystere sacre (sfanta taina), mais un sacramental (ierur-
gie): ii lui ressemble, mais ne lui est pas assimilable. Et le byzantiniste frangais de conclure106:
Prive de tout charisme, l'empereur conserve encore une foncfion ecc/8siastique, au niveau le
plus bas possible, faute de quoi ii ne serait meme plus un souverain chr8tien; mais, «pretre
et roi>J dans /'ordre de Me/chisedech, ii est devenu un simple bedeau [!'equivalent roumain
est /aroovnic] dans l'Eglise du Christ.
Pour Constantin Pitsakis, l'un des meilleurs specialistes du droit byzantin, qui est encore
plus radical, l'empereur remain d'Orient est tout bonnement un la"fc. Selan C. Pitsakis 107 :
103
Louis Petit, «La reforme judiciaire d'Andronic Paleologue (1329), Ed'O, IX, 1906, p. 134-138; Paul
Lemerle, «Le juge general des Grecs et la reforme judiciaire d'Andronic Ill», dans Memorial Louis Petit,
Bucarest, 1948, p. 302, 308-309; Idem, «Recherches sur les institutions judiciaires a l'epoque des Paleo-
logues, I. Le tribunal imperial», AIPhHOS, IX, 1950, pp. 369-384; Idem, «Recherches sur les institutions
judiciaires a l'epoque des Paleologues, II. Le tribunal du patriarcat ou tribunal synodal», AnBo/1, 11, 1950,
p. 319-320 (en particulier); David Balfour, Politico-historical WO/ks of Symeon Arohbishop of Thessalonika
(1416/17to 1429), Vienne, 1979, p. 235-236.
104
Ana Dumitran, «Titlul de v/adica ~j semnifica(iile sale in lumea romaneasca medievala» [Le titre
de vladika et ses significations dans le monde medieval roumain], MT, I, 1997, 1-2, p. 63-68.
105
«Biserica ',i putere», p. 148; comme d'habitude, L. Pilat ne connait pas les grands auteurs a
source mais a travers les citations d'autrui.
100
Empereur et pretre, p. 289. On aurait prefere mains de G. Balandier et plus de G. Dagron
l'etude de Pilat, «Modelul constantinian ',i imaginanul epocii lui $tefan eel Mare» [Le modele constantinien
et l'imaginaire de l'epoque d'Etienne le Grand], dans ~tefan-Atlet, pp. 429-444, ou le lecteur est renvoye
pour fclus de details sur le "sacerdoce princier", idee certainement a rejeter.
07
«L'empereur romain: un larc», Kanan, XV, 1999, pp. 196-221; «Saintete et Empire. Apropos
la saintete imperiale: formes de saintete d'office et de saintete collective dans l'Empire d'Orient ?»,
Bizantinislica, Ill, 2001, p. 155-227, surtout p. 161-179 (Un sacerdoce imperial?, en particulier p. 176).
138
Notes critiques
le seul domaine ou une separation du spirituel et du temporel soil certaine c'est sans doute le
ministere sacerdotal, malgre ce qu'on dit souvent. La place des empereurs dans le laicat,
leur place meme d'ouailles par rapport au sacerdoce, si elle n'est pas toujours bien
soulignee, est tout de meme tres claire dans /es textes.
Appuye sur Symeon de Thessalonique, ii montre que les empereurs ne sont que des !arcs
(laikos telountes kai autoI), la fonction imperiale n'etant que la fonction superieure du monde
108
seculier (hegemonian tes kosmikes tautes aJChes egkecheirismenoI) . Les mains des empe-
reurs n'ont pas ete consacrees pour benir. Elles sont des mains mondaines et belliqueuses
(kosmikas kai strategikas cheiras). Les eveques doivent aux empereurs du respect, mais non
pas de la soumission, car ceux-ci sont de ceux qui n'ont pas le pouvoir et le caractere sacer-
109
dotaux (ton me echont6n ten tes hier6synes dynamin kai energeian) . L'incapacite vient de
rexercice des fonctions militaire et judiciaire, qui tachaient leurs mains de sang, en les excluant
par cela meme du sacerdoce. L'empereur ne detenait que !'office du depotatos (qui fail regner
l'ordre dans l'eglise), don! on dispute encore l'appartenance au diaconat ou sous-diaconat.
Dans le monde russe, les choses ne sont pas differentes. Olivier Azam, relisant le sacre
110
des tsars a la lumiere de la doctrine sacramentaire orthodoxe, concluait que :
le couronnement ne fail pas du tsar un pretre: un tsar ne peut celebrer /'eucharistie. Pourtant
/'imposition de la main [pour le distinguer de la consecration sacerdotale qui se fail avec Jes
deux mains] qui lui est conferee par le patriarche concelebrant avec d'autres eveques ne
saurait etre inferieure a celle d'un diacre [... ] Ce ne peut pas etre plus, mais ce ne peut pas
non plus etre mains [... ]. [Et en etudiant le cas-limite du couronnement des imperatrices
russes, assimilees a !'office de diaconesses, cet auteur reprend]: On peut done affirmer que
le _couronnement est considere, de fail, comme equivalent d'une ordination diaconafe.
Si le basileus byzantin n'est qu'un bedeau et le tsar russe n'est qu'une sorte de diacre, ii
faut beaucoup d'audace, et surtout d'ignorance, pour faire du vo'ievode moldave un eveque.
La theorie passe completement a cote du canon 3 du Concile de Nicee II (fonde sur le canon
30 des Ap6tres) qui jetait !'excommunication sur les eveques qui obtiendraient leur siege par
l'immixtion des seigneurs larcs dans leur election. Le type d'intervention dans la vie de l'Eglise
· que l'on attribue aux princes aurait place immediatement sous le coup de !'excommunication
les eveques illegitimement elus. Meme les sultans s'abstenaient en general de s'immiscer dans
!'election proprement dite des patriarches, se contentant de les reconna!tre par la suite. Lors-
qu'ils en firent autrement, en imposant Raphael (1475-1476) et Pac6me II (1584), !'opposition
fut telle que ils du rent accepter que ceux-ci fussent declares illegitimes et deposes111 .
Tout compte fail, un specialiste du droit canon aura compris que Pilat denonce insidieuse-
ment que la hierarchie moldave se trouve en fail depuis l'epoque de Theoctiste I" en proie a
un grave probleme d'identite canonique. A un certain point, les consecrations auraient ete, selon
l,ui, accomplies par un nombre insuffisant d'eveques, le reste necessaire etant pourvu par le
qharisme episcopal d'un prince imbu d'ambitions imperiales et les bans offices de son conseil
princier. Aberration canonique digne d'une excommunication. Publier dans la Analele Putnei
,ne theorie qui met en cause, sans aucune raison reelle, la succession apostolique dans l'Eglise
e Moldovalachie, nous semble, pour le mains, une indelicatesse de la part de !'auteur.
108
Cf. Symeonis Thessalonicensis, De ordine sepulturae, ch. CCCLXIV, PG, CLV, col. 677 C.
109
Cf. Idem, De sacris ordination/bus, ch. CCXX, PG, CLV, col. 432 D-433 AB.
110
«Sacre des tsars et sacrements de l'E.glise aux XV1e-XVll 0 si8c!es», dans La Russie vers 1550.
onarchie nationale ou empire en fonnation? (=CMR, XLVI, 1-2), editeurs Andre Berelowitch, Vladimir
xazarov, Paris, 2005,pp. 175-192 (citation p. 190).
111
;: Otto Kresten, Das Patriarchal van Konstantinopelim ausgehenden 16. Jahilwndert, Der Bericht
es Leontios Eustratios im Cod. Tyb. Mb 10: Einleitung, Text, Obersetzung, Kommentar, Vienne, 1970.
139
Dan loan Mure~an
Quant a l'onction des princes, Pilat lance !'affirmation stupefiante que les chroniques mol-
daves en parleraient pour la premiere fois lors du sacre d'Etienne IV (le Jeune) par le
metropolite Theoctiste II en 1517. C'est faire fi sans aucune gene du temoignage concordant
des an nales de Putna sur le sacre d'Etienne Ill (le Grand) par Theoctiste I" lors de la fete de
Paques, 17 avril 1457. Ce qui nous oblige a reiterer des choses que l'on croyait acquises:
Et ensuite se rassembla tout le pays avec Sa Saintete le metropo/ite kyr Theoctiste et avec
/'aide de Dieu ifs /'ant sacre pour le regne (pomazaiite ego na gospodstvo), a Sire/, dans
/'endroit qui s'appelle Dereptate jusqu'a nos jours112 .
Les deux redactions differentes de Putna insistent sur les conditions exceptionnelles de !'in-
vention du premier sacre de l'histoire moldave dans le contexte mouvemente de la resistance
au Concile de Florence et de l'avenement d'Etienne Ill. Ce sacre n'eut pas lieu dans la capi-
tale, et ii est inutile d'imposer a posteriori des regles de ceremoniel qui se stabilisent plus tard
pour faire de l'evenement d'avril 1457 quelque chose de politiquement correct. Le caractere
exceptionnel du moment justifie encore moins de proscrire tout simplement ces sources.
Nous avons deja montre que la chronique de cour de Pierre Rare9 n'en est qu'une conti-
nuation, dans tous les sens du terrne, comme affirme Macaire dans son preambule. Dans les
manuscrits, les diverses redactions de la chronique de Macaire se situent tant6t apres Putna I,
tant6t apres Putna II. Dans !'ensemble de ces recueils, le sacre de 1457 est anterieurau sacre
de 1517, ce qui suffit pour refuter cette these. En 1517, Theoctiste II, en disciple de son maitre
dont ii avait meme emprunte le nom monastique, ne faisait que reiterer le geste fondateur de
Theoctiste I". Pour le sacre d'Etienne Ill, Theoctiste I" avait sans doute utilise - grace aux
relations avec le monastere Zographou que ses origines bulgares facilitaient - un forrnulaire
similaire a celui commande en 1532, au temps de Pierre Rare 9, au meme monastere par le
metropolite Theophane. En effet, la version copiee sur ce prototype du Mont Athos a des
particularites don! nous trouvons les traces dans les chroniques moldaves 113 .
Nous serions curieux d'apprendre quelle matiere utilisait Theoctiste II pour sacrer les
princes moldaves, s'il etait vraiment independant de la Grande E~lise? La confection du mega
myron, le saint chreme, etait des le IX' siecle un privilege exclusif 14 du Patriarcat de Constan-
tinople, qui le distribuait a tous ses suffragants. Comme c'est le meme saint myron - l'onction
de !'Esprit Saint - qui est utilise au bapteme de tout chretien orthodoxe, que pourrait-on dire de
la validite des baptemes officies dans l'Eglise de Moldavie tout au long du siec/e d'interruption
des rapports avec le Patriarcat? Comme enfin le myron est utilise pour la consecration des
autels des eglises, que dira-t-on des lors des dizaines d'eglises baties a l'epoque d'Etienne Ill,
dont on veut nous apprendre qu'il n'eut aucun rapport avec le Patriarcat? Voila quelques
«complications», a resoudre avant meme de prendre en consideration une pareille hypothese.
Dans son effort pour taire tout ce qui pourrait nuire a ses theories, l'auteur affirme que:
Meme apres la reprise des rapports avec le Patrian:;at cecumenique, qui a pour toile de fond
/'accentuation de la dependance par rapport a /'Empire ottoman, /'Eglise de Moldavie
conservera une grande autonomie. Dans une premiere phase, ii s'agira d'un refus categon·que.
A partir du debut du XVI' siecle, dans /es berats que /es sultans accordaient aux patrian:;hes
cecumeniques commence afigurer aussi le nom de la Mo/davie.
112
Cronici/e, pp. 44, 49, 56, 61 (voir aussi Ureche (1958), p. 83).
113
Voir «Rever Byzance» (chapitres: Le Syntagma de Matthieu Blastares, le chroniqueur Macaire et
Dobrovii/, et Un office de couronnement des tsars al'intenlion de Pierre Rare§); Theoctiste, p. 357-358.
114
Vair, entre autres, E. Hermann, «Wann ist die Chrysamweihe zum ausschliesslichen Vorrecht
der Patriarchen geworden?», BSHB, XVI-XVII, 1939, p. 509-515; Miguel Arranz, «La consecration du
saint myron», OCP, LV, 1989, p. 317-338.
140
Notes critiques
Pour cela, ii renvoit a notre etude, ou cependant nous presentions le berat de Bayezid II
pour le patriarche Symeon de Trebizonde en 1483, decouvert par Georgios Salakides. On voit
le mal terrible qu'a toujours cette source remarquable - qui valide les observations de Vitalien
115
-· Laurent - d'etre assimilee par l'historiographie roumaine, ou elle est signalee depuis 2000 .
En 150411505, le patriarche Joachim I" decida de se rendre en Moldavie. Le nouveau

prince Bogdan Ill, le fils de Etienne Ill, ayant appris comment ii avait renverse le patriarche
Pacome en offrant un cadeau de 500 florins, refusa de l'accueillir et de le rencontrer. II envoya
ses officiers chasser Joachim de par tout le pays comme illegitime. Ce fut un coup terrible
pour la sante fragile de Joachim. Saisi de honte en raison de ces accusations, le patriarche
116
revint en Valachie a Targovi§te, et y deceda peu apres, incapable d'endurerce mepris .
L'episode est utilise de maniere completement abusive comme preuve d'une «indepen-
dance" de l'Eglise de Moldavie par rapport au Patriarca~ alors qu'il exprime en realite tout a fait
le contraire. Pour Joachim, ii etait tout a fait normal de faire une visite canonique en Moldavie,
en vertu de sa juridiction. II y aurait peut-etre pense deux fois s'il avail eu en prealable quelque
· vent d'une autocephalie. Bogdan, en revanche, se montrait preoccupe de la rectitude des
elections patriarcales, en se manifestant en faveur de Pac6me comme detenteur legitime de
!'office, illegalement chasse de son siege. Cette opposition visait uniquement la personne de
Joachim, a cause de son attitude lors de la succession de Bogdan, et non pas le Patriarcat en
/ant que tel. Mais ce sont la des nuances invisibles a moins de lire directement la source, et
non pas les digestes vehicules de coutume par la vulgate historiographique roumaine.
Get episode montre done que la juridiction de la Grande Eglise etait surement reconnue
vant !'incident de 1505. Apres l'avoir presente de maniere tronquee, L Pilat precede a une
ystification finale, en eludant entierement toute allusion a la visite de l'annee 1513 de ce
eme patriarche Pac6me, qui voyagea successivement en Valachie et en Moldavie, et fut
1
u triomphalement par les princes, les boyards et les fideles des Principautes roumaines ".
<Pac6me> se prepara que/ques jours, prit que/ques clercs, pretres et Jares, et s'en al/a vers
la Valachie et la Mo/davie. Les princes de ce pays (authentai tau topou), Jes boyatds
(archontes) et tout le peuple (laos), l'accueillirent avec beaucoup d'honneurs et Jui firent don
de main/es choses. Et ii Jes benit, puis rassemb/a son synode et s'en retouma vers la Ville.
'acerbe resistance «seculaire" au Patriarcat aura dure a la fin moins d'une decennie. Ce n'est
rtes pas d'une elude sur l'autocephalie moldave que les lecteurs pourraient l'apprendre.
115
«Biserial §i putere», p. 146 (pour des affirmations aussi tranchantes, la bibliographie utilisee se
~ duit a Nestor Vomicescu, «Legaturile Patriarhiei de Constantinopol cu Biserica romaneasca In veacul
XVI-lea» [Les relations du Patriarcat de Constantinople avec l'Eglise roumaine au XVI' siecle], MO, X,
958); citation du berat de 1483 dans D. Muresan, «Theocliste I"», p. 372-373 (le berat a ete edite dans
uftansurkunden des Athos-Kfosters Vatopedi aus der Zeit Bayezid II. und Selim I. Kn/ische Edi/ion und
:ssenschaff/icherKommentar, Thessalonique, 1995, p. 31-34 (texte ottoman), 35-38, 48-65 (traduction
_commentaire allemande); en Roumanie, le document en question a ete signal€ tout premi8rement par
Popescu, «Mitropolia Go~ei intr-o diploma otomana de investire a patriarhului de Constantinopol» [La
·tropolie de Gothia dans une dipl6me ottomane d'investiture du patriarch de Constantinople], SMIM,
y111\ 2000, p. 167-172).
16
\ Historia polftica oonstantinopoleos a 1391 usque ad 1578 annum Christi, in Historia PPG, pp.
141; Ecthes,s Chronica and Chronicon Athenarum, edite par Spyridon P. Lambros, Landres, 1902, p.
?: P.$. Nasturel, «Radu Vada eel Mare §i patriarhul de Constantinopol Joachim 1-ul» [Le vo"ivode Radu le
.rand etle patriarche de Constantinople Joachim I"], SMIM, XX, 2002, pp. 23-31.
117
[Manuel Malaxos], Historia polftica constantinopo/eos a 1454 usque ad 1578 annum Christi, in
/aria PPG, p. 150; cf. Ecthesis Chronica, p. 67; Nioolae M. Popescu, Patriarhii Tarigradului prin Tiinle
ane§ti (veacul XVI) [Les patriarches de Constantinople dans Jes Pays Roumains (XVI' siecle)], Buca-
, 1914, p. 18.
141
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En guise de conclusion
Nous avons analyse - sans doute de plus pres qu'il ne l'eOt merite - un auteur qui
avec nonchalance les sujets les plus ardus sans meme en souP9onner la difficulte, qui
que les instruments necessaires a ce type de recherches et qui donne ainsi facilement
verges pour se faire fouetter. Si encore ii s'en etait tenu au dilettantisme du premier article,
aurait eu que demi-mal. Car dans le deuxieme, les sources sont tout simplement rroInrn1RF•s
tordues ou oubliees pour etayer des theories excessives. On s'abstiendra de s'interroger
ment des contributions aussi equivoques ant pu etre publiees dans la presse •~;,0 n+;nn,
se limitant a rappeler un proverbe byzantin: si /'on permet une incongruite, beaucoup d'ir1r.n10-
118
gruites suivron/ . L'auteur aura du mains eu le merite d'articuler jusqu'a l'epuisement
sieurs prejuges diffus afin de permettre leur critique systematique. Nous sommes de,sorm~is
en mesure de conclure que l'enthousiasme inspire par le progres de l'Eglise mc,ld,ive
s'affranchit de la tutelle patriarcale est Ires exagere au point de vue des fails et des
Le concept d'autocephalie de l'Eglise de Moldavie reste pour le Xlf siecle anachronique
ne peut se perpetuer qu'au prix des interpretations le plus arbitraires et des distorsions les
graves des sources. La-<:lessus, nous souhaitons vivement ne plus devoir entrer dans la
(Rome, Accademia di Romania, avri/
118
J. Darrouzes, EpistoliersbyzantinsduX" siecfe, Paris, 1961, p. 205.
142
The Greek Rite Transy/vanian Church in the 1450':
Archbishop John of Caffa and the Crusade in East-Central Europe
lulian Mihai Damian

Scuola Normale Superiore, Pisa
"Babe:;;-Bolyai" University,
Cluj-Napoca
The presence in Transylvania, in the mid 1400', of a Greek rite (Orthodox) metropolite
used several debates amongst the 'confessional historians' of Romania in the first half of
1
20th century. On the Orthodox side, 9tefan Lup:;;a, Victor Popa or loan D. Suciu tried to
2
ransform this first Orthodox hierarch in Transylvania (Zenovie Pacli~anu, 1913 ) into a martyr.
3
n the Greek-Catholic side, Timotei Cipariu, loan Boto~ or Augustin Bunea insisted on the
· ter activity of this hierarch as a unionist, founding their assertions only on a spurious tradition.
4
Recently, in spite of the persistence of such 'fundamentalist stands', some historians
ve focused on the Transylvanian problems triggered by John of Caffa (loan de Caffa)'s
esence and on his role in the wider framework of the 'confessional implications' of the
ouncil of Florence (1437-1443)5. In this respect, the most notable study belongs to Marius
iaconescu. Diaconescu has approached the matter not only from the perspective of the
omanian historiography, but also from the Ukrainian and Hungarian points of view. He has
lyzed the abundant sources of the 'domestic historiography' of the Minor Order regarding
J John Capistran (Giovanni da Capestrano)'s Transylvanian activity, while following up with
'e research tradition of the 'forgotten' history of the Florentine council. This important tradition
1 :;;t. Lup,a, Catolicismul la romanii din Ardeal §i Ungaria panii la anul 1556 [Catholicsm and the
manians a/Transylvania and Hungary until 1526] (Cernau\i 1929), pp. 82-101 ; V. Popa, 'Considera\iuni
·ce cu privire la Mitropolia Transilvaniei din sec. XV ,i XVI ,i a rapoartelor ei cu Moldova' [Critical
th th
essments regarding the Transylvanian Metropolitante in the 15 -16 Centuries and its Relations to
ldavia], MB, VIII (1958), pp. 387-436; 1.0. Suciu, Monografia Mitropoliei Banatului [The Monograph
he Metropolitante of the Banat] (Timi,oara 1977), pp. 51-75 .
2
. The original title: 'Cel dintaiu vladica romanesc ortodox din Ardeal', CC, Ill (1913), 6, pp. 162-165.
T. Cipariu, Acta et fragmentae (Blaj 1855), pp. XII-XVI; I. Boto,, 'Rela\iile ecleziastice ale Romanilor
Ungaria ,i Transilvania in veacul al XV-lea' [The Ecclesiastical Relations of the Romanians of Hungary
Transylvania in the 15th Century], Uniraa (Blaj), VII (1897), 15, 18, 21, 24, 28, 33, 35, 36, 38, 40, 43,
pp. 113-115, 137-139, 169-171, 193-195; 226-227; 257-259, 273-276, 281-284, 297-299, 313-315,
,338; 345-348; A. Bunea, Vechife episcopii romane§ti a Vadului, Geoagiului, Sifiva§ului §i Belgradului
e Old Romanian Bishoprics of Vad (Revkolostor), Geoagiu (Algy6gy, Gergesdort), Silva,ul (Szilvits)
Alba-lulia (Weissenburg, Gyulafehervitr)] (Blaj 1902), pp. 6-7; Idem, lerarhia romanilordin Ardeal §i
garia [The Hierarchy of the Romanians ofTransylvania and Hungary] (Blaj 1904).
o4 E.g. Viorel Achim, 'La feodalite roumaine du royaume de Hongrie entre orthodoxie et catholicisme.
casdu Banat', Colloquia, I (1994), 2, pp.17-28; Idem, 'Catolicismul la romanii din Banatin Evul Mediu',
VII (1996), 1-2, pp. 41-55; Adrian Andrei Rusu, 'Nobilimea romaneasca ,i biserica in secolul al XV-lea
mplul ha\egan)' [The Romanian Nobility and the Church in the 15th Century: The Case of Ha\eg (Hitt-
' Wallenthal)], in Nobilimea, pp. 131-145; Idem, Ctitori §i biserici din Tara Ha/egului panii la 1700
itors and Churches in the Ha\eg Land prior to 1700] (Satu Mare 1997), pp. 32-43; loan Dragan, No-
ea romaneascii din Transilvania. 1440-1514 [The Romanian Nobility ofTransylvania. 1440-1514] (Bu-
fest 2000); loan-Aurel Pop, Na/iunea romanii medievalii. So/idaritii/i etnice romane§ti in secolele X/1/-
th th
1.[Jhe Romanian Medieval Nation: Ethnic Romanian Solidarities. 13 -16 Centuries] (Bucharest 1998).
> 'Les implications confessionnelles du Concile de Florence en Hongrie', MT, I (1997), 1-2, pp. 29-62.
lulian-Mil,ai Damian
was initiated by the editions and studies of Georg Hofmann, Joseph Gill, Vitalien Laurent'~
and continuated, more recently, by the works of Vittorio Peri' or Giuseppe Alberigo8 . <C
The East-Central European aspects of the political and ecclesiastical consequences of the:'
Florentine union do not benefit, in general or in particular, from a reconstruction such as that¼
achieved by Oskar Halecki9 for the Polish-Lithuanian union. This calls for a profound research";
in view of a coherent picture of the complicated and often ambiguous political and ecclesiasti-'Z'
th
cal realities and balances in the second half of the 15 century. In spite of these facts, a gej
neral portrait of the East-Central European legacy of the Florentine union can be sketched.
***
On the political level, in response to the Ottoman expansion, the several dynastic factions'i
of the Byzantine Commonwealth took antagonist stands. They either accepted a role in theI
new 'Ottoman political order' or they took part in the long process of restoring and defending'
Christendom. The re-launched pontifical crusade, functional for several decades, was not only;'.l
a viable political opportunity for Greek rite Eastern states, but also a chance for social ang,;
political rise of social groups and personalities within the Western Latin Respublica Christiana. :'!1
The Hunyadis are probable the most significant example. It should be stressed out that~
the only defender of Christendom (athleta Christ,) mentioned in the first bulla (Postquam ad,}
apicem summi apostolatus), proclaiming the crusade after the council (January 1, 1443)'\1
was John Hunyadi. It should be probably added also that the support received from the popeJ
and the cardinals' college, who needed a loyal and devoted dux beli for the land operations,:!I
involved by the crusade, was decisive in many circumstances of Hunyadi's equally difficul\J
and glorious career and more evidently for his son's election as king of Hungary. j
On the ecclesial level, namely in matters of canon law, in the years following the decree ofi
union, the Florentine legacy was processed through the filter of Latin medieval canonic tradij
lion. We recall the difference between the conciliarist debate and the synodal decree of union•i-fl
on one hand, and, on the other, the lecture of the decree from unionist Roman perspective 11 ifl
perfectly illustrated by the Dominican Juan de Torquemada, Cardinalis Sancti Sixti, in hisJI
1
Apparatus super Deere/um Florentinum Unionis Graecorum , written only a year later. J•
From this moment one, from the perspective of the Roman Church, in particular on thil
judicial level, the restoration of the union in capite involved the right to ~oerce into union .th~·
segregated members. The formulation and, subsequently, the attempt' , to enforce the nghl~i
6
In the CF series we recall the Epistoa/e Pontiflciae, edited by G. Hofmann (1940-1943), Qua'/.j
{I
supersunt Ac/arum Graecorum Conci/ii Fiorentini, edited by J. Gill (1953-1964); Andreas de Santacroce,:J~
advocatus consistorialis, Acta Latina Concilii Fiorentini, edited by G. Hofrrann (1955); Syropou/os (1971···)···•·······/.\.'
edited by V. Laurent, as well as J. Gill, The Council of Florence (Cambridge 1959). ,,
7
'II concilio di Firenze: un appuntamento ecclesiale mancato', // Ve/Ira (Rome), XXVII (1983), pJiJli
197-215 (reprinted in his, Da Oriente e da Occidente. Le chiese cristiane dall'impero romano al/'Europ!J1t
modema, edited by Mirella Ferrari (Roma-Padua 2002), p. 348-374). ;:~
8
'The unity of Christians: 550 years after the Council of Ferrara-Florence. Tensions, disappoint/!%
ments and perspectives', in Christian Unity. The Council of Ferrara-Florence 1438/39-1989, edited by'f
G. Alberigo (Leuven 1991), p. 1-19.
9
Il
From Florence to Brest, Rome: Sacrum Poloniae Millennium, 1958. -~;
10
Episto/ae pontificiae, Ill, no. 261, p. 69 (1.14); reprinted in Monumenta Ucrainae Historica, editt,Q;
by MetropoliteAndrij Septyckyi, I (Rome 1964), p. 87.
11
.,,f;
V. Peri, 'La lettura del Concilio di Firenze nella prospettiva unionistica romana', in Christian Unilyj,
PP 51~3-611. ,'.f:
Edited by Emmanuel Candal, in CF, 11, 2/1, in 1944. .,,;;,
13
According to Fantino Valaresso, the activity of Cristofor Garatoni, Eugenius IVs apostolic noun~;
killed at Kossovopolje together with Hunyadi's men, had consisted mainly of contacts with different hi,'ifl;
rarchs of the Eastern Church, whose opposition only came ex solo ignorantiae fundamento (Fantinuif:,
144
The Greek Rite Transy/vanian Church in the 1450'
reductio ad unitatem, first with dialectical and diplomatic means (1440-1452), later also by
rce, went in parallel with the a slow process of liturgical reformation of the Greek united rite
ornate by patriarchs and cardinals Isidor and Bessarion. Meanwhile, namely from 1452 on,
hen fracture within the Eastern Church seemed complete, a systematic action coordinated
y the self-proclaimed Hiera Synaxis, until early 1454, and afterwards, by the patriarchate of
onstantinople, restored by Mehmed II Fatih (the Conqueror) and entrusted to Ghenad1os
14
'cholarios, of replacing, respectively competing unionist Greek rite bishops was carried on .
The parallelism between political and ecclesial levels can be found in the Transylvanian
ents of 1455-1456. At the Diet of Gy6r (Raab), in July 1455, the Hunyadi party denounced
duplicitary policy of Serbian despot and Hungarian magnate George (flurad) Brankovi6.
is act found its ecclesial correspondent in John Capistran's denouncement of the false
ion promoted by the despot, supported in his pro-Ottoman policy by daughter Mara, herself
protectrice of the patriarchate of Constantinople and often an intermediary between the sul-
and the superior Eastern clergy. According to Capistran, Brankovi6's attitude had been
de possible by the much too generous privileges granted by the late pope Nicholas V.
From this perspective, the concerted intervention of Hunyadi and Capistran into the al-
of the Transylvanian Greek rite Church appears to be a turning-point in the canonical
th
rpretation and imposition of the Florentine union. Far from being just a return to the 14
tury methods of the Latin Church in relation to the dominated Church, Capistran's acts
· uld be viewed from the perspective of post-Florentine canonic norms, from the perspective
he union's extreme consequences, including the right of reductio ad unitatem.
***
In winter 1455-1456, at the invitation of the Latin bishop of Transylvania, Capistran initi-
a vast action of converting schismatics to union, due to his charge of inquisitor haereticae
th
chismaticae pravitatis. On the 18 of January, Hunyadi informed Capistran that he had
15
eeded in capturing the perfidus V\lladika , haeresiarcha et Magister omnium schismatum
8eresum (the same ambiguous designation was used by John Capistran in his letter to the
16 th th
). Between the 6 and the 10 of February, a wide action of capturing and reconfirming
Greek rite priest consecrated, after this hierarch's (i.e. John of Caffa) arrival, and de-
d uncanonic, due to the hierarch's presumed illegitimate status of pseudo-episcopus".
ressus, archiepiscopus Cretensis, Ubellus de ordine generafium conci/iorum et unione florentina

, 11, 2), edited by Bernard Schultze (Rome 1944), pp. 3-4. Dialogue was piority for Isidor too, during
issions, though, in his report of 1452 to Nicholas V, he did not exclude the possibility of using force
·•st the staunchest enemies (BAV, Cod. Vat. Gr. 1858, ff. 44'-51'; partially used by Gill, The Council,
9; see further: Giovanni Mercati, Scritti d'lsidoro ii cardina/e Ruteno (Vatican City 1939), pp. 54-55).
',4 The action of the anti-unionist group was not at all diminished by the fall of Byzantium, this point of
mainly expressing the persistence of a historiographical cliche (see Le Patriarcat oecumenique de
stantinople aux Xlll'-XVf siec/es: rupture et continuite (Paris 2007), passim).
5
:{]_- SchemaUsmus almae provinciae Sancti Joannis a Capistrano Ord. Fr. Min. S.P. Francisci in
aria ad annum Christi MCM/X (Koloszvar 1909), no. 37, p. 35; the document was reprinted rrom Bela
_&s original edition, Kapisztrfm Janos /eve/ezese a magyarokkal [John Capestran's Hungarian Cor-
ndance] (offprint from TT, XIV) (Budapest 1901).
tWadding, XII, no. 318, pp. 367-368; cf. I.M. Damian, 'Ve/us et nova haeresis: inchizi\ia francis-
pe hotarul sud-estic al regatului ungar la mijlocul secolului XV' [The Franciscan lnquistion on the
'Eastern Border of the Hungarian Kingdom in the Mid 1400], A§D, II (2006), pp. 95-102.
?:, According to Hunyadi's letter from the ?'h of February to the castellans of $oimo§ (Solymosvar),
edoara (Vajdahunyad) and Deva (Deva, Diemrich) (Wadding, XII, no. 316, p. 366; also, with flaws,
hematismus, no. 41, p. 38), the action was focused only on omnes presbyteros Va/achomm per
,)·cam ordinatos, in tenis nostris existentes, comperta prius legitima comprobatione et veritate,
!per dictum W/adicam in presbyteros ordinati sin/ et ante presbyteri non fuemnt. It was no action
•st all Greek rite priest or even against all Walachians (Romanians), as some historians claimed.
145
lulian-Mihal Damian
Following an accurate investigation from the part of John Capistran and, especially, his
public renouncement of his 'errors', during a ceremony in Buda (Olen), John of Caffa was sent,
on the 15th of April, together with a letter briefly depicting his situation, to Rome by Domenico
Capranica, alias Firmanus (1400-1458), cardinal protector of the Minari! Order, to be restored
to his dignity (ut restituatur ad dignitates) 18_ In the accompanying letter, Capistran stated that
John of Caffa had renounced his 'errors', had been re-accepted into the Catholic community
9
(baptizatus ad cautelam), and recommended that he should be reinstated in his office 1 .
[ ... ] multi resistebant 6onfugientes ad D. Joannem de Capha presentium /a/orem, qui se pro
Episcopo, haeresiarcha et Magistro omnium schismatum et haeresum gerebat. Hie enim
cum multitudine sequacium et complicum suorum neque Romanum neque Graecum dtum
tenebat. Factum est autem postea, ut ad manus meas due/us esset per Magnif. D. Joan. De
Hunyad o/im Gubematorem regni. Examinavi ilium sub/ilius, et comperi ipsum promo/um
usque ad Episcopatum, sed nu/la unquam auctoritate sanctae Sedis Aposto/icae
confim1atum. Non enim Ecc/esiam Dei, non Papam, non sanctam Sedem Apostolicam
quidquam pendebat, sed abscisus et a/ienus effectus.
Afterwards, the only information we have on John of Caffa's comes from the first
ration Polish Jesuit, Piotr Skarga (1536-1612), Stephen (Istvan) Bathory's court chaplain, tog
!her with Antonio Possevino, inspirer of the union of Brest. In a vita Capistrani (contained in
0
his work Lites of the Saints' ), he states that, after John received in Rome authority over hi
people, he returned to (a) Valachia, where he brought to ccmmunion with the Universal Chur
an impressive, for those days, number of 10000 Walachians and Serbians ( Valachi et Sclavt).
Naturally the credit we can give to this tradition is relative, as this tradition was transmitte ·
in a moment when the unionist doctrine and the late crusade was re-launched but on post
tridentine grounds, profoundly different from those of the Florentine council. As in the edition'
th
of John of Capistran's works from the second half of the 16 century''), we notice a certai
tendency to perpetuate an ambiguity regarding Capistran's unionist actions, reduced by th·
historiography and hagiography of the 1500' to a simple action of conversion to the Latin rit
In our opinion, the ambiguity, far from being casual, is due to exactly those inner mechanism
of the Latin Church (present also in the Eastern Church), outlined by Vittorio Peri, who notic
that, exactly at this historic moment, the Latin notarial documentations on the debates durin
the council of Florence disappeared. According to Peri, this disappearance is suspect, for sue
22
data had become a problem for the Roman ecclesiology during the counter-reformation. • ·
***
A recently discovered document (the chancery copy of the original document) in t
2
Vatican Secret Archives provides us with new information on the tradition recorded by Skarga
nd
On the 2 of July 1456, more than two months, after Capistran's and Firmanus' letters
18
Wadding, XII, no. 317, p. 367.
19
Ibid., no. 318, pp. 367-368. <
20
Zywoty swi~tych (Vilnius 1579; 8 editions until 1612); the vita was reprinted by Lucas Waddi
(1932), XII, p. 368 (cf. Diaconescu, 'Les implications', p. 44). i
2
De Papae et Concilii sive Ecclesiae auc/orila/e, B. loannis a Capistrano e Minorum ObseNantium .
milia, concionatoris celeberrimi, Opus nunc primum exrusum, eiusdem Speculum Cledcorum et Oefenso
um Tertii Otdinis D. Francisci, adiectis indidbus locupletissimis. Venetiis: apud Antonium Ferrarium MD
22
Ricerche su/l'editio princeps degli a/Ii greci de/ concilio di Firenze (Vatican City 1975), pp. 3-2
Idem, 'La lettura', pp. 594-596. ,
23
ASV, Reg. Vat. 446, f. 101'·' (edited in Supplementum ad Bullarium Franciscanum confine
litteras Romanonum Pontificum annonum 1378-1484, edited by Cesar Cenci, I, 1378-1471 (Grottaferr
2002), no. 1286, pp. 614-615; we offer a new edition of the document in Appendix I).
146
The Greek Rite Transylvanian Church in the 1450'
recommendation had been written, Calixtus Ill addressed John (/ohannutius) of Caffa, as the
archbishop of Gothia (Arhiepiscopus Gothensis), with his metropolitan seat in the Crimean
peninsula, in Mangop (Theodora). According to the pope's deed, recently the ecumenical pa-
triarch in exile in Rome (since 1451 ), Gregory Mammas, had elevated John to archbishop (the
Latin correspondent of Greek metropolite), after, the former metropolite of Gothia, Makarios24 ,
pe too present, as John, at the consecration ceremony in Rome, had been moved to the seat
of Serres (Macedonia), a move approved by all parties involved. Due to this elevation to rank,
this time canonic, according to the pope, and given the fact that he had taken on the rights of
ecclesiastical administration, involved by his status (with the consent of his predecessor), as
11 requirements for the exercise of temporal and spiritual authority in his dioceses were full
iled, pope Calixtus Ill confirmed John of Caffa's patriarchal nomination, granting it complete
dicial force and implicitly complete recognition in front of any Christian authority.
The document is one of the few examples regarding the structural Latin reception and
djustment of the union. It reveals the canonic evolution of John, from the pseudoepiscopus,
'charged by Capistran, to the repentant, received by into Catholic communion and installed
by the patriarch as archbishop of Gothia, nomination confirmed by the pope. The real reason
or his 'persecution' was not limited to the formal aspect, invoked by Capistran and restated
y Calixtus Ill (inibi sine litteris provisionis et praefactionis huiusmodi repertum), but involved
· o his canonic status, for, at the beginning of his inquisitorial action, Capistran regarded
hn of Caffa as se,i/regated from the Church, from the mystical body of the Savior (abscisus
a/ienus effectus' ). This 'alienation' automatically involved a break between John of Caffa
d the rightful head of the Christian Church of Greek rite, Gregory Mammas, verus et unicus
triarcha Constantinopofitanus, since 1451, when pope Nicholas V had granted him authority
er the Greeks previously under the scope of the Latin patriarch of Constantinople, as the
colliding patriarchal structures, Latin and Greek, had been reunited after two centuries.
Under these circumstances, in August 1455, during a ceremony held in the St. Andrew
nda of the St. Peter basilica of Rome, Gregory Ill Mammas had anointed the hieromonach
26
metropolite of Rhodes • This ceremony bears several resemblances to that of John of
ffa in summer 1456 and also allows us to have an idea on the identity of the hierarchs which
present at the ceremony of 1456. In 1455, the ceremony was held in the presence of se
I Greek rite monks and bishops, as well as several members of the Latin clergy, including
rdinal and a few archbishops. Unfortunately none was recorded by his name except for two
tropolites who intervened during the ceremony, the metropolite of Christianoupolis and,
st likely, the metropolite of Mo/dovlachia, according to Dan loan Mure~an's paleographic re-
ristruction27. The latter could have been only the unionist metropolite Joachim, chased away
'in Suceava in early 1454, who had found refuge in Rome, near his consecrator Gregory
28
·mmas . It is thus possible that in 1456, these two metropolites were present, alongside
patriarch and the metropolite of Serres at the consecration ceremony of John of Caffa.
The document of 1456 further permits us to reconstruct some aspects of John's personal
ory. Prior to his contested, by members of the anti-unionist group of Constantinople, nom
,24 Acccrding to Halecki (From Florence, p. 84), the document from January 16, 1458 (Documenta
_·ncum Romanorum Historiam Ucrainae illustrantia, edited A.G.Welykyj (Rome 1953), I, no. 78) is
nly source on this metropolit of Serbia, transferred, by Pius II to the seat of Halich. Still, a hegumen,
arias, former metropolit of Serres, is the recipient of Isidor of Kyiv's already quoted letter (BAV, Cod.
Gr.
25
1858, ff. 1'-5'; cf. Mercati, Seri/ti d'lsidoro, pp. 36-39), which contradicts Halecki's hypothesis.
Wadding, XII, no. 318, p. 368.
,?6
27
Mercati, Seri/ti d'lsidoro, pp. 132-138.
'Girolamo Lando, titulaire du Patriarcat de Constantinople (1474-1497) et son role dans la politi-
orientale
8
de l'Eglise de Rome', AJRCRU, VIII (2006), pp. 189-190.
Michel Lascaris, 'Joachim, metropolite de Moldavie et les relations de l'Eglise moldave avec le
rcat de Pee et l'archeveche d'Achris au XV' siecle', BSHAR, XIII, 1927, pp. 129-134, 159.
147
,,,
lulian~Mihai Damian _:Ji
mination as bishop, he had been a monk in the St. Theodor monastery of Cyzicus, the metro-·;~
politan center of the Hellespontos province. This would support Petre $. Nasturel's assump-.CI
lion. Based on the distinction between John and the contemporary Latin bishop of Caffa, the,'J
Dominican Jacob (Jacopo) Campana, author of a crusader speech in front of Ladislas V, he
29
Ji
claimed that John was a native from Caffa not a hfcpothetical bishop of Caffa . Still, the,11
0
incomplete list of Latin bishops of Caffa (1456-1475) enables certain hypothesis, includinp;
the possibility that the Latin bishopric of Caffa was 'melted' into the archbishopric of Golhia3 . ,.
John's appointment as archbishop of Gothia would have thus involved his return home,;
where he probably benefited from the support of the ruling family, support which might explain".:
the transfer of his predecessor Makarios to the seat of Serres. A familiar of local power, fact •
which made him, in the eyes of the pope, in temporalibus circumspectus, John of Caffa hadf(
also the spiritual means necessary for his new office. John was a literate man, maybe a\:
member of the Crimean aristocracy, not an iliteratus, as the ignoratia recalled by Capistran :
apparently suggested. The 'ignorance' was, in fact, probably an ignorantia iuris, of the canonc';
law and, in particular, of the provisions of the decree of union and of the Florentine council"', ;
*'*
How effective was John of Caffa's authority as an archbishop of Gothia and how much.I
ground could have been laid on the papal promise to restore the ancient privileges of th~l:i'
seat of Gothia are two important questions born by the document of 1456. One on had, we;$
have the possibility that, due to his origins, John could have had a certain influence over thEf&
dynasty of Mangop-Theodoro. On the other hand, we have a document of 1457, proving Iha~
he had gained the full supJ;'ort of the other major party involved in the Crimean condominium-'f
In a letter from the 9 of July 1457, addressed to the consul and the two treasures of0 <
Caffa, doge Pietro di Campofregoso and the senate of Genoa had decided to financially and{
33
politically support John of Caffa installment as archbishop of Gothia . Their decision was the'i
result of the requests made by the pope and by several cardinals (i.e. those members of the~
college of cardinals, very active in supporting Church union and the crusader plans, for mar~)·
than two decades)34 . The authorities of Caffa were asked to do everything in their power Ioli
recover and preserve the possessions of the patriarchate in Caffa. They had to support John'if
exercise of power and further to help him expand his authority, namely in spiritua/ibus (sibique\
prestetis opem et auxi/ium pro iuribus patriarchatus exigendis et conservandis et cura Christ/t
fidelium exercenda atque augenda) over the neighboring areas. This extension proved that he{
had joined the unionist camp for good and was involved in the plans to free Constantinople. Ji
29
30
'Un eveque de Caffa et un autre qui ne le fut pas', RMAL, V (1949), 2, pp. 138-140. tt'£.
Eubel (1913-1914), 11, 117, alongside Jacobus Camporea (1441-1459) and Hieronymus (provisqll¼
1459-1469), Dominicans and elected bishops, in 1469 Pachomios of Amasia is mentioned as unionis\;
Greek archbishop, nominated by Paul 11, at Bessarions's request, after being chased away from Amasia.f
31
The Greek rite dioceses of Gothia and Caffa, continued to exist, with this title, under Ottoman rul~t
until its disolvement of 1796 (Alexander Alexandrovich Vasiliev, The Goths in the Crimea (Cambridg~ifi:
Mass 1936), p. 275). For the land under the rule of the signori de lo Teodoro or the domini Gothiae, se,jj,
Nicolae Banescu, 'Contributions a l'histoire de la seigneurie de Theodoro-Mangoup en Crimee', BZ, XXX.'v.!
(1935), pp. 20-37. In 1457, ruler a/Theodora was Isaac, son of Manuel, of the Assan Palaeologoi family,J.
related to another important byzantine family, the Tzamblakon (see also $tefan S. Gorovei, 'Maria Asanin,IJi
Pa/eo/oghina, doamna Mo/dovlahie/ [Maria Asanina Paleologhina, Lady of Moldovalachia] (1-11), SM!f,ff:
XXII i2004), pp. 9-50 (especially pp. 23-33); XXIV (2006), pp. 55-80).
2
f
In this respect, see Peri's study and Candal's edition a/Torquemada, quoted in notes 11 and 12Ji:
33
ASG, A.S., Diversorum Frammenti Registri, 712 A, nn (9th of July 1457; in Appendix, II). C;•t
34
For the activity of these Reverendissimi Oomnini cardina/es Comissadi genera/ii Sacrosancta}fZ:
Cmciate (Besarion, d'Estouteville, Capranica, Orsini, Barbo, later replaced by Carvajal), see our 'La <fw;
positeria def/a crociata e i sussidi dei pontefici romani a Mattia Corvino', A/RCRU, VIII (2006), pp. 95-102,:,1:
~:¥t;
148
The Greek Rite Transylvanian Church in the 1450'
John was at the time still in the Italian Peninsula and intended to begin his journey to the
East, invested with special powers, as his vicar (the territorial extension of his mandate was
not mentioned, for it was probably outlined in a different document), by patriarch Gregory Ill.
Vicar was most likely used in this case as the Latin equivalent of Greek patriarchal exarch, a
(itle which involved an administrative, as well as spiritual, authority far beyond the border of
the dioceses. Even though relations between the metropolitanate of Gothia and the honorary
Crimean metropolitantes of Sougdaia (which, in the year 1366, had authority over Caffa) and
'of Phoullos, two metropolitantes probably included in the early 1400' into the metropolitanate
of Gothia, are still rather uncertain, the letter stated that Caffa, including the patriarchal pro
5
perties in the city3 , together with its neighboring areas (/ocis aliis circumstantibus), Mangop-
Theodoro amongst them, was, at the time, under the authority of the metropolite of Gothia.
Due to Genoa's involvement and the Ottoman control over the Straits, John of Caffa may
have taken the main Genoese commercial land route to Crimea, which went around Venice's
36
possessions, through Ancona, Zara, Buda, Transylvania, Moldavia . It is however possible,
due to the doge's intervention, in good relations to the Porte, that John was 'smuggled' on
board of one of the ships, benefiting from an Ottoman permission to pass through the Straits.
John's return to East-Central Europe seems to have been connected to another papal
ission. He, while probably still in Rome, was one of the recipients of the papal bulla from
he 4th of April 1457, which confirmed the general crusade, proclaimed by Nicholas V (1455)
p partibus Lithuaniae and in the territory under the jurisdiction of the arch bishop of Lw6w
~embergf7 and asked the recipients of the bulla to support the papal nonce in that re~ion,
8
ariano de Fregene. The latter is known otherwise only from Calixtus Ill decision of 1457 by
· ich he was granted vast powers in order to the collect the crusader dime and other subsidia
39
Norway, Denmark and Sweden . This project, part of the several attempts following the
··· ath of John Hunyadi to revive the crusade, was seemingly connected to the papal efforts
involve Lithuania and the pantie powers (such as Mangop and Caffa) into a great crusader
cUon, intended to liberate Constantinople, given, in that same year 1457, the successful
Uons of the papal fleet led by Lodovico Trevisan and the Skanderbeg's victory at Albulena
0
eptember/ . The results were nevertheless well below papal crusader expectations.
As archbishop of Gothia, John of Caffa was in a key crusader position. His seat stood at
political crossroad between Poland-Lithuania and Greek (Mangop and Trapezunt, also
35
The properties of the patriarchate of Constantinopol in Caffa are described in a document (6"' of
ly 1366), guaranteeing the patriarchal status of the St. Peter's monastery of Caffa (in the Genoese
, in the old harbor), the residence of the patriarchal exarch, which paid an annual redeverance to the
_eat Church and was free from intervention from the metropolite of Sugdaia (Reges/es, 1-5, no. 2519).
36
Michel Balard, La Romanie Genoise (!(If-debut du XV' siec/e), I (Rome 1978), p. 475; :;;tefan
reescu, 'Genovezii pe drumul moldovenesc' [Genoese on the Moldav;an Road], I, in In honorem
Capro§u, edited by Lucian Leu 9tean, Maria Magdalena Szekely, Mihai-Razvan Ungureanu, Petrone!
ariuc (la§i 2002), pp. 213-219.
37
·;. ASV, Arm. XXXIX-7, f. 83'·" (Crucia/a contra ipsos Turchos a felici recorda/ione Niacolao pp V
:'-_;decessore nostro indicta apostolica auctoritate confinnamus et de nova concessimus cuius cum in
· us Lictuanie et in Arhiepiscopatu Leopoliensi dilectum /ilium Matianum de Fregenio deputaverimus
utorem et nuntium Cruciate).
38
·· ASV, Reg. Vat. 447, f. 33' (powers granted to Mariano de Fregeno subdiacono, Pam1ensi diocesi,
!?pan. perito in Norvegiae, Daciae et Sueciae regnis cum suis adhaerentiis [... ], nuntio et col/ectori
Im; Ludwig von Pastor, Histoire des Papes depuis la fin du Mayen Age (Paris 1888), II, p. 327, note 1).
39
Calixtus Ill correspondence of 1457 with Scandinavian kings in: Ve/era monumenta Hibemorum
co/arum his/oriam il/ustrantia, edited by Augustin Theiner (Rome 1864), pp. 402-404, 405-406.
40
De Fregene's action was one of the many attempts to liberate Constantinople (1456-1458). The
ense diplomatic effort, under Calixtus 111, had modest results however (Norman Housley, The Later
sades from Lyons to Alcazar. 1274-1588 /Oxford 1992), p. 104-105; Pastor, Histoire, 11, pp. 377-392).
149
lulian-Mihai Damian
Bessarion's place of origin41 , two states closely allied) and Latin (Calla) pontic powers. The ·
plans were however unsuccessful. Trapezunt fell in 1461. Mangop and Calla were conquered
in 1475. At that time, the latest, John's activity as archbishop of Gothia also came to an end.
***
Most of the documents regarding Mangop have survived in the archives of Lw6w. It is
thus possible that Skmga's information was based on more than simple tradition. One of his
intriguing assessments on John was that he had returned to Valachia and brought to union,
not Goths or Tartars, but Walachians and Serbians. Skarga had a good knowledge of East-
Central European ecclesial aspects, which makes it difficult to believe that he was completely<;
wrong. The documents from the Vatican and Genoese archives bring thus forth a hypothesis: ·
John of Calla was not recorded by /ohannes but by /ohanutius, respectively loanucius,'
which was very likely the Latin version of his Greek name: /oanichios. In 1479, due to a royal'
privilege issued gratiose that same year on his request, a metropolit by this name (/oanichiu
in Romanian/ /ovanychik in Serbian), of Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar) nevertheless/
had an effective authority over the Serbians and Walachians of Transylvania and Maramure11
(Maramaros, Maramuresch), as well as Matthias' support. We could presume that the metro-.
polite of Belgrade and the archbishop of Gothia were one and the same person. This woul
mean that, after a long time spent in Crimea (1457-1475) and after the fall of Calla, John found
shelter in Hungary, as lovanychik 'too' had found not long before the royal privilege of 147942 • ,
Another aspect of this privilege supports this hypothesis. Matthias Corvinus granted th ·
Romanian priests of northern Transylvania the rights to benefit from the same freedoms an
exemptions as the Latin clergy and, more recently, the Serbian clergy in the area. This provi
sion was closely connected to the Hungarian application of the decree of union. The provisi ·
first came up in Wladislaw I Jagiello's Privi/egium Ruthenorum (1443)43 . Wladislaw's chart
was a direct consequence of the solemn proclamation of the Church Union in Buda by lsid
of Kyiv (1440)44 and of the provisions of the Laetentur coeli decree. If indeed, the privilege ·
sued by Matthias in 1479 was based on this tradition of the 1440' and was connected to po
Sixtus IV's efforts to re-launch Church union, the best choice for leading this Greek rite com
munity of Transylvania and Maramure§, privileged because of its communion with the Hal'
See, was naturally an archbishop, in union with Rome, one such as John (/oanichie) of Calla.
41
Tommaso Braccini ('Bessarione Comneno? La tradizione indiretta di una misconosciuta opei~
storica di Giana Lascaris come fonte biografico genealogica', OSI, LXIV (2006), pp. 66-114) has recently
proven that Bessarion was related to the Great Comenoi of Trapezunt, which explains the way whicli
this 'genius of the later crusades' influenced the eccesiastical and political remainders of the Byzantin
Commonwealth (for the complex dynastic ties used and developed by this 'last Byzantine' from Rome 1.
Moscow and from Mangop to Suceava: Silvia Ronchey, L'enigma di Piero. L'ulUmo bizantino e la crocia.
fantasma nella rivelazione di un grande quadro (Milan 2006); Mure§an, Girolamo Lando, pp. 197-201)
42
Diplome, no. 313, pp. 536-537 (the photocopy of the document, preserved in ZOGA, fond 15
opis 25, no. 1, f. 1, in A. Petrov, Drevnyejsija gremoty po istoriji karpato-111sjkij cerkvy i eparchiji 138
1498 g. [Documents for the History of the Russian Carpathian Church and Diocesis. 1381-1488] (Prag
1930] pp.160-161, and Appendix, no. 3). '
3 Acta Alexandri Regis Poloniae, magni ducis Lithuaniae, etc. (1501-1506) (=MMP, XIX), edit
by Fi:;,;deryk Papee (Krakow 1927), pp. 390-393.
4
Utterae encyclicae lsidoti metropolitae, in Acta slavica Concilii Fiorentini. Narrationes et documen
(CF, I, 11), edited by Jan Krajcar (Rome 1976), pp. 140-142. The privilege did not restrict its content to th,
Ruthenian clergy, but applied to all those qui ad sane/am oecumenicam ecc/esiam Constantinopolitana ..
pertinent, sci/ice/ Rutheni et Serbi et Va/achi et a/iae christianae genies, as underlined by Isidor too i.
his encyclical (J.M. Damian, 'lnspira\ia, contextul §i aplicarea decretului regal privilegium Rutheno
(1443) in Transilvania §i Banal' [fhe Inspiration, the Context and the Application of the Royal Deer
privilegium Rutheno111m (1443) in Transylvania and Banal], A$D, I (2005), pp. 89-100).
150
The Greek Rite Transy/vanian Church in the 1450'
As tempting as such a hypcthesis nevertheless, not a new hypothesis, as it was already

45
suggested by Antal Hodinka in 1909 , would be, it is contradicted by the archival material.
we now know of another bishop of the Greek community in Calla, mentioned during Paul ll's
pontificate. In early January 1469, the Protectors of the Genoese colony of Caffa, on behalf of
the universitas graecorum, entrusted the nobleman Meliaduce Cicala, representing the Bank
6
of San Giorgio in the Roman curia, to ask for a new Greek rite bishop4 . Cardinal Bessarion,
:patriarcha constantinopolitanus in unity with Rome, proposed his trustee, the hieromonacus
47
pachomius, and bearer of the honorary title of bishop of Amasea , for the investiture.
The Genovese Protectors were actually worried about the ecclesiastical situation of the
Greek community, for another candidate, supported by the anti-unionist patriarch of Constan-
48
Unople was probably already present in the Crimean colony . This eventual risk that the local
Greek community could be exposed to an internal schism or, even worse, that it should
eventually entirely pass under the jurisdiction of the pseudo-patriarch of Constantinople later 49
caused concern in the Roman curia, prolonging the negotiations until the end of May 1469 .
It was not until the first days of June that the new bishop left, on land, for Crimea. Mean-
while, the Protectors were asking the Greek community of Caffa for an ulterior act of obedience
50
0 him . Similar troubles seem to have been present amongst the Greek members of the
lony also earlier, in the days of John of Caffa, for the pope congratulated him for the peace
romoted between the Christian communities51 . However, the unfortunate Pachomius never
52
rrived in Caffa. Pachomius was killed by some robbers on his way to the Crimea .
The rich Genovese sources do not provided however with an answer to one question:
as the seat of Gothia vacant ob obitu lohannicii or the predecessor of Pachomius had been
nsferred to another seat? The answer can be found in the Vatican Secret Archive. Paul li's
ument, from April 18, 1469, transferring Pachomius from the seat of Amasea to that of
othia is the only evidence we have regarding this matter. Nevertheless, its content is very
lear. It reads that, by that time (April 1469), bonae memoriae lohannicius was already dead,
'isewhere that in Rome, probably in Caffa53 , after a long and by all evidences memorable
ntificate. Consequently, the historical vulgata echoed by Piotr Skarga, in the late 1500', on
return of metropolite /ohannutius to Valachia doesn't have any documentary grounds. It was
obably based on the confused memory of two Greek rite archbishops of the second half of
00', bearing a similar name, whose earthly paths cross-breaded on Transylvanian soil.
45 A. Hodinka (A Munkacsi gorog-katho/ikus puspokseg tortenete [fhe History of the Greek-Catholic
1shopric of Munkacevo (Munkacs)] (Budapest 1909), pp. 193-194) failed however to convince later histo-
ns of his hypothesis, due to the long distance in time between the two namesake archbishops.
45
Cadice, 11-1, nos. 821-824, pp. 569-570.
47
lbid., no. 829, p. 588 (16fu of March 1469).
48
Ibid., no. 829, p. 588 (ibi forsitan inveniret a/iquem a patriarcha constantinopo/itano e/ecto qui
ersareturquieti suae).
49
The last sign of this long procedure is the Vatican document of payment of the annual contribution
e Holly See, that Pacomius paid on 23 May 1469. (ASV, Camera Apostolica, Rationes Cameranum,
itus et Exilus Paulii II, Reg. 477, f. 89 (cf. M. Le Quien, Oriens christianus in quattor patriarchatus
stus, quo exhibiturecc/esiae... totius Orientis (Paris 1740), I, reg. 1242).
50
Cadice, 11-1, no. 849, pp. 602-603 (8fu of June 1469).
51
Ibid., no. 665, pp. 481-842.
52
Ibid., no. 921, pp. 689-690 (April 1470; in itinere in /atrones quosdam incidisset et ab eis captus fuit
rndeliter interemptus .... ).
53
ASV, Reg. Lateranensis 682, ff. 96'-97' (98 nn): Paulus II Romanus episcopus etc. venerabili fratri
omio olim Archiepiscopo Amasensi in Archiepiscopo Caphensi electo salutem [... ] dudum si quidem
memoriae /ohannulio Archiepiscopo Caphensi regimen ecc/esiae Caphensis praesidente (96');[ ...]
trorum meorum consi/io et aposto/icae potestatis p/enarie abso/ventes cum ad ecc/esiam
ensem nunc per obitum bonae memoriae /ohannucii Arhiepiscopi Caphensis extra Romanam
am defuncti vacantem. ... (97'-').
151
lulian-Mihai Damian );I
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _A_p_p_e_n_d-ix---------------:;1
i~
A few remarks concerning this edition of the two documents are needed. For the first one'I
the passages missing from Cesare Cenci's edition are marked in bold. For the second one, wJ':I
are greatly indebted to Thierry Ganchou (College de France) who discovered, copied anc1/J
kindly allowed us to publish the abovementioned document from the State Archives of Genoa. ;
. I
I. Rome, 2"" of July 1456 (ASV, Reg. Vat. 446, f. 101 '-v). }l
Ca/is/us fl/ et cetera. Venerabili fratri lohannutio Archiepiscopo Gothiensi salutem et cetera. Ad ea e.f~
apostolicae servitutis offitio libenter intendimus per quae ecc/esiarom praesertim metropolitanum et<I
personarum eis praesidentium statui et indemnitatibus opportune va/eamus provideri. Duduri{:l@
siquidem ecclesia Go/hen., ex eo quad venerabi/is (rater nosier Gregorius, patriarcha Constanlinopolftan.;JJ!
ven. fratrem nostrum Macharium, archiepiscopum Seren., tune archiepiscopum Gothen., a vincu/o quo_;i)
ecc/esiae Gothen., cui tune praeerat, tenebatur, absofvens, ipsum ad ecc/esiam Seren., tune vacantem/fi
auctoritate sua ordinaria duxerat transferendum praeficiendo ipsum eidem ecclesiae Seren. in episcopum\l
et pastorem, die/us patriarcha eidem ecc/esiae Gothensem [orig: Serensem, a /apsus ca/ami, noticed'tl
also by Cesare Cenci], sic vacanti, de persona tua, tune monacho monasterii S. Theodori in QuisichltJ
ConstantinopoHtan., ordinis S. Basilii, eadem orrHnaria auctoritate providit, teque illi in archiepiscopum]illl
et pastorem praefecit, curam, regimen et administrationem dictae ecc/esiae Go/hen. tibi in spiritualibus'ff;I
et temporalibus plenarie committendo, tuque vigore provisionis et perfectionis praedictarurit}!i
possessionem ve/ quasi regiminis et administrationis bonorum eiusdem fuisti pacifice assecutus. _-:{)
Cum au/em sicut exhibita nobis nuper pro parte tua petitio continebat pro eo quad di/ectus filiusyJ
Johannes de Capistrano, ordinis fratrum Minorum, qui in Hungariae partibus haereticae pravitatis a-~1
sede aposto/ica inquisitor deputatus existit, le, inibi sine lit/eris provisionis et praefactionis huiusmodiJI
repertum, mancipaverit et an secundum formam evangelii baptizatus fueras vehementer suspicatus, te??_j
in forma iuris ab eo baptizatum, ad nos et ad eadem sedem remiserit, dubitas propterea et certis aliis:~t5
de causis provisionem et praefactionem, de persona tua factas huiusmodi, et alia inde secuta viribus}I
non subsistere, nos igitur, attendentes quad non intelligitur iteratum quad ambigitur esse factum ac,-~
cupientes eiusdem ecclesiae Gothen. indemnitatibus oporlune consulere in praemissis sperantesqu~J;ij
quad tu, religionis ze/o conspicuus, litterarum scientia praeditus, vitae ac morum honestate decorus, in\j'iff;
spiritua/ibus providus et in temporalibus circumspectus aliisque multiplicium virtutum donis, prout ex~
fidedignorum testimoniis percepimus, insignitus, tuos /audabiliter in hoc actus insequendo pristinos, ips[ff!x
ecc/esiae Go/hen. efficiente Domino existere debeas multipliciter profuturus, quaecumque per te circaJ!J
regimen et administrationem praedicta, alias /amen rite gesta, rata et grata habentes, teque adi1
pontificalis officii exercitium ac executionem ordinum necnon ecclesiarum Gothen. huiusmod!it~
restituentes et raponentes, volumus et eadem auctoritate decemimus quad provisio et praefectioij
praedicta de te, u/ praemittitur, facta va/eant plenamque obtineant roboris finnitatem, nos etiam tibi, de,~)
nova providendo, etiam si dicta eccfesia Gothen. ac tu quovis modo vel ex alterius cuiuscumque"I
persona vacet et huiusmodi illius provisio et praefactio speciliter vel generaliter ad sedem pertineanffA
antedictam. Non obstantibus praemissis ac constitutionibus et ordinationibus apostolicis necnmrti
praedictae eccfesiae Gothen., iuramento, confirmatione apostolica vel quavis a/ia firmitate roboratis,}I
statutis et consuetudinibus ceterisque quibuscumque. -Jfl
Datum Romae apud S. Petrum anno lncamationis Domini 1456, VI nonas iulii, pontificatus nostri ,_,.
~~::~oa, 9th of July <1457> (ASG, AS, Diversorum Frammenti Registri, 712 A, nn). ;
Petrus de Campofregoso Dei gratia lanuensium dux et populi defensor et Consilium Antianorum,I
Communis lanue. Spectabili et egregiis dilectis nostris Consuli et Massariis Caphe. Commendarun(s~I
nobis suis litten·s sanctissimus dominus nosier Papa ac multi ex reverendissimis dominis cardinalibus,:jl
reverendum in Christo pa/rem dominum lohannicium, Archiepiscopum Gothiensem in civitate Caphensil
eiusque diocesi ac /ocis afiis circumstantibus, vicarium genera/em pro reverendissimo in Christo patn:;I
1~ I~
:1
Tile Greek Rite Transylvanian C/Jurc/J in the 1450'
domino domino Gregorio, Patn"arcl1e Constantinopolitano, rogantes cum ad suam iurisdictionem

ercendam ad eas part.es nunc velit accedere, ut ii/um iuvemus ac iuvari et defendi faciamus in
mnibus que ad dictum Patriarcham eiusque curam et administrationem quacumque ratione pertineant
ua_m-verum satlwliGlim, propter que volumus et vobis commitimus ut ipsum dominum
rchiepiscopum suscipiatis nostro presertim intuitu benigne commendatum, sibique prestetis opem et
xilium pro iuribus patriarchatus exigendis et conservandis et cura Christi fidelium exercenda atque
genda. Ila quidem ut nihil ei desit eorum que a vobis iuste et honeste sibi fieri possint. Data die VI/If'
/ii.
153
l
I
I
2.
Legends and Propaganda of the 1400'
The Cathedrale of Alba lulia

A.1I.2. Legends and Propaganda of/he 1400'
The Shrine in the Monastery of Bistri!3 Cardinal Bessarion in a Miniature
John Hunyadi on a Stained Glass Window The Tombstone of John Vitez
156
Die Re/igiositat des Johannes Hunyadi
J6zsef Marton
,,Babe~-Bolyai" Universitat
Klausenburg
Wie haufig isl es in die Geschichte vorgekommen, dass grosse, Volker und Nationen
verbindende Personlichkeiten fur die Steigerung der Separation und Gegensatze vom den
Politikem und Diktatoren verwendet wurden? Sie suchten die Erreichung der eigenen Zwecke,
ihren eigenen Lob, und einige tun es auch heute durch die Hervorhebung grosserer Person-
lichkeiten. Moralisch isl es zu beurteilen, und auch der edle Zweck heiligt nicht die Mitteln. Es
kann die Tat als eine Sunde bezeichnet werden, welche das Gute zum Bosen wendet; welche
die Beispiele, die in den Dienst des Zusammenlebens und der BrOderlichkeit gesetzt werden
konnen, /Or die Steigerung der Spannungen und /Or die Provozierung des Hasses ausnotzt.
***
Die Personlichkeit des grossen Heiden der Christenheit Johannes Hunyadi - eben wegen
der zu wenigen vorhandenen glaubwOrdigen Quellen Ober seine Herkunft, beziehungsweise
wegen der fur die Renaissance spezifischen, gekOnstelt geschriebenen Kroniken - hat sich
als ein gutes Thema /Or die Historiker, aber auch fur die Schriftsteller erwiesen. Einen interes-
santen Hinweis dafOr treffen wir in die Dankrede des Bischofs Marton Aron, gehalten in die
Kathedrale van Alba lulia (Gyulafehervar, Weissenburg) zum 500-jahrigen Jubilaum der
Schlacht van Belgrad (Beograd, Nandorfehervar) van 1456 und, zu gleich, des Versterbens
des Johannes Hunyadi, am Sarkophag der Hunyadis. Derselbe empfing, am 24. September
1956, die rumanischen und ungarischen Regierungsgesandten und sagte unter anderen:
Im Zusammenhang mff der Personlichkeit des Johannes Hunyadi streiten sich die Historiker
auf einige gewisse Fragen; aber es ist ausser Zweifel, dass die Auffassungen, filr die Hunyadi
als aussergewohnlicher Held und Vertreter agierte, van den beiden Nationen als eigene
vetkUndet wurden.
urch seine Angabe, die auch die nationalen Spannungen lockern sollte, wies er deutlich auf
en rumanischen Ursprung des gegen die Osmanen siegesreichen Fuhrers und Staathalters
n Ungam, auf dessen, fur den Schutz der europaischen Kultur entfalteten Tatigkeit. Hunyadi
_at seiner Mission durch ein Untemehmensreiches und Ergebnis-svol/es Leben gedient'.
Durch Jahrhunderte bestrebten sich nicht zufallig die Historiker (zeitgenossische und ge-
nwartige, Landeseigene und Fremde2 ) die grosse Rolle und Lebensbeispiel des Heiden in
r Geschichte unserer Region zu beweisen, aber, jenseits dieser Bestrebung, verwendeten
·• das Ganze und alle, sowohl die richtigen, tatkraftigen, als die vorausgesetzten Argumente
fdie Aneignung der eigenen nationalen lnteressen und Bestrebungen. So konnte, bis in
sere Zeit, die Diskussion um die Figur Hunyadis nicht zu einem Ruhepunkt gelangen oder
_bracht werden. Dennoch, gibt es Fakten, die alle nOchteme Menschen akzeptieren mOssen.
1
Gyulafehervari Erseki Leveltar, I, 1000-1956. Kozzeteve Marton Aron irasai es beszedei [Das
, iv der Bischofe von Weissenburg, I. 1000-1956 miteinbezogen Marton Arons Schriften und Re-
]; herausgegeben von MARTON J6zsef, NEMES I. Gyulafehervar [Weissenburg], 1996. 120-121.
?, 2 Ransano (1999). 112-132; vgl. weiter Bonfini (1995).
J6zsef Marton
***
Johannes Valer, Vajk (Voicu), kam wahrscheinlich 1395 nach Ungarn wahrend der Herr-
schaft des Konigs Sigismund (Zsigmond) von Luxemburg. Die zeitgenossischen Urkunden
3
bezeichnen ihn auch als homo novus. Der Umzug des Voicu isl uns aus zwei zeitge-
nossischen Quellen bekannt: aus der Chronik der Ungam, des Johannes (Janos) Thur6czy
und aus den Oekaden der ungarischen Geschichte, des Antonio Bonfini. Hofchronist Bonfini
wurde von Konig Matthias (Matia, Matyas), Corvinus aufgefordert, dass er die Geschichte der
Ungarn in humanistischem Stil verfasst Bei Bonfini, der zu diesem Thema das Material des
Thur6czy verwendet, lesen wir Ober die rumanische Herkunft des Johannes Hunyadi4 •
[Hunyadi] wwde vom wa/achischen Valer und griechischer Muttergeboren. [Seine Eltem] - wie
man dama/s sprach -, waren keineswegs van niedriger Herlwnft. Sein Valer hat angeblich vie/
unter den Wa/achen geschafft [...] nicht nur durch seine Geschicktheit und seiner weiten
Erfahrung hat er tar sich Ansehen verschafft, sondem auch durch seine Macht und auch
Vennogen, er bewegte sich standig auf dem Kriegsfeld und durch seine Dienste a/s So/dat hat
er sich eben so vie/ Venn6gen verschaffen wie Ruhm.
Voicu war ein au/icus miles (Hofritter), und wurde van Sigismund wegen seiner erwie-
5
senen Tapferkeit aufgenammen . Das Erscheinen von Vaicu auf dem k6niglichen Hof beweist
dass zwischen Ungarn und der Walachei gesunde und gute nachbarschaftliche Beziehungen
existierten. Gemeinsame lnteressen vereinigten die Bewohner, und, wenn die Bedingungen
und die Notwendigkeitslagen es erforderten, hielten diese und ihre Lander zusammen fur die
lnteressen der Verteidigung der gemeinsamen Sache gegen den angrei-fenden Feind.
Hinter salchen Tatsache verbargen sich ziemlich haufig auch andere lnteressen. In den
FOrsten und Aristokraten spannten sich haufig die eigene Ambitianen, die falschen Absichten,
die Bestrebungen zur Herrschaft. Hunyadi selbst fiel, nach der Niederlage auf dem Amselfeld
(Kossovopolje), Opfer einer solchen Atrappe. Der serbische Despot Georg (8urad) Brankovic,
welcher die Kreuzfahrer, wahrend des Feldzuges verraten hatte, lieis den fliehenden Hunyadi
fangen, und es fehlte nicht viel, dass dieser den TOrken ausgeliefert wurde (1448). Nur gegen
einem Losegeld von 100.000 Gulden, wurde Hunyadi von Brankovic freigelassen 6•
Voicu hat Anhand des Patentes vom 18. Oktober 1409 die Burg Hunedoara (Vajda-
Hunyad) bekammen. Er besetzte sie gleich. Im Schenkungsbrief, erscheinen neben dem Na-
men des Walachen Vajk, Sohn von Serbe ($erbu), auch die Namen seines Onkels (Radosfo),
seiner Broder (Magos und Rados/o der JOngere) und Vetter, aber auch der Name seines
Sohnes, Johannes. Falls, zu diesem Zeitpunkt, Voicu andere Kinder gehabt hatte, hatte man
auch diese in die Urkunde eingeschrieben. Deswegen, nach dem Versterben von Voicu, mus-
ste man offiziell die Angelegenheit der Schenkung regeln. Am 12. Oktober 1419, wurde der
Schenkungsbrief emeuert, sehr wahrscheinlich nach dem Tod des HaupteigentOmers, Voicu.
In dieser Zuschrift des Kapitels von Alba lulia, treffen wir auf zwei weitere MiteigentOmer, die
Broder des Johannes Hunyadi: Johannes (der JOngere) und Voicu (Vajk)'.
***
Die Formel nova danatio (Neue Schenkung) in der Urkunde van 1409 lieferte ein ,.,,-hH,00•
Diskussionsthema fur Historiker. Aufgnund der Verwendung dieser Formel haben zal1lreich,,
3
ELEKES Lajos: A Hunyadi-kerdes [Die Hunyadi-Frage]. In: Matyas Kiraly, I. 22.
4
Bonflni (1995). 584.
5
ELEKES (wie Anm. 3): A Hunyadi-kerdes. 25.
6
TEKE Zsuzsa: Hunyadi Janos es kora [Johannes Hunyadi und sein Zeitalter]. Budapest, 1980. 174.
7
H6MIIN Balint, SzEKFO Gyula: Magyar tbrtenet [Ungarische Geschichte], IL Budapest, 19427. 431-
432; ElEKES (wie Anm. 3): A Hunyadi-kerdes. 28-32.
158
Die Religiositat des Johannes Hunyadi
Historiker die Schlussfolgerung gezogen, dass die Familie die Burg schon var 1409 besass,
dass noch var 1409 die Familie im in der Gespannschaft, Hunedoara ansassig war. Pal Engels
Forschungen beweisen aber einhellig dass nova donatio nur infolge der Schengungsreforms
des Ludwigs I van Anjou (Nagy Lajos). eingefOhrt wurde und dass die Formel sich nicht auf
8
die erneute Schenkung eines schon besessenen Gutes beziehen konnte . Var der Schen-
kung, also zwischen den Jahren 1395 und 1409, war Voicu, zusammen mit seiner Familie, im
k6niglichen militarischen Dienst tatgig, und erwarb den Titel eines Hofritters.
Diese Aufreihung der Fakten lasst eine Behauptung klar wird. Johannes Hunyadi wurde
am Hofe Sigismunds geboren, als der alteste Sohn des Voicu. Grosstenteils behaupten
auch die Forscher des Lebens des Hunyadi nicht zufallig und alle Zweifel ausschliessend,
dass die Kinder des Voicu um das Jahr 1409 geboren wurden. Auf Grund der Behauptung
•• des Thur6czy, dass Johannes Hunyadi, im seinem Todesjahr (1456), nicht sehr alt war, kon-
nen wir schlussfolgern, dass Johannes Hunyadi zwischen 1407 und 1409 geboren wurde.
Diese Behauptung wird auch durch den Familiaren der Hunyadis, der karthauser Mench
Andreas Pannonius, gestrarkt. Der ausfOhrlich berichtende Andreas schrieb, dass auch der
Joannes am Hofe Sigismunds gedient hat. Auch van hier aus konnen wir schlussfolgern, dass
das Geburtsjahr nur nach 1400/ 1407 gesetzt werden kann. 1430 wurde Johannes Hunyadi
noch nicht als au/icus miles (Hofritter) benannt, sondern nur als iuvenis (Paie), Titel der im
.15. Jahrhundert tor Menschen Ober 30 Jahre alt nicht mehr verwendet wurde .
Angesichts des mittelalterlichen Alltagsleben, kann man gut annehmen, dass Voicu am
oniglichen Hof geheiratet hat, wo auch sein Sohn geboren wurde. Voicu war moglicherweise
er Sprossling einer vornehmen rumanischen Bojarenfamilie. Man kann nicht ausschliessen,
ass er einer walachischen Vojvodenfamilie abstammte. Wahrscheinlich trat Voicu wahrend
inem k6niglichen Feldzug in der Walachei, z. b. 1395, in Sigismunds Dienst ein '°. Was die
ldentitat seiner Frau, der Mutter des Johannes Hunyadi, angeht, so bleibt diese noch eine of-
11
f~ne Frage. Der verbreitesten Meinung zu Falge, hiess sie Elisabeth (Elisabeta) van Morsina .
***
Im Mittelalter hatte die ethnische Herkunft keine ausserosdentliche Bedeutung. Saleh eine
edeutung hatte die Religionsangeh6rigkeit12 . Die zeitgenossischen Dokumente, erinnem jen-
its der Rolle Hunyadis auf politischer und militarischer Ebene, auch seine Religiositat. Sie
prechen eindeutig Ober sein Eifer, Ober seine einheimlich gewordenen lateinischen Religions-
·bungen (er kniete, trug einen Rosenkranz, beichtete und brachte oft Opfern, hatte einen
igenen Pfarrer). Eine religiose Zugehorigkeit kann man aus der Tatsache, dass er Page am
rbischen grischisch orientalischen Hof war, nicht schlussfolgern. Er diente ja, var dem Hof-
enst beim Sigismund, als Familiar des Szeklergrafen Georg (Gyorgy) Csaki. Nachher wurde
Page des serbischen Despots Stephan Lasarewitsch (Stefan Lazarevi6) und schloss sich
13
chher dem militarischen Dienste der grossen Familie der sOdlichen Gebiete, die Ujlakis, an .
Unser Vermutung nach, wurde Hunyadi am Hofe Sigismunds geboren wurde, der sich,
·hrend dem Grossen Schisma, mit Herz und Seele fOr die Wiederherstellung der Einheit
8
s ENGEL Pal: Nagy Lajos ismeretlen adomanyreformja [Die unbekannte Schenkungsreform des
'udwig dem Grossen]. TSz, XXXIX/1 (1997). 111-118; LUPESCU Radu: Hunyadi Janos alakja a magyar
a roman tortenetirasban [Johannes Hunyadis Gestalt in der ungarischen und in der rumanischen
eschichtsschreibung]. Sz, CXXXIX/2 (2005). 416.
9
ElEKES (wie Anm. 3): A Hunyadi-kerdes. 26, 31.
10
KuBINY1 Andras: Matyas kiraly [Konig Matthias]. Budapest, 2001. 8.
11
ELEKES (wie Anm. 3): A Hunyadi-kerdes. 32.
12
Rusu Adrian Andrei: loan de Hunedoara ~i romanii din vremea lui. Studii [Johannes Hunyadi
die Rumanen seiner Zeit. Studien]. Cluj-Napoca [Klausenburg], 1999. 24.
13
TEKE (wie Anm. 6): Hunyadi Janos. 85.
159
J6zsef Marton
14
der Lateinischen Kirche einsetzte . Sigismund pfiegte standige Kontakte zu den r6mischen
Papsten. Bedingt und bewegt seine k6nigliche Macht zu startken, auch dur die Emennung der
Bisch6fe und anderer Oberhaupte der kirchlichen lnstitutionen, benutzt er die Rechtsge-
lehrten seines Holes, um sein Patronats- und Souveranitatsrechtes zu begrOnden und durch
das Papstum anerkannt zu machen, was aber niemals passierte, obwohl er das Patronats, ?•
15
recht tatkraftig ausge0bte . Auch angesichts dieser Tatsachen k6nnen wir mil Recht anneh-
men, dass Johannes Hunyadi, geboren am Hof des Konigs Sigismund von Luxemburg, durch
einer der Hofpriester, nach dem Ritual der lateinischen Kirche getauft wurde 16.
Ober Johannes Hunyadi isl es bekannt, dass er wii/Jrend seines ganzen Lebens ein eifriger
Kathofik war. Aus seinen eigenen Worlen wissen wir- und das war in der Zeit bei einem
weltlic/Jen G/iiubigen ein ungewo/Jnlicher Gebrauc/J - dass er regelmiissig beic/Jtete und
Opfem brac/Jte (Gyorgy Balanyi). Hunyadi brachte Opfem var jedem Kampf (Lajos Elekes).
I
,:I
In seinem Bilchfein der Tugende (Libel/us de virtutibus), schrieb Andreas Pannonius Ober
die vielen Tugende des Hunyadi (1467). Das Leben des Vaters des Konigs Mathias wurde I
zum ~:::g;~;~:a:~::;;:ns:ii~::i::nd~::::d~:~:nd::e:i::~b::/J:::::::::e;a::~::111: {I
der Hetr Johannes Hunyadi, dein gefiebter Valer, jeden 0berwunden hat. Wirk/ich, jeden Tag ·F)
Obie er die Handhabung der Waffen, die Korperbildung, er besc/Jaftigte sich mil den Prob/emen ;i<lll
seiner Untertanen, er erf0/fte seine Pffichten mil weiser R0cksic/Jt, und verbrachte seine Niic/Jte ,
im Gebel. Se/Jr /Jiiufig zag er sich af/ein zum Gebel zuriick [... ] sein stiindiger Gebrauch war, ':,;
dass er noc/J in der Morgendiimmerung in die Kirche ging, und dart kniend zwei Messen :<';;
an/Jorte, in fiefs/er Andacht. ,!~
***
,::lt
''\tr
Als Staathalter und Reichsverweser von Ungarn (1446-1452) hatte Johannes Hunyadi!/J
fast reibungslose Beziehungen mil dem Heiligen Stuhl. Die auftauchenden Differenzen - um !;
einige Ernennungen von hohen Priestern - entarteten sich nie. Die von Hunyadi vorgeschla-..,;,
genen Personen wurden von der Kurie regelmassig akzeptiert und bestatigt. Da er, bei den,{~
Ernennungen zu verschiedenen geistlichen PfrOnden, auch immer wOrdige Priester vorschlug,i;;,)
konnte Hunyadi das Patronatsrecht, unabhangig von dessen urkundlichen UnterstOtzung und . {z
18
BegrOndung, zur Geltung bringen . Es war auch Hunyadis lnteresse, dass in seinem Land_:-i ·
die Kirche blOht. Er erwies sich imrner, z. B., in seiner Korrespondenz die von seinem (lateini,• g
schen) Priester Peter abgefertigt wurde, als treuer und aussergew6hnlicher Sohn der Kirche'".. ,
>&
14 JEDIN Henri: A zsinatok tortenete [Die Geschichte der Synade]. Budapest, 1998. 73-84.
15 ERO◊ Peter: A papasag es a magyar kiralysag Zsigmand kiraly idejen [Das Papsttum und dasiin
:j
ungarische Konigreich in der Zeit Konigs Sigismund]. In: Magyarorszag es a Szentszek kapcsolatanakJf
1000 eve [Tausend Jahre Beziehungen zwischen Ungarn und dem Heiligen Stuhl], herausgegeben:$Jt
van ZOMBORI Istvan. Budapest, 1996. 83-95. ,;05;;
16 ELEKES Lajas: Kiralyi es f6uri udvar [Der konigliche und grossadlige Hofj, BALANYI Gyorgy: Papa~•~·
es hivek [Priester und Glaubige]. In: Magyar Muvel6destortenet [Ungarische Bildungsgeschichte], II. Ma-.>z·
gyar Renaissance [Die ungarische Renaissance], herausgegeben von DOMANOVZSKY Sandor. Buda-,)l!:
pest, a.J. 307,411. •0\l!;
17 In: Ket magyar egyhazi ir6 a XV. Szazadb6I: Andreas Pannonius, Nicolaus de Mirabilibus [Zwe(J
ungarische kirchliche Schreiber des 15. Jahrhunderts] (= lrodalomtorteneti Emfekek [Denkmaler der5~'
Literaturgeschichte], I), herausgegeben von FRAKNOI Vilmos, ABEL Jeno. Budapest, 1886. 56-57.
18 KuLCSAR Peter: A Szentszek, a t6r6k es Magyarorszag a Hunyadiak alatt [Der Heilige Stuhl,j
/ff
die TOrken und Ungarn unter die Hunyadis]. In: Magyarorszag es a Szentszek (wie Anm. 15), 97-117jf·
19 FRAKNOI Vilmas: Magyarorszag egyhazi es politikai 6sszek6ttetesei a R6mai Szent-Szekkel, lh&&,
A kantstanczi zsinatt6I a mohacsi veszig [Die kirchlichen und politischen Beziehungen Ungams mit demyf
Heiligen Stuhl, II. Varn Kanstanzer Konzil bis zur Niederlage van Mahacs]. Budapest, 1902. 64-106. .")
\:;3
160
Die Religiositat des Johannes Hunyadi
Im Johannes Hunyadis letzten Lebensjahr, wurde der Franziskanermiinch HI. Johannes

on Kapistran (Giovanni da Capestrano) seine Hauptstutze. Weni~e Monate vor dem Sieg
on Belgrad, kamm der Heilge nochmals auf ungarischen Boden' . Nach der Schlacht von
Belgrad erkrankte Johannes Hunyadi bald und verliel?., von den heiligen Sakramenten gestarkt,
rn 11. August 1456 die Reihen der Lebendigen. Die Abschiedsworte des HI. Johannes van
21
apistran sind gleichzeitig auch ein Summa des christlichen Lebens des Erblichenen :
Gott mit dir, du himmlischer Stem ! Ac/1, du bist gefal/en, du Verteidiger der Christen, das
Licht der chn"stlichen Welt 1st erloschen, ach, der Spiegen isl zerbrochen, in we/chen die
christlichen Kampfer blickend, niema/s an den Sieg zweifelten ! Aber du, lieber Johann, dir isl
es gut ergangen, weil du die Feinde des Kreuzes besiegt hast, und jetzt mit den Engeln den
Siegeszug machst, mit Christus he1TSchest im Himmel. Du bis/ wirklich g/ilcklich, wir aber
unglilcklich, weil wir hier, im Jammer/al bleiben. 0, /ieber Johann, Heil dir fur die Ewigkeit !
20
KuLcSAR Peter: Kapisztran Janos [Johannes von Kapistran]. Budapest, 1987. 177-181.
21
DERs: Kapisztran Szent Janos [Der HI. Johannes van Kapistran]. In: Deli Harangsz6 [Glocken-
am Mittag], herausgegeben van VISY Zsolt, Budapest, 2000. 282.
161
lpotesi sul/a scomparsa def corpo di
Giovanni da Capestrano (1386-1456) da 1/ok
9tefan Damian
Universita "Babe~-Bolyai"
Cluj-Napoca
Finita la grande crociata dell'estate 1456 con la vittoria cristiana, terminava anche la vita
dei suoi principali protagonisti: Giovanni Hunyadi e Giovanni da Capestrano, sopraffatti dalla
peste. Dei due, ii primo fu portato e sepolto ad Alba lulia, mentre ii secondo fu seppellito ad
llok (attualmente in Croazia), convinto che la sua tomba nel Sirmio avrebbe potuto giovare
ai confratelli, determinandoli a tener salda la rigorosita della fede, e ai principi europei, a non
dimenticare un impegno politico di grandissima importanza. La reliquia del primo, saccheg-
giata la tomba, e svanita col tempo. Altrettanto successe con i resti mortali del secondo, in
un momenta che poi aveva presupposto molte ipotesi e poche certezze. Lungo i secoli, i
, francescani conventuali si erano interessati del destino del loro predecessore senza arrivare
. ad una conclusione definitiva, anzi, ii loro zelo Ii aveva portati spesse volte a presupporre
scenari meramente immaginari, generati da desideri e limiti di pensiero religiosi.
Anche nel 900' pochi sono stati gli studiosi che abbiano dedicato la loro attenzione ad un
elemento di storia minuta - /a scomparsa di un corpo santo, anche se si trattava dell'aposto/o
•d'Europa e le poche informazioni acquisite finora non portano a conclusioni definitive.
Rifacendo la storia della scomparsa, e d'obbligo indicare che le ipotesi sono riducibili a due:
1. messa in salvo e l'ulteriore distruzione del corpo.

2. direptio e ulteriore camuffamento della reliquia.
1
Se all'inizio delle nuove ricerche a quattro mani iniziate nell'ultimo quarto del secolo scorso la
scomparsa sembrava inequivocabilmente una direptio, un furto compiuto dai Turchi o da altre
persone (con l'aiuto di questi ultimi), tale ipotesi si era poi dimostrata incapace di reggere ai
;,documenti che man mano si ammassavano su una scacchiera che coinvolgeva i rapporti tra
•· Ie grandi famiglie nobili e principesche e i rapporti tra le Chiese Cattolica ed Ortodossa.
***
Con la morte di Mattia (Malia, Matyas) Corvino, la stabilita centrale europea cominciava a
scriochiolare, mentre la minaccia turca si faceva sempre piu ardua su vaste zone di confine
<::an l'Ungheria. Nei paesi soggiogati dai turchi, la scena politica era dominata dalle potenti
famiglie dei Basarab in Valacchia, dagli eredi di Bogdan I in Moldavia (Bogdania) e dalla famiglia
'dei Brankovi6 in Serbia, imparentate tra loro. Non mancavano le relazioni di parentela con
numerose e ambiziose famiglie greche, polaoche, russe, bulgare, croate ed ungheresi. D'al-
tronde, la fede non aveva mai costituito un vero impedimenta perche si allacciassero tali matri-
moni e le conversioni determinate da motivi politici e matrimoniali erano abbastanza diffuse.
. Proprio negli anni in cui le reli~uie giovannee sparivano da llok (la data e incerta, in ogni
2aso prima del 1525), in Valacchia regnava uno dei piu importanti principi cristiani del tempo,
1
Cf. $1. Damian, Filippo de Marchis, Giovanni,da Capestrano, 1386-1456. II mistero de/le sue
.rnliquie, in "Vita Minorum" (Padova), 3, 4/1993, 2/1995, 3/1997 e 4/1998 (vedi anche la nostra versione:
,.Giovanni da Capestrano. II mistero de/le sue ra/iquie, in TR, XII, 2003, 3, pp. 78-84).
2
,•.: Radu $le/an Ciobanu, Neagoe Basarab, Bucarest, 1986.
$tefan Damian
Neagoe Basarab (1512-1521) mentre in Moldavia ii trono era occupato dal successore di
Bogdan Ill ce/ Orb (ii Cieco), Stefano IV ($tefani\a) (1517-1527), due principi assai attivi
nell'ambito di una politica di alleanze cristiane. La struttura del poiere politico di questi principi
era assai simile a quelle europee, cioe la dominazione del territorio era affidata a persone di
fiducia, a parenti del cui appoggio ii principe poteva godere. Una di queste famiglie era dei
Craiovescu-Basarab3 , la piu importante della Valacchia Minor (l'Oltenia odierna, regione circo-
scritta dal Danubio a Sud, dall'Olt a Est e dalle montagne ad Ovest e a Nord), rappresentata
specialmente dai fratelli Barbu, Radu, Parvu, Danciu, Preda e (forse) Mircea. Ed e una
'dinastia' ricca, con una forza armata propria, impegnata direttamente nella nostra vicenda.
Ora s'impone la rivisitazione della data che segna la caduta di Belgrade: 29 agosto 1521
(5 settembre secondo altre !anti) nelle mani dei Turchi, aiutati anche da milizie balcaniche
multietniche. Comee ben noto, dopa la caduta del forte baluardo danubiano, ii ducato di Sirmio
4
fu messo a sacco e parte della popolazione catturata , cacciata, uccisa e, i sopravissuti, obbli-
gati a contribuire con vettovaglie per sostenere l'esercito e a pagare I' haraci, ii tribute che a
volte era soltanto una somma simbolica, bastevole per6 per indicare la sottomissione, ma che,
altre volte, diventava un peso enorme sulle spalle delle popolazioni impoverite dagli assedi e
dalle scorrerie degli eserciti. Se in alcuni territori balcanici conquistati dai Turchi le vessazioni
erano onerose, talvolta queste non toccavano anche ii campo della Fede. Ad esempio, grazie
alle antiche Capitolazioni concluse dai Singori rumeni di Valacchia e di Moldavia (Bogdania),
ai Turchi era impedito di costruire moschee sui rispettivi territori, e quegli accordi furono
rispettati lungo i secoli in tutti i Paesi che non subirono la trasformazione in pascialato e che
ancora conservavano una relativa autonomia.
Per la vicenda della traslazione del corpo giovanneo da llok in altre direzioni, uno
speciale risalto occupa due principali !anti, in diretto collegamento con altre, che finora non
hanno trovato ii necessario collocamento: ii primo e l'Atto di Alleanza del 3 giugno 1519
concluso tra papa Leone X (Giovanni de' Medici) (1513-1521) e Stefano IV di Moldavia e
l'altro, concluso tra lo stesso papa e Nea~oe Basarab, di Valacchia, atto con ii quale i due Si-
gnori rumeni accettavano ii cattolicesimo e si impegnavano a partecipare alla lotta antiotto-
mana; ii secondo e un manoscritto greco, scritto alla carte di Valacchia, proprio negli anni che
ci interessano e intitolato ulteriormente / consigli di Neagoe Basarab a suo figlio Teodosio.
Una prima considerazione che si deve fare e che dopa ii grande scisma del 1054, i
rumeni rimasero separati dal tronco latino occidentale e dovettero subire ii forte influsso orto-
dosso bulgaro-greco che si era manifestato nelle cancellerie e nell'ufficio della santa messa,
anche se a Iara si erano rivolti numerosi papi, esortandoli a ritornare nel seno della Chiesa la-
tina a cui appartennero i Iara antenati. C'e da aggiungere e rivalutare, in questo senso, l'atteg-
giamento del papa lnnocenzo Ill manifestato nelle sue lettere a loni\a Caloian, imperatore dei
rumeni e dei bulgari negli anni 1200; che i primi vescovadi latini nei Balcani includevano anche
territori abitati dai rumeni (ad es. a Vidino, dove tuttora esiste una comunita cattolica) e che,
6
naturalmente, c'erano vescovadi cattolici in Transilvania, Valacchia e Moldavia .
3
Cf. $t. Damian, Filippo de Marchis, Giovanni da Capestrano, passim.
4
Cf. Monumenta antica Hungariae (a cura di Laszlo Lukacs, S. I.), I, 1550-1559, Roma, 1969, p.
4 (/'Ordo S. Francisci, qui anno 1526 socios numerabat 1500 in 70 convent/bus distibutos, ad finem
eiusdem saecu/i habebat 30 socios tan/um et 5 conventus).
5
Cf. Drago• P. Petro,,anu (Sfantul Grigorie Decapolitul de la milnilstirea Bistri/a [II Santo Gregorio
Decapolita del monastero di Bistri\a], in BOR, LIX, 1941, 11-12, pp. 682 e segg.), Neagoe avrebbe
cosultato ii saggio Manuele da Corinzio sulle differenze dogmatiche tra le due Chiese cristiane.
6
M. Theodorian-Carada, Vechi/e episcopate catolice in Va/ahia §i Moldova [Gli antichi vescovadi
cattolici in Valacchia e Moldavia], in RC, IV, 1915, 4, pp. 35 segg.
164
lpotesi sulfa scomparsa def corpo di Giovanni da Capestrano
In Transilvania, ad esempio, la stragrande maggioranza dell'elite locale era di origine

mena, e di fede cattolica7 . Tanto in Moldavia, quanta in Valacchia, numerosi signori rumeni
rano ritomati o aderivano alla fede cattolica (illustri esempi sono Giovanni Hunyadi e Nicolaus
lahus, insigne umanista e arcivescovo ungherese) e insieme a loro anche numerosi comuni
mortali, specialmente dope ii Concilio di Ferrara-Firenze (1439). E' importante rilevare anche ii
fuolo avuto da Giovanni da Capestrano nella conversione degli ortodossi romeni dei distretti di
unedoara (Hunyad) e Lugoj (Lugos), conversione duratura, con tutte le ulteriori conseguenze.
A favore dei rumeni, la cui etnogenesi era stata cristiana, interveniva con la lettera del
g gennaio 1476 ii papa Sisto IV presso i Vescovi dalle parti ungheresi e serbe con cui indica-
a che si ordinasse ai sacerdoti latini di prestare ii loro appoggio ai rumeni ortodossi, di conce-
ere loro i ss. Sacramenti e di seppellirli nei camposanti cattolici'. Per la stessa pace ed unita
ei cristiani si erano impegnati permanentemente non soltanto i papi Sisto IV (1471-1484) e
nnocenzo VIII (1484-1492), ma addirittura re e principi francesi, spagnoli e dogi veneziani°.
Di conseguenza, su questa strada si deve iscrivere ancl,e l'impresa compiuta dai
rincipi Neagoe Basarab e $tefani\a i quali mandarono un unico rappresentante diploma-
. o, Antonio Paicala dal papa Leone X per negoziare la loro unione religiosa con la Chiesa
i Roma e la partecipazione alla crociata che ii pontefice stava preparando per la difesa del
' 13ame ungherese e la cacciata dei Turchi dall'Europa. II papa ricevette ii rappresentante dei
ue principi e si mostr6 disponibile a sostenerli. La sua risposta, inviata con la lettera del 3
iugno 151910 a tu, Basarab, con i tuoi figli Teodosie e Pietro, e tutti i vostri successori, ed
che similmente tu, Stefano ed i tuoi discendenti, e tutti i vostri sudditi rispecchia, secondo
un momenta di massima importanza per la vicenda delle reliquie giovannee.
Naturalmente, resta d'obbligo domandarci se tale atto di alleanza sia soprawissuto dopo
morte dei principali protagonisti e se i discendenti e i parenti indiretti dei detti principi non si
sero liberati dai vincoli assunti dai loro rispettivi predecessori. Una seconda osservazione
este ii problema se, stipulate un patto federative per l'unione della Chiesa valacca con la
iesa romana e la guerra ad oltranza contro ii Turco si potesse poi aver avuto mano libera
r compiere una direptio di relique cattoliche e, nel caso specifico, delle reliquie giovannee.
.. Non si deve tralasciare un'altra pista, finora non valutata se non tangenzialmente: si tratta
.· ramente di una direptio o abbiamo daffare soltanto con una sottrazione-spostamento di re-
uie da una terra gia a disposizione del Turco nel 1521, per esseme ricollocate in un mona-
tero piu sicuro (in questo caso a Bistri\a, sui pendii delle montagne transilvane, un paese
fficialmente cattolico) ed orgoglio del ramo principesco dei Basarab, in un momento in cui le
ue Chiese erano unite tramite i patti conclusi? Ci sarebbe poi, da valutare, un'altra ipotesi:
· n la morte di Elena Jaksiceva, principessa del Silmio (nel 1521) e parente di Neaga
aiovescu, la famiglia del bano valacco aveva o non aveva ii diritto di ritenersi "erede" dei i
ni" successorali tra i quali si annoverava anche ii corpo di Giovanni da Capestrano?
7
..... loan Cavaler de Puecariu, Date is/01ice despre familiile nobi/e [Dati storici sulle famillie nobile],
I, Sibiu, 1892-1895.
8
\ ASV, Reg. Vat. 667, f. 182''' (stampato in VMHH, 11, no. 657, p. 454; Hurmuzaki, 11-2, no. 219,
244; Aloisie Tautu, Spirit ecumenic in/re papalitate §i romani pe vremea lui ~tefan eel mare [Spirito
umenico Ira la papalita ed i romeni ai tempi di Stefano ii Grande], in Omagiu canonicului Aloisie
dovic Tiiutu cu ocazia implinirii eta/ii sale de 80 de ani. Opere, I. /storice (= Bunii Vestire, XVI,
]5, 1-3), Roma, 1975, pp. 343-344, ora in Ion Dumitriu Snagov, Monumenta Romaniae Vaticana I
.noscritti I documenti I cane I Catalogo de/la Mostra Salone Sistino I B.A. V., Roma 1996.
9
• BAV, Barb. Lat. 1498 (400 ff., sec. XVII), ff. 26-35 (/nstructiones: Pro. Ex. Theanensis Nuntio et
tore Ap.fico que agenda sun/ cura lmperat. et Rege Hungariae, pro pace; sub Sixta IV, lnstructiones .. .,
:.maggio1472), 134' (Sixta IV vet lnnocentius VIII, lnstructiones), 163''' (lnnocentius VIII, Utterae et
_rmationes ... , 30 gennaio 1489).
10
Hurmuzaki, 11-3, no. 224, p. 308.
165
$1efan Damian
***
_-:,~
Ripensando ai Consigli di Neagoe Basarab a suo figlio, si deve sottolineare non solo:sl
l'importanza di quest'opera ma anche ii suo elevato contenuto di etica politica cristiana, che ,,i
ii principe valacco aveva trasformato nel proprio modus vivendi, in un'epoca in cui la;,,
concezione sulla storia e sul ruolo dei principi cambiava, grazie ai contribuiti di due illustri ,'.
fiorentini, Guicciardini e Machiavelli. Se fosse stato diversamente, e cioe se si trattasse di )j
una direptio attribuibile a Barbu Basarab e al fratello Mehmet Beg 11 , sarebbe stato travolto '
prima di tutto lo spirito dell'Alleanza del 1519 e di quanta afermato nei Consigli di Neagoe,
Basarab a suo figlio Teodosio. E in tal caso dovremmo obbligatoriamente chiederci se la,!'
direptio awenne prima della caduta di Belgrado e della morte di Neagoe (nel settembre de! ';
1521 )? In questa situazione ii principe sapeva o non sapeva dell'impresa compiuta da Barbu
(non piu un ortodosso ma un "uniato" con la S. Chiesa romana e dal turco Mehmet Beg?
Potrebbe difficilmente supporsi che ii potere centrale del 1521, impersonato da Neagoe,{i
ignorasse la direptio, data che c'erano di mezzo i suoi principali sostenitori e parenti, con cur-I;
si era consultato prima di compiere ii passo decisivo - quello di allearsi con la Chiesa ;l
Romana. E allora, quale fu l'ulteriore scenario dell'acquisto-trafugamento del corpo? Ora ci?\0
sembra giusto affermare che durante gli attacchi turchi, un reparto dell'esercito valacco sotto!'l
ii comando di un membro della famiglia dei Craiovescu, probabilmente dello stesso bano;j
Barbu e stato obbligato a partecipare insieme alle truppe turche all'attacco di Belgrado e del/~
Sirmio e che in questa occasione se ne era impossessato del corpo di S. Giovanni. ,,l!
In questo caso, ii monastero di Bistriza, ricostruito da Barbu e dai suoi fratelli nel 1519,;
(dopa la distruzione awenuta negli anni 1508 per mano di Mihnea ce/ Rau (ii Cattivo), nemi:~
co dichiarato dei Basarab e della loro fondazione monastica da dove erano sparite parte}?l
delle reliquie custodite e forse, se ci fossero veramente stati, anche i pochi resti delle reliquie,~
di Gregorio Decapolita 12 ) si dimostrava addatto ad accoglierne altre, da offrire nuovamente.~
alla dulia dei credenti. Ma gia, siccome i protagonisti del 1519 avevano stretto ii Patio d'a1,·J
leanza col mondo cattolico attraverso l'azione del loro principe, traslare e mettere in salvo ilo~
corpo di Giovanni da Capestrano da llok in Valacchia, proprio con l'aiuto di un pascia turco*}
(probabilmente amico) e dietro un !auto compenso, sembra estremamente logico. >j
Certamente i fedeli non ci fecero caso all'origine del nuovo santo. Per loro era sufficiente ;~
vedere che Barbu e i suoi fratelli lo awevano portato nel convento appena ricostruito e che ii o'~
principe Neagoe, la cui moglie Militza Despina era stretta parente di Elena Jaksiceva, despota ~
di Serbia e di Sirmio (1516-1521) non si opponeva, nel caso in cui veramente avrebbe avuto~
ancora tempo di farlo. In ogni caso, la morte di Neagoe (nell'autunno dello stesso anno 1521)<~
e le latte per la successione al trono valacco vedono gia ii monastero di Bistri\a in possesso J
del corpo giovanneo che per numerosi anni non avra, almeno negli atti, un'identita. ,,
Diversamente staranno le case nel 1611 quando Matteo di Myra scriveva sull'esortazione,!l
del padre guardiano greco Teofila /'ako/outhia in onore del santo di Bistri\a, chiamandolo, in;J
base ad una pia invenzione, Gregorio Decapolita; e nel 1765 quando un altro principe, Stefano•.i
Racovi\a, fanariota e ortodosso ordinava la traslazione delle reliquie di Bistri\a a Bucarest,}j
occasione in cui fu fata la ostensione-ricognizione ricordata dal Kleiner13 e che dovevaJj
11
12
Cfr. I. C. Filitti, Banatul O/teniei §i Craiovestii, Craiova, [1935].
E' uno dei momenti dei tanti contrasti tra ii potere politico centrale e locale: negli anni 1508}1
.I
Mihnea ii Cattivo, figlio di Vlad Ill Tepe§ (l'lmpalatore) e cattolico distruggeva ii monastero ortodosso/ld/;
dei Craiovescu. Dopa la "conversione" all'uniatismo ·con la Chiesa romana, i Craiovescu mettono in]J
salvo le reliquie di un santo cattolico.
13
J1
In Fr. Eusebii Fermendzin, ord. S. Fr. Obs. De sacriis exuviis actu Bistrizzae in Rumania seNatisJi
Relatio brevissima, Romae (in Collegio s. Antonii proper Lateranum), 1890. La re/atio di Kleiner (frances-'jjJ
cano di Vin\u (Vinz), in Transilvania), i dati storici ivi contenuti, la descrizione dell'iconografia della bara;~1
166
~
I
lpotesi su//a scomparsa de/ corpo di Giovanni da Capestrano
ignorare la loro provenienza "serba". D'altronde, a cominciare dagli anni 1600 nella Chiesa
rumena cominciarono a manifestarsi sempre piu fortemente i greci ortodossi che eliminarono
le caratteristiche cattoliche del corpo venerato a Bistri\a e alle quali fanno riferimento altri docu-
menti14 gia valutati da noi in diversi testi, tra cui quelli del Kleiner sono di primaria importanza.
Un'altra lecita domanda e se la direptio awenne dopo la resa di Belgrado e dopo la
morte del principe valacco? In tale caso, ogni obbligo giuridico e morale dell'ex principe
dovevano intendersi sciolti e Barbu e i suoi avrebbero potuto aver mano libera per agire con
la coscienza a posto. Da ultimo, risulta naturale che i monaci di Bistri\a e con essi Barbu
Basarab, ex bano valacco, contassero sul fatto che la conservazione della reliquia sarebbe
stata possibile soltanto Ii, sul confine con la Transilvania non minacciata direttamente (cadra
nelle mani turche soltanto nel 1552). E poi, se la logica dei fatti ci costringe ad affermare che
Barbu e i seguaci sapeva di che corpo si trattava, i loro successori non lo sapevano piu con
certezza ma soltanto in base a quanto veniva tramandato dalla tradizione orale (e forse anche
scritta, comunque non pervenuta a noi o ancora segregata negli archivi) creatasi negli am-
.bienti ecclesiastici del posto. lnfatti, verso gli anni 1550, soprawissuti della storica vicenda
dello spostamento non ne potevano piu esistere; econ la "grecizzazione" della Chiesa valacca
C.. la presenza di Teofilo, ii guardiano di Bistri\a nei tempi di Matteo di Myra ne e uno dei
tantissimi esempi - i nuovi monaci (che non accettavano l'unione con Roma) si erano trovati in
possesso di un corpo santo, ivi venerato, ma del quale non sapevano come disfarsi.
Dato che non lo potevano ne abbandonare ne distruggere si erano stati costretti a "tras-
rrnarlo", a dargli un'altra identita, ma non tanto perfettamente da non lasciar trasparire ii mis-
/ero che lo circondava. E, infatti, la prima awisaglia si sarebbe avuta nel 1765 a Bucarest e a
Ramnic con ii Kleiner15 (a cui si rivolgevano i due vescovi ortodossi del posto confessandogli
Che ii corpo ivi venerato era di un santo cattolico). E anche ii Barberi, gia nel 1661-1662 affer-
16
ava esplicitamente che ii corpo di Giovanni da Capestrano in Valachiam trans/alum fui/ •
***
Riprendendo ii filo della trattazione e valutando nuovamente l'ipotesi di una direptio di reli-
uie cristiane da parte del Turco e ii loro successivo commercio con i cristiani si delinea che:
1. Barbu Basarab, ii compratore, conosceva ii venditore e ne aveva fiducia.

2. Barbu conosceva la vera identita della reliquia e l'accettava come tale in un preciso
momento delle relazioni tra la Chiesa rumena e la Chiesa romana.
In entrambi i casi, ii cambiamento o meglio l'attribuzione del nome di Gregorio Decapolita

d una reliquia non identificata anagraficamente o ii cui nome o mancava o era gia proibito
(dopo circa un secolo dalla sua collocazione a Bistri\a) si sarebbe risolta nell'ambito della "gre-
9izzazione" della Chiesa rumena, agli inizi del 17-o secolo, in un'operazione ingannevole e
impietosa, continuata poi nel 1700, con la pubblicazione dell'akoluthia di Mattia di Myra, su
9tdine di Constantin Brancoveanu, in un momento in cui la Chiesa Ortodossa Romena
recizzata e slavizzata perdeva una grossa parte dei suoi fedeli in Transilvania (e nei pressi di
Craiova, a Segarcea, ad. es.) per l'Unione duratura con la Chiesa di Roma.
ntica, del piedistal!o su cui s1 trovava l'arca, le informazioni avute dai frati dai vescovi di R§mnic sono
i imp,ortanza capitale per le attuali ricerche.
4
Alexandru Lapedatu, O procesiune religioasa la Bucure§ti in 1765 [Una processione religiosa
Bucarest nel 1765], in BOR, XXVIII, 1904-1905, pp. 57-65.
15
Cf. M. Theodorian-Carada, Sf. loan Capistran, in RC, 111, 1914, 3-4, IV, 1915, 1-2 (ripreso poi
_el volume Cativa sfinti [Alcuni santi]).
16
Cf. Compendium vitae Beati Joannis a Capistrano, Romae, MDCLXXI.
167
$tefan Damian
La prima ipotesi appare subito l'unica attendibile se resta corroborata con alcuni fatti:
primo e che alla reliquia giovannea, notoriamente carica di capacita di operare miracoli, si
teva cambiare ii name senza ii rischio della perdita dell'efficacia sostanziale del pio ciniealin·
secondo e che la confessione fatta al Kleiner dai due vescovi ortodossi circa ii possesso
secolare e l'appartenenza del barath allo stesso ordine religioso di Kleiner, o e un·,nvean,,in_
ne di questi o e ii frutto dell'attenta e scrupolosa registrazione degli eventi dei quali fu
mane non solo ii Kleiner ma anche ii padre vicario e fratello Didaco Pollieri.
Un'altra considerazione riguarda ii fatto preminente e centrale della messa in salvo
reliquie di llok. L'impresa preservava e garantiva l'integrita del corpo di un grande santo
godeva gia di larga fama non soltanto presso i cattolici ma presso tutti i cristiani dei
circostanti'' in un momenta in cui ii potere turco sconfiggeva lo stato ungherese (1526) e di Ii
poco sarebbe arrivato fino alle porte di Vienna (Wien, Bees). In altre parole, ii ramo
di Neagoe Basarab e i suoi stretti parenti Craiovescu, spinti da interessi dettati da esigenze
carattere strategico-internazionale e di fede, attuarono lo spostamento delle reliquie in
luogo meno insicuro, in un momenta in cui ii Patio di unione della Chiesa rumena con la
romana e di cobelligenza romano-cattolica-moldo-valacca poteva verificarsi. D'altronde,
spirito di unita delle due Chiese, ii solo che poteva costituire logicamente ii movente di
impresa, non resta singolare nell'epoca a cui facciamo riferimento.
Anzi, sempre nel 16-0 secolo, a Snagov (a qualche chilometro da Bucarest), la volta
cupola raffigurava gli apostoli Pietro e Paolo stretti in un fraterno abbraccio, ii che sianifica11;a
proprio la riappacificazione Ira i due rami della Cristianita. Questa alfresco, scoperto n,,11·~,,n_
sto del 1998, era coperto da altri strati di pittura murale e la domanda che s'impone e
quale motivo, se deteriorato, questo alfresco non e stato ripristinato lungo i secoli? La
evidente e che nel 17-18-0 secolo (durante la spietata grecizzazione della Chiesa rumena)
necessita dell'unita non rispondeva piu alle esigenze dei nuovi protagonisti della storia
ed ecclesiastica locale. E' per tale motivo che l'alfresco fu coperto; ed e, in fin dei conti,
stesso motivo per ii quale al corpo di San Giovanni furono tolti gli elementi caratteristici di
barath francescano e sostituiti con altri, per farlo assomigliare sempre piu ad un santo greco.
17
Cf. Stanko Andric, The Miracles of St. John Capistran, Budapest, 2000.
168
Heilige Ha/tungen und ritterliche Merkma/e im Ku/tus des
Johannes Hunyadi
Peter Szabo
,,Eotvos Lorand" Universitat,
Budapest
Um die Gestalt des Johannes Hunyadi beschleunigte sich die Bildung der Mythen nach
er Eroberung Konstantinopels. Die FIOchtlinge, die 1453 nach Westen gewandert waren,
rachten das Ge!Ohl der Gefahr in den westlichen Landern und auch der Hoffnung eines er
lgreichen Kampfes gegen den TOrken, verkorpert in der Gestalt des jetzt schon mit Legen
en umwobenen Hunyadi. In den !Onfziger Jahren des Jahrhunderts, in der mit Erwartungen
e!Ollten offentlichen Stimmung konnte der Mythos des auch heute noch einen ungewissen
1
inn tragenden Wei/3en Ritters (Chevalier Blanc) (laut Csernus Sandor) erscheinen.
Dieser Mythes brachte Hunyadi rnit dern typischen Bild der glorreichsten Ritter, angezo-
en in Weiss oder einen wessien Panzer tragend, die fur den Sieg der Christen gegen die Un-
laubigen kampfen in Verbindung. Es ist aber auch moglich, dass der Mythos sich unrnittelbar
us biblischen Wurzeln ernahrte und eine Parallele zwischen Hunyadi und dem glorreichen
itter des Buches der Offenbarung zog. Die Varianten der gedichteten Namen, die den Begriff
/anc beinhalteten und sich auf Johannes Hunyadi bezogen, erschienen Mitte des 15. Jahr-
nderts im breiten Spektrum der franzosischen Chronikliteratur (Mathieu d'Escouchy, Jean
2
hartier, Jacques du Clerq, Georges Chastellain). Die Benennung weisser Ritter war auch
n in unserer Studie zitierten Autoren der italienischen humanistischen Literatur bekannt3.
Im franzosischen Sprachraum war aber zum Mythes des weissen Ritters kein standhaftes
91itisches lnteresse gebunden. Es war aber im wesentlichen lnteresse des Pius II, der den
_Orkenkrieg aneiferte und der um ihn gereihten Humanisten, sowie auch der ungarischen
eistlichen und Weltlichen, die am Herrschernimbus Konig Matthias (Matyas, Malia) arbeite-
' und auch in Matthias lnteresse, eine Neuart des Johannes Hunyadi Mythos zu schaffen.
Der Papsthof, bewandert in den Problemen Ungarns, und die Humanisten im Dienste
s Konigshofs schufen die neuen Elemente des Hunyadi Mythes in einer zu den Verhaltnis-
n des Landes besser angepassten Form, wie im Fall der Hunyadi Merkmale die Heiligen
nlich waren. Die Gestaltung des neuen mythischen Motivs stotzte sich auf die lokalen Tradi-
onen, auf die observanten Bestrebungen der Franziskaner und die eigene Interpretation der
.erhaltnisse zwischen Johannes Hunyadi und Johannes (Giovanni) Kapestran (Capestrano).
***
Es ist bekannt, dass Hunyadi, der sich mit einem tiefen Verstandnis den Franziskanern
ugewendet hat, von diesen angezogen wurde und als ihr Wohltater verehrten. Die Literatur
istoriker konnten anhand der sekundaren Literatur noch nicht feststellen, ob die Dichtung,
atiert aus 1456 Die Beweinung des Johann Hunyadi, von einem unbekannten Dichter - nicht
gn demjenigen Minoritenmonch Peter stammt, auf dessen Arme sich der todkranke Hunyadi
1
CSERNUS Sandor: A kozepkori francia nyelvO t6rtenetiras es Magyarorszag (13-15. szazad) [Die
nzosische mittelalterliche Geschichtsschreibung und Ungarn im 13.-15. Jahrhundert] (Doktorarbeit).
da;est 1999. 221.
Ebenda. 215-238.
3
<Matthias> Vater, Johannes, der von den Italienem der weisse Ritter genannt wurde (Ma,zio
979). 41).
Peter Szabo
<'-
stotzend, in der HI. Maria-Kirche in Belgrad (Beograd, Nandorfehervar) betete, wie diese DicJ([
tung berichtet. Mit frommem G/aubensbekenntnis auf den Lippen, an den Armen des Mino,;1',
ten Peter, geht er zum Altar um fromm zu Maria zu beten. In der, im franziskanischen Umfeld'
entstandene, Dichtung, nahm Johannes Hunyadi zum ersten Mal Platz auf unter den HeiligenJi
Der Engel isl schon als Bate gekommen, mit christfichem Befeh/: Bereite dich var, ich
wOnsche, dass du nicht mehr auf dieser Welt bleibst, beende dein Leben, und nimm deinen
Platz unter den Hei/igen ein.
Zurn ersten Mal, erscheint das Problem einer geistlichen Kontinuitat zwischen den Johannes(f
<Hunyadi> traute in der Waffe des Kreuzes Kapestran die Sorgen des Landes anzuvertrauen.4- "c·
Weiterhin entwickelte sich die Bildung des Mythos um Hunyadis Beziehung zu KapestraifZ
wellenf6rmig. In einem Teil der Quellen finden wir nicht mehr die Transponierung der vorhe(f
dem Johannes Hunyadi verliehenen Heiligkeit auf Kapestran, sondern eben umgekehrt. LautA
einer Gruppe der erhalten gebliebenen Texte, eben die Heiligkeit des unter dem Verfahrenz'
der Kanonisienung stehenden Kapestran, verlieh Hunyadi das Charisma der Heiligen. Die Ati2!l
schatzung der erwahnten wellenf6rmigen Entwicklung der Beziehungen zwischen Hunyadiffi}•
und Kapestran wurde von den Ansichten der Historiker am spateren Hofe K6nigs Matthias![
Corvinus geschildert, die bei der Abhandlung Ober die Heiden, den Heiligen bei der Sewer~>
tung seiner weltlichen Tatigkeit, einstimmig dem Johannes Hunyadi unterstellten. ,l
Laut FOgedi Erik, haben die observanten Franziskaner, nach dem HI. Bernat von Siena.,{
Kapestran als ihren nachsten Heiligen ausgesucht Auch /Or die Einwohner der sOdlichen Prd,;~
vinzen schien der Franziskaner-Held heilig zu sein und seine Gestalt wurde mil Wunderer;j!'
wartungen umwoben. Nebenbei, erwies Nicholas (Miklos) Ujlaki, Wojwode von Siebenburgen,j;
und Ban von Macva, eine tiefe Verehrung. Bei der Kanonisierung wurde auch erwagt, dassj
diese, aufwund der beginnenden Pilgerfahrten, Kapestrans Ruhestatte in llok (Ujlalj,l, unter/j:'
Nicholas Ujlakis Herrschaft, wirtschaftliche und kommerzielle Vorteile bringen wOrde. Ft.
Die Kanonisienungskampagne achtete auch darauf, dass Kapestrans Charisma nicht voiff
Hunyadis getrennt wurde. Eines der Protokollen erwahnt neben Kapestrans Wundern auch·~
Hunyadi. Der Verfasser, Kapestrans ehemaliger Dolmetscher, Peter von Odenburg (Sopron)i;J
wurde, zusammen mit mehreren OrdensbrOdder, von Stefan (Istvan) Varsanyi, Vikar der ungali,(~
schen observanten Provinz, nach llok gesendet (Herbst 1458), um die Wunder aufzuzeichnen. 6.~
Wahrscheinlich musste der Vikar Matthias nicht lange Oberzeugen einen Rundbrief zu?~
verfassen, in dem die Kanonisierung betrieben wurde (Marz 1460). In diesem Brief an die ita~
lienischen FOrsten und Stadte hat es Matthias nicht unterlassen, die Taten seines Vaters gJeichli
stark wie die des, unter dem Kanonisierungsverfahrens stehenden, Kapestran zu betonen . <0t
Der g/Ock/iche Priester, sich nach dem katho/ischen G/auben auf den Tod vorbereitend, dreng *'.,
mil unserem Herrscherund Vaterund den Tragem des Zeichens des Kreuzes in dermit vol/er
Kraft be/ager/en Burg.
:J
v,
Auf die Humanisten Gruppe, um Konig Matthias tatig, wartete eine neue Aufgabe: Hunyadis;
heilige Haltung, die mit der des Kapestran vergleichbar war oder gleich rivalisierte, zu entfalten. 'I
4
Hunyadi Janos siratasa. 1456 [Beweinung van Johannes Hunyadi. 1456], Obersatzt von CsoNJI
Ferenc. In: A magyar k6zepkor irodalma (Magyar Remekir6k) [Die Literatur des ungarischen Mittelalters:;fi'
die ungarischen
5
Klassiker], herausgegeben von KovAcs Sandor V. Budapest 1984. 851-854. ;!:
Kapisztran6i Janos csodai. A jegyz6konyvek tarsadalomtorteneti tanulsagai [Die Wunder de~Jt'
Johannes Kapestran. Die sozialgeschichtlichen Lehren der Protokolle]. In: DERS.: Koldul6 baratok,,J
polgarok, nemesek [Bettem6nche, Borger, Adlige]. Budapest 1981. 8. ,,
6
Ebenda. 10, 12. ~;
7
Matyas kiraly levelei 1460-1490 [Die Briefe von Konig Matthias 1460-1490]. herausgegeben von;:\E
KovAcs Sandor V, ubersatzt von BALLER Piroska. Budapest 1986. 6. '+i
170
Heilige Haltungen und ritter/iche Merkmale
Angeschichts der Erneuerung des Hunyadi-Kultes, blieb die papstliche Kurie nicht inaktiv.
lixt Ill. betraute durch eine Bulle am 17. Mai 1457 Jakob van Marchia mit der Anwerbun~
s Kreuzzugs - diejenige Stelle, die durch den Kapestrans Tod unbesetzt geblieben war.
ben des praktischen Eingreifens des Papsts fing auch die Vorbereitung der geistlichen Bei-
iele an, durch die Unterstotzung des Ziels der Franziskaner: Kapestrans Kanonisierung. Die
achhaltung des Hunyadi-Kultes konnte aus diese geistlichen Vorbereitung nicht fehlen.
Kalixts Ill. Nachfolger, Pius II., beurteilte in seinen Notizen Ober kollektive Ehre, die den
9
iligen gebOhrt, die Kulte um Johannes Kapestran und Johannes Hunyadi als gleichrangig .
Hunyadi und Capestran, die einen Uiwenantei/ in der Vertreibung des Gegners ha/ten, wurden
kurz darauf krank und starben: nach dem G/auben der Menschen zogen sie g/Ock/ich in den
Himmel, als diejenige, die ihre Arbeit gut geleistet haben, auf die der ewige Rul1m wartet.
ese Meinung stammt van Ende 1463. Das 12. Buch, im dem sie auftaucht, vom Papst au!
10
s 31. Dezember datiert wurde. Ein gutes halbes Jahr spater war Pius II tot. Er starb in
cona, am 14. August 1464, wahrend den Vorbereitungen !Or seinen Tarken Kreuzzug.
Janus Pannonius, Bischof van FOnfkirchen (Pees), SchlOsselfigur in der Kanzlei Matthias
d humanistischer Dichter, stellte in seinem Epigramm Uber Papst Pius II, der wahrend eines
11
fmarsches gegen die Tarken gestorben ist ein bewegtes Denkmal for den Helden-Papst :
Pius erl1ob schon die Fahne des Krieges gegen die Tarken - obwohl die lahmen Vater den
eifngen Kn·eg beschimpften - der Westen, sowie der Norden marschierten ihm nach, und die
Schiffe hoben eben die Anker: dann kam der Tod. Ancona beweinte den Paps/.
ist nicht nur ein Trauergedicht, sondern auch eine Verherrlichung der ldee des Kreuzzuges
genOber seinen Gegnern. Laut Janus war Hunyadis Prasenz ihr geistliches Triebwerk, aber,
es auch der Titel eines zweiten Epigramms zeigt, diente der Hunyadi-Kull zwei Zwe-
en: der Antrieb des Kampfes gegen die Unglaubigen und die Bewusstmachung der histori
hen Bedeutung der Hunyadi-Dynastie, aber auch die Starkung des Ansehens des Konigs.
. Im Epigramm Die Grabschrift des Johann Hunyadi, Vater des Konigs Matthias, meinte
'nus Ober Hunyadi, dass er nach seinem Tade nicht die Scholle des Grabes bedecken
'im. Der Dichter formte durch die Vereinigung der in der griechisch-romischen Kultur ver-
elten Sprache und der ldee der christlichen Apotheose einen Mythos um Hunyadi 12.
Weil, wie er in Be/grad den Unglaubigen besiegt hat, wurde er Herr auch iiber den Tod, und
sah lebendig den Himmel. Viele Heiden begangen das ura/te Kapitolium an der Spitze van
bekriinzten Ziigen, aber ein einziger isl in den Himmel gestiegen.
Das im Fruhling 1485 beendete Buch Ober die ausserordentlichen, weisen und witzigen
• gen und Taten des Konigs Matthias des Humanisten Galeotto Maizio, verdient Achtung,
ii es, obwohl den Mythos des weissen Ritters ansprechend, Ober Johannes Hunyadi, den
hm der schon drei Generationen der Hunyadi-Dynastie, van der Vergangeriheit bis in die
enwart, verkOndete. Das Buch wurde van Galeotto Johannes Corvinus empfohlen, mil
r Bemerkung dass das Familienbeispiel der Valer und Ahnen auch die Sohne beseelt. 13
Am spaten K6nighofs Matthias arbeitete am meisten der humanistische italienische Ge-

ichtsschreiber Pietro Ransano an der Gestaltung der heiligen Haltung Johannes Hunyadi.
8
FOGEDI (wie Anm. 5): Csodai. 11.
9
[Aeneas Silvio PIccmoMINI] II. Piusz papa feljegyzesei. 11-2. 7-12. Konyv [Die Aufzeichnungen des
,s \B 11-2, Bucher VII-XII], Obersiitzt von BELLUS lbolya, BoRONKAI Ivan. Budapest 2001. 554.
Ebenda. 591.
;: Pannonius (1987). 205 (Note 684).
Ebenda.175.
13
Marzio (1979). 6.
171
Peter Szabo
Die Obertragung des Charismas des als Heiligen verehrten Hunyadi auf Kapestran im Traue
gedicht vom 1456, Hunyadis W0rdigung in der Protokolle des Kanonisierungverfahrens vc
Kapestran, die Anzeichen der gleichrangigen Ehrung van Kapestran und Hunyadi in den Au
zeichnungen van Pius II., der Hunyadi-Kult bei Pannonius und Marzio, die schon Kapestra
vergessen, sind alle sehr wichtige Bestandteile in der Entwicklung des Hunyadi-Kultes, abE
keiner dieser Teile weist eine so originelle Annaherung der heiligenahnlichen Eigenschafte
des Hunyadi, wie Ransanos, Die kurze Zusammenfassung der Geschichte der Ungam, auf. ·
Das Buch, verfasst aufgrund Thur6czys Chronik, behalt im Kapitel Ober Hunyadis To
14
die eigene Meinung des Autors, unabhangig van Janos Thur6czy. Der LiteraturhistorikE
Kardos Tibor erkannte schon, dass Ransano Kapestran austrickst und versucht sein
15
historische Rolle gegen0ber Hunyadi zu minimieren. Die Kritik gegen0ber Kapestran kan
man am besten beim Gesprach zwischen dem sterbenden Hunyadi und Kapestran erkenner
Kapestran ermahnte Hunyadi, dass, da keine Hoffnung auf seine Heifung sei, so// er nic/
die Aufnahme derjenigen Sakramente verzogem, die die Christen am Ende ihres Lebens z
aufnehmen pflegen. Hunyadi vernahm die Aneiferung seines Freundes als eine Zudrin,
lichkeit und antwortete folgendes: er bewundert die ROcksicht eines heifigen Mannes, de
ifm ennahnt, dass derjenige Mann, der im Kampfe tar den Christlichen G/auben sich i,
haufig dem Tod aussetzte, so sterben muss, wie es einem Christen gebahrt. Er beruhigte alS:
Kapestran, dass er nach dem Gebrauch eines christfichen Mannes affes schon weise geoi
dnet hat, was sein geistfiches Heil und seine zuruckgefassenen S6hne betrifft. Es ist also df,
Rede davon, dass der Quasi-Heilige, Johannes Hunyadi, die Ermahnung des schon heilig
gesprochenen Johannes Kapestran als eine Belehrung betrachtete, und so - in der Schild.,
16
rung van Ransanus - Hunyadi ein hoherrangiger Heiliger wurde, als Kapestran. .}
Das Charisma des wirklichen Heiligen, Johann Kapestran, konnte nicht anhaltend zuruck
gedrangt werden. Die W0rdigkeit van Kapestran erscheint bei Bonfini, aber mit gedampft~
Wirkung. Hier agiert Kapestran wieder als der Hausheilige der Hunyadis, der die Nachfol~1
van Matthias gr0ndet Kapestran, als ihm Hunyadi seine Sohne zur Prasentierung vorf0hrte l
ste/lte immer Matthias auf der rechten, den alteren Ladislas aber auf der linken Seite. Der
Valer wunderte sich, und woflte die Ursache der unOblichen Sache erlwndigen; dieser
antwortete, dass er dieses nicht ohne Grund tat, da einer vorzeitig van dem Tod dahingerafft
wird, und deswegen nicht emporsteigen kann, der andere aber tor sich das Konig/um
Unga ms gewinnen wird, und in seinem Ruhm mit Alexander dem Grossen wetteifem kann.
Es ist interessant, dass auch Matthias dieses Symbol der rechten Seite im lnteresse
seines Vaters, verwendet hat. Sein Palast aus Ofen (Buda) wurde van einer Statuengruppi
neben dem Haupteingang festlicher gemacht Die Besucher wurden van Matthias empfangeri
in der Mitte der Gruppe, als Bronzestatue stehend; An seiner rechten Seite stand sein VateJ
Johannes Hunyadi und an der linken Matthias Bruder Ladislas (Laszlo) Hunyadi.
18
i
Johannes Kapestran, als der Familienheilige des Hauses Hunyadi war lange Zeit if,,
dem 6ffentlichen Bewusstsein des Landes anwesend. Diese Auffassung kann man auch al]
14
Ransano (1999). 129-130.
15
A magyarorszagi humanizmus kora [Die Zeitalter des ungarischen Humanismus]. Budapes!
1955. 176.
16
A
Ransano (1999). 129-130. ;/
17
Bonfini (1995), 680-681 (8. Buch). Betreffend Kapestran, als Haushei/igerder Hunyadis betrachte~
ist wichtig beizugeben, dass der Kultus auch van Elisabeth (Erzsebet) Szilagyi gefordert wurde (am 2,!
Oktober 1455, van Hunyad aus, wurde ihre zukQnftige schwerkranke Schwiegetocher, bzw. MatthiaI
Verlobete, van Kapestran in seinen Gebeten empfohlen: PETTK6 Bela: Kapisztran Janos /evelezese a ma;
gyarokkal [Johannes Kapestrans Briefwechsel mil den Ungarn]. TT, XXIV (1901). 183).
18
1
Fur van den Osmanen 1526 weggeschleppten und wahrscheinlich vernichteten Statuen: BALOG.~
Jolan: A muveszet Matyas kiraly udvaraban [Die Kunst am Hof Konigs Matthias], I. Budapest 1966. 138. ·
172
Heilige Hallungen und ritterfiche Merl<ma/e
rang des 19. Jahrhunderts feststellen, als Pal6czi Horvath Adam (1760-1820), in seinem
erk Hunnias erortert, ob Johannes Kapestran sich auf die Verdienste des Johannes Hunyadi
19
rufend, die papstliche Unterstotzung des Konigtums von Matthias Corvinus erreicht hat.
***
Ober die ritterlichen Merkmale die sich im Kull des Johannes Hunyadi behaupten, muss
an vor allem feststellen, dass die Ritteriichkeit des Hunyadi die Befolgung des Ritterk6nigs,
s HI. Ladislas bedeutete. Schon das erwahnte Trauergedicht lass! keinen Zweifel Obrig,
· ss es hier die Rede davon isl: Seine Sprache <ist> angenehm, seine Gesittung edel und
fach, <er> befolgte den HI. Ladislas, und liebte die GemOtlichke1t keineswegs. 0 Hunyadi
ufte seinen alteren Sohn, aus Respekt gegenOber dem Heiligen, auf den Namen Ladislas.
E. FOgedi beschrieb wie wichtig !Or die K6nige aus einem gemischten Haus die Richtung
ch den Arpaden war. Als Respektzeichen pragte Ludwig (Lajos) der Grosse kurz nach der
hronbesteigung auf die Kehrseite seiner Gulden das Bild des HI. Lad is las. 21 Obrigens hat
s auch das Schicksal so gewollt, dass Hunyadi die Verehrung des HI. Ladislas stark!. 1443,
Is ein Erdbeben den Grossardeiner Dom - die Ruhestatte des HI. Ladislaus - beschadigte,
rde die Hauptkirche aus den vom Hunyadi bewirkten papstlichen Hillen restauriert. 22
Die VerknOpfung zwischen der Tradition des HI. Ladislas und Hunyadi im Kull des Heldes
n Belgrad bedarf einiger Erklarungen. Hunyadi war kein Konig, aber in dem Kull konnte er
tzdem das Erbe des HI. Ladislaus antreten. Diese Frage wamt uns davor, dass die WOrde
s Statthalters und ihre zeitgenossische Rolle neu bewertet werden mOsse. Wir zitieren
23
der das Trauergedicht: Hunyadi agiert hier, als die Zierde der ungarischen Konige.
Im Obertragenen Sinne kam er im mil Wappen versehenen Brief wirklich der Krone
he. Es bedOrfe einer besonderen heraldischen Analyse, in wie weit das kronehaltende Tier -
Lowe - welcher gewohnlich in der Heraldik ein Symbol der Macht isl, mil der Gestalt des
hannes Hunyadi zu identifizieren ware, welcher anstatt des minderjahrigen Ladislas V.
_rklich den Lowenanteil der Aufgaben der koniglichen Regierung Obernommen hat. 24
•· Die kunsthistorische Forschung hat neuerlich bewiesen, dass Hunyadi beim Bau des
enichen Saales der (Vajda)hunyader Burg eine Nachahmung des Saales aus dem Erdge
hoss des Friss-Palastes aus dem Sigismund (Zsigmond)-Zeitalter, der als Raum !Or den
19
Pal6czi Horvath Adam Ober sein Gedicht Hunnias: Gehl Kapestran nach Rom - spricht Ober die
rdienste van Hunyadi - vemandelt beim Paps/ die Art des Werdens van Matthias a/s Konig - bring/ die
ne (Horvath Adam an Kazinczy Ferenc. Szant6d. 3. September 1788: Kazinczy Ferenc levelezese
er Briefwechsel des Kazinczy Ferenc]. Herausgegebn van VAczv Janos. I. 1763-1789 (= Gesamt welke
s Kazinczy Ferencz. Ill. Korrespondenz 1). Budapest 1890. 235. Vgl. weiter vom selben Autor:
unnias, vagy Magyar Hunyadi, az az ama hires magyar vezer Hunyadi Janos eletenek egyegy resze,
llyet a Virgilius Eneisse formajaba ontve, negy soru magyar str6fakkal le-irt [Einige Teile des Lebens
n Hunnias, also des Ungarn Hunyadi, des berOhrnten ungarischen Feldherren Johann Hunyadi,
hrieben in vierversigen ungarischen Strofen, in der Form des Eneides van Vergilius]. Gyor 1787.
20
Hunyadi Janos siratasa. 854.
21
FOGEDJ Erik: lspanok, bar6k, kiskiralyok.(Nernzet es emlekezet) [Gespane, Freiherren, Kleinkonige
.ation und Erinnerung)]. Budapest 1986. 226.
'J, 22 TAKACS lmre: Batori Andras ,,rnasodik temploma," A szekesegyhaz XIV-XV. szazadi atepitesenek
·· 1ekei [Die Erinnerungen des Umbaus der «zweiten Kirche», der Kathedrale des Andreas Bathory. 14.-
: Jahrhundert]. In: Varadi k6t6redekek [Grosswardeiner Bruchsteine], herausgegeben van KERNY
ezia. Budapest 1989. 48.
23
Hunyadi Janos siratasa. 853.
24
Eine neuere Analyse des Hunyadi-Wappens (1453) lieferte Saleh Miklos am 10. August 2006,
Between Worlds. II. John Hunyadi and his Time (Weissenburg, Alba lulia, Gyulafehervar).
173
Peter Szabo I
Landtag diente, mil dichten Saulen befestigt, mil Gew6lben und durch Saulen im lnnejij
,,
aufgeteilt, erschaffen hat. In diesen Sienne, befolgte also die Reprasentalion des Johannil
Hunyadi die Bestrebungen des frOheren Konigs von Ungarn, Sigismund von Luxemburg.25 ;zl
*** ~
,;$i
Der Heilige, und der heilige k6nigliche Ritter verkorperten sich in Hunyadis Gestalt. Sq)
isl es kein Zufall - wie es im Allgemeinen geschieht, dass in den schwierigen histori schetii
Situationen die Heiligen um Beihilfe angefleht werden - dass auch Johannes Hunyadi mehrlil
mals um Hilfe gerufen wurde, und seine Gestalt bis zum 16.-17. Jahrhundert mehrmals be-l'j
schwiirt wurde. Sein Kull Oberlebte den Untergang des mittelaterichen ungarischen Staates.ij
Der Bischof von SiebenbOrgen, Johannes Statileo, mil Mohacs im Bewusstsein, berei1J
tete Hunyadis Grabmal im Weissenburger Dom vor. 26 Die gehauenen Steine des GrabmaJtj
sind die Verk6rperungen derjenigen Bestrebung, die SiebenbOrgen Wieder auf die Beine steJ,,
Jen wollten. In einer wohlklingenden Formulierung k6nnen wir auch behaupten, dass durc
dieses Grabmal - welches die Zerst6rung OberbrOckend, uns zu den Tradilionen des mittel~l
9'~
alterlichen SiebenbOrgens zurOckfuhrt, die mil dem Namen van Johannes Hunyadi verbun!J
den sind - die Entfaltung des siebenbilrgischen Selbstbewusstseins nach Mohacs anfing. ½~l
Wer waren diejenige, die neben dem Prelaten die Erinnerung an Johannes Hunyadistl
Taten und Zeit wach hielten? Es isl charakterislisch, dass der Burger von Tyrnau (Trnaval
Nagyszombat), als er, um das Jahr 1560, ein episches Lied Ober Johannes Hunyadi verfasj
ste, dieses dem tapferen Volk empfieh/t, die rundherum in den Grenzfestungen sind. 27 ~d
Wir wissen auch, dass sich die Vertreter der oberen Gewalt aus SiebenbOrgen mehrmaliJ
auf ihn berufen haben. Frater Gy6rgy (Georg) Martinuzzi versuchte 1544 in einem Brief affl
Karl V. diesen durch das Beispiel von Johannes Hunyadi fur die Fortsetzung des Kriege(d
gegen die TOrken zu Oberzeugen. 28 Von Szamosk6zy Istvan wissen wir, dass, wahrend des'J
15-jahrigen Krieges, Sigismund Bathory spiritistische Seancen abgehalten hat, wo die SeeleJ!
von Johannes Hunyadi beschwiirt wurde, weil man van ihm den Ausgang der folgende~I
29
Schlachten erfahren wollte. Johannes Hunyadi kam auch in einer Parallele aus dem Jah~~J
1660 vor, in einer Parallele mil der Gestalt des FOrsten Georg II Rakoczy, der im Kamf)f ge;,'
gen die Osmanenmacht gestorben war, so wie es die Trauerrede des letzten bezeugte. 30 .~
Die Analyse des Hunyadi Kultes bring! nicht nur kulturhistorische Ergebnisse vor. Sie is!il
auch fur eine nuanciertere Erkenntnis des zeitgen6ssischen politischen Denkens hilfreich. _;y
'<7:jj
25
MAROSI Erno: Zsigrnond kiraly Avignonban [Konig Sigismund in Avignon]. Ars Hungarica (Budafj
pest), XII (1984) 1. 20-21.
26
1:t~
Uber diese Frage hielt, arn 20. Januar 1998, an der Ungarischer Akademie, Jnstitut filr Literaturwisj
senschaften, Forschungsabteilung Renaissance-Barokk (Budapest), Rm)KNE SZALAY Agnes einen Vortrag)li!
(Erasmus und die Hunyadis), der neue Grundlagen setzte.
27
:·fJ
Nagy-Bankai Matyas Hist6ria. Az vitez Hyunyadi Janosnak... sok k016nb viadallia es io szereijJ
czeie ... [Die Geschichte des Nagy-Bankai Matyas. Die besonderen Siege und das gute Gluck .des tapfereq'zl
Johannes Hunyadi ...] Debrecen. 1574 [=Regi Magyar Konyvek (RMK) 107]. Vgl. dazu HORVATH Janos: If"
reformacio jegyeben [Im Zeichen der Refonmation]. Budapest 1957. 240.
28
J?I
Vgl. Monumenta Comitalia Regni Transsylvaniae. Erdelyi orszaggyOlesi emlekek, herausgeben vory;f!I
Sz1u\GYI Sandor. I. 1541-1576. Budapest 1875. 232 (Schreiben vom Februar 1548; Konigin Isabella unq(I
Bruder Georg wenden sich an Kaiser Karl V. und Konig Ferdinand, zum Schutz SiebenbOrgens). (cl(
SZAMOK◊2Y
29
Istvan: Erdely tartenete [Geschichte SiebenbOrgens]. Obersatzt von BoRZsAK lstvan,1]
Budapest 1977. 60. ~li
3
° Czegledi Istvan II. Rakoczi Gyorgy talatt. Sarospatak. 18. April 1661. [Czegledi Istvan Obertll
Georg II. Rakoczy.]. Kassa 1661 [=RMK. I. 974]. In: Magyar nyelvu halotti beszedek a XVII. szazadbol;fJ
szovegek [Ungarische Le1chenreden aus dem 17. Jahrhundert. Texte], herausgegeben von KECSKEMEl)li;
ti
,. I
Gabor. Budapest 1988. 417-418 (Anm. 176).
8.
The Inland
,,, , •. r ·:r-'"' /"'

/~
. -
./!· .t:-~
.:.,,.il -::,-~
1JWJ H
~ ··_
~::1-•Y
':£:::,~
C
Hussite 'Chariot Fortress'

B. The Inland
176
I.
Family, Life and Ties
II
Matthias Corvin us' House of Birth of Cluj
8.1. Family, Lites and Ties
'rv-..
"
; f~' -~-;--<::,~,
The Castle of Hunedoara
178
1.
Spaces, Women and Men of Confidence
Matthias Corvinus
8.1. 1. Spaces, Women and Men of Confidence
The 'Engagement Picture' of Ladislas V Posthumous and Magdalene of Valois
John Corvinus
180
The Origin of John Hunyadi
in Light of Recent Researches
loan Dragan
Romanian National Archives,
Cluj County Branch
Cluj-Napoca
The origins of the noble family of Hunedoara ((Vajdahunyad), shrouded in legend, have
nan object of controversy since the 1400'. The situation was furthered by the scarce and
rse nature of the sources, by the variety of scientific researches, by practical personal
ily or national interests). l<ing Matthias (Matyas, Malia) Corvinus himself, the nephew of
omanian knez from the Ha\eg (Hatszeg, Wallenthal) land for easily understandable rea-
s, fueled confusions. With or without his direct involvement, several stories on his family's
ins blossomed: the Roman descent from the invented gens Valeria-Corvina, the legend
he illegitimate offspring of Sigismund (Zsigmond) of Luxemburg and of the daughter of a
anian noble, the Transalpine (Walachian) boyar origin of the family. Yet none of the ele-
ct inventions or of the interested rumors was able to conceal what other contemporaries
w for sure: the modest purely Romanian origins of John (lancu) Hunyadi (of Hunedoara).
***
What do the scholars know today? In the Romanian Academy of Sciences' History of
: Romanians, Camil Mure§anu claimed, in the tradition of the Romanian historiography, that
cu's family was certainly one of Romanian knezi from Hunedoara with possible estates at
· hitova (Reketyefalva) and Lunca Cernii (Niresfalva). The deed of donation from 1409 in
r of Voicu (Vojk) belongs, according to Camil Mure§anu's opinion, to a wider series <of
ds> recording the military role of the knezi and the opportunity for some knezi to rise to
'ranks of the nobility, on the basis of military services rendered to the Hungarian king'.
Adrian Rusu called for the return of the Romanian historiography to the universal name
he hero of Belgrade, John, instead of the tribal[!] lancu de Hunedoara, which, according
· is opinion, became of general use, under suspect circumstances, during the 1956 anni-
aries. On the same occasion, he dealt in detail with Hunyadi's ethnic, religious, geogra-
background, and tended to give credit to one of the two legends regarding his parents:
yadi's bastard origin, respectively his Transalpine origin. Rusu believed that it is possible
one of them was true or had a knuckle of truth in it, and that the second one, sustained
_pntemporary Thur6czy, will always be favored, although he could not find new evidences
Upport it. Adrian Rusu also noticed that the Hungarian historiography seems to have
~Rted the non-Transylvanian origin of lancu of Hunedoara, a more modest than princely
in2. Rusu also made interesting contributions on the real content of the 1409 deed of do-
pn and on the regional, local (Ha\eg-Hunedoara) family connections of the Hunyadis.
From the vast Hungarian historiography on these matters, we have chosen the 1998
ion of the late Pal Engel. Following the traditional line of the Hungarian historiography,
1
• .ls/aria Romani/or, IV, De la universalitalea cre§lina ca/re Eumpa ,,patriilor'' [From the Christian
ersality to the Europe of the "Fatherlands"], edited by $tefan $tefanescu, C. Mure 9anu, Tudor Teoteoi
arest, 2001), pp. 338-339.
loan de Hunedoara §i romanii din vremea sa. S/udii [John Hunyadi and the Romanians of his
Studies] (Cluj-Napoca 1999), pp. 28, 30.
loan Dragan
he believed that lancu's father, Voicu settled in Hungary from Transalpine Walachia, inhabited;
by the Romanians, and became king Sigismund's court knight'. Engel has also established'
the stages in the career of the young lancu's, from the services rendered to high-rankingf
officials of the Hungarian kingdom to the dignity of ban of Severin (Sz6reny), the first major
4
step in the cursus honorum, that brought him to the supreme dignity in the realm . ,,
What can a new study thus contribute to the question of the origin of the hero fron,:
Hunedoara? No new direct documentary evidences have been found. In return, over the lasf'.
three decades, historiography has created a new interpretative basis, by adding new data '
1h 1h
facts and phenomenons to the understanding of 15 -16 Transylvanian history. These con'.,
curring elements allow us to present new points of view on less clear aspects from the•:
history of the Hunyadis. We will focus on particular two aspects: the Romanian nobility from+
the Kingdom of Hungary and the data contained in Gaspar Heltai's well-known chronicle.
***
The dimensions and specific elements of the Romanian nobility in the early 1400' can''
provide us with a better social-historical picture of the time when the Hunyadis first emergec:E\
and started rising. The Romanian nobility, of exclusively knezial origin, became a distinct;;;
social group (Nobiles Valach1) and significantly increased its number in the known areas';*
5
between 1351 and 1440 • In the spirit of the king Louis I the Great (Nagy Lajos) of Anjou'tf
decree of 1351, the Romanian knezi were basically, in corpore, on the ground of property;,,'
legally assimilated with the nobles. By his anti-Romanian decisions, taken between 1359 and:1!
1366, the same king however annulled the Romanian consequences of the 1351 decree. .,,
Nobility was conditioned by a royal deed of confirmation of the estate. Ennoblement'~
became an individual question, instead of a collective matter. Romanian feudals divided into',ff/
two. Royal submission and service became the terms of survival. The chance for the consti2;J
tution of Romanian (E)State (natio) in the Hungarian realm was fully annihilated. Further'~
more, the king had restated the grieve condition that one could not be a noble without being}
a Catholic. The condition was effectively enforced in particular in the Banate of Severin. ·· ··
At that time, the Romanian nobility was constituted of two categories of legally free poslf
sessors, with material obligations towards the royal fortress (castle): the knezi, respectively~
the nobles (noble knezi). The status of noble was sanctioned by a deed of property (dona~~
!ion, confirmation, demarcation, the exit from a joint ownership). Such deeds were issued as~~
a result of a temporary (on a military campaign) or prolonged (as familiares) royal service. .,·{!I
Already in the mid and late 1300', we notice a process of official stratification within th:J
ranks of the Romanian nobility. Due to the loyalty proven to the king, some nobles are men°/
tioned, like other nobles of the realm, as milites (from where the Romanian institution of viteji/J
derived), as knights in the king's direct service, knights of the court (aule mi/ites), comi/es!f;-
(ancient term for the followers of the king), magistri (me§/er in Romanian; for instance Dragf
me§ler), term designating second rank courtiers, such as the castellans, vice-counts, knights':i
6
and heralds . Such Romanian figures were rewarded with estates and dignities. 1i' /;.J
','71>
3
P. Engel, Gyula Kristo, Andras Kubinyi, Magyarorszag tortenete 1301-1526 [The History of Hun!I
gary] (Budapest, 1998), pp. 200-201; his opinion can be found in the London 2001 English synthesis The~:;,
Realm of St. Stephen. A History of Medieval Hungary 895-1526 (recently translated into Romanian Regai/;ca
tu/ sfantului $tefan. lstoria Ungariei medievale 895-1526 (Cluj-Napoca 2006), p. 305). 1/:
4
P. Engel, 'Hunyadi palyakezdese' [The Beginning of Hunyadi's Career], in Nobilimea, pp. 91-105. 'fi'
5
I. Dragan, Nobilimea romaneascii din Transilvania. 1440-1514 [The Romanian Nobility of Transyl1,
vania. 1440-1514] (Bucharest 2000), pp. 266 sqq.
6
'!f
lnstffu(ii feudale din /ii rile romane. Dic/ionar [The Feudal Institutions in the Walachias], edited by'"
Ovid Sachelarie, Nicolae Stoicescu (Bucharest 1988). p. 504; Magyarorszag toltenete, p.171. :?:
if~
182
In Louis l's time, the nephews of Drago~, voivode of Moldavia, sons of voivode Sas,
1ta, Dragu and John (loan), chased away from Moldavia, received the office of voivode of
amure~ (Maramoros) and the estates of the rebels led by Bogdan I, Moldavia's new ruler
d old opponent of the Hungarian king. The brothers also received estates and offices in
neighboring counties. This made them the most powerful feudals in the north-western
rts of Hungary. They were one of the first Romanians to become barons of the realm.
In the Banat, other Romanian political refuges, this time from Walachia, the family and
latives of Carapciu the Romanian received dozens of estates from king Louis I in the plane
ea of the Timi 9 (Ternes) county. These refu9es were the ancestors of the noble families
m Duboz (Dobosz) or Reca9 (Temesrekas) . They also received the prerogatives of full
yal Hungarian nobility, in terms of personal possession and for most of their estates.
Nevertheless, as significant social group, the Romanian nobility of the Hungarian realm
a product of Sigismund (Zsigmond) of Luxemburg's long rule. He used especially the nobles
om the Banal and the Ha\eg, such as the families of Matnic (Mutnok), Timi~el (Temeshely),
ere, Densu 9 (Demsus, Demsdorf), Rau de Mori (Malomviz, M0hldorf) or Alma9 (Almas),
Iha, against the rebellious barons, in the first decades of his rule, and than against the
rl<'. Most of these families were part of the local Romanian elite and their members were
ortant figures in the society of the districts. Those who went over to Catholicism became
e holders, an office that initially provided its holder only with the advantage of having his
zate confirmed, sometimes to the disadvantage of his relatives and co-owners.
,; The ascension of the Hunyadis, by Voicu and his sons, had nothing exceptional in it.
'e Voicu, other au/e milites, from Ha\eg, Banal and Maramure9 such as Peter (Petru) of
mne 9ti, George (Gheorghe) Parcalab (Chastellan) of Dolha, $andru (Sandrin), son of
ag of Beltiug, Barbu, son of Stanciul, and Dragan, son of Manciul of Comiat, Nicholas
icolae) of Bizere, Stephen ($tefan) Olah, son of Stanciul of Radote~ti (Garli 9te), some as
nymous as Voicu when they first appeared in documents, rose, due to their military
hievements, in particular against the Ottoman Empire, to the service of the royal court. In
09, Voicu O/achus, knight of the royal court, received, together with his brothers Radul
d Mogos and his son John (lancu), the fortress and the domain of Hunedoara9 .
Most of the questions regarding the Hunyadis are the result of lancu's exceptional ca-
.r, as well as the product of the absence of documents and of misinterpretations. For in-
'nce, the donation deed of 1409 was regarding as exceptional. Voicu came out of no-
.ere, although he was, without a doubt, a Romanian knight of the royal court, and received
rtress and 20-30 villages'°. The presumed exceptional character of the deed thus fueled
culations regarding Voicu's origins and his faithful actions in favor of the Hungarian king.
7
According to Viorel Achim ('Les Roumains du royaume mE!dieval hongrois et les dimes envers
e. En marge d'un document d'Acta Romanorum Pontificum', RRH, XXXIII (1994), 1-2, p. 6) the
ndence of family of Duboz from Carapciu can not be proven.
8
$tefan Pascu, 'Rolul cnezilor din Transilvania in lupta antiotomana a lui lancu de Hunedoara' [rhe
_of the Knezi from Transylvania in John Hunyadi's anti-Ottoman Fight], SC$C, VIII (1957), 1-4, pp.
; Konrad G. G0ndisch, 'Cnezii romani din Transilvania ,i politica de centralizare a regelui Sigismund
~uxemburg' [fhe Romanian Knezi of Transylvania and King Si~ismund's of Luxemburg Policy of
tralization], in $tefan Mete§ la 85 de ani [$tefan Mete, on his 851 Birthday] (Cluj-Napoca 1977), pp.
237.
9
-,- ' Many questions regarding the Hunyadis remain open, in particular those regarding their Romanian
ilyties, in Walachia or Moldavia (e.g. Vlad Ill Tepe§ (the Impaler), Nicholas (Miklos) Olahus, Peter II),
... ich see the fundamental work of Camil Muie,an, lancu de Hunedoara (Bucharest 1968'). As A.A
LI already pointed out in loan de Hunedoara, a study of these ties, part of a comprehensive mono-
, ~l· could solve main of the enigmas surrounding the Hunyadis.
lstona Romani/or, IV, pp. 338-339 (the castle of Hunedoara together with its domain).
183
-----------------------------...i•i
loan Dragan \I
Recent researches, based on the investigation of the context and of the age, hav~I
proven that the deed had nothing exceptional in itself. A.A Rusu has convincingly proverfJ
that the initial donation deed regarded a modest estate called Hunyadvar (the fortress ~el
Hunedoara), that, at the time, was an abandoned ruin and basically 'carried' no domain witn"I
11
it • No medieval evidence points out to the existence and functioning of the fortress and itsl
estate entrusted to Voicu, in fact a village (possesio), which was certainly part of the roya1I
domain, until the mid 1400', when his son lancu was already voivode of Transylvania. ;I
Still, who was Voicu, son of :;;erbu, and where did he come from? If he was from Ha\eg,;j
did he have other possessions? Was he a noble or only a knez at the time of the deed of1
donation? We do not intend to review the multitude of documentary sources and interpreta,I
lions regarding the origins of the Hunyadis that can be found in the quoted works. We canl
only say that the donation deed of 1409 provides us with no answers to these questions, let:ll
aione with any evidence regarding a possible non-Transylvanian origin of the family. ;;JI
Today, almost no scientific work questions the Romanian origin of lancu, whether his,I
family was from Ha\eg (in Romanian historical writing) or from outside Transylvania (in HunNI
garian historical writing). A profound investigation of the family and patrimonial ties betweeg;:
the Hunyadis and some families from the Ha\eg area could reveal interesting aspects. so,i'
far, the known documents indicate family ties with the families of Gradi9te (Varhe/-Sarmiz~{
getusa), Densu 9, Halmagiu (Halmagy), Bizere, and perhaps others. It can not be an accideritl
that Mu 9ina of Densu 9, Nicholas of Bizere, Moga of Halmagiu were chosens (egregil) ands.
some of lancu of Hunedoara's closest collaborators. Likewise, the tradition, recorded in the~
th
16 century, that lancu's mother was a Mu 9ina (Elisabeth {Elisabeta) Morsinai, as it wa"§f
spelled during the 1500'), can not be a just the product of late medieval oral hazard 12. oJ,f
lancu of Hunedoara, born around 1405-1407, like other sons of nobles of the same rank\
as his father, began his career in the service of magnates: Pipe de Ozora, Stephen (Stepan1i
Lazarevic, the Serbian despot, Stephen {Istvan) Ujlaki, ban of Macva, the Csakis, voivodesl?
of Transylvania, counts of Bihor (Bihar). Between 1431 and 1433, he was in Milan. Then he'!'
accompanied king Sigismund of Luxemburg until his death. lancu was close also to the ban'¾'
of Severin Franko of Talovac (Tall6ci), who's successor as ban he also became 13. .,,;~
In the first deeds of donation he received, lancu was constantly called O/ahus, as mostJ
of the Romanians who rose to fortune in the Hungarian environment. His name, lancu, arid)(
that of his younger brother, lva 9cu, both officially translated by John, speak of the Romaniarlf
14
character of his family . As for lancu of Hunedoara's career, his huge domain or for his Rq;f
manian connections, they are well known in general. Therefore, we do not focus on them. ff;Yl
lancu's rise to the greatest military and political charges of realm (1438-1456) has alsol
been viewed by the older historiography as exceptional. In fact, his rise marked the return 91§
the Romanian nobles to upper political level of power, four decades after the fall of thij
Drago 9e9ti, three decades after the donation of 1409. Moreover, lancu de Hunedoara's ris,eri,4
assured the beginning of an age of unprecedented development of the Romanian nobili~l
He efficiently used the resources of this nobility in the service of the realm entrusted to him 1 f
,,,,,y
11
Rusu, loan de Hunedoara, p. 43. if >ll
12
Ibid., pp. 27-37. ,,lfg:
13
Engel, Hunyadi palyakezdese, pp. 91-105. •Y%Y'
14
The recently discovered real name of 'John the Younger' (/va§cu) gives further grounds, in oqr@!
opinion, for the use of lancu, although A.A. Rusu prefers the official name of John. The two are in fac,!7
forms of the same name and are attested by sources, although not strictly Romanian ones (loan-Auri!f'
Pop, lacob Marza, 'La personnalite et l'epoque de Jean de Hunedoara refletees dans les annotations ~I
marge d'un incunable de 1481', Al/GT, XXV (1999), pp. 45-61). lffe"
15
Rusu, loan de Hunedoara, pp. 199-200; Dragan, Nobilimea, pp. 338-363. 0tcs
184
Tile Origin of Jo/Jn Hunyadi
On the occasion of Lad is las (Laszlo) V the Posthumous' coronation, lancu resigned his
fjice of governor of Hungary and received a new cote of arms (1453). The princely lion,
rowned, in fighting position, was added to the crow with the ring 16_ The confirmation deed
r the fortresses Gurghiu (G6rgeny) and Deva (Deva, Diemrich), with their domains, the Ro-
anian districts of Sudea, Man 9tur (Monosztor), Bujor (Bozsor), Jupani (Zsuppany), in the
imi§ county, contains the most vivid account of his career that uses almost every praise pos-
ible for Christendom's hero". lancu de Hunedoara passed away in full glory as the savior
f Christendom. He opened up the (elective-hereditary) royal Hungarian way for his sons.
Matthias Corvinus' ascension to the throne made his family's origin a matter of state. He
s constantly vulnerable in front traditional magnates and monarchs due to his humble
·gins and was forced to rather often halt his ambitions. Several elliptic legends on the
· g's origins, some supported by Matthias Corvinus himself, appeared: such as the Roman
scent from the gens Valeria Corvina or the story that lancu had been a royal bastard.
It is worth noting that Matthias Corvinus favored the Roman legend, promoted namely
y his court historian Antonio Bonfini and the other Humanists at his court. This legend suited
18
e Roman origin of the Walachians that was well-known at the time on the European level .
e less honorable story of the royal bastard of Sigismund became very popular, due to the
utations of the 1500', amongst the Hungarian nobility, after Hunyadi line was extinct.
The family of the nobles of Hunedoara, called also Corvin of Hunedoara, in case of king
tthias' descendants, has enjoyed great historiographic attention since the 1400'. The at-
ntion grew in the romantic times of the 19th century, stimulated by national ideologies and
mated by the major editions of the documents that brought new data, other than the infor-
'ation provided by the chronicles. Several works are still devoted to this topic although it is
tting very harder by the time to contribute anything new to the Hunyadi issue and story.
Only a documentary revelation could put a true end to the persisting speculations,
ntasies regarding the origins of the Hunyadi family. A rnore realistic approach has however
ained ground. Hungarian studies on social dynamics in the realm, Romanian researches on
) knezi and Romanian nobles of knezial descent have contributed largely to this change.
***
A source of great interest for our topic is Gaspar Heltai's Chronicle, printed in Cluj
olozsvar, Klausenburg), in Hungarian (1575). The chronicle synthesizes the Transylvanian
dition on lancu's origin. Following Gheorghe Bratianu's 'advice', that a historic information,
en when recorded as a tradition, is almost never completely untrue, if her sources are au-
ntic19, we will devote our attention to Gaspar Heltai's work using the latest researches.
By dissecting the chronicle, modern Hungarian historians have come to the conclusion
_t Heltai's only contribution to the question of lancu's origin is the data on his mother. Due
![le extremely favorable way in which Heltai deals with lancu's mother, from the Morsinais,
0
roly Vekov even suspects him of ties with that family. His opinion is highly interesting and
rth a closer look. Based on the works of the Heltai experts who have proven that the infor-
·pn quoted by him as contemporary sources can be found in the writings of the Italian hu-
1.'
17
Hunnuzaki, 11-2, no. 20.
· Ibid., no. 23: we would however point out to the Hungarian and Romanian tendencies to mistily
p's personality that sometimes blocks the access to the actual medieval figure.
8
\) Adolf Armbruster, Romani/a/ea romiimlor. lstona unei 1dei [The Romanity of the Romanians: The
Q'ofan Idea] (Bucharest 1993'), pp. 66-72.
) Gh. I. Bratianu, Tradi/ia istoricii despre intemeierea state/or romiine§fi [The Historic Tradition re-
g the Genesis of the Romanian States], edited by Valeriu Rapeanu (Bucharest 1980), p. 46.
185
loan Dragan
'_:i
manist Antonio Bonfini too, Vekov has deemed the sources as untrustworthy and stated that~
in any case, Heltai did not use any historic tradition, but relied only on his talent as a write,2•;;,
Such a statement seems nevertheless exaggerated, even though humanism assurel{i
the needed background for Heltai's personal interventions and adaptations of the facts. A~I
he himself confessed, the informations that interested him were the ones collected from the!
true story told by those whose parents have once served John Hunyadi (az igaz hist6rifl1
21
szerent, me/yet hallottunk azokt6/, kiknek atyjok szolgalta regen az Hunyadi Janost) . :<fl
He placed a lot of emphasis on these words, in order to underline his contribution to the,I
story, different from the data provided by Bonfini, data Heltai's quite accurately used in otherf
chapters. Still, even if certain informations can be found in both their works, we can nott
discard the possibility that some data in Heltai's chronicle come from the oral TransylvaniafiJ
tradition. In this respect, historic data tends to favor Gaspar Heltai's statement and less thel
assessments of modern specialists. Gaspar Heltai's main informations support such a fact. ,:,I
,,p!!
• John Hunyadi was king Sigismund of Luxemburg's bastard son. },I
<,ii
• His mother, whose name is not mentioned, was of noble descent, from the family ·•zt
of a wealthy boyar (egy gazdag bojer) from Hunedoara. She was probably buried in
;~~i li~~rkirothers and John's uncle was Gaspar Morsinai.

• John's adoptive father was boyar Voicu Buthi, who had taken refuge from Wa-
,f¼?
lachia in the Hunedoara County. He took the girl, pregnant with the king's child, to be
\i:
···
his wife and left with her for his estate of Walachia, where the child was born. After his
adoptive father's death, John and his mother returned home, to their relatives of
JI. ''57
Hunedoara. \/(!,
• John's name of baptism was lancula. ;j
• Back in the Hungarian realm, lancu received the estate of Hunedoara. The same
king Sigismund bestowed great honors upon the Morsinais. They received several
I
• ..
estates in the Ha\eg area and the cote of arms with crow and the ring, like the royal
~g
",I
~
The Morsinais are the descendants (continuators), on the male line, of the Mu§ina famH~
22
from Den§U§, important nobles from Ha\eg, acknowledged as nobles . In 1360, the brothers'."
Stoian and Boian, sons of Mu§ana (Mu§ina) were mentioned. In the same year 1360, Nichola,s;
and priest Dalcu, from Densu§, from related families, had seats in the assembly of knezi,gt
the Hateg district; likewise, in the year 1411, John, the son of Stoian, of the Mu§ina family/!#;¥
Th'e brave and noble (strenui et nobiles) Stephen ($tefan) and Sandrin (Alexandrg!
$andru) Mu§ina, sons of John, and the nobles of Cerna (Cserna) and Bizere, in the Banal!
entered Hunyadi's service in 1438, when he became ban of Severin. Between 1438 and 144~\0
they spent some 5000 florins for the maintenance of the fortress Severin, Gureni, Or§o~
(Orsova), Peciu (Ujpecs), Svini\a (Szinice), Caransebe§ (Karansebes), Mehadia (Mehadi~Xt
According to king Wladislaw (W!adys/aw, Ulaszl6) I (lll)'s charter of 144323 , this occurred,11[
'K~
20
'.)3;
K. Vekov, lstoriografla maghiara din Transilvania in secolul al XVI-lea [The Hungarian Histed>
th
graphy from Transylvania in the 16 Century] (Cluj-Napoca 2004), p. 17. ff
2
2
22
G. Heltai, Valogatott miivei [Selected Works] (Kolozsvar 1979), p. 212. 'f
Radu Popa, La inceputurile Evului mediu romanesc. Tara Ha/egului in secolul XIV [At the ~,j,;
ginnings of the Romanian Middle Ages. The Hateg Land in the 14th Century] (Bucharest 1988), pp. fi;,
95, 168-171; Rusu, loan de Hunedoara, pp. 31-33; Dragan, Nobilimea, pp. 281-282.
23
:Jf//
Hunnuzaki, 1-2, p. 685, by the charter, issued on the proposition of the bans of Severin, the beit~
ficiaries received (as pound) the estates of Recas (Rekas) and Zegehaza ofTimis, that formerly belong :
to Stanislas of Reca§, who had died without leaving any heirs. 1&/'
186
ir own expense and money, collected to their best, without having any orders to do so.
ey, faithfully, defended the fortresses against the most cruel Turks, not without great efforts
d expenses, even at the cost of some of their beloved familiars' lives. These services,
cter lancu de Hunedoara's leadership, gave Sandrin a place amongst the c/1osens.
In summer 1443, voivode lancu de Hunedoara stopped at the court of his relatives of
nsu 9, the Mu 9iana". Stephen died, probably in war, around 1443-1444. Sandrin was still
' e in 1496. He served both lancu and king Matthias Corvinus, at the beginning of his reign.
Sandrin's inherited fortune, consisting of 19 estates: Densu 9, Rachitova, Mesteacan (Mesz-
kon, Birkenhausen), Cemi9oara (Csernisorafloresza), Cerna, Ableu, Laculya, Stei (Stej), Criva
rivapuszta), Poieni (Pojeny), Paucine9ti (Paucsinesd, Patzen), Gradi 9te, Ha\agel (Hadzel,
cazsel), Tote9ti (T6tfalu), Ha9dau (Hosd6), Bunila (Bunyilafalva), Ohaba (Ohaba), Petros
·· etrosz, Peters), Pe 9ti 9el, already placed him at the top of the nobiliary elite of Ha\eg. He
s married to Catherine (Ecaterina) of Garli9te (Gerlistye), from the family of the future bans
fSeverin. His sister's, Neac9a, offsprings, from her marriage to an Arca from Oltenia, were
0 to become egregii and to challenge the Mu 9inas for supremacy over Densu 9.
From their beginnings, the members of the family had enough economic power to erect
th
church of Rachitova, to paint it, together with that of Densu 9. Towards the end of the 15
tury, the Mu 9inas established their main residence at Rachitova, near Densu 9. Here they
built a dungeon. Afterwards, the official name of George (Gheorghe) and Andrew (Andrei),
s of Sandrin was that of MU§ina of Rachi/ova (Morsyna de Rekethye, Morsina1).
Although he have no direct documentary evidences on a Densu 9 origin for lancu of
riedoara's mother, we can say, alongside A.A. Rusu, that the only clear evidences on the
··· ify ties of the Hunyadis point to Oensu§'5 (by this we refer to Voicu's brother, Ladislasl
du). This however does not exclude the possibility that Voicu was married to a Mu 9ina lady.
Romanian historians have been mislead by the resemblance, sometimes identity, be-
"en the family name Mors1i1a and the name of the district and town of Marginea (Marsina,
rsina), an external pertinence (in the Banal) of the Hunedoara domain 26 . In the 1500', like
he case of the Kenderesi of Rau de Mori (Malomvfz), of the Desi of Timi9el (Temeshely),
27
Hungarian form of the family name (Morsyna1) was often used . The family still existed
·e mid 1500', when Heltai drafted his chronicle, following the footsteps of Antonio Bonfini.
It is obvious that one of Heltai's direct or indirect informants, on the local traditions on the
ins of the Hunyadis, was a Morsinai, though Heltai did not give up his name. According to
·own statement, he wrote the chapter on lancu's origin and family, based on the data of-
by descendants of lancu's followers. In the 1500', many Transylvanians could have ta-
pride in such inheritance, amongst them the descendants of the Mu 9ina family of Densu 9.
n 1513, Francis(c) Morsinai of Rachitova, George's son and Sandrin's nephew, married to
iga (Hedwiga), Stephen of Barcea (Barcsai)'s daughter, a leader of the local nobles, to-
er with his uncle Andrew and other local leaders, received from George of Brandenburg the
to retain a tenth of alluvial gold on their estates". After 1526, the Mu 9inas, like most local
~• A.A. Rusu, 1.-A. Pop, I. Dragan, lzvoare privind evul mediu romiinesc. Tara Ha/egului in secolul al
a [Sources regarding the Romanian Middle Ages: The Hajeg Land in the 15th Century], I, 1402-1473
Napoca 1989), no. 43, p. 115.
165 loan de Hunedoara, p. 31.
1.-A. Pop, Na/iunea romiinii medievalii. So/idaritii/i etnice romiine§ti in secolele XIII-XVI [The Ro-
n Medieval Nobility. Ethnic Romanian Solidarities in the 13 -16th Centuries] (Bucharest 1998), p. 69;
th
n, lancu de Hunedoara, p. 41.

/ losif [J6zsefj Pataki, Domeniul Hunedoarei la inceputul secolului al XVI-lea. Studiu §i documente
rest 1973), no. 95, p. 255.
Ibid., pp.167-168.
187
loan Dragan
nobles took the margrave's pro-imperial side, against John (Janos) Szapolyai (Zapolya). Still
late in his life, Francis seems to have been connected to the princely court of Alba Julia (Gyula:
fehervar, Weissenburg). Old and sick, Francis gave up his inheritance to John Galfi of Cucerde
(Kocsard), Sigismund Bathory's counselor. After assuring his daughter (Catherine)'s future, b
a testamentary disposition, (1585), he died and with him the male line of the family (1586) 29 .
Gaspar Heltai (t 1574) was also connected to the princely court of Alba Julia and could
have met the last male descendant of the Morsinas. Besides, Francis' uncle, Gaspar Morsynai
castellan of Hunedoara (1530-1534), had enjoyed notoriety amongst the circles of Sibi~
(Hermannstadt, Szeben), where Heltai had grown up. In George of Brandenburg's service
he, together with his colleague and the citizens of Sibiu, loyal to Ferdinand of Habsburg had
withstood Szalpolyai's overwhelming forces. Morsynai probably gained Szapolyai's pardon.
Two years later, he was mentioned, together with his cousin Francis, as a royal trustee,
30
on
the occasion of a donation in favor of the Kendeffy family . Gaspar Morsynai's daughter,
31
Barbara , was married to Nicholas of Santamaria Orlea (Boldogasszonyfalva, Mariendorf) ..
Under these circumstances, it is clear to us that at least some of Gaspar Heltai's data
has been offered to him, directly or indirectly, by a Mu 9ina. The data was altered neverthele#
by the time elapsed since lancu de Hunedoara's days and by the oral memory of the famil ·
However, the information proved to be rather reliable, like revealed by onomastics for instan
When lancu de Hunedoara was born, the family's name was Mu 9ina of Densu 9 and n
Morsinai of Rachitova. The change, in accordance to the Hungarian fasl1ion of the time, ace
red in the late 1400'. The name of lancu de Hunedoara's mother is basically unknown. E
Heltai does not mention it. The name Elisabeth was not handed over to him by his informa ·
but was extracted by historiography from other contemporary sources. Between the worn
th
in the Mu 9ina family we know of no Elisabeth (Elisabeta, Erzsebet) until the 16 century.
Maybe even Gaspar Heltai's informant from the Mu 9inas had forgotten the name. T
lady ancestors of the noble of Rachitova bore strange names to him, like Cerna, Ciula, Dab
Mandula, Neac9a, Sora, Vi 9a. Whoever named lancu's mother Elisabeth Morsinai made ·
onomastic transfer, frequent in the oral tradition. The real and prestigious name of lancu d
Hunedoara's wife and king Matthias' mother, Elisabeth Szilagyi, was given to lancu's mothe
The name of Gaspar, attributed to Elisabeth Morsinai's brother, is all strange. The o
Gaspar in the family was the abovementioned castellan of Hunedoara (1530-1534). It see
therefore that the name in question was only one of Gaspar Heltai's intentional inventions. ·
On the other hand, the information regarding the tomb of lancu's mother of Teliuc, clo
to Hunedoara, seems trustworthy and may provide us with evidence that nevertheless h
to be confirmed by an independent documentary source (this has not happened so far) oq;
possible residence and necropolis of the family prior to the donation deed from the ye
1409. The village of Teliuc was later part of the Hunedoara estate and had four knezi oft_.
32
fortress in 1512 . The families of the knezi of such villages, like Nada 9tia (Nadasd), ZI
(Zalasd), Nadrap (Nadrap) and Cerna, had access over time to the status of nobiliary stat .
Indirectly we learn that the Mu 9inas of Densu 9 had the same cote of arms as t ·
Hunyadis, namely the crow with the ring. Although we have no documentary confirmation
this fact, we may regard it as reliable, for, at the time Gaspar Heltai wrote his chronicle, an
29
Az erdelyi fejedelmek kiralyi konyvek The Royal <Register> Books of the Transylvanian Prince
edited by Eva Gyulai, Ill, Bathori Zsigmond kira/yi konyvek 1582-1602 [The Royal Books of Sigism ··
Bathory (1582-1602)] (Kolozsvar2005), no.114, p. 70; no.121, p. 73; no. 639, p. 190.
30
Hwmuzaki, 11-4, no. 53, p. 105.
31
Kira/yi konyvek, 111, no. 638, p. 190.
32
Domeniul Hunedoara, no. 36, p.166.
188
The Ongin of John Hunyadi
· dy could have verified his statement Some evidence show also that the cote of arms of
e nobles of Cinci 9 (Csolnakos}, which, given the documentary records, are presumed to have
33
een related to the Hunyadis, had heraldic features in common with that of the Hunyadis .
As a novelty, Heltai attaches the name Buthi to that of lancu's father Voicu. There is
0wever no satisfying explanation for the name. Even though Bud(u)/ But(u) can be found in
e records of the time, it is difficult, in the present context, to give in to such a suggestion.
In return, the theme of the 'Walachian marriage' of a family member of the Mu 9ina of
ensu 9 has some ground. In the mid 1400', Neac9a of Densu 9 was wed to a certain Arca,
a/achus et impossessionatus, but still probably of Walachian boyar origin. The result of their
34
arriage was the noble family Arca of Densu 9, which faded away in the early 1500' .
Finally, based on the local Transylvanian tradition, transmitted perhaps by a Mu 9ina,
aspar Heltai confirms the original ('native') name of Voicu Olachus' son, lancu/a, identical to
35
e one mentioned in a Slavonic manuscript: Ancula (1540) . At about the same time when
eltai's chronicle was written, a marginal note on an incunabulum mentioned the original
36
ame of 'John de Younger': lva§cu . Their original Romanian names were preserved for
ore than a century. This is extremely relevant for the onomastics of the Romanian nobility of
th th
he 15 century, as the tradition recorded in the 16 century was preserved by nobles more
r less integrated into the Hungarian nobiliary environment The place held by the name lancu
the Transylvanian collective memory, more than a century after his death, give full legiti-
acy to the modern use of lancu de Hunedoara alongside the official documentary name
ohn Hunyadi, even if it was said that lancu was apparently imposed (AA Rusu), after 1956.
***
One of Heltai's 'living sources' probably came, directly or indirectly, from the Mu 9ina
th
mily of Rachitova (Morsinai, formerly Mu 9ina of Densu 9. The 16 century family tradition
nfirms the information in 15 century documents, which suggest a family tie, on female line,
tween the Hunyadis and the Mu§inas. As every 'family tale', the version depicted by Gaspar
eltai combines true and imaginary data, characters and ages, leaving to the historian the
asant task of seeking the truth, as the tradition recorded by Heltai's chronicle bears great
ocumentary value for the late medieval history of the Romanian nobility of Transylvania.
his tradition neared its end in the late 1500', as most families that had made their fortune in
e 1400', such as the Hunyadis, the Dragffys or the Ungurs (Ungurok), were extinct and others,
ue to ethnic and confessional options, had lost interest in their Romanian origin.
The analysis of the social group constituted by the Transylvanian Romanian nobility
ggests natural strong ties, family ties included, between these nobles, in particular those
m the Ha\eg area, and the Hunyadis, that became the spearhead of this compact group
d assured its maximum development. Based on such family ties the Mu 9inas of Densu 9,
Rachitova in the 1500', rose to fortune and preserved the memory of their connections to the
ated Hunyadis. In our opinion, similar to that of most Romanian historians, these elements
·. a proof for the fact the Hunyadis were the social product of the Hunedoara-Ha\eg milieu,
th th
the specific context of 14 and 15 century Transylvania and Hungary.
33
AA Rusu, 'Miscellanea' (II), AMN, XXIV-XXV (1986-1987), pp. 261-268; Idem, loan de Hune-
, p. 31.
34
AA Rusu, 1.-A. Pop, 'Familia nobiliara romaneasca Arca din Tara Ha\egului (slilr§itul sec. XV -
putul sec XVI)' [The Romanian Noble Family Arca from the Ha\eg Land (Late 1400'-Early 1500'],
35XXI (1984), pp. 211-225.
loan de Hunedoara, p. 18.
36 Rusu,
Pop-Marza, 'La personnalite et l'epoque de Jean de Hunedoara', pp. 56-57.
189
Die Frauen des Johannes Hunyadi
Enik6 Riisz-Fogarasi
Universitat ,,Babe~-Bolyai",
Klausenburg.
Die ungarische und rumanische Geschichtsschreibung hat vieles Ober die Familie
yadi geschrieben, da beide Johannes Hunyadi und Konig Matthias (Malia, Matyas) als
1
eigenen betrachten . Die Geschichte der Hunyadis wurde auf mannigfaltiger Weise er
cht. Den Frauen der Familie wurde aber wenig Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt.
Das ist keineswegs ein Sonderfall. Bis unlang, haben, mit einigen Ausnahmen, in der
arischen oder rumanischen Geschichtsschreibung, solche analytischen Studien die
der mittelalterlichen Gesellschaft widmen, ganzlich gefehlt. In den letzten Jahren aber,
hienen in Ungarn und Rumanien Studien und Bucher, die sich mit dieser Frage befas-
oder die aus diesem Sichtpunkt die Ereignisse des Zeitalters betrachten'.
'Der vorliegende Beitrag widmet sich dem weiblichen Zweig der Familie Hunyadi. Die
rsuchung folgt drei Wege und versucht die auftauchenden Fragen zu beantworten. Zu
·· konzentriet sich der Beitrag auf Johannes Mutter, auf seine Geschwister und, var alien,
seine Frau. Die Frage eines weiblichen Nachkommens stellt sich nicht. Es sein ange-
l, dass ein solches Vorhaben den Historiker in eine nicht angenehme Lage stellt. Es ist
einfach Aspekte zu bereden, worOber die zeitgenossischen Schriften eher schweigen.
I. Johannes Hunyadis Mutter
enn wir die Situation seiner Mutter betrachten und die zeitgenossische Welt in Acht
en, haben wir eine keineswegs einzigartige, aber interessante Tatsache var uns.
im Fall der direkten Vorfahren im Allgemeinen sicher ist, ist betreffend der Person der
r, haufig eine Frage der Vermutungen. Im Fall des Johannes Hunyadi wissen wires
icher wer der Vater war, aber Ober die Mutter haben wir nur ein paar Theorien.
·· 1e rumanischen und ungarischen Geschichtsschreibungen ~ind sich einig, dass der
des Johannes der rumanischstammige Voicu (Vajk) war. Diese Einigung betrifft aber
n Herkunftsort und den Namen. Die ungarische Geschichtsschreibung spricht Ober
. _l_achei als Herkunftsort des Voicu. Die rumanische Historiographie betont, dass, auch
'._er urspOngich aus der Walachei stammte, als er die Hunyader Besiztum bekommen
r'schon einer der Adeligen des Ha\eg (Hatzok, Hatszeg)-Hunyader Distriktes war.
Ut einer Theorie stammt die Mutter des Johannes Hunyadi aus einer Bojarenfamilie
rWalachei. Beide Eliern stammen also aus der Walachei. Auch unter diesen Um•
·ri, kommt jedoch der Name seiner Mutter nicht einmal als Vermutung vor3 .
Osu Adrian Andrei: loan de Hunedoara §i romanii din vremea lui. Studii [Johannes Hunyadi und
_it. Studien]. Klausenburg, 1999. 24 .
• . CANU $arolta: Femeile din Moldova, Transilvania §i Tara Romaneascil in Evul Mediu [Die Frauen
t,loldau, Siebenburgen und der Walachei im Mittelalter]. Bukarest, 2005; ZsoLOos Attila: Az. Arpa-
sszonyaik. A kiralynei intezmeny az Arpadok koraban [Die Arpaden und ihre Frauen. Die lnstitu-
~onigin (koniglichen Ehefrau) zur Zeit der Arpaden]. Budapest, 2005.
KES Lajos: Hunyadi. Budapest, 1952. 74. TEKEZsuzsa: Hunyadi Janos es kora [Johannes Hunyadi
Zeit]. Budapest, 1980. 83-85. ENGEL Pal: Hunyadi palyakezdese [Die Anfange der Karriere Hu•
: Nobilimea. 91. DRAGAN loan: Nobilimea romaneascil din Transilvania.1440-1514 [Der rumani-
Enik6 ROsz-Fogarasi
Laut einer anderen Theorie kann man die Herkunft des Vaters aus der Walachei nic6
ausschliessen, aber man kann vermuten, dass, zum Zeitpunkt der Schenkung van 1409, di
Familie dem Adel im Hunyader Distrikt gehorte. Die Mutter konnte dann aus einer kleinad
ligen Familie aus der Hunyad Gegend stammen. Diese Theorie wird van einer Urkunde aus
dem Jahr 1429 unterstotzt. Hier wird als Mutter des Hunyadi eine gewisse Ank6 (Anca) au
der Familie Branyicska erwahnt. Laut der rumanischen Geschichtsschreibung konnte di
Familie Hunyadi eine breite Familieneinbindung im Hatzeg-Hunyader Distrikt gehabt haben!
Im letzten Jahrzehnt betonte die rumanische Geschichtsschreibung die Hatzeger He
kunft und bezeichnet Elisabeth (Erzsebet) Morzsinai (Mur§ina) als Johannes Mutter. 1hr
Familie Morszina wird mit der Ortschaft Muzsina (Mu§ina) im Ha\eg in Verbindung gebrach
Es wird angenommen, dass es sich um eine kleinadelige rumanische Familie handelt.
Bei Gaspar Heltai taucht manchmal auch die Vermutung auf, dass Johannes Hunyadj
Eltern Sigismund (Zsigmond) von Luxemburg und die schone Elisabeth Morzsinai seieri
Leider aber, haben wir keine konkreten Angaben, die diese Theorie unterstotzen konntei\
Diese Legende erscheint in einer weniger ausgewachsener Form auch frOher bei Antoni
Bonfini. Die Legende wird aber van Istvan Tringli als nicht wahrscheinlich eingestuft. 4 ,
Letztendlich ermoglichen uns die vorhandenen Oaten keine genaue Feststellung ct''
ldentitat der Mutter des Johannes Hunyadi. Keine Vermutung kann entsprechend dok
mentiert werden. Wir konnen eventue/1 erahnen, welche die wahrscheinlichere Version is
II. Johannes Hunyadis Geschwister
Die zeitgenossischen Quellen und die Literatur der Zeit erwahnen eindeutig mehr
Broder des Johannes Hunyadi, var alien die jOngeren Vajk und Johannes, was als GIOcks_
5
bezeichnet werden kann. Die Anzahl seiner Geschwister ist aber fast unmoglich zu er
teln, da die Angaben ausserst sparlich sind. Anhand der narrativen und urkundlichen Qu
len kann man sicher behaupten, dass Hunyadi eine Schwester Klara und noch eine weit
Schwester hatte. Die Letzte hat in die Szekler Familie Szentgyorgyi eingeheiratet.
Ober die Familie der Klara haben wir die meisten Daten 6. Sie wurde die Frau des sie
bOrgischen Vizewojwoden Georg (Gyorgy) Dengelegi Pongrac, der bei Varna fiel. Klara
sich !Or die Politik und die Karriere des Hunyadi immer eine StOtze erwiesen. Den uns beka_
nten Oaten zufolge, entsprangen drei Jungen, Ladislas (Laszlo), Johannes und Andre
(Andras), und ein Madchen, Barbara (Borbala), aus Klaras Ehe, die, aufgrund der Famili
bOndnisse und ihrer Erziehung, spater wichtige Worden im Konigreich Obernommen haben.
Nachdem er sein Studium an der Universitat van Wien (Bees) absolviert hatte, wur
Ladisas van Konig Matthias an die Leitung des Konvents van Abtsdorf (Cluj-Mana§tur, Kolo
monostor). Sein Vorganger, Doktor Bartholomaus (Bertalan), war der verstarkten Konfii
situation mit den Klausenburger nicht mehr gewachsen. Seine Beziehungen hatten sich a
zu den Mitgliedern des Konvents verschlechtert, so dass der gezwungen wurde abzutreten.;c
Ladislas wollte den Hotter von Chinteni (Kajant6), der van Doktor Bartholomaus, d_
Klausenburgern Oberlassen wurde, durch Waffengebrauch wiedergewinnen. Der Versu_
hatte ein tragisches Ende. Am 24. Oktober 1463, griff Ladislas zusammen mit seinen Leut
ein paar Hauser der Klausenburger Borger an. Er wurde, samt seinen drei Anhangern 7 ,
sche Adel in SiebenbOrgen 1440-1514]. Bukarest, 2000, 303-304. Kus1NYI Andras: Matyas Kiraly [K ..
Matthias]. Budapest, 2001. 8.
4
TRINGLI Istvan: Az ujkor hajnala [Die Diimmerung der Neuzeit]. Budapest, 2003. 44; DRAGAN
Anm. 2): Nobilimea. 303-304; Kus1NYI (wie. Anm. 2): Matyas. 8.
5
ELEKES (wie Anm. 2): Hunyadi. 78-83.
6
KUBINYI (wie. Anm. 2): Matyas. 10-11.
7
Konvent, I. 60.
192
en aufgebrachten Stadteinwohner totgeschlagen. Ladislas Bruder, der damalige sieben-

Orgische Wojwode, Johannes, wollte den Tod rachen. Konig Matthias riet ihm davon ab.
Der mittlere Sohn des Dengelegi, Johannes, war das vornehmste Mitglied der Familie.
r was Truchess (1461-1463), Wojwode van SiebenbOrgen (1462-1465, 1468-1472, 1475-
476), Ban des Sirmium (1470-1472), Gespan van Timi" (Ternes). Sein Emporkommen war
ehr oder weniger Matthias zu verdanken. Der kleinste Sohn des Dengelegi, Andreas, be-
8
am vom Konig Matthias die WOrde eines Mundschenkes, zwischen 1462-1464.
Klaras Tochter, Barbara (Borbala), wurde mit Freiherr Sebastian (Sebstyen) Rozgonyi,
rheiratet (t 22. November 1461 ). Noch vor Matthias Thronantritt war er Gespan von Press-
rg (Bratislava, Pozsony), eine wichtige LandeswOrde. Wahrend Matthias Herrschaft war
Stallmeister (1485), Kapitan der Oberen Provinzen (1459-1461), Wojwode von Sieben-
"rgen. Aus der Ehe stammen drei Tochter, Anna, Barbara, Druzsiana, und Sohn Ladislas.
Anna wurde 1473 erwahnt, Barbara 1492. Druzsiana (t v. 1492) wurde schon als Drei
hrige dem Emerich (lmre) Pels6ci Vajdafi als Braut versprochen, heiratete jedoch Georg
goriai. Ladislas (t Marz 1492) nahm, als Anhanger des Konigshauses, an Konigin Beatrix
chzeitlicher Gefolgschaft in ltalien Teil. Ladislas war Truchsess (1478-1479), Kapitan von
9
lgrad (Beograd, Nandorfehervar) (1481) und Kammerer(1467-1491).
Es ist eine klare Tatsache, dass Klara eine UnterstOtzerin des Johannes Hunyadi und
iner Sohne war. Sie beutete aber auch weitgehend die Vorteile der Verwandschaft aus.
Die Urkunden und Kroniken erwahnen noch eine, ungenannte, Schwester des Johannes
nyadi. Wir wissen nur dass sie die Johannes (Janos) Szentgyorgyi Szekelys Frau war. 1hr
fin, oder eventuell sein Bruder Thomas (Tamas), wurde mehrmals (1450-1461) als Prior
10
Nrana erwahnt, also als Oberhaupt der ungarischen Ritter des Johanniterordens.
In den Hunyadi-Legenden, aber auch in den Kroniken, erscheint noch eine Schwester
lexander (Alexandre!) II oder Peter (Petru) Aron, Wojwode der Moldau, heiratete. Gleich-
bekannt ist Marina, Frau des walachischen Thronerben, Manzila van Arge,,. Aus dieser
11
-•. Ungarn geflOchteten Familie beanspruchte Nicholaus Olachus seine Abstammung.
Ill. Johannes Hunyadis Ehefrau
IOcklicherweise, haben wir mehrere Oaten zur VerfOgung um die Person derjenigen
beth (Erzsebet) Szilagyi, van deren Tugenden Pietro Ransano die Weisheit hervorhebte,
12
ihr eine Umsicht, die eher einem Mann als einer Frau eigen ist, zumutete, zu studieren .
.KLIBINYI (wie. Anm. 2): Matyas. 11.

MOL, DL 12923, 19862; In ENGEL Pal: Kozepkori magyar geneal6gia [Mittelalterliche ungarische
logie]. CD-ROM. Budapest, 2001, fehlt Barbara im Stammbaum der Familia Dengelegi, CD. Vgl.
((wie. Anm. 2): Matyas. 10-11.
l(us1NY1 (wie. Anm. 2): Matyas. 10.
{llexandrel schloss am 13. Februar 1453 einen ewigen Frieden mil Hunyadi. Dabei versprach der
\ierzehnjahrige Alexandre! verspricht dass er Hunyadis Enkelin heiraten wlirde (DRH, D, I. 432-
die Enkelin vermutet man diejenige Ileana (Elena), die auch im Gedenkbuch des Probota Klos-
"hnt wird (vgl. MINEA llie: 0 nepoatii a lui lancu de Hunedoara, doamnii a Moldovei [Eine Nichte
Hunyadis, Herrscherfrau der Moldau]. Cl, VIII-IX (1932-1933), 1. 227-228). Sie hatte mil ihrem
n zwei Sohne die 1504 noch am Leben waren (G0ROVEI $tefan: Mu',atinii [Die <Herrscher-familie
sater], Bukarest 1976. 56. REZACHEVICI Constantin: Cronologia criticii a domnilor din Tara Roma-
; Moldova (a. 1324-1881) [Die kritische Kronologie der Herrscher der Walachei und 'der Moldau
/1881)]. I. Secolele XIV-XVI [14.-16. Jahrihundert]. Bukarest, 2001. 526-527). Anderer-seits, wird
pzwischen Marina und Manzilii nur van Nicclaus Olachus erwehnt (Ungaria. Attila, herausgege-
\GY0NGYVER Antal. la',i, 1999. 86-89). Dlugosz behauptete dass, Hunyadi <Manzila> erblinden
ihn unfahig filr den Thran zu machen.
nsano (1985). 49. F0r die neueste Ausgabe der lateinischen Originals, vgl. Ransano (1977).
193
Enik6 ROsz-Fogarasi
Wer k6nnte sie auf einer angemessenen Weise loben, wenn al/e die sie nur kannten, behaup-
teten entschieden, dass in unserem Jahrhunderl keine moralise/Jere, standhaftere und in der
christlichen Friedlichkeit so hervo1TBgende Frau kennt? Obwoh/ ich ihre anderen Tugenden
nicht erwahne, sc/1ildere ich deine ausserordentliche Weisheit, weil mit ihrer Hilfe und Bem0h-
ungen, durch eine Zuversicht, die eher einem Mann a/s einer Frau eigen isl, an das Konigtum
gekommen bist, obwohl sich kein Sterblicher sich zweifelte, dass vor der gottlichen Hemchaft
deine k0nftige Tugend bekannt war, weswegen du gedient hast, dass in einer von Seiner
Vorsehung festgestellten Zeit auf den Thran kommst. Was aber Gott mit dir noch vor deiner
Geburl vorhatte, hat deine Mutter, berOhrl von einer gotttichen Zufl0sterung, verwirklicht, und
so kann man es mit Recht sagen, dass du, a/s Folge eines himmlischen Wunders, aufgrund
deiner Tugend und der m0tterlichen Weisheit aus den Hiinden des Gegners entkommen bist,
wo du bewacht wurdest, und an der Spitze der koniglichen W0rde gelangen bist. /ch
beschwore euch, rechte Manner, muss man nicht zu gross diejenige Frau schatzen, und sie
durch ununterbrochene Huldigungen /oben, die mit ihrer Weisheit eine nicht mindere Rolle
dabei gespielt hat, dass ihr Sohn die Krone dieses sehr berOhmten Landes gewinnt?
Anhand der aktuellen Kenntnisse kann man im Leben der Elisabeth vier Perioden definierent:J
1. Die Kindheit und Familie der Elisabeth Szilagyi
Elisabeth wurde in die Familie Szilagyi van Horogszeg geboren. Sie war die Tochter df;
Bacser Vizegespans Ladislas {Laszlo) Bernhard (Bernal!) Szilagyi und der Katalin Bellenylf
Laut den Quellen, hatte die Familie sechs Kinder. Die Broder und Geschwister der Elisabet!\}
waren Oswald (Osvath), Michael (Mihaly), Ladislas, Sophia (Zs6fia) und Ursula (Orsolya). :~i
Oswald (t v.1452) war Gespan van Timi~ (1436-1448). Nach Hunyadis Tod (1456), wq/!
de Michael, der Gespan van Bistriz (Bistrita, Besztrece) (1436-1460), Gouverneur van Siebe'
bOrgen. Bis zum Tade, nahme er aktiv Teil am politischen und militarischen Leben Ungarry!fl,
Ladislas wird in den Urkunden zwischen 1436 und 1456 erwahnt. Nachher berichten diegi;•
Ober seinen Tod. Sophia (t Januar 1474), wahrscheinlich Elisabeths Schwester, kommt metZI
mals in den Quellen var. Sie war Johannes Gereb van Vingrats Frau. Ursula wurde 1438 al}
unverheiratete Frau erwahnt. Spater heiratete sie den Wojwoden Johannes RozgonyL)l-!;
Eine interessante Pers6nlichkeit der Szilagyis war Justina (Jusztina). lhre verwandscha,f!'l:
liche Stellung kann aber, wegen Mangels an Oaten, nicht festgestellt werden. Engel brach.f~
sie in keine Verbindung mil den Geschwistern Szilagyi. Auf den van Kubinyi zusammeni(;
stellten Stammbaum erscheint sie als Oswalds Tochter. Anhand einer Urkunde wird aber die
Stelle des Sohnes van Oswalds van der Tochter des Franz (Ferenc) eingenommen.
14
;if,
Jusztina war viermal verheiratet. Es ist m6glich, dass Sie jedes Mal die lnteressen dWJ,
Familie verfolgte. Das erste Mal heiratete sie Wenzel (Vencel) Pongrac van Szentmikl6s, deff
in den Quellen zwischen 1448-1474 erwahntwird. Er starb wahrscheinlich um 1474, weil ?i~
1476 schon die Ehefrau des Vlad Ill Tepe§ (der Pfahler) war. Die Ehe dauerte nur kurz. Kna~B
zwei Monate nach dem Vlad wieder den Thran bestiegen hatte, wurde er durch eine Bojare,,11i
verschw6rung getotet. 15 Es ist sicher, dass Matthias die Einigung mil Vlad 111, durch die~
Ehe, starken wollte. Nach Vlads Tod, schloss die verwitwete Jusztina bald eine neue Ehe;~I
Die Familie Suky, im siebenbOrgischen Aufstand verwickelt (1467), versuchte die Gu11~·
des K6nigs und die beschlagnahmten GOter wiederzugewinnen. Paul (Pal) Suky ging ei[
Ehe milder zum zweiten mal verwitweten Jusztina ein. Paul Suky starb var Oktober 1479)1;•
Letztendlich wurde Jusztina die Ehefrau van Johannes Erdelyi Janos (1481-1496). L!;.
der Fachliteratur, verstarb sie als Witwe in SiebenbOrgen nach 1497. Andererseits, nenn.~,9
?!+
13
In den Stammbaumen aus der Monographie des KUBINYI (Matyas) und aus der Genea/6giaja
ENGEL ist die Reihenfolge der Kinder der Familie Szilagyi verschieden. Bei Kus1NY1: Eizsebet, Osvaffl
if~'
Mihaly, Laszlo, Orsolya, Zsofia. Bei ENGEL: Osvath, Mihaly, Laszlo, Eizsebet, Zsofia Orsolya.
14
KUBINYI (wie. Anm. 2): Matyas. 165.
15
REZACHEVJCI (wie Anm. 11): Cronologia, I, 115 (Oktober/ November 147618-10. Januar 1477).
194
destens zwei Urkunden, zwischen 1501-1504, Petronella Cekeli als Ehefrau van Erdelyi.
16
selbe wird zwischen 1507-1518 als Erdelyis Wttwe erwahnt. Jusztina war also diejenige,
fruher gestorben isl, da Ehemann Johannes nach ein paar Jahren wieder heiraten.
Laut Vermutungen, wurde Elisabeth Szilagyi nach 1410 geboren. Zusammen mil ihren
.. der und Geschwister lebten sie nach der entsprechenden Lebensweise der adeligen
sellschaft und traumten van den Moglichkeiten eines gesellschaftlichen Emporsteigens.
er die Kindheit der Elisabeth verfugen wir leider Ober keine konkreteren Angaben.
2. Elisabeth Szilagyi als Ehefrau des Johannes Hunyadi.
Mit der Heirat betrat Elisabeth eine neue Phase ihres Lebens. Das geschah im Sommer
Jahres 1430. Sie begleitete ihren Ehemann nach ltalien, zur Kaiserkronung Sigismunds.
scheinend wurde ihr erstes Kind in ltalien geboren, wo ihr Ehemann zwei Jahre im Dienst
Heizogs von Mailand verbrachte. Die Abschiedsgenehmigung des Paps! Eugen IV. fur
Hatzeger Kloster (1433) steht moglicherweise im Zusammenhang mit dem Aufenthalt".
Anscheinend kehrte Johannes Hunyadi 1434 in seine Heimat zurOck. Wahrscheinlich
de wahrend seines italienischen Aufenthalts die Hunyader Herrschaft van seinem Bruder,
ann dem JOngeren verwaltet, da diese damals noch nicht unter den Brudern aufgeteilt
:J434, als Hunyadi dem Konig Geld lieh, und mehrere Ortschaften pfandet, darunter auch
i, wurden die Pfandurkunden auf den Namen beider Bruder Hunyadi ausgestellt.
.·Es war der Zeitpunkt der GrOndung der Hunyadi Grossherrschaft. Diese Geldleihe war
"(die einzige Geldleihe der Hunyadis an Sigismund. Eine neue Leihe kommt aus 1437.
·•~ der Pfandung van Papi erwarb Hunyadi die Liegenschaften H6(I)d und Vasarhely in der
"riader (Cenad) Gespanschaft als konigliche Schenkung, zusammen mit 10 Dorfern und 13
ien, sowie auch die Bekescher (Bekes) Liegenschaften Szentetomya, Szentandras, Csaba-
·,.zusammen mit 11 Ortschaften. Elisabeth, die damals die Kinder eizog, kehrte aus
zurOck und befasste sich mil der Verwaltung der BesitzOmer der Familie, um so mehr,
zwei Broder Konig Sigismund auf seinen erneuten Bohmen-Feldzug begleiteten ".
O,arallel mit der steil steigenden Karriere ihres Ehemannes (zum Wojwoden van Sieben
· n emannt) fiel die Verwaltung der Hunyader Herrschaft immer mehr in ihre Verantwor-
:'Ein Beweis ist der geschriebene ihr Befehl, den sie als Johannes Ehefrau, an alle Steuer-
iber den Komitates Temesch (Timi9, Ternes) erlies um den Knesen Ladislas \Laszlo) aus
9
_alva van der Steuerlast zu befreien, weil dieser ihr loyal gedient hatte (1441) .
_ie TOrkenkriege, die Verteidigung des Konigreichs beanspruchten viel van Hunyadis
nd Kraft, so dass der sehr beschaftigte, sich immer auf der Reise befindende Valer als
· hr wertvoller Gast in seinem eigenen Heim zahlte. Als Wojwode van Siebenburgen,
'ihn haufig die lnteressen des Landes zum koniglichen Hof. Trotzdem erlies er 1442
443 Urkunden Ober die Angelegenheiten seiner Besitztomer oder der angrenzenden
aften. Damals war er, nur fur eine Weile, im Kreis und in der Nahe seiner Familie.
weit es moglich war, versuchte er die TOrkenkriege aus der Nahe seiner Familie zu
lsieren. Im Januar 1443, sellte Hunyadi aus Csanad, eine Urkunde fur Kronstadt aus. Er
te die Kronstradter aufmerksam, dass sie die Steuern restlos zahlen mOssen, da das
f9r den folgenden Feldzug sehr notwendig isl. Wtr konnen aber nicht wissen, ob die
Vgl. Konvent, I, Nr. 2281, S. 784; 11, 216, 218, 234,235,264, 265, 267, 272-273, 326-327, 338;
(wie. Anm. 2): Matyas. 14.
lzvoare Hafeg, I. 86 .
•~NGEL Pal, TOTH Norbert C., ltineraria regum et reginarum (1382-1438). Budapest, 2005. 130-131;
.(wieAnm. 2): Hunyadi.100-104.
IINYos Lajos: Szilagyi Erzsebet Levelei [Die Briefe der Elisabeth Szilagyij. LK, VI (1929), 1-4, Nr.
41-242.
195
Enik6 RGsz-Fogarasi
Vorbereitung des Feldzugs oder die nahstehende Geburt seines Sohnes die Ursache seine/,.
Anwesenheit in der Nahe seines Wohnortes war. Tatsache ist, dass seine Frau am 23. F~:
bruar 1443 den zweiten Sohn, Matthias, in Klausenburg (Cluj, Kolozsvar) zurWelt brachte29:t
Wie immer, taucht die Frage auf: warum hier'? Laut der Meinung eines Kollegen, der sic~·
mit der Baugeschichte der Hunyader Burg befasst, deswegen, weil die Burg nicht bewohnb~t
war, da sie einer Baustelle ahnlicher als einem Familienhaus war. Die Erklarung ist nur teiit',
weise wahr, da sie nur bestatigen kann, warum Matthias nicht in der Hunyader Burg gebore&
wurde. Dies konnte aber in jeder Burg des Hunyadi geschehen. Trotzdem kam der Sohn ir{
Klausenburg zur Welt Wir konnen es auch damit nicht erklaren, dass Klausenburg wegen de{
Arzten gewahlt wurde. Fur diese Zeit haben wir keine Angaben Ober einen hiesigen Arzt, on'
wohl die Anwesenheit der Arzte in den sachsischen Stadten fur diese Periode bewiesen is('
Wahscheinlich ist Matthias unterwegs und unerwartet zur Welt gekommen. Sein Vat~f;
befand sich zwischen Marz und Juli in SiebenbOrgen nicht nur wegen seiner offiziellen Ange-1
legenheiten, sondern auch wegen seines neugeborenen Sohnes. In dieser Periode schrieb,er!
Briefe aus Mediasch (Media§, Medgyes), Thorenburg (Turda, Th6rda), Appesdorf (Apo§, Apatc;
falva), Hunedoara, Kokelburg (Cetatea de Balta, KOk0ll6var}". Von hier aus organisiert er~~!
nen ersten Balkanfeldzug. Es ist sicher, dass neben den offentlichen Angelegenheiten, er d\il;·
Arbeiten an der Hunyader Burg Oberwachte und, dass mit seiner Familie in Kokelburg war. ){4
Es wird angenommen, dass die Hunyadis hier wohnten, bis sie nach Temeswar zogeit'
Temeswar ist Obrigens der Ort, wo Hunyadi die meisten Urkunden verfasst hat, vor auetf
beginnend mit Januar 1444. In der Zeit war fur ihn seine Frau die beste Stotze in der Verwalt
tung der Liegenschaften. Sie stellte mehrmals Baumeister an, nicht nur fur den Bau der ~··;
nyader Burg, sondern auch fOr das Kloster von Dreikirchen (Teiu 9, Tavis) oder fOr andere Arbe~
ten". Neben diesen Angelegenheiten beschaftigte sich Elisabeth mit der Erziehung ih@fi
beiden Sohne, und ihre Meinung war auch bedeutend tor die Wahl deren Erzieher. <lji,
Bis 1456, war Elisabeth eine sichere ROckendeckung !Or ihren Mann. Sie sicherte eig"'
ruhige Atmosphare in der Familie, loste die Aufgaben der Verwaltung der Herrschaften, y(
bereitete in der alltaglichen Ruhe ihre Sohne tor die kunftigen Aufgaben der Staatsregierurf
vor. Der Tod des Ehemannes setzte dieser Familienharmonie ein unerwartetes Ende uqct
for Elisabeth Szilagyi fing die harteste Periode ihres Lebens an, als sie aus dem Schattl
heraustretend, als Witwe eine wichtige Rolle in der alltaglichen Politik einnehmen musste.',f.
3. Elisabeth Szilagyi als Witwe des Johannes Hunyadi
Die Jahre 1456-1458, in denen die Familie reichlich Erfolge und tragische Verluste erl~~
te, waren ausserst intensiv !Or die Witwe. In dieser bewegten, aber unsicheren Zeit war ~l
der Stotzpfeiler der Familie. Letztendlich ist der Erfolg der Hunyadis dank ihrer NOchternh~
gelungen, auch wenn sie tragische Verluste einbOssen musste. Es ist offensichtlich, dass eL
die Hunyadis die wichtigste politische Rolle innehatte, Elisabeth die Unterstotzung ihres BQJ•
ders Michael hatte, um die Familie an das sichere Ufer zu steuern. In der truben politisc~[ll
Konjunktur war Michael im Boot der Farnilie der Ruderer und Elisabeth der Steuermann. Jfi
Nach Johannes Tod, wurde Ladislas Erbe der Herrschaften und der Familiaren des G<)'.(j'
verneurs. Als Eigentomer einer der grossten Liegenschaften, und die bedeutende politis,f.Q'.
Unterstotzung des Onkels geniessend, nahm er sich vor, irnrner hohere Stellen in der po@' ':',/:%
schen Hierarchie zu erringen. In seiner Laufbahn waren aber in den erfolgreichen Kampfu+k
politische Macht weder die Bedingungen, noch die eingesetzten Mittel die entsprechendstell'.
''<%
20
Ub., V, Nr 2446, S. 105-106; KUBINYI (wie Anm. 2): Matyas. 7. ¼
21
Rusu Adrian Andrei intreg,n si ,nterpretari privitoare la it1nerariile Jui lancu de Hunedoara [Erg~
zungen und lnterpretierungen der Reisen Johannes Hunyadis]. A/IX, XXVII (1990). 180-185.
22
Szilagyi E12sebet oklevelei, Nr. 5, S. 66-67.
196
In dieser bewegten Periode stand Elisabeth Szilagyi, als das entscheidende lndividuum
zentrum des Geschehens. Sie war in Temeswar anwesend, als der Konig 0berzeugt
rde, Ladislas, den Sohn des T0rkenbesiegers Johannes Hunyadi als Kapitan des Landes
ernennen, und zu versprechen, dass die Mitglieder der Familie nichts wegen des Todes
s Ulrich von Gilly zu befOrchten hatten. Ober dieses Ereignis berichtet auch Ransano in der
rzen Fassung der Gesc/1ichte der Ungarn und hebt die Rolle der Elisabeth hervor'".
Als er aber zur Burg angekommen war, empting ihn Elisabeth mit ihrem Sohn, dem da
mats noch jungen Matthias, 1i1 Trauergewand wegen des Tades ihres Mannes angezogen,
seit we/chem fast ein Jahr vergangen war. Die sehrweise Frau empfing den Konig mit sehr
grosser Ergebenheit, und behandelte ihn mit auBerordentlichem Respekt.
Auf jeden Fall war die Zeitspanne Herbst 1456-Januar 1458 fOr die Mutter sehr schwer
bereitete ihr unerbittliche Erlebnisse und Lehren vor. Der alteste Sohn wurde trotz des
mogens und der Unterst0tzung hingerichtet, der j0ngere wurde eingekerkert. Nach der
richtung des Ladislas Hunyadi, stellten sich Elisabeth und Michael Szilagyi an die Spitze
Hunyader Herrschaften und der Burgen des Kapitans, und weigerten sich, diese dem Ko-
u 0bergeben. 1457 kam zwischen Elisabeth Szilagyi, Ladislas V. und Michael Szilagyi,
Abkommen zu Stande, laut welchem die Witwe des Johannes Hunyadi akzeptierte, dass
24
die Burgen in Siebenb0rgen zur0ckgeben musste, einschliesslich Bistritz .
',6.ufgrund ihrer Eigenschaften, wurde Elisabeth von den Opponenten als diejenige be
· tel, mit der die Thronfolge gelost werden kann. Als Hunyadis Witwe, wirkte sie als fast
tieinbar. Als Mutter, was sie eine Schl0sselfigur, dank ihres nachhaltigen und zahen
altens und gleichzeitig ihres Gleichgewichtssinns. Als am 12. Januar 1458 in Szeged
bkomrnen mil den machtigen Garais geschlossen wurde, war sie die Hauptvermittlerin
25
',en Verhandlungen. Die Unterfertiger der versiegelten Urkunde waren Elisabeth, auf
r _der Familie Hunyadi und Michael Szilagyi, als Ban von Kroatien und Kapitan. Als Teil
's Abkommens, sollte die geplante Heirat die angesammelten Spannungen Jasen.
lisabeth unterschrieb als Hunyadis Witwe bis Oktober 1458. Spater, unterschrieb sie
'"utter des Konigs. Die in manchen Briefen behandelten Problernen und gesuchte L6sun-
eh6ren schwer zum Wirkungskreis einer Gouverneurs Witwe. Beispielsweise, befiehl
beth Szilagyi den Burgkommandanten und den Steuereintreibern von Szentjakabfalva
b), dass diese keine Steuern mehr von den Handlern aus Pressburg fordern sollen".
'.Elisabeth Szilagyi als Mutter des Konigs Matthias Corvin us
r letzte Abschnitt des Lebens der Elisabeth Szilagyi war nicht mehr so reich an aus
eptlichen Ereignissen, auch wenn die Politik des Tages fOr Sohn Matthias ziemlich
nerwartete Geschehen brachte. Elisabetgs Ansehen und Macht werden auch durch
Js_ache bewiesen und gestarkt, dass Matthias nach 1458 die Verwaltung der Hunyader
gaft grosstenteils ihr 0berliess. Durch diesen Auftrag folgt in ihrem Leben ein neues Zeit-
eben dem Konig, als Konigsmutter, mil einer bedeutenden W0rde. In dieser Eigen-
_hat sie die lnteressen der Familie bewahren und in diese Richtung verbreitet. In ihrem
, und in ihrer Eigenschaft als Mutter des Konigs wurden viele Urkunden verfasst, in
ri _viele und verschiedene Befehle erlassen wurden, durch die die Sorge tor die Losung
bleme des Familienvermogens und der Familieninteressen ausgedr0ckt wird.
:~ansano (1985). 182-183.

gl. ENTZ Geza: Erdely epiteszete 14-16 szazadban [Die Architektur Siebenburgen. 14.-16. Jahr-
;L Klausenburg, 1996. 37; TRINGLI (wie Anm. 3): Az ujkor hajnala. 46.
~BINYI (wie. Anm. 2): Matyas. 25.
zi/agyi Erzsebet oklevelei, Nr. 1, S. 63; Nr. 28, S. 242
197
Enik6 ROsz-Fogarasi
Jf
Als Matthias den Thran bestieg, glaubten viele, dass er unter dem Einfluss und der oti;}
hut des Onkels und der Mutter herrschen w0rde. Dieser Eindruck erwies sich als falsch. Qt,!.
wohl der Konig seine Mutter nur manchmal um Meinung und Rat bat, oder ihre Hille ver3\'
langte (z.B. bei der Losung des Konfliktes mil dem Onkel), kann man meinen, dass er sein Le,'
ben im Schatten der Mutter verbrachte. lhre Briefe und Befehle wurden in der koniglichen'I
Kanzlei verfasst und mil einem roten Wachssiegel milder Pragung eines Ringes versehen.:\'0,
In ihrem letzten Lebensabschnitt, beschaftigte sich Elisabeth Szilagyi vor allem mit der/I
Verwaltung der Herrschaft und der Fortsetzung der Bauten, die zur Lebzeit ihres Mannes an~
gefangen hatten. In Folge der guten Verwaltung der Herrschaft warder Weiterbau der Burg}
die einen sehr grossen k0nstlerischen Wert hat, sowohl als auch der Weiterbau der vonf
Johannes Hunyadi gegr0ndeten Kloster moglich. 1465 genehmigte Paps! Paul II, Matthiai"
und seiner Mutter das fertiggestellte Kloster von Hunyad mil Observanten Monchen zu be,;
siedelten. Das erweiterte Gebaude war aber erst nach Elisabeths Tod fertig (1487) •
27
,,i
Elisabeth Brief vom 10. Juli 1483 wird als die letzte in ihrem Namen verfasste Urkunde be,/
trachtet. Vor dem 11. November 1484, verstarb sie. An dem Tag, bestatigte Matthias, sich al!f;;'
28
ihr Testament berufend, Johannes Erbe von seiner Grossmutter und nannte sie verstorben ,{\0
***
Eine noch unbeantwortete Frage kann eine andere Frau in Hunyadis Leben bringen. JI,
wird vermutet, dass der Ge/ehrte Emerich (lmre) Szapolyai (Zapo~a) sein leiblicher SohiJJ:
9
war. Diese Vermutung kann man aber urkundlich nicht nachweisen . Gleichzeitig !asst sicmi
die Einbindung des Gelehrten Emerich Szapolyai in die Familie Hunyadi nicht feststellen
***
K~t
Schlussfolgernd konnen wir Ober die weiblichen Mitglieder der Familie Hunyadi behaul:
ten, dass jede, anhand der eigenen Moglichkeiten, der eigenen Personlichkeit, den lntereiJ:
sen der Familie gedient haben, als ,,Dienstbraut'' (wie Jusztina), durch ihre eigene Famili~
(wie Klara) oder als Frau, Mutter und Wltwe (wie Elisabeth). In seiner Monographie, schrie[r
Elekes Lajos Ober Elisabeths Wirken als Johannes Frau und Witwe und als Matthias Mutter
30
J
't\t
Elisabeth Szilagyi war ein Mensch mil ausserordentlichen Fiihigkeiten: sie konnte sich aus der 'fc_li
dama/igen besonderen UnterdrVckung und aus der zurVckgedriingten Lage der Frauen em-
porheben und in der Politik des Landes eine solche Rolle spielen, wie sehr wenige zeitgenos-
sische Frauen. lhre Tiitigkeit kennend, die sie spiiter neben Matthias im lnteresse der Stiir-
kung des Konigtums und ihre finanzielle Unterstotzung entfaltete, konnen wir voraussetzen,
dass sie in diesem Bereich auch frVher ihrem Ehemann hi/freich gewesen ist.
27
BALOGH Jolan: A muveszet Matyas kira/y udvaraban [Die Kunst am Hof des Konigs Matthias]/]!!
Budafae;:,;;;~t.
29
1~t
~!iagyi Erzsebet oklevelei, Nr. 46, S. 257-258.
KUBINYI (wie. Anm. 2): Matyas. 18.
j
~➔
30
ELEKES (wie Anm. 2): Hunyadi. 93. ls
;z;
198
A Deputy Voivode of Transylvania on the Eve of the Battle of Belgrade:
Istvan Kemeny of Manastireni
Tudor Saliigean
National History Museum ofTransylvania
Cluj-Napoca
On the eve of the battle of Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar), in 1456, John Hunyadi
ppointed as deputy voivode of Transylvania the descendant of an old family which, at that
e, lacked significant economic power or political influence. This man was Stephen (Istvan),
0 known as Keminus (Kemeny), son of Ladislas (Laszlo) of the Mikola family, a nobleman
om the Manastireni (Magyargyer6monstor, Deutsch/ Ungarisch Klosterdorf) village.
Keeping the proportions, we might say that the destinies of the two figures shared a
· umber of common features. Probably of similar age, they began their respective careers in a
imilar fashion. They climbed the political ladder step by step, using their personal qualities
nd their military and administrative skills, eventually reaching a standing far superior to that
ftheirfamilies. In fact, both could be seen as founders of families, Hunyadi and Kemeny of
anastireni, families which would play a key part in the history of medieval Transylvania.
***
The Mikola family, to which Stephen Kemeny belonged, was quite old. Its roots seemingly
nt back to the first group of Hungarians to settle in northern Transylvania. Repeated divi-
ns eventually scattered to pieces the ancestral estates in the upper basin of the Some§ul
1
ic (Kis Samas) river, estates which even in those early days had been fairly small .
· .Stephen's great-grandfather was Jacob (Jakab), the second son of John, son of Nicholas
ikl6s) of Calata (Kalata), and also the ancestor of the Kabos and Rad6 families, of the same
· ge of Manastireni. Jacob's eldest son, Stephen of Monustur, was repeatedly mentioned as
itness (1356-1360), testifying in front of the convent of Cluj-Mana§tur (Kolozsmonostor,
tdorf). The conflict between him and Andrew (Andras), son of Dionysus (Denes), castellan
2
Bologa (Sebesvar), was mentioned in a judicial writ from 1360 . One of Stephen's sons,
dislaus, of which little is known, is the father of the future deputy voivode. Known also as
meny, Ladislas had an older brother named George (Gy6rgy), married to Anna Kende.
The first record on Stephen's career comes from 1433. By then he was knight of the royal
urt. Hunyadi was mentioned as such for the first time in January 1434. At that time, Transyl-
nians were few at the royal court. Moreover, both came from the middle ranks of Transyl- 3
'nian nobility, less refined and wealthy, and had to deal with an exclusive great aristocracy .
Also in 1433, Stephen requested and obtained from Eugenius IV an indulgence for the
t. Ladislas's chapel of Manastireni, erected on the Capalna (Kapolna) hill. Until the early
,f,· 1
Miiniislireni §i Miina tu111 Romanesc. Satul sufletului meu [Manastireni and Mana§turu Romanesc.
~e Village of my Soul] (Cluj-Napoca
9
2005), pp. 97-107; the first certain data on Mikola of the Kalotais
tes back to the 1200' (see EO, I, nos. 238,338, 348,385,437, 444, 547; T. Salagean, Transilvania in
doua jumiitate a secolului al XIII-lea. Aflmiarea regimului congrega/ional [f ransylvania in the Second
~f6~H~r ;~;t~1 ~~;:\s;t ~~-fi;,g;~?~1t;al System] (Cluj-Napoca 2003), pp. 147, 220).
6 2
3
Archontol6giaja, I, p. 507; the same year (1433) Nicolae Gyerofi of Dumbrava (Gyerovasarhely)
also mentioned as a knight of the royal court.
Tudor Salagean
1800', the Chapel of St. Lad is las served as a burial place for the local noblemen related to
the Kemeny family. Near the chapel we find the circular trace of a wall, possibly a ruined J
tower, indicating the presence here of an old residence belonging to the same family 4 .
In respect to the pope's approval, even if a voyage was not mandatory, the indulgence in •.
question could mean that at one point Stephen was actually present in Rome. Generally spea- j
king, little is known about his whereabouts between 1434 and 1439. As his presence was :
not recorded at the royal court, it is possible that Stephen spent that time traveling or had
returned to his native land to serve as one of the familiars of Stephen Banffy of Losoncz.
On December 1, 1439 Stephen was mentioned as castellan of Bologa and as a familiar

of Stephen Banffy, who had managed to take control over the royal castle in 1424. Recorded )
as an aulicus in 1427, Stephen Banffy later served as the count of the Szeklers (1440-1441 ). •
During that tirne, the Banffy family enjoyed considerable influence in the Calata region (Kalata-···
szeg), usurping that of the royal estate. After he took control of this castle, the importance
of Huedin began to increase: in 1437 the settlement was mentioned as an oppidum, and in
1522 it would change its name into Banffyhunyad. Stephen Banffy's influence began to de-
crease with the rise of John Hunyadi, and he died in relative obscurity in 1458 or in 14595 .
Banffy's loss of favor forced Kemeny to seek a new liege lord: John Gereb of Vingard, son ,{i
~!:;ii~:'l:~=;:t!~~,:~~=~t~,~~i=i
of another John, deputy voivode of Transylvania (1408-1409). Hunyadi's familiar and brother- ;!;;
1471/1472. In 1451, Kemeny shared with his liege lord the position of castellan of Gurghiu6 • 2
Also in 1451, documents spoke of another castellan of Gurghiu, subordinated to the same '~l
John Gereb, a man known only as Francis (Ferenc). Maybe Gurghiu had two castellansOl)
due to the disturbances in Moldavia, following the assassination of Bogdan II and the seizure:?~
of power by Peter Aron. The latter represented a boyar faction hostile to Hunyadi's policy. ..-&;
,:::,ii
We still do not know whether the story about the heroic deed of a certain Simon Kemeny,,~
is in any way related to Stephen or another member of his family. Simon allegedly exchanged)~
armor with John Hunyadi in the battle fought near Sibiu (Hermannstadt, Nagyszeben) againsF~I
Mezid beg (1442) and then died in combat. The legend has to be taken with a grain of salt. ''
The motif of the exchange of armor between a lord and his trusted follower is quite
common in the romances of chivalry, where it serves to promote the idea of a vassal's ;;,
,~1
loyalty to his liege. Even so, the fact that the exemplary hero Simon belongs to the Kemeny
family - combining old Transylvanian blood with the bravery and the desire for recognition '"
{I
1
of the middle nobility - may be seen as an in~~ator of the rising importance of this family.
Stephen's appointment as deputy voivode of Transylvania came amid preparations forJI

the upcoming anti-Ottoman war. After the Ottoman-Hungarian truce of November 1451, John1 JI
Hunyadi's political influence fluctuated in intensity. Thus, between 1452 and 1456 the deputy:~ol
voivode of Transylvania was a Pole, Bronislaw Z!ibow, a familiar of voivode John Rozgonyi.>JI
who represented the aristocratic faction that had taken control at the royal court'. ·I
4
Miiniistireni §i Miinii§IU/11 Romiinesc, pp. 106-107.
_ilf
f+
5
Archontof6giaja, I, p. 408; II, p. 22; Coriolan Suciu, Oic/ionar istoric al /oca/itii/ifor din Transi/vania,j·
[The Historical Dictionary of the Settlements ofTransylvania], I (Bucharest 1967), p. 297; Adrian Andret,1
Rusu, 'inceputurile cetajii medievale de la Bologa' [The Beginnings of the Medieval Fortress of Bologa],~
AMP IV (1980), p. 413. ' '!:I':
6 Archonlof6giaja, I, p. 321.
7
Archontof6giaja, I, p. 15.
200
A Deputy Voivode or Transylvania
However, beginning with the year 1454, John Hunyadi began to regain influence. The
stocratic faction, faced with the impending Ottoman attack, saw him as the only person
ely to stop the Turkish onslaught. In the spring and the summer of 1456, as preparations
re made for the defense of Belgrade, John Hunyadi appointed Stephen Kemeny as
puty voivode of Transylvania. He is mentioned as such in icl documented dated July 12 of
t year. The then voivodes of Transylvania were Nicholas Ujlaki and John Rozgonyi'.
Appointed in a time of crisis, Kemeny's mission must have been quite difficult and com-
x. Apart from securing the position of the Hunyadi faction in Transylvania and keeping the
mestic situation under control, Stephen most certainly had the obligation to monitor the
rders and prevent a possible Ottoman diversionary attack coming from the direction of
alachia. Somewhat puzzling is thus the relationship between Stephen Kemeny and Vlad Ill
pe§ (the Impaler), who had taken the Wallachian throne in the summer of the same year.
on July 3, 1456, barely a few days before Kemeny was mentioned as deputy voivode of
ansylvania, a lettsir from Hunyadi assured the Saxons of southern Transylvania that Voivode
ad would defend them. Historians have been unable to determine whether at that time
ct was already on the throne, or whether he was supposed to defend them on the Transyl-
ian border, where he was still preparing his intervention against Wadislaw (Vladislav) II.
Wadislaw ll's tombestone indicates that he died on August 20, but the year is wrong:
9
5 instead of 1456. If we accept this date , then we must assume a prior cooperation, a
t plan of action, between deputy voivode Stephen Kemeny, the highest ranking official ser-
in Transylvania at that time, and Vlad, then just a pretender to the Walachian throne. It
so possible that the deputy voivode of Transylvania supported Vlad in his action against
islaw II, which probably took place after the defeat suffered by the sultan at Belgrade,
if, once on the throne, Vlad Ill claimed that he had succeeded without outside l1elp.
Evidence seems to indicate that Vlad strongly disliked Kemeny's liege lord, John Gereb
ingard. This animosity may have extended to the latter's familiar as well. According to a
r sent by the voivode to the burghers of Sibiu on March 14, 1457, John Gereb of Vingard,
ther with Nicholas of Ocna Sibiului (Salzburg, Vizakna), both Hunyadi's familiars, had
e an attempt to capture the Vlad, while he was in Geoagiu (Gyogh), during his exile in
sylvania, and hand him over to Wadislaw II. It seems that the attempt in question had
n place between October 1451 and March 1452. Following the assassination of Bogdan
ad had taken refuge in Transylvania. This had made Hunyadi less than happy, as the
concluded with the Ottoman Empire bound Hungary to keep peace with Wadislaw II'°.
It is impossible to know whether or not Kemeny played a part in the attempted capture. In
n, numerous documents speak of the close cooperation between him and John Gereb. It
t thefore be added that Kemeny' success in preventing a possible Ottoman (or maybe
:.. Walachian-Ottoman) diversion in Transylvania may account for the fact that he re-
. ~d a deputy voivode until June 1457, nearly a year after the death of John Hunyadi.
•••
!'(emeny's loyalty and devotion to the Hunyadis are also demonstrated by the fact that
.sandson (the firstborn child of his eldest son, Michael Kemeny, and of Veronica Bizere),
:Toma} Nemzetsegbeli Losonczi Banffy csa/ad to,tenete. Ok/eve/tar [The History ofTomaj Branch
~osonczi-Banffy Family], edited by Bela lvanyi, I (Budapest 1927), p. 689.
tAs suggested by Nicolae Stoicescu, Vlad Tepe§ [Vlad the Empaler] (Bucharest 1979), pp. 24-27.
t· Ub., V, no. 3070, pp. 566-567; Francisc Pall, Romiinii §i crnciada tiirzie [The Romanians and
ter Crusades], edited by lonuj Costea (Cluj-Napoca 2003), pp. 190-191.
201
Tudor Salagean
born in 1458/1459, was named Matthias (Malia, Matyas) after the new king. The name ha
not been previously used by the family and would be rarely used again in the years to followr
Stephen passed away in 1461. Three sons survived him: Michael, Stephen, and Pete·
Peter (t1528) was the father of John Kemeny who, in 1531, as castellan of Deva (Dimriech),
left the camp of Ferdinand I of Habsburg and joined the faction of John Zapolya (Szapolyai)
Consequently, John Kemeny was later appointed deputy voivode of Transylvania, the same
position once held by his grandfather. This John Kemeny founded the most successful branch
of the family; one of his great-grandsons was another John Kemeny, military commander'
diplomat, author of memoirs, as well as prince of Transylvania between 1660 and 1662.
202
2.
Authorities and Areas of Influence
Sigismund of Luxemburg
8./. Authorities and Areas of Influence
The Tombstone of Nicholas Ujlaki The Tombstone of Denes Szecsi
The Charter of the Hunyadi-Garai- Ujlaki league of 1450
204
John Hunyadi and the Collective Privileges
of the Romanian Nobles from the Banat
Cosmin Popa-Gorjanu
"1 st of December 1918" University,
Alba \ulia
The Romanian historiography justly acknowledged the importance of John Hunyadi's

e for the increase in number and consolidation by privileges of the Romanian nobility in
· Banal and Ha\eg (Hatszeg) areas 1. An unprecedented number of individual privileges
re awarded to the Romanian landlords in the border areas of south-eastern Hungary. The
oblement took the form of granting a set of rights and prerogatives to individual owners of
ges, having the status of knezf, and living on the royal domain of the royal fortresses.
th
The roots of this process seem to go back to the second half of the 14 century when
zi from the Banal requested and recieved charters confirming their ownership rights over
rtain villages, as well specific rights referred to with the term keneziatus. Gradually, as the
_;es of certain families show, they applied for a change in the status of their villages. Unsati-
~d with their traditional obligations to the royal fortress and with the jurisdiction of the royal
3
Je\lan, some requested the grant of their former villages or knezates as noble property .
*'*
Noble property in Hungary was a type of land unencumbered by obligations in kind or
h. In exchange for tax exemptions, nobles were obligated to participate in the campaigns
by the king. The process offormation of nobility in Hungary began in the 1200'. By the mid
0' 4 the main features of the local nobleman were already shaped. He was primarily a
downer, and a member of the royal household, that is a military servant of the king.
1
There is a long list of authors and contributions to this subject. Mention will be thus given only to
S_t recent and significant contributions: Adrian Andrei Rusu, loan de Hunedoara §i rom8nii din vremea
>studH [John Hunyadi and the Romanians of his Time. Studies] (Cluj-Napoca 1999); loan Dragan,
_bilimea romaneascii din Transilvania 1440-1514 [The Romanian Nobility from Transylvania. 1440-
14] (Bucharest 2000); Ligia Boldea, Nobilimea romiineascii din Banal in secolele XIV-XVI [The
manian Nobility from the Banal in the 14th-16th Centuries] (Re§i\a 2002).
2
Knez (plural knez1) is a specifically medieval Romanian institution. The word has no counterpart in
· h. The term, of Slavic origin, referred to the chieftain and later the owner of a village or a group of
s. It was known to all provinces and states inhabited by Romanians (Transylvania, Walachia, and
va). During the late Middle Ages the institution undeiwent significant changes. For an analysis of
elution of the Banal knezi: C. Popa-Gorjanu, 'From KenezHto Nob17es Valachi: The evolution of the
anian elite of the Banat in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries', AMS, VI (2000), pp. 109-128. The
sical wor1<s on the medieval Romanian elite in southern Hungary belong to Maria Holban, Din cronica
.. r romano-ungare in secolele XIII-XIV (Studies on the Romanian-Hungarian Relations in the 13th-
enturies] (Bucharest 1981), pp. 213-244, and Radu Popa, La inceputul evu/ui mediu romiinesc.
Ha/egu/ui[At the Beginning of the Romanian Middle Ages. The Ha\eg Land] (Bucharest 1988).
3
: Popa-Gorjanu, Nobiles Valachi, pp. 117-118; Kenesiatus, a technical term, referred to the lordship
' nez, to the rights derived from it. It was sometimes synonymous with the village owned by a knez.
4
For a broad overview of nobility in medieval Hungary: Erik FOgedi, The E/efantliy. The Hungarian
/eman and His Kindred (Budapest 1998), pp. 33-50, 63-68; Martyn Rady, Nobility, Land and
ice in Medieval Hungary (London 2000), pp. 28-44. For another case study: Andras W. Kovacs,
History of the Wass de Czege Family (Hamburg 2005), pp. 43-98.
Cosmin Popa-Gorjanu ~
Around the same time, Romanian knezi from the Banat began the process of obtainingi
royal charters of ennoblement or recognition of their ownership rights. It was mainly an indivii1
dual undertaking. Each owner applied in the name of himself and his kinsmen for the noble'.1
privileges. By the time of Hunyadi a great number of former knezial families from Ha\eg anal
Banat held their villages under different titles. Some villages were still of knezial type, whilel
others were held in the fashion of nobles. Romanian landowners were variously called knezf,j
noble-knezi, Romanian nobles, nobles, reflecting the degree of similarity to the veri nobiles5• !:J
In this paper we will not discuss the process of formation of the Romanian nobility, subje6\J
already elucidated, but the question of collective privileges, namely the issue of Hynyadi's role'.!
in the granting of the collective privileges of the eight privileged districts of the Banal. In this,1
respect, we rely on a unique charter i_ssued in _1444 for a lar~e group of nobles from the Lugoj)
(Lugosch, Lugos) district, centered 1n the Jd1oara (Zs1dovar) castle. We will discuss a feW;l!
factors that have determined the Romanian elite to seek charters recording their collectivi;J
rights. We also want to explore Hunyadi's indirect and somewhat negative influence to the'.I
creation of the community of the eight districts as displayed by the famous privilege of 1457.,,,
The privilege granted on August 29, 1457 by king Ladislas (Laszlo) V Posthumous to the]
eight districts of the Banal is well known, thus we will only summarize its main features. B1]i
its first two provisions, the king confirmed all previous privileges of the Romanian knezi anifl
nobles and promised to refrain from granting villages from the eight districts to aliens. A thii~f
provision promised to maintain the union of these districts, and not to separate any of them_in'r
order to be granted out to aristocrats. A fourth provision referred to the restoration of the sta((JSjc
of Comiat (Komjat) district, rejoined to the other 7 districts. The next articles regulated the jurisj
diction over nobles and knezi, and the status of the Romanian nobles, who were to be exem~
ted from paying toll taxes. Finally, the jurisdiction over their tenant-peasants was regulated 6g;
_;/,;
Though the significance of the privilege has been already emphasized 7, a few questionJ
are still worth examining. When did this elite request collective privileges? What was the worr•l
that made them necessary? What danger was meant to be averted by such written statutes1,f
A brief exam of the history of the Romanian districts in the early 1400' can provide us witf/%
answers. The districts were basically royal administrative units governed by a royal official/~{
castellan appointed by the count of Timi§ (Ternes) or the ban of Severin, when this office hail
a holder. The fact that the district's population lived in villages led by knezi, should not obscure(
the fact that the area was a royal domain. Knezi were subject to their castellan's jurisdiction. Oii
The practice of conferring the office of castellan of a district to a familiaris of the holderq/f
the honor of Timi 9 is illustrated by the district of Lugoj. This district, led from the castle g(,;
8
Jdioara, was mentioned since the early 1300' . We have chosen this district for its exceptiogft4
nal importance in the history of acquisition of collective privileges by the Romanian nobles:\ii;
A couple of years ago we have published a charter issued by Hunyadi on May
9
1~!
1444 in Timi 9oara (Temesvar) • The document was remarkable due to the fact that it wa~
issued at the request of a group of 48 Romanian nobles. The piece is a unique evidence I~$}
5
6
Popa-Gorjanu, Nobiles Valachi, pp. 118-123. 'J
The text of the charter in Frigyes Pesti, A Sziireny vannegyei hajdani olah kerOletek [The Formj~
Romanian Districts from Severin County] (Budapest 1876), pp. 73-75.
7
,;J
For an analysis: loan-Aurel Pop, lnstitu(ii medievale romane§li. Adunarile cneziale §i nobilia!Jfl:
(boiere§li) din Transilvania in secolele XIV-XVI [Romanian Medieval Institutions: The Knezial and;
Noble (Boyar) Assemblies in Transylvania in the 14~-16~ Centuries], Cluj-Napoca, 1991, pp. 135-139~
Dragan, Nobilimea romiineasca, p. 239; Popa-Gorjanu, Nobiles Valachi, pp. 125-127. •·~
8
A list of the office holders of the castle of Jdioara (141"-15th centuries): Archontol6giaja, I, p. 46Zlf:
9
'Privilegiul nobililor romani din Lugoj din anul 1444 :,i formarea nobilimii romane:,ti in Banat' ITht
Privilege of the Romanian Nobles from Lugoj (1444) and the Formation of the Romanian Nobility.ii);,
the Banal], in AUAH, VI (2002), 1, pp. 37-43 (quoted henceforth as Privilegiu~. 'C%£
206
John Hunyadi and the Collective Privileges of the Romanian Nobles
history of collective privileges obtained by the Romanians of medieval Hungary, a docu-

nt which preceded the collective privileges of the eight districts by more than a decade.
***
In May 1444, Hunyadi, holder of the castle of Jdioara, intended to exchange it for those
.$oimu§ (Solymosvar) and Lipova (Lippa). It had been first granted in perpetuity by king
rt to the magnates Hagymasi of Bereksz6 in 1439. However, during the political turmoil
wing the king's death, Jidioara was occupied by various parties until 1440, when it came
er Hunyadi's control 10 . In the four years of his office holding in the Banal, the knezi of this
trict became his fami/iares. They participated in his military campaigns. In order to reward
m for their deeds and sacrifices, he granted them their knezates as noble properties. By
time when Hunyadi was preparing to exchange Jdioara for $oimU§, the composition of
· Lugoj district had suffered substantial alterations that called for a higher recognition.
Those who requested the charter of 1444 and conceived its provisions were members of
0 leading local Romanian families, namely the families of Buzia§ and Timi§el (Temeshely).
ving learnt of Hunyadi's transfer (per modum concamby perpetue tradidimus) of the Lugoj
"frict to John (Janos) and Michael (Mihay) Orszag of Guth, Ladislas Hagymas of Barsau
• reksz6), Ladislas, son of Peter Dej of Timi§el, and Dennis, son of $i§man of Buzia§ came
imi§oara and requested their patron to grant them a charter confirming several conditions.
The first condition was the statement of the separation of the 48 Romanian nobles and
·• illages from the domain of the castle of Jidioara. The names of the nobles and those of
r villages which did not belong anymore to the domain of the castle were mentioned' 1.
Nos Johannes de Hwnjiad intercetera wajiwoda Transsilwanus, Memorie [... ] Quad quia ex
annuentia et graua speciali Serenissimi principis et domini Wladislai [... ] domini nostri gra-
tiosissimi, Castmm suum Sjidowaar vocatum in comitatu Themesiensis habitum et existens
.simu/cum suis pertinenliis demptis dumtaxat possessionibus certomm Nobi/ium infranomi-
nandomm familiarium sci/icet nostromm pro a/io castro Soljimos vocato in comitatu Orodiensis
existente et eius pertinentys quibuslibet Quodquidem castmm pridem Magnificis Johanni et
Michaeli O,zag de Gwth per condam serenissimum principem fe/icis recordji dominum
Albertum Regem, pro ipsomm servicjis jure perpetuo donatum fuerat et co/latum. El tandem
ab eisdem in manu diuersas et alienas expost vero in manus nostras ab alienis manibus
deventum extiterat, prenominatis Magnificis Johannis et Michaeli O,zaag de pretacta Gwth
.ac Ladis/ao Haghmas de Berekzew per modum concamby perpetue tradidimus et irevocabi-
liter consignavimus tali sub condilione Quod nobi/es et Egregy dees et Ladis/aus filius Petri
[)_ees de Themessel [... ] cum eomm possessionibus et portionibus juribusque possessio-
Qarys in et sub castro predicto Sydowaar appe/lato et eius pertinenliis ubi/ibet habitis sci/icet
Alsogauosdya, ffelsewgauosdjia [... ] Ab eodem castro Sydowaar et eius jurisdictione ex-
.empti, separati et sequestrati ac ad Sedem Sebeschzeek et iurisdictioni ipsius connexi et
a.diuncti, futuris temporibus perpetuis universis habeantur.
·, John Hunyadi promised to defend and protect the grantees against any infringement
_jr property rights caused by their previous belonging to the domain of the castle and
st eventual objections raised by the new lords, from whom they feared disagreement12.
uommquidem nobilium prescriptomm fide/itatibus et fidelibus servitiomm graluitis meritis
memoratis que sacre corone proprius nuncque Serenitati regie huius incliti Regni Hungarie
jArchonto/6giaja, I, p. 467.
:, Privilegiu/, pp. 41-42.
Ibid., p. 42.
207
Cosmin Popa-Gorjanu
semper lated nostro adherentes, rebus et personis suis non parcendo in quampluribus con-
]
,,,;1
flictibus et bellicis exercicjls cum seuis paganis Crucis Christi inimicis Thurcis sepius instau-
rate cum suorum corporum dimembrafione sangwi1isque effusione ad visum nostrum viriliter
impenderunt et impendere iuxta suarum virtutum possibilitates non cessabunt infuturum prop-
fer que nos non inmerito ipsos et eorum possessiones portionesque et jura possessionan·a
•
1
quelibet ab omnibus eiusdem [sic] impetere moles/are perturbare aut quod/ibet dampnificare J
volentibus et presertim adversus predictos Johannem et Michae/em Orzag ac Ladislaum
haghmas Regia in persona defensabimus Manutenemus et protegemus nostro posse Casu
~j
autem quo dicti Johannes et Michael Orzaag ac Ladislaus haghmas vel eorum alter successu ti
'"{j
temporum prefatos Nobifes in ipsorum Rebus et Banis ac possessionibus et juribus posses- ~
sionariis quibuslibet impedire molestare aut quovis[modo] dampnificare intenderent seu ipso- ~t
rum alter intenderet. '<'!
j
Moreover, the Romanian nobles made John Hunyadi to promise that he wolud not agree ori
approve, or give counsel or help the new lords against them, granting to his familiares the j
13
authority to defend themselves against any attempt at occupying their properties . ! '.)
Nos eisdem Johanni et Michaeli Orzaag ac Ladislao haghmas aut alteri eorum nul/um nos- ·1
1/::n7qi~n;:;s::::~~f::~; ~~'/:i~:~::,u:/'~':n~':i~~~i:t,~':it:,:,:~!~i;~::~~~:'/:°;i ·zfJ

ipsi aut [...] um aliquis secundum exigentiam suarnm virtutum et possibilitatum ab omnibus t~.
talismodi impetitoribus dampnificatoribusque et perturbatoribus se necnon res et bona ac 1
possessiones juraque possessionaria protegendi defensandi et manutenendi /iberi sint et ':~1
securi habeantur. .;~
The friendship bounds between Hunyadi and his exchange partners were notorious. The,
authors of the document tried to put themselves on the safe side by ruling out a potentiaC]
alliance between John Hunyadi_ and his friends._ They also tried to avoid _any future litigatiori;l
by obtaining a perpetual exemption from the public display of their /Jteralta mstrumenta 14• -i
-Ji
Item reuisis omnibus juribus et littera!ibus instrumentis factum ipsarum possessionum --'-s~f
tangentibus Spondemus eosdem Nobiles suosque heredes vniuersos absque vlten·ori revi- .,:I:jfei
sione huiusmodi jurium et litleralium instrumentorum factum dictarum possessionum eorun- ,,~J
dem quod/ibet tangentium habere semper supportatos. Et nee ipsi aut ipsorum successores j1
heredes ad exhibitionem eorundem futuris perpetuis temporibus teneantur et quoque tempore >:1
per quosp1am astnngantur. ''ti
<l
Stating that he has examined their charters, John Hunyadi made his charter the single :J
deed that was to guarantee the separation from the jurisdiction of the castellan. This chartef';,J
was to serve as a collective instrument to ward off attempts of reversing the state of things, 1
thus protecting the vulnerable individual landowners. Hunyadi further promised to compen-1
sate the claims of the new lords, who could be dissatisfied with the diminution of the domairi"•'.(I
from other properties, possibly royal ones, but certainly not from the goods of his familiares' 5• ;1
Etiam si temporum in successu pretacti Johannes et Michael Orzaag ac Ladislaus Haghmas ~
ratione separationis dictorum nobilium seu suorum heredum et possessionum portionumque
et jurium possessionariorum suorum a predicto castro Sjldowaar facte se minime contentos
:11
<"'4'l
fore assererent aut eorum aliquis assereret, Extunc nos eosdem Johannem et Michaefem
t1
Orzaag necnon Ladislaum Haghmas cew ipsorum aliquem absque omni inquietatione damp-
nificationeque annotatorum Nobilium siue heredum suorum Rerumque et Bonorum ipsorum 1
}fj
13 t
I1
Privi/egiul, p. 42.
14
Ibid., p. 42.
15
Ibid., p. 42.
208
I
John Hunyadi and the Collective Privileges of the Romanian Nobles
de alienis puta Regalibus contentabimus et contentan"faciemus Eisdem Nobilibus ecromque

/)eredibus ac Rebus et bonis ipsorum Sa/vis semper remanentibus et il/esi.
inally, John Hunyadi promised to these nobles to mediate acquisition of the royal confir-
6
ation for the changes made as regards the status of the former villages of the district' .
Preterea promittimus verlJo fideque nostras median/es prenanatos Nobi/es et eorum posteri-
tates vniuersas aut eornm alterum Neenan possessiones portionesque et jura possession-
naria eornndem futuris perpetuis vniuersis in omnibus premissis et singufis premissornm
auctoritate Regia inviofabiliter conservare Consensusque et Assensus Regales ad premissa
necessarios die/is Nobilibus et ipsorum heredibus sub Sigil/o Rega/i impetrabimus eisdem
pe,petue valituras).
The episode contains several important data on the factors which led to the organized
arts by the elite of the Romanian districts to secure their newly acquired status. We should
Otice that the status of the districts of the castles as royal domain has preserved an archaic
rm of organization, with population attached to the castle service, which reminds of the types
th
f structuring of the society from the Arpadian age17_ Since the 13 century the royal domain '
ad suffered continuous erosion caused by the increasing pressures of the magnates and
;ables who expected and demanded rewards in landed property for their services to the king.
The efforts of the Arpadian and Angevine kings to halt the reduction of the royal domain
re largely unsuccessful. Sigismund (Zsigmond) of Luxemburg was also alarmed by the loss
}properties and made some attempts to recover royal castles fallen to the hands of the mag-
ates. But, towards the end of his reign, he also pledged royal property to aristocrats. Hunyadi
'as one of the new men who benefited from this arrangement in order to increase his wealth.
· The threat posed by influential nobles to the freedom of the knezi of the royal districts
th
s a reality since at least the 1300'. In the areas lying west of the privileged districts, 14
ntury records mentioned other districts which became noble property as a result of royal
onations made to powerful nobles. This was the case of the district lersig (Egerzeg) acquired
18
the Himfi family in 1369 • The knezi living in the villages of this former royal district became
· bject to the Himfi nobles losing in this way the possibility of obtaining noble privileges.
The prospect of similar changes appeared in 1430' when some districts were pledged
granted perpetually to aristocrats. John Hunyadi became the temporary owner of Comiat
istrict, while the district of Lugoj was given to the aristocrats Hagymasi and Orszag. The
habitants of Comiat redeemed the freedom of their district by paying back themselves the
m owed by Sigismund of Luxemburg to John Hunyadi. The inhabitants of Lugoj similarly felt
e fatal threat posed by the lords assigned to them by king Albert of Habsburg. The period
four years of relations with Hunyadi proved crucial for their prospects of social advance.
***
As much as it contributed to the growth of the Romanian nobility, Hunyadi's rule over the
tricts of the Banal occurred and was exerted in a way that became common and evidently
eatening to the freedom of the royal knezi. The practice of awarding the districts as perpe-
properties to aristocrats during the last decade of Sigismund's regin and the short reign
16
Privilegiul, p. 42.
17
For more details A A Rusu, 'Rom3nii din Regatul Ungariei $i cetatile medievale (Privire specia!a
pra secolelor XIII-XIV)' [Romanians in the Hungarian Kingdom and Medieval Castles (A Special
e1View of the 13"'-14"' Centuries)], MT, VII-VIII (2003-2004), 1-2, pp. 85-106.
18
C. Popa-Gorjanu, Medieval Nobility in Central Europe: The Himfi family Case, PhD Thesis (Buda-
t CEU, 2004), mss, pp. 76-77.
209
Cosmin Popa-Gorjanu
of king Albert was likely to trigger worries amongst the Romanian nobles and knezi. Thesit
worries received a written expression in the charter requested by the nobles from Lugoj. ,:,
The charter of 1444 was obviously conceived as a legal instrument guaranteeing th€'
social gains they had obtained through sacrifices in Hunyadi's service. Although many of thesef
Romanians possessed individual charters proving their rights of ownership, they still felt insei!'E
cure knowing that the aristocrats Hagymasi and Orszag could always challenge the dramatic!'
changes undergone by the social and patrimonial configuration of the Lugoj district. ;(
It is therefore important to understand the dramatic circumstances which have led these'
members of the Romanian to confront the challenges raised by the political evolution of the'
Hungarian realm and to find solutions according to the legal and juridical system in force. The*
overall tone of the charter of May 1444 contradicts the customary subordinate position of
familiares. It seems that the servants have succeeded to make their patron accept cor1ditiions
that engaged his responsibility or even limited his free will in choosing a course of action.
210
John Hunyadi and the Duchy of Fagara§
Antal Lukacs
University of Bucharest
he possession of the Walachian rulers over Amla;; (Hamlesch, Olmas) and Fagara;;
rasch, Fogaras) was a key component of their relations to the Hungarian realm. Though
to a series of royal interventions in the Walachian dynastic conflicts for the throne in the
alf of the 15th century, the increasing Ottoman pressure did not seriously and durably al-
e possession of the Walachian rulers over the Transylvania duchies. Hence, revoking the
hian possession over them proved to be an enduring process. It stretched over three
es and still is a process hard to reconstruct due to the number and the nature of the sour-
1
either sufficient, nor conclusive, particularly in respect to the beginnings of the process .
***
he first clue for John Hunyadi's intention to confiscate the duchies comes from an undated
sent by the Wladislaw (Vladislav) of Walachia I to the city of Bra;;ov (Kronstadt, Brass6).
· abstracting the document, according to loan Bogdan's edition of 1905, the editors of
undenbuch series tried to offer a more exact dating, based on the fact that Hunyadi was
nor of Hungary until early 1453 and on his letter to Bra;;ov from February 6, 1452. By
· er, he informed the city of the peace concluded with the Turk that included also the ruler
lachia and asked the city not to support the contender Vlad Ill Tepe§ (the Impaler)'.
iven this data, it seems that serious tensions arose between the governor of Hungary
'e Walachian ruler in 1451, prior to the conclusion of the Ottoman-Hungarian peace in
th
pole (Edirne), on the 20 of November, the same year. In deed, afterwards, until the
452, Hunyadi tried to put into practice the clauses of this treaty regarding Wladislaw
adi forced Vlad Ill away from the realm's border and forbade the castellans of Bran
3
rg, Torcsvar) to further upset the Walachian merchants entering Transylvania •
e arising conflicts between Wladislaw 11 and Bra;;ov did thus not necessarily involve
di. However, they were mentioned once again in a letter sent to the city on November
§2. A month later, Hunyadi forbade the city to accept Ottoman and Walachian coins4.
i:ording to Cazacu, Wladislaw ll's monetary reform, by which Walachian coins were
Io the Ottoman monetary system, caused this conflict and consequently lead to the loss
uchiess. The grave Walachian-Hungarian crisis would have thus had economic roots.
f~ Minea, Din trecutul stiipanirii romane§ti asupra Ardealului. Pierderea Amla§ului §i Fiigiira§ului
e Past of the Romanian Rule over Transylvania: The Loss of Amla 9 and Fagara9] (Bucharest,
imitre Onciul, 'Titlul lui Mircea eel Batriin 9i posesiunile lui' [Mircea the Old's Title and his Posse-
_Idem, Scrieri istorice [Historical Writings], edited by Aurelian Sacerdo\eanu (Bucharest 1968), pp.
loan Moga, 'Marginea. Ducatul Amla 9ului 9i scaunul Sali§tii' f'Marginea. The Amla§ Duchy and the
ali9tea (Grossdorf, Szelistye)], in Idem, Scrieri istorice. 1926-1946 [Historical Writings], edited by
n, Aurel Radu\iu (Cluj 1973), pp. 63-71; :;itefan Andreescu, Vlad Tepe§ (Dracula). intra legendii §i
toric [Vlad the Impaler Dracula: Between Legend and Historic Truth] (Bucharest 19982), pp. 56-62.
st edition: DRH, D, I, pp. 421-422 (dated prior to 1452, February 6); Ub., V, pp. 336-338.
b,, V pp. 338-339, 352.
'd., pp. 357-359.
tei Cazacu, 'L'impact ottoman sur les Pays Roumains et ses incidences mon8taires (1452-
RH, XII (1973), 1, pp. 159-192 (in particular pp. 176-177).
Antal Lukacs
---------------------------1''
On February 3, 1453, king Ladislas (Laszlo) V entrusted the fortresses Talmaciu (Talmesc~(
Talmacs), Lotru (Lauterbach), Turnu Ro;;u ,(Rothenturm,, V6r6storony) to the Saxons, The city'
of SIbiu (Hermannstadt, Szeben), not WladIslaw II, had direct control over the Amla;; duchy°,,,+
As Andreescu already pointed out7 , the monetary reform was only one of symptoms ofth''
increasing Ottoman orientation of Walachia, Furthermore, we don't believe that the royal doni
lion does not prove the cession of Amla;; to Sibiu, It reveals, first of all, Ladislas', in fact Joli~
Hunyadi's, efforts to improve to the defense of the important trade route on the 011 (Alt) valley.!~
The Saxons, directly interested in the defense of the area's defense, were more efficien'
guards, Similar efforts for anti-Ottoman defense concerned the harbor of Chilia (Kilia), This is
th
revealed also by the letter sent by Wladislaw II to the city of Bra;;ov on 11 of April 14538 , ',;;
In respect to this letter, we can not overlook the fact that Wladislaw II referred to Johft
Hunyadi as dominus et pater nosier, Even though Wladislaw felt watched by the Ottomans'
he promised all his support for the transport of weapons to the harbor of Chilia, Nothing in thr'
letter, neither the content, nor the tone, suggests a confiict between Wladislaw and Hunyadi',
Due to an interesting suggestion regarding a possible origin from Fagara;; of the castell~,'<
of Chilia installed by Hunyadi, Stoica Ghizdave\ (Ghizdanich), mentioned in this document{
9
1453, it is worth while to devote further attention to this episode , Based on a document fr9"'
1447, by which Hunyadi donated to Stoica wolacho a praedium in Dumbravi\a (Zwnyogzegj;
Rusu postulated an origin from Fagara;; for the diplomat boyar, who would have later sery'y
Vlad Ill. As tempting as Adrian Rusu's hypothesis might seem, especially from the perspecUJ'
of John Hunyadi's rule over Fagara;;, it should be viewed with much circumspection, '.'.'
The document does not refer itself to the Dumbravi\a (Schnakendorf, Szunyogszek) prrf,'"
dium, near Codlea (Schwarzberg, Feketehalom), as Rusu believed, but to a praedium at tff
border between the Alba (Weiss, Feher) and Turda (Thoren, Thorda) counties. This is mact'
clear by another charter issued by the chapter of Alba lulia (Weissenburg, Gyulafehervar)'I
On May 1, 1452, the representatives of the Arad chapter protested against John Hunyadi":'
his wife's Elisabeth (Erzsebet, Elisabeta) Szilagyi, and their sons', Ladislas and Matthias (Mat(~
Matyas) possession over the villages Ciugud (Schnekendorf, Csuged) and Asinip (Frauenvgr
Asszonynepe) and of the praedi Zunyogzeg and Cricau (Krakau, Krakk6), in the county/ij
Turda, for they had not respected the terms of exchange of estates. Given these facts, ,ff):
identity between Stoica wolacho of 1447 and Stoica Ghizdave\ does not seem too plausiblel
***
~//;
Data on a new confiict between Wladislaw and Hunyadi and its settlement comes frO:
a letter sent by the latter to the city of Sibiu on September 24, 1453. The Saxon instructions'(§
their envoys, sent to Walachia to negotiate compensations for the confiicts of previous yea;,
suggest that most of the confiicts had been with the Romanians of Fagara;;. This might furttj:
suggest a (new) attempt made by Hunyadi" to take the duchy. He seems to have failed 09.:
more. On November 4, 1453, from Targovi;;te, Wladislaw strengthened the possession of boy/j
<;:;
: Ub., V, pp. 374-376.

Andreescu, Vlad Tepe§, p. 58.
lf
x~,
8
Ub., V, pp. 390-391. ,ff
9
MOL, DL 30813; Adrian Andrei Rusu, loan de Hunedoara §i romiinii din vremea sa. Studii [J:.;
Hunyadi and the Romanians of his Time. Studies] (Cluj-Napoca 1999), pp. 228-230; see also Francisc I;\@
'Stapanirea lui lancu de Hunedoara asupra Chiliei §i problema ajutorarii Bizan\ului' [John Hunyadi's ~yl
over Chilia and the Problem of Aiding Byzantium], Studii, XVIII (1965), 3, pp. 625-627.
10
MOL, DL 30823.
11
Ub., V, pp. 424-426.
212
John Hunyadi and the Duchy of Filgilra§
12
ciu Dijanul, of his children and nephews, over several villages in Fagara 9 and Walachia .
ically, until the end of 1454, we have no information on Hunyadi's effective rule in Fagara 9.
th
Yet, if we seriously consider re-dating, as already suggested, a document from the 20 of
1
ust 1455 to 1453 , Hunyadi's interference in the affairs of Fagara 9 would gain a very pre-
s documentary support. Captain-general of Hungary and perpetual count of Bistri\a (Bistrilz,
terce), Hunyadi donated the village of $ercaia (Schirkonjen, Sarkany), on the right bank of
·ver Oil, to Adam (Adam), son of the deceased Jacob (Jakab), son of Lawrence {Lorine),
was his rightful inheritance, though previously Hunyadi himself had donated the village to
(loan) Moga and Cioban. We can assume that prior to August 1453, the village had been
sled to the Romanians, probably Hunyadi's seNants or boyars of Fagara 9 who had sup-
ed his rule of the duchy, but the only certainty remains the fact that in the reopening of
Conflict with Wladislaw II, Hunyadi's inteNention regarded the possession over 9ercaia.
on December 28, 1454, from Belgrade (Beograd, NandorfeheNar), Hunyadi commanded
chapter of Alba lulia to send a representative to Conrad's, stone mason from Bra 9ov, instal-
l as possessor of half of $ercaia 14_ Conrad was rewarded for his loyal seNices, in parti-
for his contribution to the erection of the convent founded by Hunyadi in the town Teiu 9
ikirchen, Tavis). From our point of view, the most important information contained by this
· men! is that the village was placed in districtu Fogaras in comitatu Albensi. Fagara 9 was
9nger considered an estate, a duchy, entrusted to the ruler of Walachia, but a Transy-
• n district, under the captain-general's authority, who acted on behalf of the king.
nder the direct threat of an Ottoman invasion, the Fagara 9 feud turned into an open
th
ict. In October 1455, Hunyadi entered Walachia. Back in Bra 9ov (15 of November), he
d of dissenssiones, discordias et inimiciae ac controversiones et iurgia. But already on
15
3rd of December, mention was made of the Hungarian-Walachian peace agreement .
th
agara 9 remained under John Hunyadi's control. On the 16 of December of the same
Hunyadi had ordered the Seven Saxon Seats to return to Simon Magnus his half of the
i\a (Rakowilza, Oltrakovica) praedium. Otherwise, John Hunyadi was to place him under
,otection of powerful office-holders, such as the castellan of Fagara 9. This threat was a
,sign that John Hunyadi had installed his trustee in the fortress on the Oil river.
he conflict was not over. Wladislaw II of Walachia did not easily accept the loss of the
rd
s. In a letter from the 23 of December 1455, John Hunyadi already accused Radu
z's raids, together with Romanians and Turks against the royal city of Saam. Tensions
16
led in the spring of 1456 and culminated with the Romanians besieging Fagara9 .
y reviewing the unclear and even contradictory sources, we have arrived to the plausible
_usion that Wladislaw II of Walachia's ·loss of the Transylvanian duchies fits into John
di's large efforts to consolidate Transylvania's southern border, in front of the increasing
an menace, in particular after the fall of Byzantium in the spring of 1453. John Hunyadi's
led attempts to establish a functional defensive system had a side-effect. The almost a
old possession (right) of the Walachian rulers over Amia 9 and Fagara9 was revoked.
*'*
en though the fact had been noticed by Minea already in the early 1900', one particular
of the relations between Hunyadi and Wladislaw II, it was not given deseNed attention.
DRH, B, I, pp. 193-195.

for 1453: Teleki, X, pp. 475-476; for 1455; Ub., V, pp. 417-418 (curiously, the editor (re-) published
u_ment under the old date, mentioning pp. 504-505 for the Teleki (X) edition).
Ub., V, pp. 475-476.
bid., pp. 509-510, 513-514.
bid., pp. 519-520.
213
Antal Lukacs
The fact is quite simple. John took control over Amla§ and Fagara§ as his personal possessio~f
and not in the name of the king 17 . In his already mentioned and undated letter of probably 1452i
Wladislaw II suggested that Hunyadi's involvement in the duchies was of personal nature(
According to the Wala:hian ruler, the governorship of the Hungarian land is not enough for him~•
Things became clearer in 1455-1456. In the royal warrant for the Transylvanian Saxons,
issued on April 6, 1456, there was talk of a conflict between John Hunyadi and the Walachia~
ruler regarding some Transylvanian villages. King Ladislas V the Posthumous had already
stepped in, by giving certain orders to the Saxons concerning Wladislaw II. In April 1456 th
king informed the Saxons that John Hunyadi was ready to defend his rights in a fair trial''. )\;
A day later, on the 7'" of April, John Hunyadi requested aid from the city of Bra§ov in th
defense of the Fagara§ fortress. By fortalitium nostrum he literary meant that Fagara§ wa
his possession. John Hunyadi asked the Saxon city to support his castellans in obtaining tt{
needed weapons. If Hunyadi had acted as captain-general, that is on behalf of the king.;,(
would have been natural for him to order Bra§OV to contribute to the defense of the fortress'
besieged by the rebellious Romanians, and not to ask the city for her conditional support.• ,;t
John Hnyadi's efforts to accumulate as many fortresses, towns and villages as possi~"
have nothing special. They fitted in perfectly into the Hungarian evolution of the relations·~
tween the nobility and the royalty 19 . High dignities and great estates went hand in hand. Jot{:
Hunyadi's rapid ascension and his survival in the exclusive group of barons are the mdt
eloquent proof for it. In 1439, John Hunyadi owned no more than 2 fortresses (castles)
2
:J;
towns and 140 villages. Ten years later, he held 11 fortresses, 39 towns and 750 villages 11
As governor, John Hunyadi got used to disposing not only of his own revenues, but a("
of those of the realm, in particular for his main aim: the anti-Ottoman fights. His attemptst,:
obtain the Transylvanian duchies are probably best explained by the very tense Hungaria"
political climate. The constant conflicts between the nobiliary parties, as well as Ulrich vf(
Gilly's efforts to put an end to Hunyadi's power made John realize that he could assure a tdt
efficient defense of the realm's borders, only if he could dispose freely of these estates. .;}'(
Hunyadi's acts regarding Amla§ and Fagara§ are no unique decisions in the last ph~;.
of his political and military career, particularly after in 1452 it was rumored that an Ottoll)§,
attack on Hungary was imminent (the sultan himself had started that rumor). In the fall of,\ll.
same year John, Hunaydi's envoys even asked of emperor Constantine XI Palaeologus+\.
entrust him with the harbor of Mesembria (modern day Nesebar), as a personal possessiod
By Chilia, already in Hunyadi's hands, and Mesembria help was to be sent to Byzantiurrii
According to the information gathered by Georgios Sphrantzes in his chronicle (the ~
temporary data was confirmed by Ubertino Pusculo), emperor Constantine XI initially refus.••
but later gave in to John Hunyadi's request and issued a chrysobull by which Mesembria .::
handed over to him. Unfortunately, in the spring of 1453, events precipitated and the Ottomab
took Constantinople. Mesembria never came under John Hunyadi's direct authority.
17 Minea, Pierderea Amfa§ufui §i Fag/Jra§ufui, p. 418; Pall, 'Stapanirea lui lancu de Hunedoara', p.··:;·
18
For 1452: DRH, D, I, pp. 421-422; for 1456: Ub., V, p. 519 (... comes Johannes se in cunclis qg,
idem lt\lladisfaus vaivoda contra eum praetenderet, iudicio et iudicatui nostris parere sicuU tenetur, se_gt[L
nosque ex parte ipsius comius Johannis dicta lMadis/ao vaivode iudicium et iustitiam facere intendamu~Y/?
19 See the fundamental studies of Pal Engel, 'A magyar vilagi nagybirtok megoszlasa a XV. szal/1j:
ban' (1-11) [The Great Hungarian Landowners in the 15'" Century], EKK, IV (1968), pp. 337-358; V (19U}
pp. 291-314; Idem, Kirafyi hatafom es arisztokracia viszonya a Zsigmond-korban [Relations beN/:;;
the Royal Power and the Aristocracy in the Age of Sigismund <of Luxemburg>] (Budapest 1977). &[
20
Erik FGgedi, Uram, kira/yom ... A XV. szazadi Ma~yarorszag hatafmasai (My Lord, My Ki(\,,;
7
Power Relations in 15'" Century Hungary] (Budapest 2004 ), pp. 181-183.
21 LaJos Elekes, Hunyadi (Budapest 1952), p 413; Gyula Moravcsik, 'Ungarisch-Byzantinische,"''·
ziehungen zur Zeit des Falles von Byzanz', in Idem, Studia Byzantina (Budapest 1967), pp. 375-379~
214
John Hunyadi and the Duchy of Fiigiira§
***
John Hunyadi's possession over Amla 9 and Fagara 9 was likewise short-lived. Vlad Ill
pe§ retook the Transylvanian estates. Still, John Hunyadi's actions opened a new phase in
royal policy towards these duchies, in particular towards Fagara 9, who was successively
trusted to barons of the kingdom, to the Transylvanian Saxons, to Walachian (dethroned)
rs or to Walachian great boyars. Eventually, it became the object of donations for nobles
ungarian and thus, like Amla 9, Fagara9 was separated for good from Walachia22 .
Lu~acsih Tara Fiigiira§ului in Evul Mediu (secolele XIII-XVI) [The Land of Fiigiira~ in the Mid-
(13 -16 Centuries)] (Bucharest 1999), pp. 184-194.
215
John Hunyadi, Count of Timi§
Istvan Petrovics
University of Szeged,
John Hunyadi began his career as a simple knight. His father, Voicu had taken refuge
Walachia in Hungary. Here he became a knight of the royal court. For his deeds, he
granted, in 1409, by Sigismund (Zsigmond) of Luxemburg the fortress of Hunedoara
dahunyad, Hunyadvar), which, together with its easte, became the Hunyadi cradle 1.
As a young man, John was in the services of several great lords. One of them was the
ofMai':va (Macso), Stephen (Istvan) Ujlaki, the older brother of Nicholas (Miklos), John's
r partner. After Stephen's death, Hunyadi entered Sigismund's service and accompanied
to Italy and Bohemia where he learned the latest techniques in late medieval warfare.
his return to Hungary, we find him in the southern parts of the realm, menaced by the
. John Hunyadi successfully fought on behalf of Frank Talloci, ban of Severin (Szoreny),
2
at, Sigismund's successor, Albert of Habsburg appointed him ban of Severin (1439)
His career received a major blow by the outbreak of the civil war after Albert's death.
'royal party' wanted to have queen Elisabeth's unborn child, the future Ladislas (Laszlo)
~yined. The 'national party' offered the throne to the Polish king Wladislaw (Wladyslaw,
zlo) I (Ill) Jagiello. Hunyadi took Wladislaw's side. In early 1441, together with Nicholas
i, he defeated the queen's army at Bataszek and pacified first thes southern parts of the
and then the lands East of the Tisa (Tisa, Theiss), held by Wladislaw's adversaries.
unyadi and Ujlaki were appointed voivodes of Transylvania the same year. Timi~oara
esvar, Temeschwar), Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar) and also the entire southern
Bse system of Vegvar were entrusted by Wladislaw to them. Ujlaki focused on the lands
(.of the Tisa, where he established his center of power, while Hunyadi concen !rated on
3
reas to the East. The lands, obtained pro honore, were the basis of his future power .
5 his Chronicle of the Hungarians, John (Janos) Thuroczy wrote in regard to Hunyadi :
4
r; those times, John Hunyadi shined in his glory as voivode of Transylvania and as ban of
everin, he was appointed also count of Timi§ and the situation made that he became also
'aptain of the fortress of Belgrade.
ing Thuroczy's lines, Antonio Bonfini further noted in Rerum Ungaricarum Decades':
Domokos Kosary, Bevezetes a magyar tiirlenelem forrasaiba es irodalmaba [Introduction to the

rian Historical Sources and Writings], I (Budapest 1951).
l?al Engel, 'Hunyadi Janos palyakezdese' [fhe Beginnings of John Hunyadi's Career], in Nobili-
p. 91-109.
· rchontol6giaja, I, pp. 15, 30, 33-34, 194,205, 374, 441-442; II, pp. 103,250; Andras Kubinyi, 'A
, /vari uradalom es a Somogy megyei familiarisok szerepe Ujlaki Miklos birtokpolitikajaban.
a XV. szazadi feudalis nagybirtok hatalmi politikajahoz)' [fhe Lordship of Kaposujvar and the
>s of the County of Somogy in Nicholas Ujlaki's Estate Politics (Contributions to the Study of 15~
Power Politics of Great Lords], SMMM, IV (1973), pp. 5-10; P. Engel, Gyula Kristo, A Kubinyi,
·rszag tortenete 1301-1526 [fhe History of Hungary 1301-1526] (Budapest 1998), p. 201.
huroczy (1978), p. 382 (the Hungarian translation); (1985), I, p. 285 (the Latin original text).
pnfini (1936-1941) 111, 4.380 (Latin); (1995), p. 592 (Hungarian); for Hunyadi and the Timi', area:
riselini, Versuch einer natorlichen und pofitischen Geschichte des Temeswarer Banats in Briefen
epersonen und Ge/ehrle, 1-11 (Vienna 1780), translated by Costin Fene,,an in Romanian in 1982.
Istvan Petrovics
As a reward for his loyalty and virtue, for his heroic deeds, aside from the Transylvania
province which gave him full power, he eamed tile title of captain of Severin and Timi§oara.
These places were nevertheless in tile throat of tile Turks and he, for halting the enemies,
was appointed captain of the Lower Parts of Hungary.
Hunyadi's offices are recalled also by other epic sources, as e.g., though more accurai
than Bonfini, Thur6czy too omits to mention his dignity of count of Bistri\a (Bistriz, Besztrece
In this respect, most of the relevant data is provided by the charter and interpretated by pros
pographical means6 . Our analysis focuses on Hunyadi administrative activity linked name[
with the Banate of Severin and the counties in Transylvania's south-western neighborhood.
***
Founded by king Bela IV (1227), after undergoing a difficult period in the late 1200',l.
Banate of Severin was reorganized by Charles (Karoly)-Robert of Anjou (1335) and Sigismu
of Luxemburg (1427). Destined initially for Oltenia (the western part of future Walachia), t.
banate quickly expanded to the areas on the upper course of the Timi~ river and to Roma '
Ha\eg, which was separted from the banate (1276) and formed a separate unit. The remai
territories of the banate were split into two for good, after king Louis I of Anjou acknowledg
the voivodes of Walachia also as bans of Severin in the second half of the 14th century. . ' .
The Romanian privileged districts on the upper course of the Timi~, henceforth belong )
to the Kingdom of Hungary and were in fact further divided up between two counties. T
Walachian districts Cara~ (Krass6), Severin, Lugoj (Lugosch, Lugos), Comiat (Komjat), Mi
(Mihald), Ha~ma~ (Halmasl Almas) belonged to the county of Timi~, which had significantly
creased its territories prior to the early 1400'. The districts Borza (Borzaf6), Krass6f6 (Kave
and lleada (lllyed) were included in the (not yet) Cara~ county. The bans of Severin, holde
an office of especially military nature, linked to a judicial power, and the counts of Timi~
involved, legally too, in the administration of these Romanian privileged districts.
The banate of Severin, more exposed to foreign threats and whose borders were ra
unstable, had a more difficult life. Between 1335 and 1435 we know for only 34 years actf
office holders of the banate. In times of apparent and real uncertainty, such as even those)
the later 1400' (e.g. 1446, 1456, 1464, 1465, 1468 or 1471), when no office holders were'
ficially recorded, its territories were controlled from the center of Timi~oara, while, interestin
enough, the dignity of ban was usually kept on the list of the realm's baron honors 7
For Hunyadi too, the Banate of Severin was of great importance. He held the title of b
from 1439 to 1446, and, from 1446 to 1456, when no ban of Severin was recorded, he rul
the menaced border areas, through his men (Nicholas and Blasius (Balazs) Csornai, Pet
(Peter) Danes of Sebe~/ Sebesi). Two important facts should be stressed out in this res '
Between 1446 and 1456 this dignity of ban was absnt from the list of the kingdom's baron .
nors. In 1439, John Hunyadi's brother, John the Younger too was recorded as ban of Seve ·
Between the later decades of the 11 th century and the mid 1500', the territory border,
the Tisa and the Upper Danube and the Banatian Mountains, was part of the Hungarian k:
6
Archontol6giaja, I, pp. 15, 30, 33-34, 194,205,374,441; 11, pp. 103,250; P.Engel, 'Mire j6 az arct)
tol6gia?' [fa what serves Prosopography?], Hist6ria (Budapest), XVI (1994), 3, pp. 8-9, 'Archontol6gia', i
tortenelem segedtudomanya,jHistory's Auxiliary Sciences], editor Ivan Bertenyi (Budapest 1998), pp. 29:;
7
Archontol6giaja, I, pp. 32-34; Litszl6 Makkai, 'Szorenyi bitnsitg' [fhe Banal of Severin], in •
magyarWrteneti lexikon. (9-14. szazad) [fhe Hungarian Medieval Historical Lexicon (9th-14 th Centu
general editor Gyula Kristo (Budapest 1994), p. 657; I. Petrovics, 'M6dszertani megjegyzesek a koze
Temesvitr tortenetenek kutatitsa kapcsitn' [Methodological Notes on Research of the History of M ·
Timi,oara], in Varostortenet, helytortenet. Elmelet es m6dszertan [History of Cities <and Towns> Hi_
of Places. Theory and Methodology] (= TPT, XIV), edited by J6zsef Vony6 (Pees 2003), pp. 143-14
8
Archontol6giaja, I, pp. 32-34.
218
John Hunyadi, Count of Timis
m. The western parts of this area were taken by the crown after king St. Stephen defeated
tum (Ajtony) in 1028. This allowed the establishment of Latin ecclesiastical system in the
ion which became the administrative blueprint for the Danube-Tisa-Mure§ (Maras) area
1030, in the Mure§ fortress, named further on Cenad (Csanad), a bishopric with the same
9
me was founded which expanded his authority also on the right bank of the Mure 9 .
It is more difficult to establish the exact structure and extent of medium size administrative
ites within the bishopric and the counties, than the general administrative founding dates
d areas. The traditional historical perspective, summed up by Gy6rgy Gy6rffy, claims that
counties in the conquered area, Cuvin (Keve), Krass6, Timi§, also Cenad and Arad, were
nded by St. Stephen. A more recent scholarly perspective, proposed by Gyula Kristo, sug
ts that on Ahtum's former lands only one county (Cenad) was founded during the rule of
Stephen. This county was later split into smaller counties until the end of the 1zlh century,
the royal authority expanded to the eastern and the south-eastern parts of the region.
The recent perspective is supported by the fact that the fortresses Arad, Cara 9 and Timi 9
e not mentioned until 1177. The fortress Cuvin was mentioned by sources in relation to
nts of 1072, which leads to a date of foundation a few decades earlier. Cuvin was proba
one of the first units to separate from the Cenad county. However, this division process
10
finalized rather late, by the creation of the Torontal county, first recorded only in 1326 •
th
The royal county, founded in the 12 century, carrying the name Timi~, was by the early
th
_0' a noble county. On the 15 of December 1321, Timi 9oara was regarded as residence
e noble count, thus named Sedriahe/y. As the royal fortress, the seat of royal count, was
ega 11 , on the bank of the Timi 9, this evolution did not bring about a change of residence.
'captain of the royal fortress ofTimi 9oara was usually the vice-count of the noble count12.
The original borders of this county, first mentioned by the Sicilian Arab geograph ldriszi
1100', can be established through the papal register of 1332-1337. The archdeacon of
had the same territorial authority as the count. On the ecclesiastical level, the area was
13
'nistratively subdivided into three parts by the arms of the Timi§ and the Berzava .
major change in the history of the expanding country was brought by Charles of Anjou's
decision, due to the armed pressure of oligarch Matthew (Mate) Csak, to establish his
··nee at Timi 9oara, where he was first mentioned in July 1315, probably coming from
a (Lippa). He chose neither the more powerful fortress of Lipova, nor Szeged, where
d been prior to the 22°' of January 1314, but, probably because of the immunity of the
, Timi~oara, which lacked also a favorable geographical position. This was also probably
after his victory over John (Janos) Babonics in 1323, Charles, the last king with such a
cial seat, moved his residence to Visegrad, to the obvious disadvantage ofTimi 9oara
_nother change in the favor of Timi 9oara's strategic importance was brought by the
e.Balkan policies of Louis I. In 1365, he took Bulgarian Vidin, the residence of tsar John
mir. The new royal unit, initially a capitanate, was reorganized by Benedict (Benedek)
t Petrovics, 'A Duna-Tisza-Maros koz es Temesvar egyhazi viszonyai a kozepkorban. Tortenelmi

:tenyekkel es kerdojelekkel' [The Ecclesiastical Relations in the Area of the Rivers Danube-Tisa-
in the Middle Ages. Selected Historic Facts and Question Marks]. in Erde/yi varostiirteneti
anyok [Studies on the History of the Transylvanian Cities <and Towns>], edited by Nandor Bardi,
Fleisz, Judit Pal (Csikszereda [Miercurea Ciuc] 2001 ), pp. 44-46
Kalman Juhasz, A csanadi pOspiikse9 tiirtenete [The History of the Bishopric of Cenad/ Csanad],
~ak6 1930-1947); Gy. Gyorffy, Az Arpad-kori Magyarorszag torteneti fiildrajza [The Historical
aphy of Hungary in the Time of the Arpads], I-IV (Budapest 1963-1998); Gy. Kristo, A vanmegyek
lasa Magyarorszagon [The Genesis of the Counties of Hungary] (Budapest 1988).
I. Petrovics, 'A Ternes megyei tisztikar legkorabbi kiadvanyai' [The <Documents> issued by the
dieval "Loca credibilia" of the Timi§ County], AUSH, CXVI (2002), pp. 21-29.
7Archonto/6giaja, I, pp. 202-205, 441-442.
Petrovics, 'Egyhazi viszonyai', pp. 46-51.
219
Istvan Petrov1cs
Himfi as a banate (1368), together with the areas of the Banate of Severin. The new syste '
in which Timi 9oara could have played, from a strategic perspective, the most important parf:
was shortlived. In 1369, the Bulgarian banate was dissolved. Extended powers were thu
given to the count of Timi§, who became one of the most important lords of the country 14
':{
Timi 9oara was recorded as villa, oppidum and civitas. Still, to our knowledge no royal c:i''·
privilege granted to Timi 9oara has suNived. However, direct evidences indicate that the city?
ruled by the city council, had a magistrate (iudex) and jurors (iurati cives). Nevertheless, th~
major obstacle in front ofTimi 9oara's urban development was, after Nicopolis, the Turk. ;::,
After 1396, the Ottoman raids in the Timi§ and Danube-Tisa areas became permanent]
.A normal citizien's life was no longer possible. Timi 9oara was a military anti-Ottoman centen
used as such. With a local authonomy !imitated by its status of residence of the influential
count of Timi§ and of the vice-count, Timi 9oara could not obtain the rank of a free royal city:\i
In return, the authority of the count of Timi§ greatly increased in this context. Filippo Scolaril
for instance, controlled also the counties Cenad, Cuvin, Cara9, Zarand, Csongrad, and 15-26
royal fortresses, such as Timi9oara, $iria (Vilagos), $oimo9 (Solymosvar), Jidioara (Zsid6var}1;
Szeged, Cuvin (Keve) or Haram. After Scolari's death, Sigismund drastically reduced this exte;tj)•
ded powers of the count of Timi§, because of the potential domestical consequences. Ho@'
ever, the Ottoman menace increased and called once more for a local concentration of pow<lfij
***
In 1441, a unified joint-command over the Banate was achieved, as Hunyadi and Ojla~/f
voivodes of Transylvania and Szekler counts, were appointed counts of Timi§, Arad, Cuviryf
15
Cenad, Cara 9 . In 1445, only Ojlaki was also count of Zarand, though Hunyadi had importa{·
possessions in that county (e.g. $iria)". In return, Ojlaki was count of the other counties onJ~
until 1446, while Hunyadi preseNed the control over these counties until his death. ·•••if!·
According to Pal Engel, Hunyadi became count of Timi§ on the 8th of May 144117_ In aof
th
undated charter, dated by its editors, after the 7 of March 1441 18, Vlad II Dracul (the Devil)
th
q~
Walachia recalled Hunyadi as count prior to the 8 of April. On the other hand, Hunyadi'~
colleague, Ojlaki was first recorded as count of Timi 9 on the 17th of April 144119_ The matter:ii.
further complicated by the fact that George (Giorgy) Orbonasz too was mentioned as counta,fi.
th 2
Timi§ (22°d of March 1441-? of March 1442) . Moreover, his brother, Vukasin, was record~;
as frater et germanus magnifici comitis Themesiensis in 1442 (February 17, March 7) 21 . ,2~
14
)l;i,
Idem, 'The Fading Glory of a Former Royal Seat the Case of Medieval Temesvar', in The Ma~
of Many Devices, Who Wandered Full Many Ways. Festschrift in Honor of Janos M. Bak. edited bf+
Balazs Nagy-Marcell Seb6k (Budapest 1999), pp. 529-534.
15
';f;
Archonto/6giaja, I, pp. 15, 194; I. Petrovics, 'Fortely es allhatatossag. KOzdelem a szabad kiral0.f
varosi rang elnyereseert' [Craft and Fortitude. The Contest for the Rise to the Rank of a Free Royal City]!
Szeged, XIV (2002), 5, pp. 16-21, Idem. Varostorteneti tanulmanyok. Fejezetek Szeged, Temesvare'i;
Pees kdzepkori tdrteneteb6/ [Studies on the History of Cities <and Towns>. Chapters from the Medie~~[:
History of Szeged, Timi,;oara, Pees] PhD Thesis (Szeged 2005), pp. 92-228, 298-314; Idem, 'A Delvidek e,§5,
a torok veszely: a nandorfehervari diadal es el6zmenyei' [The Delvids and the Ottoman Menace:
Victo:;y a/Belgrade's Defense and its Antecedents], Bacsorszag (2006), 2137, pp. 11-15.
T~tc
;:i{i/1
1
Archonto/6giaja, I, pp. 97, 123, 140, 145, 205, 240; Dezso Csanki, Magyarorszag tortenetrif[f
fd/drajza a Hunyadiak koraban [The Historical Geography of Hungary in the Age of the Hunyadis] lfp
(Buda_pest 1890), p. 751 (John Hunyadi's estates in the Zarand (Zarand) county).
1
' Archonto/6giaja, I, p. 205.
18
Ub., V, p. 74.
19
Archonto/6giaja, I, p. 205.
20
MOL, DL55238, 55248;Archonto/6giaja, I, p. 205; 11, p.178.
21
MOL, DL 55248 (7th of March 1442), 74494 (17'h of February 1442).
220
John Hunyadi, Count of Tinlis
Further data is provided by Hunyadi's charter from the 1" of November 1441, by which he
ounced to the county of Timi 9 that he had entrusted his part of the county to Michale D6ci.
turn, the document does not provide information on the reasons of Hunyadi's decision22_
When Hunyadi was appointed governor (1446) no official mention was made of his title
uni of Timi§. Nevertheless, is beyond doubt that he had the control over the county, as
23
'ng the events of 1453-1455 . After his death, Hunyadi was recored once again as count
th 24
i§, as in Ladislas V's deed, which mentions John's son, Ladislas (17 of January 1457) .
577 charters issued (prior to 1526) by the counts of Timi 9, including some 30 documents
hich Hunyadi is mentioned (also) as count of Timi9, and 102 deeds issued by county of
Is are preserved in the Hungarian National Archives 25 . The surviving documents do not
lion major aids rendered to the county of Timi 9 by the perpetual count of Bistri(a, whose
t preorgatives in the matters revealed by particular documents are difficult to establish.
is rather surprising, for Hunyadi undoubtably knew Timi9oara's strategic importance.
Field researches show that Hunyadi rebuilt the local fortress, after 1443, and probably
ugh! his family, from Cluj (Klausenburg, Kolozsvar) to Timi§oara around 1447". Here, he
ided on several occasions, during his campaigns. The last time, when Hunyadi came to
i§oara, he issued, on the 22'' of June 1456, his second call to arms against the Turks for
27
Transylvanian Saxons . Afterwards, John Hunyadi left for his final stand of Belgrade.
Of his vice-counts, special mention should be given to Nicholas Vajdafi, Nicholas of
re (Bizerei), Peter (Peter) Hangonyi, John Szobi, Valentin (Balint) Feheregyhazi), Nicholas
a\eg (Hatszegi) and Ladislas Pocsaji. Such figures are important as it is well known that
28
Hunyadi was very concerened to impose his men and to increase his local powers .
22
MOL, DL 55240.
3
MOL, DL 13425.
4
, Archonto/6giaja, I, p. 205.
5
MOL, DL 13901 (3" of January 1446), 27025 (9th of December 1444), 30817 (22"' of May 1443),
O(14th of May.1441), 38605 (4th of April 1445), 55244 (14th of May 1441, 18th of January 1443); DF
16, 213128(11 th of May 1445; the original documents in SOAB, B.V.L., Kozepkori gyujtemeny, nos.
th
447), 236594 (15 of May 1445; the original document in ESM, Acta radicalia, 27-5-11), 244749
th
of May 1443), 244753 (29 of July 1445), 244911 (3" of July 1444), 244912 (13th of July 1444),
83 (22"' of May 1443), 245095-245097 (22"' of May 1443; the originals of these and of the pre-
'_documents are in DJAN-Sibiu, A.N.S., Urkunden, 11, nos. 105, 109, 269-270, 439, 451-453), 246669
th
/May 1441; the original document in DJAN-Bra§ov, A.S.K., Schnell, II, no), 246862 (25 of Novem-
th th
444), 246908-246910 (25 of May 1444, for the first and the last of these documents, 28 of August
th
, 246913 (15 of March 1446; the oliginals of this and of the previous documents in DJAN-Bra§OV,
:, Privilegia, nos. 55B, 99A-100, 104), 274904, 274908 (14th of April 1445/ 9th of February1446; for
l
documentary units; the oliginal documents in ZOGA, B.M.V.L., M.V.F., Vari gyOjtemeny, fond. 234,
..., nos. 9, 29), 275268 (13th of April 1441; the original document in BDB, Konvent, Oklevelek, no. 108),
th 00
Q1 (26 of May 1444; the original document in BDB, Kap/a/an, Oklevelek, 11, no. 127), 283083 (2
th
°§Y 1441; the original document in TREKL, M.E.O.1., Sinai, V. no. 97), 286063 (15 of September
(the original document in SUAP, A.R.P., Paris, no. 6), 286775 (11 th of August 1444; the original
ment in GMSML, C.K.H.L., Copiae lifferamm, mss. 5640, ff. 443'-444').
Jeno Szentklaray, 'Temesvar varos tortenete' [The History of the City of Timi§oara/ Temesvar
the Beginnings up to 1850>], in Ternes varmegye es Temesvar. (Magyarorszag varmegyei es
?i.J [The County of Timi§/ Ternes and Timi§oara/ Temesvar (The Counties and Cities <and
s> of Hungary], edited by Samu Borovszky (Budapest s.a), pp. 20, 26; Adrian Andrei Rusu, 'Arad
!'mes megye kozepkori er6ditmenyei' [The Medieval Fortifications in the Counties of Arad and
l in A kozepkori Del-Al/6/d es Szer [The Medieval Great Hungary Plain) and Sirmium], edited by
foliar (Szeged 2000), pp. 579-581
Ub., V, p. 535.
221
Istvan Petrovics
An opgortunity to the seize Timi 9oara form his private possession presented its
9
1455-1456 . The charter from the 3" of September 1455 states that, by king Ladislas' or
John Hunyadi had taken possession over the Timi 9oara fortress (castle), the same year
the 8 of August . King Ladislas' charter from the 7'" of AWil 1456 provides further data. '
th 30
Hunyadi had loaned him 12000 gold florins on the a" of August 1455, which added,
the previously loaned 8000 gold florins. Because of these 20000 gold florins, Ladislas h
pawned him the fortress of Timi1oara with all the fortresses, settlements that depended on
1
together with all their revenues . The document makes no explicite reference to the town
Timi9oara, but the lines cast11.1m nostrum Themeswar vocatum simul cum honore Comitai
Themesiensis ad idem cast11.1m nostrum spec/are solito, nee non universis castellis, civitati
oppidis, vii/is, pertinentiis, et proventibus ad idem cast11.1m nostrum spectantibus, are inte
led by specialist as proof that not only the fortress but also the town was entrusted to hirn
an option to which we subscribe, however, with caution, due to Szeged's case. When ki
Albert donated Szeged to his wife Elisabeth (1439), the charter clearly distinguished bewe
the city and the castle castrum nostrum Zegediense ac opidum similiter Zegediense, necno
possessiones seu villas Recke Bee ...h et Chongrad vocatas ad idem castrum spectantes3q
Because Ladislas did not return Hunyadi the 20000 gold florins, the castle and probab
the town remained in the possession of the family. After John's death, the pawned go
went over to his wife, Elisabeth Szilagyi and then to his son king Matthias (Malia, Matyas),
return, we find not traces that Timi9oara passed after Matthias' death to his son John. On t
contrary, by Wladislaw ll's charter of 1490 Timi 9oara returned into the hands of the crown •
•••
In the end, we return to one problem. No privileges from John Hunyadi for Timi;;oara a_
known. This is quite surprising for his activity as governor, as the perpetual count of Bistri\a
well known. We revert once more to Szeged's case. In 1450, Hunyadi enforced the ci
privilege. According to it, the citizens were exempted for customs for imported empty barr
In 1456, he forbade the local count to request taxes from the citizens at the palisade market
In our opinion, it is certain that John Hunyadi tried to help further the development oft··
town of Timi 9oara. It is nevertheless true that, given the Ottoman menace, Hunyadi focus
on fortifying the castle, on defense. On the other hand, the silence of the sources regardin
other messures taken by him can be expained by the loss of numerous significant charters.·
For John Hunyadi, Timi 9oara was important not only because the county of Timi;; ha'
grown in size, but also because of its anti-Ottoman value. Moreover, the county provided hi
with a direct link between his estates in the Hungarian southern counties and those East 6
the Tisa and in Transylvania, between his western charges and his eastern prerogatives.
29
30
MOL, DL 14981 (edited in Teleki. X, pp. 479-481).
31
MOL, DL 24764 (edited in Teleki, X, pp. 497-498).
32
Szentklaray, Temesvarvaros to,tenete, pp. 26-27. \
33
Janos Reizner, Szeged tortenete [The History of Szeged], IV, Ok/eve/tar, nev-es targymutat6
[Collection of Documents. Register of Names and Places] (Szeged 1900), pp. 45. ·
34
Szentklaray, Temesvar varos tortenete, p. 27.
35
For Hunyadi's relations to the cities, see Lajos Elekes, Hunyadi (Budapest 1952), pp. 335-341.
222
II.
Relations, Connections, Resources
The Franciscan Convent of Szeged

8.11. Relations, Connections, Resources
Images from Roberto Valturio's De re militari from the Early 1460'
224
1.
Duties, Freedoms and Finances
The Greek Rite Church from Streisangeorgiu

(Ha\eg Land)
8.11. Duties, Freedoms and Finances
The Black Church of Bra,;;ov
226
Johannes Hunyadi und die Freiheiten der Stadt Klausenburg
Andras Kiss
Rumanisches Nationalarchiv,
Kreisabteilung Klausenburg
er Titel Turkenbesieger bezeugt das Johannes Hunyadi bekannt und geachtet war,
hi in Ungarn als auch auf dem Kontinent, vor alien als HeerfOhrer, der, mal siegreich, mal
os aber irnmer mil Mu! und militarischen Wissen, der Osmanischen Macht, auf ihren
,in die Mitte Europas, Wiederstand geleistet hat. Ober die Taten dieses Soldaten, Verteidi-
. es Heimatlandes und des christlichen Glaubens, dadurch auch Europas Stotze, reden
lterliche Quellen, aus Ungarn und Europa, aber auch Lieder und Ge-schichten irn sOd-
nd mitteleuropaischen Folklor, die somit sein Bild der Nachkommen Obermittelten. Die
enen Urkunden beweisen, dass, in der offentlichen Verwaltung, Johannes Hunyadi, als
Diensttrager des ungarischen Konigreichs und Urkundenausteller nicht minder tatig war
niger Tugende besass als auf dem Schlachtfeld, beziehungweise als HeerfOhrer, Quali-
ie schneller und kraftvoller das Auge der offentlichen Meinung ergaterten.
***
Laufe seiner immer aufsteigenden Karriere war Hunyadi Ban von Severin (Szoreny)
Severinensis), Wojwode von SiebenbOrgen, Szeklergraf (Gespann der Szekler), Ge-
von Ternes (Timi~) und Sollnok (Szolnok) (vaivoda Transilvanus, Themesiensis et Sicu-
t de Zo/nok comes), zusarnmen mil dem Ban von Macva, Nicholas (Miklos) Ujlaki (1441-
Staathalter von Ungarn (1446-1453), die hochste Stelle irn Land, nach dem Konig. Zwi-
1_453 und 1456, betrat Hunyadi ein anderes hohes Amt, an das SiebenbOrgen noch un-
. t war, das eines Ewig en Grafen von Bistriz (Bistri\a, Besztrece) (comes perpetuus Bistri-
). Als Soldat, war er, in dieser Zeitspanne, erst Stellvertretender Landeshauptmann,1dann
er Oberster Hauptmann, und Hauptmann von Belg rad (Beograd, Nandorfehervar) .
nk dieser Karriere, konnte er seine Besitztomer erweitem, weit Ober die Grenzen des
~s von Hunyad (Hundeoara), der zentrale Gutbesitz seiner Familie. Johannes Hunyadi
zum machtigsten Grossgrundbesitzer Ungarns. 2 Als hoher Amtstrager und grosser
,p terrastris besass er weitgehende Kompetenzen. Die von ihm ausgestellten Urkunden
.dem entsprechend verschieden und zahlreich. Unter solchen Umstanden, nur Johannes
is Tatigkeit als Urkundenausteller verlangt eine eigenstandige wissenschaflliche Studie.
Ziel unser Arbeit is aber begrenzt und bezieht sich nur auf die von Hunyadi ausgestell-
nden fur die konigliche Stadt Klausenburg (Cluj, Kolozsvar). Eine notwendige Bemer-
statten wir uns doch von Anfang an. In den schweren Zeiten, durch oligarchische Be-
ngen und Bunde gekennzeichnet, aber auch die von Hunyadi, Vertreter des Mittel- und
_els in den Augen der Baronen, ausgelosten personlichen Feindschaflen, isl es bemer-
rt wie klar Hunyadis Urkunden seine Bestrehbungen fOr die Verteidigung des Heimat-
ine politische Vorstellung, die treue Soldaten und Diener, forderte, wiederspiegeln.
, V, p. 517; PALL Francisc: Cronologia documentelor privind Transilvania (sec.XI-XIV) [Die Chro-
er Urkunden die SiebenbOrgen angehen. 11.-14. Jahrhundert]. In: DIR. Tntroducere [EinfOh-
nhang, II (504, 509).
TAKI losif [J6zseij: Domeniul Hunedoarei la inceputul secolului al XVI-lea. Studiu ,; documente
yad Anwesen am Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts. Studie und Urkunden]. Bukarest, 1973. XVII
Andras Kiss
Auf Grund dieser Bemerkung, m6chten wir die Tatsache unterstreichen, dass, oft, ind·
koniglichen Schenkungen, die Teilnahme des Empfangers an den FeldzOgen des Johan
Hunyadi, als Grund der Schenkung genannt wird. Die gleiche ,,militarische" Tatsache fin
wir wieder in Hunyadis Urkunden, durch die er, als Staathalter, seine frOheren, als domi
terrestris, oder unter einem anderen Titel, ausgestellen Schenkungen starkte, bzw. im Fall
4
auf Grund des ius knezialis, besitzten Goter, oder in den Urkunden die, im Rahmen
Szekler Gesellschaft im Wandel, die Fusssoldaten van den primori beschOtzen sollten. 5
Johannes Hunyadis Klausenburger Urkunden wurden im Rahmen seiner Krafte als
wade van SiebenbOrgen, die vierte WOrde in der verwaltlichen Hierarchie des K6nigreichs,
als Ungarns Staathalter und in den Grenzen der Rechte Klausenburgs als konigliche Freisf
Als Wojwode van SiebenbOrgen, Oberverwalter der sieben Gespannschaften, hatte er a
richterliche Krafte, die aber, weil er, wegen seiner Verpflichtungen, 6fters zum koniglichen
oder in den Kampf musste, vom Vizewojwoden ausgeObt wurden. Der Wojwode konnte k
Freiheiten und Privilegien ausstellen, sander nur fur ihre Einsetzung und Erhaltung sorgen/
6
Wie im Falle anderer Siedlungen und Gebiete, wurde auch Klausenburg schon frOher(
7
1331) der Jurisdiktion des Wojwoden unterzogen und, seit 1378, wurde auch seine Kriegsf
und auch das Recht des Wojwoden Soldaten und sich selbst (descensus), auf Kosten"·
Stadt, in Klausenburg unterzubringen, limitiert. Normalerweise, hatte sich das Eingreifen,
siebenbOrgischen Wojwoden auf die Bewahrung der Privilegien begrenzen. Aber aus de(>
der Wojwodschat des Johannes Hunyadi kennen wir keine derartigen Urkunden. · ··
***
Wahrend des Bauernaufstands van 1437-1438, gelangte, under noch nur teilweis'
kannten Umstanden, 8 Klausenburg in die Hande der Rebellen und wurde zu ihrem If
Zufluchtsort. Nach dem blutigen Ende des Aufstands, unternahm der Wojwode Dezs"
Losoncz, HeerfOhrer der Adels, Untersuchungen gegen dessen AnfOhrer in Klause ··
Durch Vermittlung des Konvents van Abtsdorf (Kolozsmonostor, Cluj-Mana~tur), wurde
Richter, die Geschworenen, sowohl als auch die anderen Burger und die gesamte Kia
burger Gemeinde, gerufen var der K6nigin, der Prelaten und Baronen zu erscheinenu;
Haltung zu erklaren. Angeklagt mil Rebellion, verlor die Stadt Klausenburg all ihre Frein
Ober die eigentliche Enthaltung der Freiheiten wurden keine Urkunden erhalten. D
vileg des Wladislaw (Wladyslaw, Ulaszl6) I (Ill). Jagiello, ausgestellt in Or~ova (Orscho
•
3
Rusu Adrian Andrei, POP loan-Aurel, DRAGAN loan: lzvoare privind evul mediu romanJ
Hajegului in secolul al XV-lea [Quellen zur Geschichte des rumanischen Mittelalters: Das Hatze
im 15. Jahrhundert], I. 1402-1473, Cluj-Napoca [Klausenburg], 1989. Nr. 91-92, 98, 100.
4
lzvoare privind evul mediu romanesc, I. Nr. 104, 107-108, 111, 114-115; DRAGAN loan: Dodi
inedite de la lancu de Hunedoara pentru cnezi din Nadrap [Unveroffentlichte Urkunden des f
Hunyadi fur die Knesen aus Nadrap]. In: In honorem Gemot Nussbacher, Herausgegeber NAZA
und Ruxandra, Poeovic, Bogdan-Florin. Brasov [Kronstadt], 2004. 1511. ..·J
5
Vgl. JAKO Zsigmond: Tarsadalom, egyhaz, muvelodes. Tanulmanyok Erdely tortenelmehe.
schaft, Kirche, Kunst. Studien zur Geschichte SiebenbOrgens], Budapest, 1997. 31. ./
6
JANITS Ivan: Az erdelyi vajdak igazsagszolgaltato es oklevelado mukodese 1526-ig [Die;j
Kraft und das Urkundenwesen der siebenbOrgischen Wojwoden var 1526]. Budapest, 1940. 19:.
7
Vgl. JAKAB Elek: Okleveltar Kolozsvar tortenetehez [Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte Klau
I. Budapest, 1870. 96-97.
8
DEMENY Lajos: Parasztfelkeles Babolnan. EgyOtt a huberi kizsakmanyalas ellen [Der
stand van Babolna (Bobalna). Zusammen gegen die UnterdrOckung der Reichen]. Bukarest, 19,
205; DERS: Parasztfelkeles Erdelyben. 1437-1438 [Der Bauernaufstand in SiebenbOrgen. 11.3
Budapest, 1997. 17511; Erdely tortenete [Geschichte SiebenbOrgens] Hg. MAKKAI Laszlo, Mocsf
A kezdetektol 1606-ig [Von den Anfangen bis 1606]. Budapest, 1986. 1561.
9
MAKKAI Laszlo: Kiadatlan oklevelek Kolozsvar kozepkori tortenetehez [Unveroffentlichte
zurmittelalterlichen Geschichte Klausenburgs]. Kalozsvar, 1947. Nr.17; Ub, V. Nr. 2318.
228
Johannes Hunyadi und die Freiheiten der Stadt Kfausenburg
. September 1444, durch das die Stadt ihre alten Freiheiten zOrOckbekam, besagt nur, dass
Stadt sie wegen Taten gegen den Konig verloren hatte. Zugleich hatte der Deszo van
soncz mehrere BesitztOmer van der Konigin Elisabeth tor sein Klausenburger Eingreifen
kommen. 10 Ebenfalls unbekannt ist die Weise in der sich die Stadt innerlich und richterlich
altet hat (1438-1444). Wlr wissen nur, dass, neben den Stadtrichter und Geschworenen,
Beamter, Sebastian Olasz, vom Wojwoden ernnant, erscheint. Im einzigen bekannten Ver-
ren aus der Zeit, agierten die Richter der Stadt (gegen den alten Freiheiten) zusammen mit
11
n Richter der neuen Wojwoden, Johannes Hunyadi und Nicholas Ujlaki.
Der erste Schritt auf dem Weg der ROckgewinnung der Stadtfreiheiten wurden van
nyadi unternommen. Var dem GlaubenwOrdigenort van Abtsdorf (8. April 1441), schwor
kOrzlich ernannte Wojwode, dass er die Stadt beschOtzen wOrde, damit die Stadt, bis
12
ihre Rechte vom Konig zurOckbekommen wOrde, ihre Freiheiten nutzten konnte. Seine
te beruhte gleichfalls auf Hunyadis Weisheit als Staatsmann und auf die Bedeutung der
t. Die wirtschaftliche Rolle der Stadt, die sich mit Mauern schOtzen durfte, wurde vom
nnes Hunyadi, immer rnit der TOrkengefahr besorgt, erkannt. Er konnte auch verstehen
he die Chancen der Stadt gegen das Bauerheer, var einigen Jahren, gewesen waren.
Klausenburg hatte das Recht sich mil Mauern zu schOtzen erst 1405 bekommen. Es
keine Hinweise, dass, drei Jahrzehnte spater, die Bemauerung fertig war. Auch nach
sie beendet wurde, konnte die Stadt, ohne fremde Hille, keine langere Belagerung durch
hen. Sie rettete sich durch grosse Tributen an die Belagerer van den VerwOstungen, die
nverteidigten Vororte erleben mussten. Im Jahr 1611 verwOsteten Sigismund (Zsigmond)
· chs haidones die Suburbien bevor die Stadt ihre Tore offnete. DafOr bestraffte Furst
· I (Gabor) Bathory die schu/dige Stadt mit einem Tribut. Das Scenario wiederholte sich
em Polenzug des Georg (Gyorgy) Rak6czi, als Osmanen und Tataren var der Stadt er
en. 13 Dem Hilfebrief des Szeklergespans Michael (Mihaly) Jakes an die Sachsen nach,
s scheinbar schon 1438 der Fall. Er schrieb, dass seine Truppen in die Suburbien ein
14
gen waren (invasimus suburbium), so dass niemand dart rauskommen konnte.
nyadis Eid beweist, dass er van der Schuld der Stadt nicht Oberzeugt war. Das schliesst
e Zusammenarbeit bestimmter Bewohner mit den Rebellen nicht aus. Abgesehn da-
e Hunyadis Eingreifen beim Konig Erfolg der 1444 der Stadt ihre Freiheiten zurOckgab.
enn die Kanzleinote des Dokuments bezeugt, dass dieses Privileg commissio propria
·regis herausgestellt wurde, au! seiner ROckseite wird keine relatio angefOhrt und die
e. nicht unter eine solernne Form ausgestellt wurde (die hohen WOrdetrager inklusive
.\ls Hunyadi sind nicht aufgelistet), kann man, auf Grund der frOheren Ereignissen, eine
}Rolle in der Austellung der Urkunde Hunyadi zutrauen. Die Stadt hatte ihre alten
· n wieder. Am nachsten Tag, der 22. September 1444, verbal Konig Wladislaw I. den
15
tischen Richtern das Verfahrensrecht im Falle der WIiien der Klausenburger .
***
wurde Hunyadi zum Reichsverweser van Ungarn gewahlt. In heimlandischen An-

eiten war er des Konigs Staathalter. Er hatte aber seine Krafte nicht und seine
,iV. Nr. 2361, 2507.

da. Nr. 2322; Konvent, I. Nr. 298; vgl. MAKKAI Lajos: Tarsadalom es nemzetiseg a kozepkori
[Gesellschaft und Nationalitiit im mittelalterlichen Klausenburg] (1-11). Ko/ozsvari Szem/e
), 11/2, 3 (1943). 87-111, 190-215 (var alien S. 213).
, Nr. 2413; Kiadatlan oklevelek (wie Anm. 9). Nr. 18.
svari emlekir6k [Klausenburger Chronisten]. Hg. BALINT J6zsef, PATAKI J6zsef. Bukarest,
76-186 .
. . Nr. 2300.
a. Nr. 2507-2508.
229
Andras Kiss
Kompetenzen wurden klar, von seiner Wahl, her vom Reichstag begrenzt. Er konnte kei ·
Schenkungen grosser als 32 Sesien machen (auch vorher, in solchen Fallen, musste d
16
Schenker das Einverstandnis des Konigs haben). Der Reichsverweser konnte keine kon
lichen Freiheiten ausstellen und musste die alten noch gOltigen Privilegien verteidigen.
Am 25. Juli 1446, von Klausenburg aus, verbal Hunyadi dem Stephan (Istvan) Loso
der die Zollfreiheiten der Borger verfetzt hatte, sie zu besteuern oder Schaden zu zu /Ogen,
seinen Besitztomer von Banffyhunyad (Huedin), Bonisbruck (Bonchida, Bon\ida), Rase
(Valaszut), und in den Vororten der Burg Bologa (Sebesvar).". Am 9. Mai 1451, von MOhl
(Sebe~, Szaszszeben) aus, verbal er Mattheus (Mate, Maciej) Labiscyzn, Bischof von Sie
bOrgen, dass Kirchengestalten Ober Willenangelegenheiten der Klausenburger Laien richten 1
In der Zeit, auf Grund der Forderungen der Ungarn, die sich diskriminiert fOllten, auf ei
proportionelle Vertratung in der Stadtleitung, waren die Beziehungen zwischen den nation
sehr gespannt, auf Ebene der Kirchendiensts auch (vor alien unter den Bewohner der
Peters Gasse), so dass die Streitpartein vor dem Staathalter kommen mussten (1452). 19_
Grunde, wurde die Stadt nach den alten Privilegien geleitet, die keine Vorschriften ansichtl
einer proportionnellen richterlichen und verwaltlichen Leitung der Stadt beinhalteten. An
seits, auf Grund seines Mandats, Hunyadi konnte keine neuen Privilegien austellen. 23
Durch seine Urkunde vom 7. Februar 1452, forderte der Staathalter von Olen (Buda)
die ungarischen und sachsischen Bewohner der Stadt auf im Frieden zusammen zu le_
und, bis der Konig eine Entscheidung fallt, die hiesige verwaltliche Lage aufzubewahre"
Dank des weisen Entschlusses, begannen die Streitpartein ein langeres Probationsve
22
und sammlten Beweise /Or ihre Standpunkte. . Letztendlich, in der Zeit des Michael Szil
am 31. Januar 1458, kammen die zwei nationes zum einem Ausgleich (unio), die spatef;
23
Matthias Corvinus bekraftigt wurde (17. Januar 1469). Die unio stellte eine Gleichvertr
24
auf und wurde 1576 auf kirchliche Ebene ausgedehnt. Sie war gOllig /Or Jahrhunderte:
***
Johannes Hunyadis Urkunden, aus der Zeit in der er Wojwode von SiebenbOrge
dann Staathalter von Ungarn war, bezeugen, dass der TOrkenbesieger die Freiheiten Kia
burgs weise and legal bewahrt hat, auf Grund einer korrekten Einschatzung der Situati ·
16
CJH. 304-307.
17
Ub., V. Nr. 2545.
18
Ebbenda. Nr. 2763 (vgl. VV1adislas I. Urkunde vom 22. September 1444). Der Bischof rea
Hunyadis Entscheidung und befahl seinen Kirchenmiinner, dass sie solch eine Schiidigung ihrer
nicht er1auben, da der Staathalter falsch informiert wurde und er sein Entschluss geiindert ha
2743). Dennoch, blieb scheinbar Hunyadis (erster) Entschluss im Falle der Klausenburger weite
den die Klausenburger Laien Oberliessen weiterhin die juridischen Angelegenheiten und Verfahren
I6sst van ihren Willen keinen ekklesiastischen Richtem
19
Szocs Jeno: Varosok es kezmuvesseg a XV. szazadi Magyarorszagon [Stiidte und Ha
schaft im Ungam. 15. Jahrhundert]. Budapest, 1955. 329f; MAKKAI (wie Anm. 11): Tarsadalom. 21_3_
°2
21
CJH. 304-307. /
Ub., V. Nr. 2763; Kiadatlan oklevelek (wie Anm. 9). Nr. 20. :/.
22
Die siichsischen Beweise: Ub., V, Nr. 2806, 2832. Die ungarischen Beweise: Kiadatlan a
(wie Anm. 9), Nr. 20 (= Konvent, I. Nr. 970); Ub., V. Nr. 2825 (= Konvent, I. Nr. 1084). Var alien"
garn die die HI. Peter Gasse, zum gr6ssten Teil, und die Media Luporum Gassen (die Hochtstadt
stiiffei'), auserhalb der Stadtmauern, bewohnten suchten solche Beweise (Ub., V, Nr. 2839; SZAB
A kolozsvari magyar polgarok 6sszeirasa 1453 [Die Konskription der ungarischen Burger Klaus
TT, IV/3 (1882), 524-541, (und) Sz, XVl/1 (1882). 71-74 (= Ub., V. Nr. 2956).
23
Ub., VI. Nr. 3103, 3585.
24
Okleveltar Kolozsvart6rtenetehez (wie Anm. 7),11. Budapest 1888. 20-28; fur das ganze V
vgl. Kiss Andras: Mas forrasok, mas ertelmezesek [Mehrere Quellen, mehrere Erkliirungen], Ma
hely [Neumarkt], 2003. 160-171.
230
Le relazioni tra Giovanni Hunyadi e le comunita sassoni di Transilvania:
aspetti po/itici ed economici
(1439-1456)
Andrea Fara
Libera Universita lnternazionale
degli Studi Sociali "Guido Carli",
Roma
In seguito alla scomparsa di Sigismondo (Zsigmond) di Lussemburgo (1387-1437), ii

0
d'Ungheria conobbe un nuovo periodo di disordine interno e di frammentazione. Per
enere la sua ambiziosa politica, ii re Sigismondo di Lussemburgo era stato costretto a
are gran parte delle risorse della Corona di Ungheria. II fundus regius, che con tanta
ia i sovrani angioini avevano ricostituito proprio per salvaguardare ii potere regio dalle
1
centrifughe della nobilitas ungherese, si ridusse di ben due terzi .
11 contesto politico: l'instabilita del potere regio e la lotta contro ii Turco
assenza di una forte autorita centrale, le rivalita interne alla nobilitas si fecero sempre
se, dando luogo a una lunga serie di latte intestine, nel momenta stesso in cui la
ia ottomana sui confini orientali e meridionali del regno diveniva sempre piu consis-
[a crisi politica si acui in modo ulteriore a seguito del breve regno di Alberto (Albert)
·rgo (V come duca d'Austria, I come re d'Ungheria) (1438-1439) cui fece seguito la
elezione di Vladislao (Wladyslaw, Ulaszl6) Jagellone (Ill come re di Polonia, I come
gheria) (1440-1444) e Ladislao (Laszlo) V Postumo (1440/1445-1457), la quale fini
Jdere ii regno in due opposte fazioni2. Fu proprio in questo momenta di profonda crisi
~re regio e di crescente contrasto tra le maggiori componenti politiche del regno, che si
· la complessa figura di Giovanni Hunyadi (ii quale gia si era distinto nel luglio 1437,
· o anno di regno di Sigismondo, quando le truppe ungheresi erano riuscite a resis-
ssedio turco del castello di Smederevo [Szendr6]). Egli gioc6 un ruolo di primo piano
porre l'unita del regno, guidandolo e difendendolo con mano decisa tanto dai suoi
· i _interni (in particolare le spinte centrifughe della grande nobilitas) quanta da quelli
liAsburgo a Occidente e i Turchi a Oriente), ricoprendo - tra i molti - gli alti uffici di
i Transilvania e comes Sicu/orum (dal 1441 al 1446), gubemator regni Hungariae
·~1 1453) e capitano generale del regno e comes perpetuus et hereditarius civitatis
3
s.Bistriciensis (Bistri\a, Bistritz, Besztrece) (dal 1453 al 1456) .
;llint Homan, Gli Angioini di Napoli in Ungheria, 1290-1403, Roma, 1938, pp. 532-533.
e possibile rendere completamente canto delle vicende storiche del regno d'Ungheria a
meta del 400'. Resta tuttavia necessario descrivere brevemente questo lasso di tempo, al
quelle infonmazioni utili a comprendere quali furono le relazioni tra Giovanni Hunyadi e le
soni di Transilvania, e in che modo queste stesse relazioni si possano inquadrare nel pill
to politico, economico e sociale del regno d'Ungheria e della coeva Europa.
ua figura restano fondamentali la monografia di Camil Mure$anu, fancu de Hunedoara,
82 (recentemente riedita e aggiornata in inglese: John Hunyadi, la$i-Oxford-Portland, 2001),
ph Held, Hunyadi: Legend and Reality, New York, 1985. A queste opere si fara qui par-
to. In generale, con ulteriore bibliografia, sono utili anche: B. Homan, L'Ungheria, 1301-
. def Mondo Medievafe, Vll-9, Milano, 1981, pp. 344-349; Zsuzsa Teke, Rapporti commer-
ria e Venezia nef secofo XV, in Rapporti veneto-ungheresi all'epoca def Rinascimento.
vegno di Studi ltafo-Ungheresi promosso e organizzato dalla Fondazione Giorgio Cini,
Andrea Fara
Alberto d'Asburgo sali al trono di Santo Stefano ii 1° gennaio 1438 e due mesi dopo
tenne la Corona di Germania. II 6 maggio, Alberto ottenne anche ii trono di Boemia, che
veniva offerto dagli Ordini cattolici del regno. Tuttavia, nello stesso giorno gli Ordini ussiti 0
rono la Corona di Boemia al principe Casimiro (Kazimierz) Jagellone, fratello del re di Polo
Vladislao Ill (1434-1444). Lo scontro fu inevitabile e, sebbene l'Asburgo ne uscisse vincito
Alberto non riusci mai a ottenere la piena fiducia dei suoi sudditi, subendo persino l'ostilita d
la moglie Elisabetta (che avrebbe voluto regnare al suo posto) e della regina madre Barb
Cillei (Cilly). lnoltre, nel maggio 1439, la Dieta riunita a Buda si preoccup6 di salvaguarda
gli interessi del regno contro l'Asburgo, imponendo al re di non risiedere all'estero e di n
elargire possessi o uffici a personaggi di origine non ungherese. In piu, la Dieta ottenn
diritto di esprimersi nelle questioni relative alla successione al trono di Santo Stefano.
lntanto, approfittando della confusione causata dalle precedenti rivolte transilvane di i
razione ussita del 1437 e dalla quasi contemporanea scomparsa di Sigismondo, alla qu
fece seguito un memento di forte confusione politica interna al regno d'Ungheria, nell'es '
1438 le armate turche erano penetrate in forza nella regione intracarpatica, sferrando un
lento attacco nella Te/7'8 Saxonum. Le citta sassoni di Sighi§oara (Schassburg, Segesvar)
Media§ (Mediasch, Medgyes) vennero temporaneamente occupate, Sebe§ (M0hlbach, s ·'
sebes) e Bra§OV (Kronstadt, Brass6) subirono ingenti danni, mentre Sibiu (Hermanns!'
4
Szeben) riusci a resistere a un duro assedio . Annullato l'ostacolo delle citta sassoni, l'eser
turco assedi6 la fortezza di Smederevo, la cui capitolazione permise agli Ottomani di devaf
l'intera Bosnia. Alberto, re da pochi mesi e ancora in una situazione di incerta stabilita p6 · ·
lento di opporsi alle truppe nemiche, ma non riusci a ingaggiare battaglia in tempo utile: ii
tobre 1439, ii diffondersi di un'epidemia di dissenteria caus6 la prematura morte del re Albe.
L'S marzo 1440, la Dieta generale del regno d'Ungheria offri la Corona di Santo Ste
all'allora sedicenne Vladislao Jagellone di Polonia, che giunse in Ungheria ii 15 ma
dello stesso anno, dopo una lunga trattativa che, tra l'altro, prevedeva ii matrimonj
Elisabetta, vedova di Alberto I. Tuttavia, nello stesso giorno, Elisabetta fece incoronar
dal/'Accademia Ungherese de/le Scienze, da/1'/stituto per le Re/azioni Culture/i di Budapest. Bu_
20-23 giugno 1973, a cura di Tibor Klaniczay, Budapest, 1975, pp. 143-152; Pal Engel, The R
St. Stephen. A History of Medieval Hungary (895-1526), London-New York, 2001, pp. 278-297;
Pap':/ Gizella Nemeth Papa, Storia e cultura de/l'Ungheria, Soveria Mannelli, 2000, pp. 194-202.
In questo contesto, e degno di nota ricordare la particolare vicenda di Georgius de Septe
(piu noto ccn ii name di Georgius de Hungaria a anche di Captivus Septemcastrensis) che, all'e
fatti, era un giovane studente presso la scuola del ccnvento domenicano di Sebe:,. Scampato al.d
tante incendio della citta sassone, assieme a molti altri Georgius fu catturato e condotto in schiaviJ
terre ottomane. Qui egli rimase prigioniero per circa vent'anni, riuscendo poi a fuggire nel 1458i
nell'Ordine domenicano, all'inizio degli anni Settanta del XV secolo Georgius e riccrdato a Rom
te di frate predicatore del convento di Santa Maria sopra MinelVa. Nella stessa citta, intorno al 14
scrisse in fom,a di memoria autobiografica un celebre e fortunate Tractatus de moribus, condi
et nequicia Turcorum, descrivendo i drammatici awenimenti che cosi vivamente avevano segnat_ :
esistenza. Una completa edizione critica dell'opera e quella di Reinhard Klockow, Georgius de H ·
Tractatus de moribus, condictionibus et nequicia Tureorum. Traktat Ober die Sitten, die Leben.
nisse und die Arglist der TOrken. Nach der Erstaus-gabe von 1481, Kain-Weimar-VI/Jen, 1993, cc
va di una accurata e aggiornata storiografia sul pro-blema della corretta identificazione dell'a:-.
Trac/a/us ccn ii ccsiddetto Capfivus Septemcastrensis, ossia con ii Sassone Georgius de Mulrl
Septemcastris. Si segnala anche una recente traduzione in francese, ad opera di Joel Schnapp-;\
Georges de Hongrie. Des Tures. Traite sur /es moeurs, /es coutumes et/a perfidie des Tures, ·r.
2003, ccmunque sulla base dell'approfondito studio di Klockow. L'identificazione del Captivusl(i
ccn ii Sassone Georgius de Mulnbach de Septemcastris era gia stata provata, con argomenti
da Florio Banfi, Fra Giorgio di Settecastelli 0. P. detto Georgius de Hungaria, in "Memorie dam,.
(Roma), LVl/3, 4-5, 1939, pp. 130-141, 202-209. Si veda anche Francisc Pall, ldentificarea /,ii;,
Septemcastrensis [L'identificazione del Captivus Septemcastrensis], in Rd/, XXVll/1, 1974, pp. 97
232
Le relazioni tra Giovanni Hunyadi e le comunit8 sassoni di Transilvania
sacra Corona di Santo Stefano ii figlio e duca d'Austria Ladislao, di neppure tre mesi, a
ekesfehervar, dall'arcivescovo di Esztergom (Gran, Strignoium) Dionisius (Denes) Szecsi.
po di che la regina fuggi a Vienna portando con se ii bambino e la Sacra Corona5 . II 29
gno gli Ordini ungheresi dichiararono non valida l'incoronazione del piccolo Ladislao e
6
rarono fedelta a Vladislao, che ii 17 luglio cinse la Corona d'Ungheria (1440-1444) .
Lo scontro tra i sostenitori di Vladislao e quelli della regina Elisabetta (che, tra l'altro, pote-
contare sull'appoggio delle famiglie Cillei, Garai, Frangipane, Kanizsai e Rozgonyi, nonche
buona parte delle citta del regno) provoc6 una momentanea instabilita politica del regno. A
7
rd del paese tornarono a imperversare gli Ussiti . In Transilvania, ii particolare e diretto
porto che univa la Corona di Santo Stefano alle citta sassoni si manifesto con ii pieno
lisrno degli hospites nei confronti di Ladislao V che, sebbene fosse ancora un bambino,
comunque considerato quale legittimo erede al trono d'Ungheria. Tanto che le comunita
soni riconobbero Vladislao come re solo nell'aprile 1441, con l'entrata dell'Hunyadi - al-
al servizio del re di origine polacca, in veste di voivoda di Transilvania e comes Sicu/orum
Cluj (Klausenburg, Kolozsvar) e la pacificazione della regione intracarpatica, che peraltro
8
nne la base del potere dello stesso voivoda fino alla sua scomparsa .
•,Di questo momenta di confusione approfittarono ancora una volta gli Ottomani. Tra l'aprile
ettembre 1440, Murad II (1421-1444; 1446-1451) intraprese - ma senza successo - una
azione militare contra Belgrado (Beograd, Nandorfehervar), chiave di accesso della re-
9
del Danubio inferiore . Nel marzo 1442, le truppe dei bey Mezid entrarono in Transil-
' ottenendo un iniziale vantaggio. Ma davanti alla citta di Sibiu l'esercito ottomano venne
e annientato dalle tnuppe banderiali (personali) di Hunyadi, voivoda di Transilvania e
Sicu/orum (dal 1441 al 1446). In settembre, ii voivoda di Transilvania pass6 da Sibiu
lacchia, dove blocc6 una seconda armata turca inviata in soccorso del bey Mezid.
el frattempo, nella primavera del 1442, ii papa Eugenio IV invi6 ii cardinale Giuliano
rini in qualita di legato pontificio in Ungheria, al fine di convincere la regina Elisabetta a
iliarsi con Vladislao I e di mobilitare le forze del regno in un'offensiva antiottomana. Al
e re d'Ungheria venne anche promessa la mano di Anna, figlia maggiore della regina.
regina Elisabetta mori improwisamente ii 17 dicembre 1442, lasciando ii figlio Ladislao
· ito a lui favorevole sotto la tutela e la guida di Federico (Friedrich) Ill d'Asburgo.
comunque negoziata una tregua di un anno, durante la quale, nel luglio 1443 Hunyadi
·sse una nuova campagna contra l'lmpero ottomano 10 . Nel novembre, l'esercito cristiano
ixammenti che la Sacra Corona di Santo Stefano era considerata necessaria per la legittima
zione del re d'Ungheria. Elisabetta si rifugi6 presso Federico Ill d'Asburgo, figlio di Ernesto ii
'Asburgo e duca di Stiria (nonche, dal 2 febbraio 1440 Imperatore de! Sacra Romano lrnpero),
investe di tutore de! piccolo Ladislao, ottenne la reggenza de! ducato d'Austria.
(l'occasione venne utilizzata una corona aurea realizzata sul modello di que!la Sacra.
·:ussiti erano al comando di Janus Giskra Brandisi, che era state nomlnato capitano generate
8ria Superiore dalla stessa regina Elisabetta. Le scorrerie ussite in territorio ungherese si
no per ben 25 anni.
'8dano le pagine successive del presente contribute.
l_a oonquista dei Balcani da parte degli Ottomani, fino alla meta de! 400', si possono vedere, tutti
(8 e ampia bibliografia: John V. A. Fine, The Late Medieval Balkans, Ann Arbor, 1987, pp. 345-
Ostrogorsky, Storia dell'impem bizantino, Torino, 1996, pp. 480-510; Georges Castellan, Storia
{(XIV-XX secolo), Lecce, 1999, pp. 69-113. Oltre ai testi sopra citati, e utile segnalarne alcuni
. no la questione dal "punto di vista orientale": Colin Imber, The Ottoman Empire (1300-1481),
990; Albert Hourani, Storia dei popoli arabi da Maometto ai nostri giomi, Milano, 1992, pp. 211-
maria Scarcia Amoretti, II mondo musulmano, Roma, 1998, pp. 138-142. In questi testi e
are un ricco quadro bibliografioo degli studi di orientalistica che si occupano della questione.
<C0loro che parteciparono alla campagna vi erano i maggiori ufficiali e lo stesso giovane re
:~adislao Jagellone, ii legato pontificio cardinale Giuliano Cesarini e ii despota serbo Giorgio
,nkovic (1427/9-1456), che i Turchi avevano allontanato dal suo paese.
233
Andrea Fara
mise in fuga le schiere ottomane per quattro volte, nei pressi di Nis11 . Gli Ungheresi avanzaroc
no in profondita nei Balcani, fino a occupare Sofia. Ma qui la resistenza ottomana si fece pid
forte e l'arrivo della stagione invernale costrinse le truppe del voivoda a ripiegare in Ungheri,{
infliggendo ai Turchi una nuova e dura sconfitta sulla via del ritorno, nei primi giorni del 1444. '
Le vittorie del 1442 e del 1443-1444 di Hunyadi su~li Ottomani destarono grande en
siasmo e la fama del voivoda si diffuse in tutta l'Europa1 . Tanto che, sull'onda dell'emozione
per le recenti vittorie, venne pianificata una nuova impresa contra i Turchi nello stesso 1444
sancita da un solenne giuramento che ii re e gli Ordini d'Ungheria prestarono nella Dieta dl
Buda di aprile, alla presenza del legato pontificio cardinale Cesarini. lmpegnato in Asia'
Minore, questa volta Murad II ritenne piu opportune cercare di raggiungere una tregua e gli
stessi Vladislao I e Hunyadi dovettero ammettere che, in caso di attacco all'lmpero ottomano,
ii regno d'Ungheria si sarebbe ritrovato a combattere praticamente da solo, visti gli scars!
aiuti inviati dall'Europa cristiana 13. L'accordo venne cosi concluso a Szeged (primo a Oradea),
nell'agosto 1444, garantendo una pace di dieci anni con una serie di condizioni che limita_-
vano la potenza ottomana nei Balcani e decisamente favorevoli al reg no d'Ungheria 14. i
Ben presto per6 gli Ottomani disattesero i termini della pace e ripresero le Iara incursio6i
in territorio ungherese. Alla stesso tempo, forse impressionato dai recenti successi, ii cardi'
nale Cesarini sciolse Vladislao I dall'accordo firmato in agosto a Szeged, che del resto era i
contraddizione col precedente giuramento di aprile con cui ii re d'Ungheria si era impegnato
proseguire la lotta contra ii Turco. II 22 settembre 1444, Vladislao e Giovanni passarono
Danubio. II re si assicur6 l'appoggio militare del basileo Giovanni VIII Paleologo (1425-1448,
del voivoda di Valacchia Vlad II Dracul e dall'albanese Skanderbeg (le cui tnuppe venner
per6 bloccate dal Brankovi6 che, soddisfatto per l'accordo stipulate a Szeged, decise di n
partecipare all'impresa). Una flotta di galee veneziane e borgognone doveva invece raggiu
gere l'Ellesponto e bloccare l'esercito di Murad II di ritorno dalle campagne in Asia Minore.
La composita armata ungherese occup6 in breve tempo Vidin e Nicopoli, marciando
velocemente verso ii Mar Nero. II 9 novembre Vladislao pose ii campo presso la citta di Varna
a poca distanza da quello dei Turchi, sopraggiunti senza che gli Ungheresi ne fossero s
informati. La squadra navale veneziana e borgognona, infatti, non era riuscita a fermare l'esE)
cito ottomano che, al contrario, aveva passato ii Bosforo grazie all'aiuto della flotta genovese}
due schieramenti si scontrarono ii 10 novembre 1444. Le maggiori forze ottomane ebbero be
presto ii soprawento, mentre l'esercito ungherese si frantum6. Sul campo di battaglia restaron
Vladislao (cui fu tagliata la testa) e lo stesso cardinale Cesarini. Hunyadi ripar6 in Valacchi
dove per6 venne fatto prigioniero da Vlad II Dracul che, per proteggere ii voivodato, si er
11
Tra le truppe ottomane vi era anche Giorgio Castriota, detto Skanderbeg, figlio convertitosi
fede islamica di un nobile albanese. Approfittando degli eventi di Nis, Skanderbeg ripar6 in Albani
che gi8. da vent'anni si trovava sotto la dominazione ottomana. Fu in questo momenta che Skanderb
decise di riconvertirsi al Cristianesimo e di iniziare una strenua lotta contra l'lmpero ottomano, lotta
Skanderbeg prosegui fino alla morte, nel 1468. Cir. J. V. A. Fine, op. cit., pp. 556-558.
12
j
Perun quadro piu completo degli eventi e degli entusiasmi suscitati dalle imprese del 144
1443 di Giovanni Hunyadi, si veda ii notevole contribute di F. Pall, Le condizioni e gli echi intemazion
def/a fol/a antioltomana def 1442-1443 condo/la da Giovanni Hunyadi, in RESEE, 11113-4, 1965,
433-463. Sebbene non sia recente, ii saggio di Pall resta uno dei piu completi e informati.
13
Un appoggio era stato promesso solo da papa Eugenio IV, dal duca di Borgogna Filipp
Buono (1419-1467) e dalla Repubblica di Venezia.
14
L'atto venne firmato da Vladislao I, dagli ambasciatori ottomani e dal despota di Serbia Giorg
Brankovi6, che svolse ii ruolo di intermediario. I termini dell'intesa prevedevano l'attuazione immedia
di alcune clausole, quali la restituzione dell'intera Serbia e la cessione delle fortezze ungheresi
Smederevo e Galambac (Galamb6c) a Giorgio Brankovic, nonche ii pagamento di 1OD mila fiorini d'o
come risarcimento delle spese di guerra e la restituzione di tutti i prigionieri al re d'Ungheria. In piu,,
voivodato di Valacchia vedeva allentata la pressione turca sui suoi confini meridionali.
234
Le relazioni tra Giovanni Hunyadi e le comunita sassoni di Transilvania
0 costretto a passare ancora una volta dalla parte del Turco 15. La disfatta di Varna ebbe
rofondo impatto emotivo, gettando nello sconforto ii fronte antiottomano 16 .
Nel frattempo, Hunyadi era riuscito a liberarsi dalla prigionia. Rientrato in Ungheria, ii 7
ggio 1445 ii voivoda convoc6 la Dieta generale de! regno a Pest per scegliere ii nuovo
rano. Non avendo notizie certe sulla sorte di Vladislao I, l'Assemblea stabili che, nel caso
ui lo Jagellone non fosse ricomparso entro ii 30 maggio, venisse riconosciuto quale nuovo
'Ungheria Ladislao, ii giovane figlio di Alberto I. L'elezione di Ladislao fu subordinata anche
· restituzione della Sacra Corona di Santo Stefano da parte di Federico Ill d'Asburgo. In
sto periodo di transizione, la sovranita rimase affidata agli Ordini ungheresi con un
i//ium universitatis regni Hungariae che sostituiva quello del re, cosi come mantenevano
roprie funzioni gli alti ufficiali del reg no (quaIi ii comes palatinus, lo iudex curiae regis, ii
gister tavernicorum e cosi via). In piu, per garantire ii rispetto degli atti emessi dalla Dieta,
nero creati sette Capitani generali def regno (Ira cui lo stesso Giovanni Hunyadi).
Trascorso ii tempo convenuto, Ladislao V Postumo (1445-1457) venne ufficialmente rico-
ciuto nuovo re d'Ungheria. Tuttavia i negoziati con Federico Ill entrarono immediatamente
na fase di stallo, data che per l'Asburgo la consegna del giovane re avrebbe significato la
ita della reggenza del ducato d'Austria. Nell'attesa del legittimo successore al trono
ngheria, la Dieta di Rakos del 6 giugno 1446 conferi a Hunyadi l'ufficio di gubernator
ni Hungariae (dal 1446 al 1453), al quale veniva affiancato un Consiglio di 12 membri, cos-
0 dal comes palatinus, dallo iudex curiae regis, da due altri membri dell'alta nobilitas, da
dignitari ecclesiastici e da sei rappresentanti della media nobilitas. I poteri concessi a
'anni Hunyadi erano molto ampi, di poco inferiori a quelli regi, sebbene ogni disposizione
'gubemator dovesse essere ratificata dal Consiglio regio o, per le decisioni piu urgenti, al-
b da otto membri di esso 17_ E chiaro che ii Consiglio fu costituito in relazione ai rapporti
_rza che in quel momenta esistevano all'interno de! regno d'Ungheria, mettendo altresi in
5
; Negli anni precedenti, Vlad aveva rinnovato i contatti con ii regno d'Ungheria, contribuendo anche
ittoria transilvana de! 1442 di Hunyadi. A causa di ci6, ii signore di Valacchia dovette presentarsi
nzi al sultana per rendere canto della sua lealta, mentre ii voivodato venne affidato al figlio maggiore
, Mircea (marzo-agosto 1442). Murad II giudic6 Vlad colpevole di tradimento e decise di impri-
' ordinando un nuovo attacco contra la Valacchia. Ma Hunyadi riusci a respingere l'incursione
a, ponendo sul trono di Valacchia ii suo protetto Basarab II (1442-1443), figlio di Dan II. Da parte
sultano non poteva permettere che ii voivodato va!acco entrasse nella sfera d'influenza del regno
eria. Murad II scelse quindi di liberare Vlad Dracul alla fine de! 1442 e, per garantirsi la lealta del
valacco, costrinse ii voivoda a lasciare in ostaggio i due figli piu giovani (ii secondogenito Vlad e ii
nito Radu). Grazie al sostegno della nobilta locale, Vlad riusci a riprendere ii controllo del voivodato
.ciltta, ma, memore delle esperienze passate e condizionato dal fatto che i figli restavano in ostaggio
ltano, decise di non partecipare alle fortunate operazioni antiottomane intraprese da Hunyadi nel
uando poi nel 1444 Vladislao I e Hunyadi decisero l'ulteriore spedizione contra gli Ottomani, Vlad
_espresse le proprie perplessita, ma invi6 comunque un contingente valacco in aiuto degli
E!si. La successiva disfatta di Varna costrinse ii voivoda di Va!acchia a riawicinarsi al sultana, fino
udere una nuova pace con la Porta nel 1446. Tutti questi eventi finirono per minare i rapporti tra
Dracul e Giovanni Hunyadi, che l'anno successive avrebbe intrapreso una campagna per allon-
_dal potere ii voivoda valacco: si vedano la nota 19 e le pagine successive del presente contribute.
'E bene ricordare che, dopa ii disastro di Varna, si fece strada ii progetto di incoronare quale
re d'Ungheria ii re Alfonso 0/, come re d'Aragona [1416-1458]) (I, come re di Napoli e di Sicilia
458]), progetto sostenuto dallo stesso Hunyadi. George Lazarescu - Nicolae Stoicescu, Tarife
§i Italia pina la 1600 [I Paesi Romeni e !'Italia fino al 1600], Bucure:;ti, 1972, p. 72, nota 39;
Denize, Re/afiile /ui tancu de Hunedoara cu Alfons al V-/ea de Aragon §i /upta antiotomana la
:seco/ului at XV-lea [Le relazioni tra Giovanni Hunyadi con Alfonso V d'Aragona e la lotta anti-
na alla meta del XV secolo], Rd/, XXXVlll/8, 1985, pp. 782-795.
1_1 gubemator aveva la facolta di concedere dignita e privilegi, poteva battere moneta, aveva ii
o dell'esercito, poteva dichiarare la guerra e concludere la pace, e cosi via.
235
Andrea Fara
evidenza le basi del potere di Hunyadi. lnfatti, ii prestigio e l'autorita del gubernator derivava
non solo dagli enormi possedimenti fondiari accumulati (grazie ai quali Giovanni Hunya
era in grado di armare un esercito paragonabile a quello regio ), ma soprattutto dall'appoggi
e dalla fiducia forniti dalla piccola e media nobilitas (da cui proveniva la stessa famigli
8
Hunyadi' ) che, unite, erano in grado di bilanciare ii peso politico della grande nobilitas. :,
Alla fine del 1446, Hunyadi rnosse in direzione di Vienna, al fine di costringere Federico I
a consegnare ii giovane re Ladislao e la Sacra Corona. II fallimento delle trattative port6 a un
scontro che comunque si concluse dopa breve tempo, all'inizio del luglio 1447, quando venn
stipulata una tregua di due anni. In base all'accordo, le citta di K6szeg (GOns), Sopron (Ode
burg) e Kismarton (Eisenstadt) precedenternente occupate dagli Asburgo rirnasero a Federi
Ill, assieme a Ladislao e alla Sacra Corona; Gy6r venne invece restituita al regno d'Ungheria'.
Le preoccupazioni maggiori del gubernator venivano per6 da Oriente e l'armistizio firmat
con Federico Ill consenti a Hunyadi di riprendere la guerra contra gli Ottomani. Per pri
cosa, nel dicembre 1447, !'Hunyadi attacc6 la Valacchia: ii gubernator allontan6 dal pater
Vlad II e pose sul trono un voivoda piu fedele al regno d'Ungheria, individuate in Vladislav 1
(1447-1448; 1448-1456), figlio di Dan 11". L'esercito ungherese e quello turco si affrontarono
18 ottobre 1448, in Kossovo, ma questa volta le superiori forze ottomane risultarono vitt
riose. Messa in fuga, Giovanni Hunyadi venne catturato dal despota serbo Giorgio Brankov'
che per6 gli risparmi6 la vita, permettendogli dopa poco di rientrare in Ungheria.
Negli anni successivi, ii gubernator fu impegnato su piu fronti: a Nord contra Janus Gis
(Jan Jiskra (Giskra) di Brandys/ Brandeis), che aveva occupato alcune citta, a Sud con
Giorgio Brankovic ea Ovest contra Federico Ill. Con l'Asburgo venne raggiunto un nuovc:J
cordo ii 29 ottobre 1449, secondo ii quale Ladislao sarebbe rimasto sotto la tutela del re dei
mani fino al compirnento del diciottesimo anno d'eta, mentre dal canto suo Federico avr
riconosciuto a Hunyadi ii titolo e le funzioni di gubernator regni Hungariae20 . Tuttavia,
settembre del 1452, Federico Ill fu costretto a rinunciare alla tutela di Ladislao a causa ···
18
Giovanni Hunyadi discendeva da una famiglia di cnezi romeni di Transilvania, la quale fece p~_
colare fortuna all'inizio del XV secolo, in virtu della lunga lidelitas dimostrata nei confronti di Sigismondo:\
particolare, durante la rivolta della grande nobilitas del regno del 1403 contra Sigismondo, i cnezi romerii
Transilvania (e soprattutto quelli della Terra di Ha\eg (Hatszeg), del Banato e del Maramure~ (Maramar'
decisero di schierarsi in favore del re, e per questo ricevettero numerosi privilegi in cambio dei :I
servigi e furono ammessi allo state nobiliare. E proprio tra i cnezi favoriti da Sigimondo vi fu Voicu ~
o Vojk) di Nyres (Lunca Cernii, nella regione di Hunyad-Hunedoara), padre di Giovanni Hunyadi,
18 ottobre 1409 ricevette la terra e la fortificazione di Hunyad-Hunedoara. Questa stessa terra dive
poi ii fulcro di un notevole patrimonio terriero, accumulato in un lasso di tempo relativamente b
Sull'argomento si puo vedere l'attento studio di Konrad G. Gundisch, Siebenburgen und der Aun.
von 1403 gegen Sigismund de van Luxemburg, in RRH, XV/3, 1976, pp. 399-420: 411-412, 418-42
19
Vlad II fu ucciso, mentre suo figlio maggiore Mircea venne sepolto vivo dai boiari valacchi. Gli
due figli di Vlad II (Vlad e Radu) restarono ostaggi del sultana ottomano (cfr. supre, nota 15 del pres
contributo). A questo punto, ii candidato del sultana per ii voivodato di Valacchia divenne ii second
omonimo di Vlad IL Durante la successiva spedizione antiottomana del 1448 (cfr. infra), alla quale
parte anche Vladislav II, ii figlio di Dracula approfitto dell'assenza del voivoda leale al regno d'Ung
grazie all'appoggio ottomano, riusci a occupare ii trono valacco. II tentativo di Vlad (Ill) fu pero effi
limitato ai mesi di ottobre-novembre, a causa dell'immediato rientro di Vladislav II dal campo di batt
Vlad Ill trascorse gli anni successivi in Moldavia e in Transilvania, dove si adoper6 per ottenere l'ap
politico necessario a raccogliere l'eredita patema. Sull'intervento del 1447 di Hunyadi, F. Pall, lnte
lui /ancu de Hunedoara in Tara Romaneascii §i Moldova in anii 1447-1448 [L'intevento di Giov
Hunyadi in Valacchia e Moldavia. 1447-1448], in Studii, XVl/5, 1963, pp. 1049-1072; Idem, De no
surl'action de /ancu de Hunedoara en Va/achie pendant l'annee 1447, in RRH, XV/3, 1976, pp. 447-4_,
0
' Nel giugno del 1450, per meglio difendere la propria posizione, Hunyadi strinse un'all~
anche con ii comes palatinus Ladislaus Garai econ ii voivoda di Transilvania Niccolo (Miklos) UJ
esponenti della grande nobilitas del regno.
236
Le relazioni tra Giovanni Hunyadi e le comunitB sassoni di Transilvania
lta degli Ordini austriaci che, guidati dal nobilis di origini bavaresi Ulrich Einzinger, avevano
vato alleati in tutti gli awersari dell'Asburgo. Tra cui anche gli Ungheresi, che promisero ii
21
0 aiuto in cambio della liberazione del giovane e legittimo re Ladislao . Nel gennaio del
53, la Dieta del regno d'Ungheria, occasionalmente riunita a Vienna, riconobbe Ladislao V
ggiorenne e re d'Ungheria. Da parte sua, Hunyadi cedette l'ufficio di gubemator del regno,
umendo le mansioni di Capitano generale del reg no d'Ungheria e la carica a vita ed ere-
ria di comes Bistriciensis (funzioni che ricopri dal 1453 al 1456, anno della sua morte) 22 .
II 29 maggio 1453 Costantinopoli cadde nelle mani di Muhammad II (1444-1446; 1451-
81). Dopo di che, alla fine dell'estate del 1454, ii sultana entro in territorio ungherese e pose
edio a Smederevo. All'inizio dell'ottobre 1454 Hunyadi riusci a sconfiggere gli Ottomani a
di Belgrade, a Knusevac, ma gli Ungheresi non seppero approfittare del vantaggio ottenuto
no all'inizio del 1456, non venne intrapresa alcuna azione di rilievo. 117 aprile 1456 giunse
otizia che ii Turco si preparava a un'offensiva in grande stile contra l'Ungheria". Fu un mo-
nto di grande sconforto e timore, anche perche le risorse disponibili erano insufficienti a
entire un'adeguata protezione del paese. E mentre Ladislao si ritirava a Vienna assieme a
Jti grandi nobi/es, Hunyadi e pochi altri rimasero per organizzare la difesa, mentre ii predica-
francescano Giovanni da Capistrano incoraggiava alla lotta contra gli Ottomani' .
11 4 luglio 1456, ii sultana si presento davanti Belgrade con un possente esercito e una
ente flotta fiuviale che strinsero d'assedio la citta, la cui presa avrebbe assicurato agli
omani l'accesso all'Europa centrale. La fortezza era in procinto di capitolare quando, ii 14
·0 , arrivarono Hunyadi e Capistrano alla guida di una modesta armata. Furono necessari
· giorni di aspri combattimenti per respingere le truppe del sultana, mentre una squadra
ale ungherese spezzava lo sbarramento delle navi turche tra ii Danubio e la Sava. Fu
vittoria importante, che per un lungo periodo allento la pressione ottomana sul regno
'gheria. II successo venne pero offuscato dalla scomparsa dei suoi due principali fautori,
•issimus ath/eta Chnsti Hunyadi (che mori 1'11 agosto 1456 a causa di una pestilenza e
e sepolto nella cattedrale transilvana di Alba Julia) e Giovanni da Capistrano (che mori
ottobre dello stesso anno, nel convento francescano di Ujlak, l'odierna Hok, in Serbia).
I. I legami politici ed economici personali
uali furono, in questo complesso contesto politico, le relazioni politiche ed economiche
tercorsero tra Giovanni Hunyadi e le citta sassoni di Transilvania? Per comprendere
· specifici aspetti, per prima cosa e necessario considerare ii particolare rapporto che,
eta del XV secolo, legava la Corona di Santo Stefano e le citta del regno d'Ungheria.
d eccezione di alcuni episodi di contrasto, la politica della Corona di Santo Stefano fu

erizzata da un sostegno quasi incondizionato agli insediamenti di carattere urbano di
regno attraverso mediazioni e interventi mirati di tipo economico, sociale e militare. Gli
federico 111 riusci per6 a conseivare la Sacra Corona di Santo Stefano, che venne restituita solo
3, al nuovo re d'Ungheria Mattia Corvino (1458-1490), figlio dello stesso Giovanni Hunyadi.
Hunyadi ottenne anche l'incarico di amministratore dei proventi def re. Per gli effetti della
di Hunyadi a comes Bistriciensis ereditario, in pieno contrasto con i privilegi concessi alle libere
_~a sassoni del distn·ctus Bistriciensis, si vedano le pagine successive del presente contributo.
notizia giunse attraverso le citta sassoni di Transilvania che periodicamente inviavano infor-
relative ai movimenti extracarpatici degli Ottomani: cfr. infra.
,Su Giovanni da Capistrano, si veda !'opera fondamentale di Johannes Hofer, Johannes
. Ein Leben im Kampf und die Refonn der Kirche, 1-11, Heidelberg, 1964-1965. Di prossima
ione sono le ricerche del dottor Mihai Julian Damian dell'Universita "Babe~-Bolyai" di Cluj-
perfezionando presso la Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa con una tesi dal titolo Frati Minari
sud-orientate def Regno d'Ungheria, dalf'eta di Giovanni Hunyadi al/a battagfia di Mohacs
cul ampio spazio e dedicato al predicatore francescano e alla Tarda crociata contra ii Turco.
237
Andrea Fara
obiettivi - in realta mai raggiunti del tutto - restavano la formazione di una robusta cittadina
urbana, formata essenzialmente da ceti imprenditoriali artigianali e mercantili assai dina
anche da un punto di vista finanziario, che restasse legata alla Corona in modo personale e
da poler essere utilizzata come contrappeso alla nobilitas del regno, storicamente centri
la costituzione di una rete di importanti civitates che, dotate di forti mura, potessero assicu
una buona difesa in un tempo in cui gli Ottomani erano gia pericolosamente vicini; ii
novamento della rete di collegamento commerciale e, con essa, delle relazioni del regno
!'Europa occidentale e orientale; nonche, senza dubbio, l'afflusso di un maggior gettito fiscal
loro volta, i diversi gruppi sociali urbani economicamente piu attivi ebbero ben chiaro che l'un
modo per dar seguito alle proprie aspirazioni poliliche, economiche e sociali era quello dis
gersi intorno alla Corona. Le radici di questo particolare rapporto Ira la Corona e le civitates
regno vanno ricercate - e non certo casualrnente - nell'intensa e profonda opera di rifo
politica ed economica del regno voluta dai sovrani angioini nel corso del 300' (in particolara
Caroberto/ Karoly Robert [1301/1323-1342], nel cui solco si inseri anche l'azione del figlio L_ '
Lajos I ii Grande [1342-1382]), a seguito della quale la Corona di Santo Stefano pole assu
un ruolo di potenza nella coeva Europa. Un legame che, in effetti, rimase una costante poli
di tutti i successivi regnanti d'Ungheria, dalla fine del XIV agli inizi del XVI secolo, fino
disintegrazione del dominio di Santo Stefano a seguito della disfatta di Mohacs del 152625•
Dunque l'appoggio della Corona alle civitates sassoni nasceva da analoghe consid
zioni di ordine politico (per controbilanciare le tendenze centrifughe della nobilitas transilva
economico (per ottenere, attraverso la - molto spesso - elevata tassazione dei ceti impre
toriali artigianali e mercantili delle citta sassoni, le risorse necessarie a sostenere le pro
ambizioni politiche), nonche militare {dato che le citta restavano strumenti essenziali per ii
trollo del territorio, proprio come gli insediamenti sassoni, che ben presto si configurar
quale prima linea di difesa sul confine orientale del regno, contro ii crescente pericolo _o
mano). A ci6 si aggiungeva ii personale e diretto rapporto che da sempre le comunita sas
mantenevano con i re d'Ungheria, fin dal loro primo insediamento in qualita di hospites /'"'
nella regione intracarpatica, a partire dalla meta del XII secolo. Cosi, secondo un orientame
gia comune ai regnanti d'Ungheria dal periodo arpadiano e ulteriormente potenziato d
considerazioni e dalle riforme di carattere politico ed economico dei sovrani angioini,
Corona di Santo Stefano si mostr6 sempre ben disposta nei riguardi dei Sassoni, che ·
corso del tempo ottennero in modo pressoche ininterrotto la ratifica o l'ampliamento di tu
le loro antiquae libertates et consuetudines, fossero esse di carattere politico o economi
In questo complesso contesto politico, si instaur6 un legame di particolare collaborazio
Ira le citta sassoni e Hunyadi, che non solo rimase per lungo tempo ii massimo rappresenta
della Corona in Transilvania, ma, fin dal 1440, appariva quale personalita centrale nella I
antiottomana. E ci6 in un momento in cui le aggressioni turche alla Terra Saxonum diven
vano sempre piu frequenti, inftuenzando in modo crescente la vita politica ed economica d ·
citta sassoni di Transilvania. A sua volta, Hunyadi fu immediatamente consapevole dell'im ·
tanza che le citta sassoni potevano avere per la conservazione delle frontiere meridiona
orientali del regno d'Ungheria, minacciate sempre piu da vicino dal potente esercito ottoma .
25
II breve regno di Alberto (gennaio 1438-ottobre 1439) non permette un'analisi approfondoa di q
sarebbe stata, nel lungo periodo, la sua politica nei confronti delle comunita sassoni. Tuttavia, dai d
menti emessi non sembra che ii nuovo re si sia dlscostato dall'atteggiamento di favore verso le realt8
bane del regno gia espresso dai suoi predecessrni. Cosl, seguendo la linea gi8. tracciata dai sovrani ang
ini prima e da Sigismondo poi, Alberto I si mostro ben disposto nei riguardi dei Sassoni, per i quali ratffi
molte delle antiquae libertates et consuetudines: si vedano le pagine successive del presente contributo
26
In generale sul Orang nach Osten in direzione dei domini di Santo Stefano: Chartes Higounet, L
Allemands en Europe centra/e et orientale au Mayen Age, Paris, 1989, pp. 197-208. Con particolare ·
rimento all'insediamento di popolazioni hospdes nella regione intracarpatica, Thomas Nagler, Die
siedlung der Siebenb0rger Sachsen, Bukarest, 1979.
238
e fonti testimoniano in modo evidente che le autorita sassoni furono sempre piu coin-
nel dibattito politicc e nelle congregationes del regno, mentre le tru~?e sassoni parteci-
2
0 attivamente alla difesa della Transilvania e del regno d'Ungheria . Contemporanea-
non vennero trascurati la manutenzione e ii ripristino dei sistemi di fortificazione delle
iori citta sassoni, affinche esse fossero in grado di opporre un'adeguata resistenza alle
ue incursioni ottomane. Non di rado accadeva che questi interventi fossero finanziati
stesso Giovanni Hunyadi, ii quale, evidentemente, era consapevole dell'importanza
28
gica che gli insediamenti sasso~i ricoprivano nel sistema difensi~o del regno . . .
Ii stessi documentI provano pero la pIu Importante funz1one logIstica e dI approwI9Iona-
o assunta dalle citta sassoni, al punto che e lecito affermare che per esse la guerra con-
i ottomani si trasform6 in un vero e proprio affare. Bra§OV e Sibiu divennero dei veri e
· arsenali per l'armata del gubemator, che agli artigiani sassoni (sempre piu specializzati
rezzati anche in campo militare) chiese un ccstante rifornimento di materiale bellico (lan-
cce, spade, cotte di maglia, polvere da sparo, earn da guerra, finimenti - anche di metal-
ioso -, feni per cavallo, e ccsi via). E non fu un caso che, proprio su iniziativa di Hunyadi,
aiuto di qualificati artigiani provenienti dalla Boemia, a Bra§OV vennero fabbricati i primi can-
29
di Transilvania, poi utilizzati nella lunga campagna del 1443-1444 . A ci6 si aggiunsero le
2.7 11 28 settembre 1441, Vladislao convoc6 i rappresentanti della civitas et districtus Brassoviensis
ecipare alla congregatio di Pest dell'11 novembre (Ub., V, nr. 2424, pp. 88-89). Nell'aprile 1444,
adi convoco i rappresentanti della civitas et districtus Brassoviensis alla congregatio di Turda
a, Thorenburg) del 18 maggio, poi spcstata al 21 (Ibidem, nr. 2483, pp. 130-131; nr. 2485 pp. 131-
26, aprile 12 maggio). L'S settembre 1454, ii Consiglio di Sighi,oara ricordo a quello di Bra,ov la
sita di intervenire con propri rappresentanti alla congregatio di Torda che si sarebbe tenuta alla
'del mese, alla presenza di Hunyadi, in vista della nuova spedizione contra gli Ottomani, cui universi
nes partium Transsiluanarum dovevano partecipare con quingentos viros equestres annis necessariis
s (Ibidem, nr. 2932, p. 461). Nel novembre 1454, furono Ladislao Ve i grandi ufficiali del regno a
e ai Sassoni delle Septemsedes e delle Duaesedes di intervenire alla congregatio di Buda del 20
aio 1455, con rappresentanti ben informati sull'urgente questione ottomana (Ibidem, nr. 2939, pp. 466-
nr. 2948, pp. 474475; 14 novembre, 19 dicembre). Ma tra giugno e luglio 1456, Hunyadi dovette ri-
are piu volte i Sassoni, che tardavano a unirsi con le lore truppe all'esercito regio, in movimento per
sa di Belgrade (Ibidem, nr. 3025-3027, 3029, pp. 534-537; 12, 22, 26 giugno e 3 luglio). II 2
mbre 1457, le Septemsedes furono convocati alla congregatio di Pest (Ibidem, nr. 3086, p. 576).
8 1113 aplile 1454, Ladislao incaric6 Hunyadi di informarsi sullo state dei sistemi di difesa della di Sibiu
caso procedere alle dovute riparazioni, perche nos de statu defectu et qualitate necessitatis ac ordine
civilalis illius non bene sumus experti (Ub., V, nr. 2905, p. 442). Nella stesso giorno, ii re ordino alle
nita di Vvidinbach (Ghimbav, Vidombak, Weindenbach), Mons Sancti Petri (Sanpetru, Barcaszent-
-Petersberg), Bringindorf (Bod, Botfalu, Brenndort), Mons Mellis (Harman, Szaszhermany, Honig-
di collaborare una vel duabus hebdomadis in anno [...] pro munftione civitalis [Brassoviensis] in
. to vel in mum aut in aliis locis; in case di un attacco turco, gli abitanti dei quattro insediamenti avrel>-
Ctrovato rifugio nella stessa citta, partecipando attivamente alla sua difesa (Ibidem, nr. 2907, pp. 443-
'U 28 novembre, Hunyadi ordino ai collettori regi di Transilvania di destinare 40 marche d'argento al
~amento delle mura di Sibiu, aggiungendo che Si dominus rex de vobis ipsas in rationem non
eret, promittimus vobis quod de propriis nostris eas vobis persolvemus (Ibidem, nr. 2943, p. 472).
129 II 19 marzo 1443, Hunyadi si apprestava a partire per la guerra contra gli Ottomani e chiese a
v un cum,s Thaboriorum simul cum bombardis, pixidibus, machinis et cunctis ingeniis (Ub., V, nr.
; pp. 110-111). II 6 giugno dello stesso anno, lui comunic6 a Bra,ov la volonta di impiantare una
ram monetariam a Sighi,oara per meglio sostenere lo sforzo finanziario dell'impresa, chiedendo
i e mezzi adatti allo scope (Ibidem, nr. 2460, p. 116). Nella stesso mese, nel 23, Hunyadi domando
es di Bra,ov altro materiale, armi e personale: ... quadraginta lapides cum omibus lapicidiis ibi
ntibus usque duodecim dies sculpere faciatis et fabricare. [ ...] quadraginta puscas etiam Jaborari
rari faciatis. [ ...] cum appromptuatione cum,m thaboriorum [ ... ] adhibeatis, [ ...] et petimus quad
issa omnia ad praenarratos cum,s disponatis et in ipsis curribus equos bonos et pingues
natis (Ibidem, nr. 2461, pp. 116-117). Tutto ii materiale richiesto venne ritirato ii 29 settembre da
)toferus Ytalicus, concivis Cybiniensis, camerarius monetarum magnifici viri Johannis de Hwnyad
239
Andrea Fara
ingenti somme di denaro che le varie citta versavano nelle casse del regno, sia per mezz
dell'annuale censo di San Martino, sia sotto forma di tributi straordinari o di prestiti, sempr
30
giustificati con le pressanti necessita militari pro defensione publicae res •
In tale contesto economico-finanziario, le fonti attestano la presenza di numerosi spe
listi provenienti dalle piu importanti realta urbane dell'Europa, in particolar modo dalla Penisol
italiana (soprattutto dalla citta di Firenze, o quantomeno dalla Toscana) e dai territori del Sacr
Romano lmpero o di sua diretta influenza, chiamati ad orga-nizzare le miniere e le zecche d
Transilvania. In possesso di piu avanzate tecnologie produttive e molto spesso detentori .d
ricchezza in forma di capitali da investire nei territori ungheresi e transilvani, un buon numero d
questi tecnici fecero fortuna attraverso ii commercio e ii prestito di denaro, sia per proprio
(Ibidem, nr. 2466, pp. 120-121). II 3 dicembre, Giovanni Hunyadi invi6 ai Sassoni una relazione su un·
prima Vittoria contra i Turchi, chiedendo ai elves di Bra9ov di raccogliere altro denaro per sostenere l'ult
riore sforzo bellico (Ibidem, nr. 2469, pp. 122-123). 1120 luglio 1444, Hunyadi ordin6 agli artigiani di Bra~
certa frena cum paramentis argenteis et aureis per magistros artifices vestri in medium residentes, [.'._::]
ad quae nuper octo marcas Budenses direximus (Ibidem, nr. 2503, p. 144). Negli anni successivi,
richieste agli artigiani sassoni non vennero meno. 1123 novembre 1447, Hunyadi chiese a Brm;ov una
/oricam pro decem f/orenis, nonch8 precium seu valorem octo c/ipeorum (da versare a magistro Matf-ll
paratori clipeorum, concivi vestro), stabilendo che queste somme venissero detratte dall'annuale cen's'
di San Martino (Ibidem, nr. 2609-2610, p. 217). 1116 giugno 1451, vennero ordinate a Bra~ov sagiffa
quatuor milia manuafes et /anceas ducentas cum fenis ta/is leviores quad ad ga/eam sint, anche
questo caso da detrarre dal censo di San Martino (Ibidem, nr. 2740, pp. 319-320). Altri documenti
questo tipo sono rlcordati nelle pagine successive de] presente contributo, in relazione ai rapporti e
mici tra le citta sassoni (in particolare Bra§ov) e i voivodati extracarpatici (cfr. in particolare la nota 71
30
Non si conserva memorla di tutti i versamenti effettuati dalle singole citta sassoni, ma le fontl di
nibili rendono comunque canto di un costante afflusso di denaro. 1113 gennaio 1441, i comites Siculoril
Desiderius (Dezs6) e Stephanus (Istvan) de Losoncz chiesero alla citta di Bistrija di pagare ii censo dov_
to alla regina, versando trecentos fiorenos auri et duas pecias panni levi ac XVIII ulnas Coloniae (Ub
V, nr. 2397, pp. 68-69). II 5 e 13 maggio 1441, la civitas et dislrictus Brassoviensis verso a Hunyadi 1
marche d'argento a saldo del censo di San Martino (Ibidem, nr. 2415-2416, pp. 82-83). II 6 genn
1443, Hunyadi chiese a Bra§OV ii pagamento anticipate di 50 marche d'argento sul censo di San Marti
(Ibidem, nr. 2446, pp. 105-106).1128 settembre, Vladislao I concesse ai voivodi di Transilvania Nicolaus
Wylak e Giovanni Hunyadi ii restante censo di San Martino del distretto di Bra§OV, pro defensione re
nostri (Ibidem, nr. 2465, pp. 119-120). 1122 dicembre 1446, dietro mandate di Hunyadi, ii vicevoivoda
Transilvania Nicolaus di Dena Sibiului (Vizakna, Salzburg) incass6 da Bra~ov 150 marche d'argen
del censo di San Martino, di cui 138 andavano alla camera regia, 10 alla Chiesa di San Martino di Bra •
per la celebrazione degli uffici solenni pro salute et refrigerio animarum regum Hungariae, secon
quanto a suo tempo stabilito dal re Sigismondo, e 2 a un familiaris dello stesso Hunyadi pro suis se ·
(Ibidem, nr. 2562, p. 184). 1126 dicembre 1447, Hunyadi ricevette da Bra§OV ii censo di San Martino
l'anno in corso (Ibidem, nr. 2621, pp. 229-230). In modo simile nel 1450, quando Bra§OV diede 137 ma
d'argento, versate in anticipo per la guerra contro i Turchi, mentre le altre 13 marche erano state detr
per altre spese del gubemator (Ibidem, nr. 2718, 2720, pp. 305-306, 307-308; 27 settembre, 30 otto
Alla fine del 1451, Bra§OV pago 140 marche d'argento ad redemptionem certorum cas/rorum: (Ibidem
2755, p. 328; nr. 2758, pp. 332-333; nr. 2760, p. 333; nr. 2763, pp. 335-336; 8 novembre, 8, 15 dice
1451, 18 gennaio 1452). Nel 1452, Bra§OV verso 130 marche d'argento (Ibidem, nr. 2800, p. 362,
novembre). Nel 1454, oltre a quello di Bra§OV, la Camera regia registr6 ii pagamento del censo di
Martino delle Septemsedes, che versarono 360 marche d'argento (Ibidem, nr. 2936-2937, pp. 465-466
2944, pp. 472-473; 11, 12 ottobre, 6 dicembre). Nel 1455, Bra~ov verso 122 ½ marche d'argento (cui si
giungevano 8 marche per le messe in suffragio dei re d'Ungheria, 2 marche per i poveri dello spetale
dino, 10 marche per ii convento domenicano di Bra!;>OV e 8 ½ marche per i danni causati dai Turch ·
abitanti di Ra§nov-Barcarozsny6-Rosenau (Ibidem, nr. 2979, 2992, 2996, pp. 499-500, 509,512; 2 lugli
novembre e 10 dicembre). 1113 ottobre 1456, Ladislao V chiese alle Septemsedes l'immediato pagame
del censo di San Martino, per far fronte alle necessita belliche contro i Turchi (Ibidem, nr. 3043, p.
6 aprile 1457, ii re chiese alle Septemsedes ii versamento di una tassa straordinaria di 2.500 fiorini d'_
Ibidem, nr. 3072, pp. 567-568. Altri documenti di questo tipo sono ricordati nelle pagine successive{
contribute, in relazione ai rapporti economici tra le citta (in particolare Bra~ov) e i voivodati extracarpati ·
240
to che in qualita di agenti di una o piu societa della madrepatria. 11 loro cliente piu importante
roprio la Corona,. che in cambio concedeva _la riscossio_ne di alcuni tributi (Ira cui lo stes-
enso di San Martino degll hosp,tes sassorn d1 Trans1lvarna), l'affitto delle dogane, lo sfrutta-
to delle miniere, ii controllo della zecca e dell'attivita monetaria locale e cosi via. In molti
i essi decisero di stabilirsi in modo permanente nelle citta sassoni, stringendo vantaggiosi
'mi di tipo matrimoniale con le piu autorevoli famiglie locali (a Iara volta interessate ad am-
le proprie relazioni economiche e sociali), ed avendo accesso per questa via ai rispettivi
31
sigli cittadini, fino a ricoprire le massime cariche urbane .
Ma la collaborazione tra Hunyadi e i Sassoni ando anche oltre, utilizzando ognuno le pro-
fonti di informazione per uno scambio continua di relazioni e indicazioni sui movimenti
Turchi al di la dei Ca_:p,azi. Se le informazioni di H_unyadi erano soprattutto basate_ sui rap-
. ufficial1 o d1plomat1c1 , quelle de1 Sassorn erano 11 frutto d1 d1rette osservaz1orn de1 merca-
s in viaggio al di la dei monti, dello scambio epistolare con parenti o amici trasferitisi nel-
.• gioni extracarpatiche per "opportunismo economico", degli stretti legami politici ed econo-
33
instaurati a livello personale con i voivodi e i boiari di Valacchia e di Moldavia .
'Alla stesso tempo, i Sassoni potevano raccogliere informazioni sulla vita politica ed econo-
del regno o dei paesi occidentali grazie ai concittadini presenti nelle grandi citta in qualita
presentanti ufficiali delle sedes sassoni o per concludere qualche affare (in particolare a
ea Vienna), oppure per mezzo dei giovani che frequentavano le varie Universita euro-
. Mentre si trovava a Vienna per seguire i corsi universitari, Johannes Reudel, artium
/ium magister et plebanus Brassouiensis, non solo invio al Consiglio di Bra§OV alcune
··e per riferire le ultime novita, ma ottenne dal re la conferma di alcuni privilegi per la
.~itta. In modo simile, nel 1456, ii civis Brassoviensis Georgius Koch venne accreditato
35
alita di rappresentante della civitas et districtus Brassoviensis presso la carte regia .
Cf. supra, nota 26 del presente contribute. K.G. GUndisch, Das Patrizia/ siebenbOrgischer Stadte
falter, Goiania-Weimar-Vienna, 1993, pp. 246-252 e sgg. Sulla presenza degli ltaliani: A. Fara,
Transifvania Ira XIV e XVI secolo, in AIRCRU, VI-VII, 2004-2005, pp. 337-351.
1116 gennaio 1444, Hunyadi invi6 una lettera ai cives di Bra§ov per infmmarli della campagna con-
rchi (Ub., V, nr. 2472, pp. 123-124). II 10 luglio 1449, lo stesso Hunyadi chiese a Bra§OV notizie su
ali movimenti dei Turchi a Sud dei Carpazi, in preparazione di una nuova campagna: (Ibidem, nr.
p. 279). 1117 dicembre 1449, !'Hunyadi inform6 Bra§OV di aver ricevuto alcune lettere dal voivoda
.CChia Vladislav 11, nelle quali si descriveva ii tentative di stipulare una tregua con i Turchi (Ibidem,
, p. 289). Tra febbraio e marzo del 1452, Hunyadi comunic6 a Bra§ □ V la conclusione di una pace
nni coi Turchi che coinvolgeva anche ii voivoda di Valacchia Vladislav 11, dando alla cltta sassoni
' notizie sulla sorte del re Ladislao V (Ibidem, nr. 2767, pp. 337-338; nr. 2769, pp. 338-339 (6
· , 30 marzo). II 17 settembre, !'Hunyadi comunic6 a Bra§OV che l'imperatore Federico d'Asburgo
rato ii re Ladislao (Ibidem, nr. 2794, pp. 356-357). II 26 novembre 1453, Ladislao V conferrn6 a
-;aver ricevuto le informazioni sui Turchi e che stava prendendo prowedimenti per fronteggiare la
ne (Ibidem, nr. 2892, pp. 430-431). II 10 agosto 1454, Hunyadi chiese alle Septemsedes notizie
tuali movimenti dei Turchi e di tenere pronte le proprie truppe per ogni evenienza: Ibidem, nr.
>460. II 15 maggio 1454, ii magistercivium Osvaldus (Oswald Wenzel) di Sibiu comunic6 alcune
i Turchi anche al Consiglio cittadino di Vienna/ Wien (Ibidem, nr. 2911, pp. 446-447).
31 ottobre 1448, Vladislav II di Valacchia inforrn6 ii Consiglio di Bra§OV sulla guerra Ira Hunyadi e
,- aggiungendo che, a causa della difficile situazione, per ii momenta gli era impossibile venire
_ilvania: Ub., V, nr. 2663, pp. 265-266. Si vedano gli altri documenti analizzati nelle pagine se-
e_l contribute, in relazione ai rapporti economici tra le citta sassoni e le regioni extracarpatiche.
__Ulla presenza dei Sassoni di Transilvania nelle Universita d'Europa, si puO vedere A. Fara,/ Sas-
rpnsi/vania ne/le Universita d'Europa tra X/Ve XVI seco/o, in AIRCRU, VIII (2006), pp. 119-133.
hannes Reudel, artium /iberalium magister et plebanus Brassouiensis, ottenne ii permesso di
re l'Universita di Vienna ii 7 marzo 1454, grazie all'arcivescovo di Esztergom Szecsi (Ub., V,
pp. 436-437). Alla meta del mese, Reudel si trovava gia a Vienna, da cui invi6, ii 17, a Brasov
-~ relazione sul viaggio, sulla situazione della capitale asburgica, sui contrasti tra Ladislao V e
241
Andrea Fara
Fu in questo contesto che i Sassoni acquisirono una maggiore e profonda consapevol

del proplio ruolo politico ed economico. Per esempio, in una lettera a Eugenio IV, l'allora no
cittadino di Sibiu fu ii plimo a definire la civitas Cibiniensis bastione, muro e scudo della Ch
/iamras nella lotta contro i Turchi36 • Un'altra prova eloquente della considerazione politica
giunta dai Sassoni fu la lettera, in tedesco, che ii Consiglio di Sibiu ricevette da due ecclesiasl
rifugiati da Costantinopoli in Valacchia. La missiva Jifeliva del lungo assedio e della Rresa d
capitale dell'lmpero, e fu scritta ii 6 agosto 1453, a poche settimane dai tragici eventi37 .
II. Le dinamiche politiche ed economiche interne al voivodato di Transilvania e al

regno d'Ungheria
In cambio del loro supporto politico, economico, militare e logistico, tra ii 1438 e ii 145
comunita sassoni ottennero da Hunyadi o direttamente dalla Corona un numero notevol
carte (pressappoco 130), con cui vennero Jibadide e tutelate tutte le /ibertates Saxonum, inn
zitutto quelle di Sibiu e Bra~v, ossia delle due maggioli realta sassoni3 8• lnoltre, nel sette
Federico 111, sulle probabili misure contra ii pericolo ottomano (Ibidem, nr. 2901, pp. 437-438). Una nU
lettera fu inviata ii 10 agosto 1455, contenente notizie sugli stessi argomenti (Ibidem, nr. 2984 pp,
504). II 27 aprile, Reudel aveva ottennuto da Ladislao la conferma dell'autonomia del corpo sacerd ··
della Terra di Barsa (Burzenland), secondo gli antichi diritti (Ibidem, nr. 2969, pp. 493-494). Dopa q ·
periodo, Reudel rientro a Bra~ov, dove ricopri un ruolo di notevole importanza politica in veste di pleli
Brassoviensis, nonch8 messo della civitas Brassoviensis al fine di comporre ii contrasto politico e_Cf
nomico che tra ii 1456 e ii 1458 oppose la citta sassone al voivoda Vlad Ill Tepe§ (cf. G. GOndis'
privire la rela/iile lui Vlad Tepe§ cu Transilvania in anii 1456-1458 [Sulle relazioni di Vlad l'lmpalato
la Transilvania], in Studii, XVl/3 (1963), pp. 681-696; Idem, Vlad Tepe§ und die sachsischen Selbsfv,
tungsgebiete Siebenbargens, in RRH, VIII (1969), pp. 981-992; sebbene gli studi di non siano rece
restano tra i piu completi e informati; sulla medesima questione si veda anche la bibliografia seg
alle note 52 e 78 del presente contribute). Sul Georg Koch: Ub., V, nr. 3037, p. 540 (12 agosto 14
36
Come si i, vista, nell'estate del 1438, la Tena Saxonum subi un violento attacco da part
Ottomani e Sibiu dovette sostenere un duro assedio. Fu in occasione di questi awenimenti che_
siglio cittadino decise l'abbattimento delle torri del convento domenicano che sorgeva dinnanzi alle
tadine, al fine di impedire che i Turchi potessero impadronirsi dell'edificio e utilizzarlo come una p
di vantaggio per occupare la citta. In realta, la demolizione delle strutture conventuali e conosciuta
teriori, quando nel 1445 i magister civium, iudices, iurati cives Cibinienses septem castrorum alia
[sedium] Saxonicalium parlium Transsiluanarum inviarono una lettera a Eugenio IV con la richiesta
ricostruire intra moenia ii convento domenicano di Sibiu dopa che, sette anni prima, le autorita citt
erano viste costrette a smantellare due torri e parte del muro dell'edificio extra moenia. Poi, duranf
sedio, la restante costruzione era stata totalmente distrutta dagli stessi Ottomani. Proprio in questa I
al fine di perorare la richiesta delle autorita sassoni, ii notaio di Sibiu sottoline6 l'importanza della. · ·
mando che:haec civffas Cibiniensis, quae c/ipeus est et murus non dumtaxat huius regni Hunga ·
etiam totius Christiani/aus (Ub., V, nr. 2523 pp. 159-160; prima del 31 dicembre 1445). Nella sua
positiva alle richieste, Eugenio IV si riferi a Sibiu come antemurale Christiani/a/is, aggiungendo
sassone era nedum ipsius regni [Hunagariae] sed touus fere Chrisuanitatis (... ] propugnaculum
murus atque c/ipeus (Ibidem, nr. 2524 pp. 16()..161; 31 dicembre). Ad ogni modo, i lavori non
procedere velocemente, se ii 22 giugno 1447 Niccolo V scriveva al decano del Capitola di Sibiu
interessasse all'acquisto di un terreno per ii trasferimento del convento domenicano all'intemo d_
cittadine (Ibidem, nr. 2588 pp. 201-202). Per lunge tempo si i, creduto che la formula fosse pro ..
cancelleria papa le ma, come si e vista, furono i documenti pontifici a riprendere le parole con le qu ·
soni esprimevano la propria coscienza politica: cir. l'lntroduzione a Ub., V, a cura di G. G0ndisch, p'C
37
Ub., V, nr. 2868, pp. 414-416. La missiva i, stata tradotta in Italiano e commentata in Cad_.·
226-231, 424-427 (in riferimento a Sibiu, p. 231): La vostra citta di Czibenn o Hennannstadl."
grande fama presso di essi DTurchij e dicono che sia di impedimenta o un ostacolo sulfa /oro
ostacolo che essi vogliono tog/iere di mezzo, e si preparano moralmente al/a fatica dell'impresa,
38
Per esempio, ii 9 marzo 1441, Vladislao I ordino agli ufficiali del regno di non esigere trI
dai mercatores di Sibiu, delle Septemsedes e delle Ouaesedes (Ub., V, nr. 2405-2408, pp. 74'
242
, proprio quando Vladislao I e Hunyadi erano in procinto di passare ii Danubio, la stessa

·as Colosvariensis riacquisi tutti i privilegi di carattere politico ed economico (e in particolare
Iii di natura mercantile), che la citta aveva perso sei anni prima, a causa del suo coin-
imento nella rivolta di ispirazione ussita del 1437. Di specifica importanza per l'economia
ana dovette essere la restituzione dell'uso dei mulini, essendo questi degli indispensabili
. menti ger le attivita produttive cittadine, da quelle alimentari alla lavorazione delle pelli e
tessuti 9 . Paco tempo dopa, nell'agosto 1446, la camera di Cluj (affidata a Cristhophorus
ntonius /talici de Florencia, camerari di fiducia di Giovanni Hunyadi) ottenne ii monopolio
cambio dei metalli preziosi estratti nei distretti minerari transilvani di Ophonbania (Saia
40
ne~. Aranyosbanya, Offenburg) e Zlatina (Abrud, Abrudbanya, Schlatten) .
Einteressante notare che proprio in questo periodo, ossia a partire dagli anni Quaranta
00', i documenti emessi dalle autorita sassoni indicano che la vita intema delle comunita
ratterizzata in modo crescente dai conflitti politici e sociali Ira l'antico patriziato di origine
ionale (Grafenpatriziat) (che cercava di mantenere un ruolo politico di guida all'interno
citta, ma che in realta erano sempre piu assimilati alla nobilitas e, di conseguenza, lontani
nuove esigenze delle civitates) e i mercanti e gli artigiani (che da tempo rappresentavano
· pi piu dinamici all'intemo delle stesse citta e per questo premevano per avere una mag-
partecipazione alla vita politica urbana). Le divergenze Ira questi due gruppi sociali si
starono innanzitutto a livello politico e istituzionale, con un'aspra lotta per l'ampliamento
ppresentanza e ii controllo degli uffici civili, che si concluse con l'assunzione da parte dei
nti e degli artigiani del controllo pressoche totale dei Consigli cittadini. A loro volta, mer-
e artigiani si servirono delle magistrature urbane per difendere e ampliare tutte quelle
litiche, economiche e commerciali essenziali alle loro specifiche attivita. Ma ii contrasto
vole anche al di fuori delle mura della citta, rivelandosi in continui scontri per ii dominio
··torio rurale ii cui utilizzo era diversamente inteso. Sempre piu lontani dalle leve del po-
litico cittadino, i grevi individuarono nell'ampliamento della loro proprieta fondiaria un vali-
'rnento per acquisire una maggiore rendita economica e ii superiore prestigio sociale del-
. s. In modo contrapposto, gli emergenti gruppi dirigenti urbani formati da mercanti e
· vollero garantire (in modo piu o meno consapevole) un "mercato interno" libero da
i, dove venissero favorite e tutelate le proprie attivita economiche. In questo contesto,
' numerosi privilegi e al particolare favore della Corona, la civitas sassone inizi6 ad
, .una sempre maggiore "capacita di attrazione" sui territori ad essa vicini, riuscendo ad
·· la giurisdizione cittadina non solo a discapito del locale Grafenpatriziat sassone, ma
Ila nobilitas transilvana ai confini della Terra Saxonum. A loro volta, le comunita rurali
'se (ii 24), ii re si espresse in favore delle Septemsedes contra gli abusi dei nobi/es locali:
2410, pp. 79-80). Hunyadi si espresse in favore di tutte le maggiori citta sassoni. Per Sibiu
o ribadita la tutela dei traffici cittadini (Ibidem, nr. 2547, pp. 173-174; 3 luglio 1446), e in parti-
i briganti (nr. 2714, pp, 303-304; 3 luglio 1450). A Bra~ov furono garantite la tutela dalle inge-
biles nella Terra di Barsa (Ibidem, nr. 2493, p. 137; 25 maggio); la protezione contra i possibili
e armate radunate nel suo territorio per la lotta contra i Turchi (nr. 2498, pp. 140-141; 2 luglio),
· tizia contra i ladri che si trovano su fondo nobiliare (nr. 2499, pp, 141-142; 3 luglio 1444); e ii
rivilegi mercantili (nr. 2617, p. 227; 16 dicembre 1447). Bistri\a fu un caso particolare, in
,ennaio 1453 Hunyadi assunse l'ufficio di comes perpetuus et hereditarius civitatis et
_riciensis (cfr. infra). Ulteriori documenti sono analizzati nelle pagine successive.
, nr. 2507, pp. 146-148 (21 settembre 1444), a opera di Vladislao L Sul ruolo delle comunita
citta di Cluj) nella rivolta di ispirazione ussita del 1437: $tefan Pascu, Der transsilvanische
1437-1438, Bukarest, 1964; Paul Binder, Die Rolle der SiebenbOrger Sachsen im Bauem-
437-1438, in FVLK, XV/1, 1972, pp. 53-59; K. G. GOndisch, Oas Patrizia/, pp. 315-319.
dio non sia recente, sono comunque utili le informazioni in Lajos Demeny, lntroducerea
,vania [L'introduzione della nona in Transilvania], in Studii, Xlll/5, 1960, pp, 179-190.
r. 2550, pp. 175-176 (23 agosto 1446).
243
Andrea Fara
dimostrarono una forte capacita di resistenza contro i tentativi di asservimento compiuti d

grevi. Grazie alla fiber/as che era stata garantita agli /Jospites sassoni sul fondo regio Iran '
vano con l'emissione del Privilegium Andreanum del 1224, le comunita minori trovarono nell
magistrature cittadine controllate dai nuovi ceti imprenditoriali artigianali e mercantili un effica
alleato per salvaguardare la propria autonomia. Di conseguenza, i Consigli cittadini (in mano
nuovi gruppi dirigenti urbani) vennero individuati come le uniche istituzioni in grado di garantir
e tutelare la fiber/as Saxonum. Casi, grazie al riconoscimento di questo ruolo, la nuova civita
riusciva ad allargare la propria giurisdizione e, di riflesso, ad ottenere ii controllo del territorio.
Hunyadi fu molto abile nell'intuire e sfruttare a proprio vantaggio queste dinamiche pol
che, economiche e sociali interne alle libere comunita sassoni di Transilvania. Owiamente,
stesso tempo, i Sassoni dimostravano ii loro appoggio politico, economico e militare alla Co
na e all'Hunyadi in virtu della conferma o dell'ampliamento delle proprie antiquae fiber/ates. In
senso e illuminante la vicenda dei Sassoni di Bo/kac/J (Balcaciu, Bolkacs, Bulkesch) e Syt
(Jidvei, Zsidve, Seiden), nella regione delle Tarnave (K0k0llb). Le comunita erano pertinenfi
fondo nobiliare, ma nel 1450 riuscirono a ottenere proprio grazie all'interessamento di Huny
lo svincolo dal potere comitale e voivodale e la facolta d'appello alle Septemsedes41 • ·•
Certamente sia la nobilitas transilvana che ii Grafenpatriziat sassone (che, come acce
nato, in questo periodo era stato assimilato pressoche del tutto allo stato nobiliare) cercar
di contrastare ii fenomeno, e in particolare tentarono di limitare ii diritto di migrazione, un'a ·'
giuridica assai potente, che garantiva ii trasferimento di popolazione attiva dal fondo no ·
alla Terra Saxonum. Ma questo particolare strumento fu ben sfruttato dalle nuove aut
urbane sassoni, ancora una volta sostenute dalla Corona e da Hunyadi. Gia Ira luglio e
tembre del 1439, subito dopa l'offensiva !urea alla Terra Saxonum, Alberto I raccoman
tutti gli ufficiali del regno e al vescovo di Transilvania di favorire ii rientro nel fundus regiu
coloni che durante l'attacco si erano rifugiati presso le terre nobiliari o episcopali. In piu,
stabili che non si dovesse ostacolare la migrazione nella Terra Saxonum, al fine di otten ·
rapido ripopolamento delle devastate zone di confine, i cui abitanti erano stati dispersi o
42
dotti in schiavitu a Sud del Danubio . Sebe~, Ira le sedes sassoni piu colpite, ottenne la co
43
rna di tutte le sue antiche liberta . Nel novembre 1447, lo stesso Hunyadi eman6 diversi d
menti con i quali si segui la via del compromesso. II diritto di migrazione venne regolame ;·
da norme piu severe, ma nel caso in cui qualche servo, colono o iobagio nobiliare si fa
rifugiato o stabilito nella Terra Saxonum, un nobilis non poteva intervenire materialmente·
territorio sassone ne interferire contra le prerogative sassoni. Era per6 permesso presentarf
istanza davanti alle magistrature sassoni, che erano obbligate a far rispettare le norme d~L
gno in materia e, in caso di irregolarita, ricondurre l'individuo in questione al legittimo signore!
In effetti, nella maggior parte dei casi, era difficile contrastare la forte posizione giuridia(
le libere comunita sassoni, sia rurali che urbane. Cosi molto spesso accadeva che fosse
stessi nobiles transilvani o grevi sassoni a vendere le loro proprieta a una comunita sa
con cui era sorta una contesa: in fin dei conti, era meglio cedere e ricavare qualcosa, ch
dersi espropriare la terra del tutto. Per esempio, dopa un lungo conflitto, ii nobifis Nicolau
(a nome suo, degli eredi e dei parenti) rinunci6 all'ufficio di greav di Biertan (Birthalm, Be ·
lorn) con le pertinenti hereditates, rimettendo la carica e i beni in questione all'omonima e,
41
Ub., V, nr. 2696, pp. 291-292 (26 gennaio 1450; conferma dei vicevoivodi di Marcus de H_
Michael de Dormanhaza del diritto di appello giudiziario alle Septemsedes delle comunita di Bill
Jidvei); nr. 2764, p. 336 (26 gennaio 1452; ulteriore conferma dietro richiesta di Regnoldus,
Cibiniensis, nee non Michael Halhasy et alter Michael Thejner, hospites de Bo/gals [Biilcaciu]).
42
Ibidem, nr. 2345, pp. 32-33; nr. 2357, pp. 43-44 (2 luglio, 14 settembre 1439). Ma Alberto
gia concesso ai Sassoni un simile privilegio, ii 23 aprile 1438 (Ibidem, nr. 2308, pp. 6-7).
43
Ibidem, nr. 2330, pp. 22-23; nr. 2356, 2358, pp. 42-43, 44-45 (31 gennaio, 14 settembre
44
Ibidem, nr. 2604, pp. 212-213; nr. 2606, p. 215 (4, 6 novembre 1447).
244
Le relazioni tra Giovanni Hunyadi e le comunitB sassoni di Transilvania
45
unita sassone, pertinente alla sedes di Media§ (1440) . Oppure, nel 1450, ii Consiglio di
hi§oara registr6 la liquidazione di un immobile con 40 iugeri di terreno, che i grevi (nobiles)
eesfa/va (Vanatori, Hejjasfalva, Teufelsdorf) avevano ceduto alla comunita di Kyzd (Sas-
.· szaszkezd, Keisd), per 20 fiorini d'oro46 . In modo simile, ii Consiglio di Sibiu regol6 laces-
~ di alcuni beni immobili (una casa, un terreno, una vigna, un mulino e le altre hereditates)
ricevuti iure eredtario et successorio dal padre nobilis Paulus Greb (ossia greav) de Kerek
teni), i nobiles viri Johannes et Ladislaus de Kerek decidevano di vendere alla comunita
47
po/den superior(Apoldu de Sus, Nagyapold, Grosspold), per 26 fiorini d'oro (1456) .
Ma persino all'interno della citta guidata dalle nuove forze imprenditoriali potevano nascere
ntrasti, che a loro volta venivano amplificati qualora lo scontro politico si fosse manifestato
erso ii conflitto sociale Ira differenti gruppi etnici. Fu ii caso di Cluj, dove i documenti met-
in evidenza la forte tensione politica e sociale sorta Ira la componente sassone e quella
rese della citta. A sbloccare la difficile situazione politica fu di nuovo ii diretto inteNento
nyadi, ii quale non solo riusci a trovare un primo accordo fra le parti ma si dimostr6,
a una volta, arbitro e garante unico del complesso contesto politico transilvano.
nuovi equilibri economici e di potere all'intemo della citta di Cluj avevano trovato un primo
0 con la creazione di un'originale istituzione politica da affiancare a quelle piu antiche,
me testimonia una carta del locus credibilis di Cluj-Mana:;,tur che, nell'aprile 1441, regi-
l'esistenza di un "Consiglio allargato" di 60 membri eletti tra i componenti benestanti
citta (evidentemente mercanti e artigiani), da affiancare con uguali poteri al piu antico
iglio ristretto", formato dallo iudex et iurati civitatis nel numero di 12 (e controllato dalle
famiglie del Grafenpatriziat)". Tuttavia, tra la fine del 300' e nel corso del 400', a Cluj
lazione (econ essa gli artigiani e i mercanti) di origine ungherese era cresciuta in modo
tivo. Fu quindi normale che la parte ungherese della citta rivendicasse gli stessi pri-
he erano stati da poco garantiti o conquistati dai ceti mercantili e artigianali sassoni:
fra tutti, la possibilita di accedere al nuovo "Consiglio allargato" di 60 membri, gia ricor-
ll'aprile 1441. Proprio per porre un freno ai crescenti conflitti, nel febbraio 1452, Hunyadi
trambe le parti (iudici, iuratis civibus ac Ioli communitati Hungarorum et Saxonum natio-
b., V, nr. 2380, pp. 57-58 (2 agosto 1440; Ego Nicolaus filius Appa def Almal<ref< (Malmkrog-
) [... ] comitatum seu grebyatum cum dictis suis iuribus et pertinentiis meo ac praefalis nominibus
t,ospilibus et inhabitatoribus in Byrthalm [Biertan] restituimus et redonamus pleno iure unacum
usuius hereditatibus). La rinuncia di Nicolaus Apa venne registrata e confermata dalle
edes (nr. 2393, pp. 65-67), dal vicevoivoda di Transilvania Nicolaus di Ocna Sibiului (nr. 2394,
mbre 1440), dalle Duaesedes (nr. 2399, pp. 69-71; 19 gennaio 1441), nonche trascritta dal
Alba lulia (Gyulafeheivar-Weissenburg) (nr. 2533, p. 165; 4 aprile 1446). Nicolaus Apa richiese
pia dell'atto al notaio UrlJanus Petri de Stynawia, c/ericus Wratisa/uiensis diocesis, presente
em, nr. 2597 pp. 208-209; 16 agosto 1447). Negli anni successivi, la sedes di Media, lento
e gli eredi di Nicolaus Apa dalle altre proprieta che la famiglia aveva nel territorio di Biertan,
un precedente atto del 22 febbraio 1423 che aveva stabilito la cessione di alcune pertinenze
:; IV, nr. 1926, pp. 182-184). Per tutelare i propri interessi, gli Apa riuscirono a farsi rilasciare
'", sedes un documento nel quale si ricordava che ii contrasto tra Nicolaus Apa e la comunita di
nato intorno all'ufficio di greav e ai beni collegati alla carica, e che ogni conflitto era stato
· rinuncia della stessa funzione (Ub., V, nr. 2744, pp. 321-322; 25 giugno 1451). Tuttavia, la
ia9' non rinunci6 ai suoi progeffi, tanto che, nel 1456, le Septemsedes si dovettero dichiarare
irimere la questione, trasmettendo gli atti del processo al tribunale regio (Ibidem, nr. 3054,
'(9 dicembre, Sibiu). lnfine, dopo pochi mesi, giunse ii giudizio del re Ladislao V Postumo,
· tutti i diritti della famiglia Apa (Ibidem, nr. 3074, pp. 569-570; 2 maggio 1457).
; nr. 2703, pp. 296-297 (31 marzo 1450).
, nr. 3045, pp. 546-547 (29 ottobre 1456).
, , nr. 2413, p. 81 (8 aprile 1441; duodecim iuratorum civium a/iorumque saxaginta consulum,
'sexagenariorum).
245
Andrea Fara
nibus civitatis de Cofoswaf) al mutuo rispetto e al mantenimento della struttura politica della ci
cosi come stabilito dagli antichi privilegi dei re, fino a quando la Corona non si fosse pronun
49
ta sulla questione (come in effetti awenne, ma solo nel gennaio 1458) • Simili meccanism
reciproco sostegno tra Hunyadi e le comunita sassoni sono riscontrabili anche nel settore
gianale e quello commerciale, ii punto vitale e di maggiore dinamicita dell'economia sasso
Per quanta riguarda ii settore artigianale, i documenti mettono in evidenza come sem
piu spesso le magistrature urbane sassoni fossero chiamate a stabilire ii limite tra le differ
attivita artigianali e tra quelle artigianali e commerciali, regolando l'accesso al mercato citt ·
o disciplinando le attivita economiche della citta e del suo territorio. Al contempo, ~u
stessi atti provano la netta divisione del lavoro raggiunta all'interno delle citta sassoni5 .. ·
bene, anche in questo campo, intervenne lo stesso Hunyadi che, comunque dietro una s
fica richiesta dei cives di Bra9ov, puntualizz6 la separazione tra le diverse artes mechanica
tra queste e l'attivita mercantile, comunicando le disposizioni in materia della Dieta del Regn
Per quanta riguarda ii settore commerciale, le fonti disponibili attestano che Bra 9ov av
aoquisito un ruolo chiave nel tessuto economico della Transilvania sassone. I documen(i
consentono di individuare con precisione ii punto di svolta in cui Bra9ov ottenne ii predorrii
economico, anche se questa evoluzione dovette essere veloce, probabilmente gia awiata.
gli anni venti del XV secolo. Certo e che, alla fine dello stesso secolo, Bra9ov si trov6 in una
sizione di quasi-monopolio, riuscendo a far convergere in citta la maggior parte delle
che dalla Valacchia e dalla Moldavia si muovevano verso le terre ungheresi d'Occidenf'
49
La lettera di Hunyadi alla civffas de Co/osware in Ub., V, nr. 2768, p. 338 (7 febbraio 1452),
un anno, per maggior cautela Demetrius Kowach, Johannes Kron et Egidius Zabo, cives civitatis Cai
in ipsorum ac universorum hospitum et inco/arum necnon totius communitatis Hungaricae natio
praedictae Co/oswar personis si fecero rilasciare dal focus credibifis di Cluj-Mana§tur (Kolozsmon
Abtsdorf) una copia documento emesso dall'Hunyadi (Ibidem, nr. 2825, pp. 381-382; 23 febbraio 1
L'accordo del gennaio 1458 stabili l'accesso in uguale proporzione dei cives sassoni e ungheresi agli
cittadini; di conseguenza, attraverso questa compartecipazione, si cre6 un originale Consiglio dei_;;
(centumvirato), formate da 50 Sassoni e 50 Ungheresi. Fu una vera e propria "spartizione del potere,'
tico cittadino", che certamente risolse ii problema dell a presenza dell a natio ungherese nella vita· ·
ca di Cluj. Ma, al tempo stesso, l'intesa apri nuove questioni (prima fra tutte, chi e in che modo po(
essere eletto all'Assemblea cittadina), che si protrassero per buona parte del secolo e trovarono una ·
zione definrriva solo alla fine del regno di Mattia (Matia, Matyas) Corvino (Andras Kiss, lstituzioni ecc/e
fiche e civifi di C/audiopofi net seco/o XVI, in Gjiorgy Enyedi and Central European Unitarianismi
ttf'-17"' centuries (a cura di Mihaly Balazs, Gizella Keseru), Budapest, 2000, pp. 145-152, 145-148
50
Per esempio, ii 2 luglio 1452, la corporazione dei lavoratori della pelle (cuticu/ari,) richiese ea
dalle Septemsedes un documento con ii quale si proibiva alle corporazioni dei guantai (cyrothecari1) ,,'
bisacceri (bursa/ores) di Sibiu di lavorare le pelli in quantita superiore a quella che essi normalmente
vano per le Iara attivita. Questa per impedire che cyrothecarii et bursa/ores commerciassero illegal
le pelli, dentro e fuori la citta, a danno dei cuticu/arii (Ub., V, nr. 2782, pp. 350-351). 116 settembre 14
richiesta delle autorita di Media§, ii Consiglio di Sibiu trasmise i regolamenti che, secondo consuet
stabilivano la divisione del lavoro tra sarti (sartores) e tagliatori di pezze (rasores; Ibidem, nr. 303
541-542; l'atto venne trascritto dalle autorita di Media§ ii 16 dicembre 1457; nr. 3097, pp. 583-
sviluppo delle singole corporazioni sassoni e descritto in modo puntuale nello studio di $t, Pascu,
§ugurile din Transi/vania pinii in seco/uf al XVI-lea [Le attivita artigianali di Transilvania fino al XVI
Bucarest, 1954, pp. 93-230. Con particolare riferimento alle corporazioni produttrici di armi delle
Sibiu, Bra§0V e Cluj: loan Marian Tiplic, Bres/e/e produciitori/or de anne din Sibiu, Bra§OV §i Cluj (s
XIV-XV/) [Le corporazioni produttrici di armi di Sibiu, Bra§ov e Cluj (XIV-XVI secolo)], Sibiu, 2001.
51
Que/fen zur Geschichte der Stadt Kronstadt, IX, Kronstiidter Zunfturkunden (1420-1580),
di Gernot Nussbacher, Elisabeta Marin, Kronstadt 1999, nr. 7, pp. 38-40 (6 luglio 1444; quad q
mechanicus cuiuscumque artificii sit artificium suum exercere et cum eodem se nutn're debeat s
ingerendo in factis mercatorum et aliorum artificiorum, sed contentus maneat de sua arte vie/Um
amictum percipiat de eodem [ ... ] mercator vero exerceat suas mercantias seque nu/lo modo int
ad afiquam mechanicam artem).
246
versa. Nella fattispecie, e bene ricordare che le citta sassoni erano un punto di scambio e
nsito per le merci che giungevano da Occidente, dai domini de! regno d'Ungheria o dagli
si territori transilvani e sassoni (pellicce, vino, cavalli, bestiame, sale, ferro, rame, metalli
iosi, tessuti pill o meno pregiati e vari articoli della locale produzione artigianale) e per gli
Ii che arrivavano dalle regioni extracarpatiche e danubiane (prodotti agricoli, spezie, manu-
di lusso e panni pill o meno pregiati di origine levantina). A loro volta, una parte consistente
merci importate di provenienza sia occidentale che orientale era destinata al solo transito
i territori sassoni, in quanto veniva poi inoltrata rispettivamente verso Oriente e Occidente.
La prima a doversi scontrare con la crescente potenza economica di Bra 9ov fu Sibiu. In
· ii conflitto Ira le due citta, sostenute dalle comunita dei rispettivi territori, era gia evidente
fi~e del 300' e si protrasse per tutto ii 400'. In sostanza, durante questo lungo periodo, le
civitates sassoni si accusarono di continuo e a vicenda di concorrenza sleale e di violare i
i commerciali l'una dell'altra. Cosi, al fine di garantire o rafforzare la propria posizione,
ibiu che Bra9ov sollecitavano in modo regolare l'intervento delle autorita del regno. La pri-
ad essere chiamata in causa era owiamente la Corona che, tuttavia, mantenne sempre
posizione di sostanziale equilibrio: consapevoli dell'importanza politica, economica e mili-
delle citta sassoni di Transilvania, ire d'Ungheria - e in questo periodo lo stesso Hunyadi
ntarono la via del compromesso e rilasciarono un numero impressionante di carte in difesa
interessi ora dell'una, ora dell'altra citta. Ma i pill numerosi richiami a Bra§OV, cosi come i
tri doganali dell'inizio del 500', indicano che Sibiu fu incapace a conservare ii primato
52
omico (pur mantenendo quello politico) nel contesto della Terra Saxonum . Gli elementi
·nziali di questa tendenza sono perfettamente riscontrabili anche negli anni di Hunyadi.
n primo documento di un notevole interesse e senza dubbio la lettera che, ii 14 gennaio

, subito dopo ii attacco alla Terra Saxonum da parte delle truppe ottomane, ii Consiglio di
invi6 a quello di Bra9ov affinche venisse finalmente ripristinato ii normale afflusso di grano
a Sud veniva inoltrato in direzione delle Septemsedes. In caso contrario, Sibiu promette-
bl= delle vie che da Nord portavano alla Terra di Barsa. Non sappiamo se Sibiu abbia
ii;eguito alle minacce. Certo e che dietro al comportamento ambiguo di Bra9ov e possibile
inare un tentativo di speculazione dei Sassoni della Terra di Barsa, con l'intenzione di
53
. itare in proprio favore ii costo del grano nei territori sassoni delle Septemsedes .
numero delle carte di questo tipo divenne sempre maggiore nel corso degli anni succes-
osi, nel giugno 1447, le autorita di Sibiu tentarono di opporsi alla vendita al dettaglio di
'tti tessili, di vino e di miele che i mercanti di Cluj e di Bra9ov facevano sul territorio
Purtroppo, per tutto ii XIV e ii XV secolo non resta alcun registro complete delle importazioni o
· portazioni per nessuna delle citta sassoni. Tuttavia, e possibile ricavare infonnazioni utili dai molti
U interni emessi da!le autorita sassoni nonch8 dai numerosi privilegi concessi agli hospites di
ania sia dalla Corona e dalle maggiori istituzioni del regno d'Ungheria, sia dai voivodi di Valacchia
avia. I primi i libri contabili disponibili sono quelli di Sibiu (del 1500) e di Bra,;ov (del 1503), i quali,
ad altri documenti della stessa natura risalenti al XVI secolo e pertinenti alle due maggiori cilia
i, sono analizzati negli attenti studi di Radu Manolescu, Rela/iile comerciale ale !firii Romane§fi cu
incepu/ul veacului al XVI-lea [Le relazioni commerciali della Valacchia con Sibiu all'inizio del XVI
in AUBI, 5/1 (1956), pp. 207-260; Idem, Come,tul Tarii Romane§li §i Moldovei cu Bra§ovul /sec.
[II commercio della Valacchia e della Moldavia con Bra,;ov (XIV-XVI secolo)], Bucure,ti, 1965.
temi e in generale sulla vita politica, economica e sociale delle comunita sassoni di Transilvania,
nsentno di rimandare anche ad A. Fara, lsb°/uzioni polibche e vffa economica su una frontiera
a medievale. I Sassoni di Transilvania dal XII al XVI secolo, Tesi di Dottorato di Ricerca in Storia,
! Napoca, 2006. In tale ricerca viene esaminata con particolare attenzione la posizione, i contrasti
,- delle singole citta sassoni all'interno del sistema economico transilvano-ungherese-europeo,
do l'evoluzione complessiva del sistema stesso dal XII al XVI secolo.
b., V, nr. 2325, p. 19. II grano doveva giungere nel Burzenland dalle regioni extracarpatiche, cosi
· enziano le fonti del periodo (1439). Si vedano le pagine successive del presente contribute.
247
Andrea Fara
delle Septemsedes e delle Ouaesedes, ricordando ii diritto di prelazione dei mercato

delle Septemsedei'. La civitas et districtus Brassoviensis rispose ottenendo l'appoggio
Giovanni Hunyadi. E evidente che !'Hunyadi voile tutelare la citta sassone che a suo avvi
poteva fornire ii rnaggiore afflusso di denaro e di materiale bellico, assolutamente essenzi
per proseguire la lotta contro ii Turco. Cosi, nel luglio 1452, ii gubernator Hunyadi invi6 lette
a tutte le piu importanti realta sassoni e transilvane per ribadire ii diritto dei mercatores
Bra§OV a commerciare liberamente nei territori delle Septemsedes e delle Ouaesedes55 .
Dopo di che, nel febbraio 1453, la civitas Brassoviensis ottenne anche la conferma
privilegio di libero commercio dei propri mercanti nel territorio delle Septemsedes, come g
stabilito da un precedente compromesso del settembre 1412 . Ed e evidente che Bra
56
lento di portare ii conflitto di ordine economico sul piano politico se, alla fine dello stesso me ·
le Septemsedes si fecero rilasciare un documento che le riconosceva come unica e legitti
istanza d'appello per le cause di carattere commerciale sorte dentro o contra ii distretto
Bra§OV (che invece tentava di utilizzare corti di giudizio diverse da quelle di Sibiu)57 •
Ill. I rapporti politici ed economici con i voivodati extracarpatici di Valacchia e di

Moldavia
In questo contesto, le relazioni commerciali tra la civitas et districtus Brassoviensis ei,

Moldavia sono confermate da molti documenti, sebbene le stesse fonti attestino che gli sea'
bi tra i due versanti dei Carpazi furono continuamente disturbati dai conflitti interni tra i sigh
moldavi che si contendevano ii potere. Certamente l'instabilita politica della Moldavia fac·
la penetrazione dei rnercatores di Bra~ov nei territori ad Est dei Carpazi, ma e anche vero
l'insicurezza che regnava nel voivodato di Moldavia rendeva gli stessi traffici piu rischiosi. In
54
Ub., V, nr. 2585-2586, pp. 199-200 (5 e 7 giugno 1447).
55
Tutti gli atti di Hunyadi in favore di Bra,ov furono rilasciati ii 18 luglio 1452: Ibidem, nr. 2786,
352-353 (alle Septemsedes); nr. 2787, pp. 353-354 (a Nicolaus di Ocna Sibiului, vicegubemator
regno); nr. 2788, p. 354 (alla sedes sassone di Cincu-Nagysink-Grossschenk); nr. 2789, p. 355 (
sedes sassone di Sighi,oara-Segesvar-Schassburg); nr. 2790, p. 355 (alle Duaesedes); nr. 279j"
355 ~a Georgius Rycalf, vicevoivoda di Transilvania); nr. 2792, p. 356 (ai nobi/es di Transilvania).
6
>
II 29 dicembre 1408, gli abitanti della civitas et districtus Brassoviensis avevano ottenuto dal"
Sigismondo la facolta di trattare liberamente i diversi tipi di panno e di tessuto in partibus Transsi/ua ..
(Ub., 111, nr. 1625, pp. 470-47). Eevidente che un simile privilegio ledeva gli interessi delle altre citta
soni, prima fra tutte Sibiu, che rifiut6 ai mercatores di Bra$OV ii libero commercio di panni sul territorio
Septemsedes. Solo l'intervento del re, ii 16 aprile 1411, costrinse la civitas et sedes Cibiniensis ad a
tare la precedente disposizione in favore della civitas Brassoviensis (Ibidem, nr. 1656, pp. 505-506). T
via la tensione tra Sibiu e Bra9ov rest6 costante e Sigismondo decise di inteivenire in modo pill d
Dietro mandate regio, le maggiori autorita transilvane invttarono i contendenti a riunirsi in colloquia al firr
arrivare a un compromesso. 1117 settembre 1412, i rappresentanti della civitas Cibiniensis et Septemse
da una parte e quelli della civitas et districtus Brassoviensis dall'altra si riunirono a Sibiu, alla presenzc(,:
voivoda di Transilvania Stibor de Stiboricz, del vescovo di Transilvania Stephanus, del comes Them
wariensis Pipo de Ozora (ossia Filippo Scolari), del comes Siculo111m Michael de Nadasch, del vicevoiv.
di Transilvania Thomas de Farkas e di mo!ti altri nobiles et seniores locali. E interessante notare che J'.
getto del contendere non si limitava piU a!la sola vendita di panni e tessuti, ma si era allargato allo s
del vino, del mie!e, della cera e di omnia alia mercimonialia ponderosa vel mensurosa. A ogni modo, fu
sibile raggiungere un accordo, in base al quale ai mercatores di entrambe le parti era riconosciuta I
calla di commerdare liberamente ciascuna nel territorio della parte awersa (Ibidem, nr. 1696, pp. 552-
57 Ibidem, nr. 2821, pp. 378-379 (6 febbraio 1453; conferma del diritto di Bra,ov a commer.
liberamente nel territorio delle Septemsedes); nr. 2828, pp. 33:,.334 (24 febbraio 1453) (riconoscie
delle Septemsedes quale unica carte d'appello per le controversie di o contra la citta e ii distrett_
Bra~ov). Questi ultimi due documenti vennero per6 emessi in un contesto particolare e in parte differe,_
nel gennaio 1453, subito dopa che Hunyadi ottenne l'ufficio di comes perpetuus et hereditarius civit
et districtus Bistriciensis. Si vedano le pagine successive del presente contribute.
248
Le re/azioni tra Giovanni Hunyadi e le comunit8 sassoni di Transilvania
nore che riusciva a ottenere ii potere confermava in favore della civitas Brassoviensis gli
chi privilegi commerciali, in modo tale da assicurarsi ii sostegno politico ed economico della
sassone (e, attraverso essa, della Corona d'Ungheria). Allo stesso tempo, ogni antagonis-
1voivoda in carica osteggiava tanto ii principe quanta i suoi alleati (e, nel caso della civitas
soviensis, ci6 comportava una notevole insicurezza, tanto per i mercanti in viaggio, quanta
le merci trasportate e scambiate). Casi, ii voivoda Stefano (9tefan) II (1433-1435, 1436-
2, 1442-1447), in lotta con ii fratello Pietro (Petru), confem,6 a Bra§OV ii libero commercio
suo dominio e offri ii risarcimento per gli eventuali danni subiti dai mercanti sassoni, secon-
li antichi privilegi di Alessandro (Alexandnu) I eel Bun (ii Giusto}". E in modo del tutto simile
ro i voivodi che si alternarono al potere nel periodo successive: Roman II (1447-1448)",
60 62
0 11 (1448-1449) , Alessandro II (1449, 1452-1454, 63
1455)", Bogdan II (1449-1451) ,
0 Aron (1451-1452, 1454-1457, con internuzioni) . Gli scarnbi tra la civitas Brassoviensis e
oldavia conobbero una fase di maggiore prosperita durante lo stabile e lungo dominio di
64
ano Ill eel Mare (ii Grande), che resse ii voivodato moldavo dal 1457 al 1504 .
Di maggiore rilievo sono le carte che descrivono le relazioni commerciali Ira la civitas et
ctus Brassoviensis e la Valacchia. II quadro di riferimento offerto dai documenti e simile a
della prima parte del 400', quando le relazioni politiche ed economiche tra Bra§ov e ii
65
ato di Valacchia erano gia ben salde . Sul piano politico, i Sassoni conservavano l'ami-
del voivoda in carica o del suo antagonista per ottenere la conferma o l'ampliamento dei
diritti commerciali in terra valacca. Viceversa, ii voivoda in carica o ii suo antagonista fa-
no la citta sassone per garantirsi ii sostegno di un alleato che conservava uno stretto
Ub., V, nr. 2479, p. 128; nr. 2496, pp. 138-139 (23 febbraio, 29 maggio [1444]).
Ibidem, nr. 2595, p. 207 (4 agosto 1447).
Ibidem, nr. 2658, p. 262 (11 settembre 1448).
Ibidem, nr. 2683, p. 280; nr. 2793, p. 356 (3 agosto 1449, 12 agosto 1452).
Ibidem, nr. 2699, pp. 293-294 (prima del 24 marzo [1450-1451]).
Ibidem, nr. 2977, pp. 498-499; nr. 3036, pp. 539-540 (2 giugno 1455, 12 agosto 1456). Pietro
nova anche i privilegi dei mercanti di L'vov/ Lemberg (Ibidem, nr. 3028, p. 536; 29 giugno 1456).
_Gia nei primi mesi del suo dominio, Stefano ribadi gli privilegi della civitas et districtus Brassoviensis
ero commercio nella Moldavia (Ibidem, nr. 3092, pp. 580-581; prima del 25 novembre 1457).
Uno di questi documenti e ii diploma del settembre 1412 che, dietro mandate regio, ii voivoda di
ania Stibor de Stiboricz emise in favore della civitas et districtus Brassoviensis per stabilire i legit-
i da versare sulle singole merci scambiate tra la citta sassone e la Valacchia. II principale articolo
azione di Braeov ad partes Transalpinas erano le stoffe di provenienza occidentale, dalla Francia,
,. Lovanio, Goiania e dalla Polonia, su cui si doveva una dogana in proporzione al tipo di merce.
, le importazioni sassoni dalla Valacchia comprendevano materie prime e beni agncoli locali (capi
, me, pesce, pelli, cera, miele, vino e cosl via), su cui si pagavano tasse fisse in rapporto alla quanti-
_esti prodotti si aggiungeva l'importazione di articoli di provenienza orientale (quae per Sarracenos
·- f) sottoposti alla tricesima, tra cui le costose e ricercate spezie: pepe, zafferano, zenzero, chiodi
o (Ub., 111, nr. 1692, pp. 544-547; 7 settembre 1412). Queste informazioni vengono completate
nte di ongine transalpina: ii regolamento della dogana nlasciato da Mircea I eel Batriin (ii Vecchio)
della civitas et districtus Brassoviensis ii 25 agosto 1413, secondo le antiquae consuetudines.
quest □ documento, ii commercio sassone in Valacchia aweniva sulla linea RuGar-Dfl:mbovi\a-
te-Targu<,or-Briiila (ii cosiddetto conidoio di Braila), con la possibilita di arnvare fino de marinis
[ossia al Mar Nero, probabilmente al porto di Chilia] seu trans Danubium. Ai singoli posti di dogana
_a un tribute in relazione al diverse tipo di merce. Tra gli articoli esportati dai Sassoni in Valacchia
i gi8 ricordati tessuti di origine occidentale, cui stavolta si aggiungeva la produzione sassone (in
,e oggetti di ferro, tessuti, coltelli e armi). Le merci importate dai Sassoni in Transilvania erano
na volta i prodotti agncoli valacchi e quelli di provenienza orientale (Ub., IV, nr. 2106, pp. 425-
enuto nella conferma del documento da parte del voivoda Dan II del 28 agosto 1431). Nelle
eristiche generali, questo quadro di riferimento si conserv6 fino alla meta del XV secolo, cosl
imostrato dai documenti rilasciati nei decenni successivi dalle autorit8 del regno d'Ungheria e
del voivodato d Valacchia. Cir. gli studi citati supra, alla nota 53 del presente contnbuto.
249
Andrea Fara
legame con la Corona d'Ungheria (e quindi certamente importante per sostenere le prop
ambizioni). Sul piano economico, forti dei loro benefici, i Sassoni della civitas et districtus Bra
viensis continuarono a svolgere ii ruolo di primi intermediari commerciali tra la Terra Saxonu
la Valacchia, spingendosi oltre ii Danubio e fino al Mar Nero. Ma, nello stesso tempo, i mere
res di Valacchia cominciarono a spingersi con una frequenza sempre maggiore in direzio
della Terra di Barsa, fino ad acquisire una posizione privilegiata negli scambi tra la Valacchia
la Transilvania, tra la seconda meta del XV e l'inizio del XVI secolo66 .
Nel 1441, Vlad II Dracu/ (ii Diavolo) (1436-1442; 1443-1447) denunci6 a Hunyadi i
tinui abusi che i suoi sudditi e mercanti erano costretti a sopportare alla dogana di Bran (To
burg, Torcsvar), chiedendo al voivoda di Transilvania di intervenire e fare giustizia. D'altra p'
te, Vlad II non metteva in discussione gli scambi con la civitas Brassoviensis, che in tal sen
67
ricevette ampie rassicurazioni • E infatti impensabile che, nel marzo 1443 e nel nove
1444, i voivodi di Transilvania e comites Sicu/orum Niccolo Ujlaki e Giovanni Hunyadi pate
ro rilasciare la conferma dei diritti commerciali della civitas Brassoviensis in terra vala
68
senza un precedente accordo con Vlad 11 . Tanto piu che, nell'agosto dello stesso 1444, i
desimi privilegi furono riconosciuti anche dal voivoda di Valacchia69 . E tutti questi docume
riprendevano le carte piu antiche, a partire da quella concessa dal voivoda di Transilva
Stibor de Stiboricz dietro mandate regio (1412), e quella riconosciuta dal voivoda di Vala
Mircea (1413), le quali assicuravano i traffici extracarpatici dei Sassoni di Bra~ov, lungo ii
detto "corridoio di Braila", fino de marinis partibus seu trans Danubium70 . Hunyadi si awalse
volte dei mercatores sassoni che frequentavano questa via al fine di rifornire di materiale
le citta sulle foci del Danubio e sulle caste del Mar Nero, in particolare Braila e Chilia (Kilia}7 1
I richiami ai doganieri di Bran non ebbero per6 un esito positive, se nel corso degli a
furono ripetuti quasi senza sosta, in favore tanto dei Sassoni, quanta dei Valacchi.Nel mil
1446, Hunyadi e Ujlaki intervennero per chiedere la fine degli abusi contra i mercanti (en
fattispecie quelli sassoni) in viaggio tra i due versanti dei monti". Nel luglio 1452, fu ii Hun
a ribadire l'ammonimento ai doganieri di Bran, questa volta in favore dei mercanti valacc
Nel luglio 1453 Giovanni Hunyadi e poi nell'aprile 1454 Ladislao V ordinarono74 ai doga ,,,
66
Owiamente, questo processo non awenne senza traumi. Nella seconda meta del XV secolo'
citta sassoni si opposero alla crescente volonta dei mercatores valacchi (sostenuti dai propri voivodij
ricoprire un ruolo pill attivo nel sistema commerciale valacc.o-transilvano-ungherese. Ne segui un lurj_
contrasto economico, alla fine del quale i Sassoni rinunciarono quasi completamente a recarsi a Sud/
Carpazi, aspettando che fossero i Valacchi a portare le loro merci nei magazzini transilvani. Al contem •
Valacchi non riuscirono a penetrare ii mercato transilvano-ungherese, data che non poterono superare
ius stapuli delle citta sassoni. In questo modo, i Sassoni mantennero ii nuolo di primi interrnediari tra i te
occidentali
67
del regno d'Ungheria e le regioni orientali extracarpatiche. Cir. gli studi citati supra, alla nota
Ub., V, nr. 2404, p. 74 (dopa ii 7 marzo 1441; lettera di Vlad II Dracula Giovanni Hunyadi
protestare contra i doganieri di Bran); nr. 2427, p. 91 (dopa ii 16 ottobre 1441; lettera di Vlad II D
alla citta di Bra,iov per ribadire le relazioni commerciali).
68
/bidem, nr. 2447, pp. 106-107; nr. 2513, p. 155 (2 marzo 1443, 25 novembre 1444).
69
Ibidem, nr. 2505 pp. 145-146 (7 agosto 1444).
° 7
71
Cir. supra, la nota 65 del presente contributo.
Per esempio, nel 1453, ii voivoda di Valacchia Vladislav II scrisse al Consiglio di Bra,iov affi
venissero inviate caute et segrete (... ] ad curiam nos/ram in Tergovistia [Targovi,ite], ab hinc tan
[... ] caute et occulte ad Brailam, ab hinc vero usque castrum Ki/ye le armi che Giovanni Hunyadi a
promesso per la difesa della stessa Chilia (Ub., V, nr. 2838, pp. 390-391; 11 aprile). Nel 1454, Giov
Hunyadi in persona chiese al Consiglio di Bra,iov di fomire, oltre al dovuto censo di San Martino,
mi/ia sagittas, quindecim arcus, ducenta amen/a vu/go ideg et duas centenas aut massas fem [... ]
conservatione
72
civitatis nostrae Kylia usque Brail/a (Ibidem, nr. 2910, p. 446; 30 aprile).
Ibidem, nr. 2530, p. 164 (15 marzo 1446).
73
Ibidem, nr. 2785, p. 352 (18 luglio 1452).
74
Ibidem, nr. 2859, pp. 405-406; nr. 2904, pp. 441-442 (1 luglio 1453, 13 aprile 1454).
250
Le relazioni tra Giovanni Hunyadi e le comunit8-sassoni di Transilvania
ran e di Piatra Craiului di salvaguardare gli interessi dei mercatores di Bra9ov. Nel novem-
dell'anno successivo, fu ancora Giovanni Hunyadi a emettere una carta che tutelava i
rcatores valacchi che venivano in Transilvania e, viceversa, quelli sassoni di Bra 9ov in
75
ione della Valacchia . Questa quadro si mantenne anche sotto ii successore di Vlad II
cul, Vladislav II (1447-1448; 1448-1456): ii nuovo voivoda concluse l'accordo con Bra 9ov
ii 1447 e ii 1452, sulla base dei consueti parametri per l'utilizzo della via di Prahova76 .
Anche Sibiu usufrui dell'attenzione di Hunyadi, ii quale, nel settembre 1453, informo ii
siglio di aver raggiunto un'importante intesa con Vladislav II. Secondo i termini dell'accordo,
itta poteva inviare un proprio messo al di la dei monti per discutere di eventuali contrasti e ri-
·menti. E in effetti le Septemsedes inviarono un proprio portavoce, cui venne fomito un Me-
·a/e ad partes Transa/pinas, dove a grandi linee erano ricordati homicidia, combustiones,
fiationes, furta, /atrocinia et alias oppressiones causati dai Valacchi nella Terra Saxonum 77 .
Nella primavera del 1456, grazie all'aiuto di Hunyadi, Vlad Ill Tepe9 acquisi ii voivodato di
lacchia. E in modo simile ai suoi predecessori, nel settembre dello stesso 1456, ii nuovo voi-
, a assicuro ai cives et mercatores della Terra di Barsa la liberta di commercio in territorio va-
8
(chiedendo pero in cambio ii diritto di asilo in caso di invasione turca della Valacchia)7 .
La collaborazione tra le comunita sassoni di Transilvania e Giovanni Hunyadi non venne

0 neppure quando, nel gennaio 1453, a quest'ultimo venne concesso l'ufficio di comes
etuus et hereditarius civitatis et districtus Bistriciensis, sebbene tale nomina costituisse una
se violazione della fiber/as Saxonum. Del resto, nel momenta in cui Hunyadi rinuncio all'alto
·o di gubemator regni Hungartae, Ladislao V dovette adeguatamente ricompensare i nume-
'servigi che negli anni precedenti !'Hunyadi aveva reso alla Corona, conducendo quasi
lo la lotta per la difesa del regno contra le aggressioni ottomane, mentre ii re d'Ungheria
'ancora sotto la tutela dell'imperatore Federico Ill. Di qui la decisione di Ladislao di conce-
. a Hunyadi la funzione di Capitano genera le del reg no, alla quale si sommava quella di
es Bistriciensis. Da parte sua, !'Hunyadi era e restava un uomo d'azione, prima che politico,
9
esti nuovi incarichi gli permettevano di proseguire in modo efficace la lotta contra ii Turco7 .
Nessuna delle autorita sassoni protesto contra la decisione del re (e ben difficilmente av-
ro potuto farlo, vista l'importanza politica e militare di Hunyadi). E pur vero che Ladislao
Hunyadi "mitigarono" la violazione alla fiber/as Saxonum emettendo una serie notevole di
n favore delle varie realta sassoni. Da un punto di vista formale, le carte furono accordate
'pagare ii grande impegno dei Sassoni nella lotta contra ii Turco; in realta ii fatto che tutti i
menti fossero rilasciati contemporaneamente alla nomina di Hunyadi a comes Bistriciensis
r di piu, con la non troppo casuale intercessione dello stesso Hunyadi, non lascia dubbi
t Ub., V, nr. 2993, pp. 509-510 (15 novembre 1455).

6
Ibidem, nr. 2618, pp. 227-228 (17 dicembre [1447-1452]).
'. Ibidem, nr. 2882-2883, pp. 424-426 (ii 24 settembre 1453 e dopa). I due documenti furono
i in un contesto particolare e in parte differente, ossia a pochi mesi di distanza dalla nomina di
di a comes pe1petuus et hereditarius civitatis et districtus Bistriciensis, nel gennaio 1453.
! Ibidem, nr. 3038, pp. 540-541 (6 settembre 1456). Tuttavia, negli anni seguenti, le relazioni tra Vlad
SSoni si deteriorarono, a causa della vo!onta di Vlad di rompere ii quasiwmonopolio che i mercatores
ani (e in particolare quelli di Bra§OV) esercitavano negli scambi tra i due versanti dei Carpazi e nello
territorio valacco. Tutto ci6 innesc6 un lungo conflitto commerciale ed economico che ebbe profonde
ssioni anche sul piano politico. Di recente pubblicazione sull'argomento si vedano gli studi di Matei
, L'histoire du prince Dracula en Europe centrale et orientale (XV" siecle). Presentation, edition
traduction et commentaire, Ginevra, 19962 : Dracula. Lavera storia di Vlad Ill /'lmpalatore, Milano,
n una critica dei documenti disponibili e degli studi finora pubblicati, nonche con un apparato
afico di partenza. Cf. anche la bibliografia indicata alle note 35 e 52 del presente contribute.
Ibidem, nr. 2810, pp. 368-369 (30 gennaio 1453). Ladislao conferm6 la propria decisione ii 28 apri-
' quando Hunyadi si preparava a intervenire in difesa di Belgrade (Ibidem, nr. 3015, pp. 527-528).
251
Andrea Fara
sulle reali volonta della Corona. Cosi, tra febbraio e marzo 1453, ii re Ladislao V Postu
assicur6 alle libere comunita sassoni di Transilvania ii rispetto di ogni loro privilegio80 •
La civitas Cibiniensis et Septemsedes ottenne la conferma delle antiche liberta81 , ii diritto
82
sigillo con cera scar1atta (simbolo di massimo prestigio politico e giuridico) , nonche lace :
nee l'inserimento nelle Septemsedes dei castra regalia di Talmaciu (Nagytalmacs, Talme
Cetatea Lotrului (Latorvar-Lauterburg) e Tumul Ro~u (V6r6storony-Roter Turm) in comitatu
bensi, con tutti i relativi diritti e pertinenze. La consegna dei Ire castra fu un evento di enor
rilevanza per la vita economica della sedes Cibiniensis e delle Septemsedes, dato che le
localita se§navano ii percorso e la dogana di confine che da Sibiu portavano direttamente
84
Valacchia8 . Alie Ouaesedes vennero garantiti tutti gli antichi diritti . Alla civitas et distric
Brassoviensis fu assicurata la facolta di commerciare liberamente nel territorio delle Septe
sedes, come a suo tempo stabilito dal compromesso con le stesse Septemsedes {1412)
lnfine, alla civitas Colosvariensis venne confermato ii rispetto delle esenzioni fiscaii 86 .
Neppure la civitas et districtus Bistriciensis si ribellarono alla decisione. Hunyadi prese ·
sesso de! territorio, comprese le miniere d'argento di Racina (Roden, 6radna), e molto a
mente, non mise in discussione le fiber/ates delle comunita sassoni locali (aprile-luglio 145
Al contrario, queste ricevettero ampie assicurazioni circa ii rispetto di ogni loro prerogativa8\
80
1113 marzo 1453, Ladislao rilasci6 un documento di carattere generale per tutte le libere com'
sassoni di Transilvania (Ub., V, nr. 2832, pp. 387-388). II re intervenne ancora all'inizio del 145 ,
contrastare le prevaricazioni dei nobiles di Transilvania nei confronti delle comunita sassoni (!bide
2953-2954, pp. 478-480 (20 e 22 gennaio). :
81
Ibidem, nr. 2813, pp. 371-372 (1 febbraio; diritto di prelievo e vendita del sale dalle miniere t ···
vane, generale per le Septemsedes); nr. 2817, pp. 373-374 (2 febbraio; diritto di prelievo e vendrra del
dalle miniere transilvane, particolare per la sedes di Sigho§oara); nr. 2814, p. 372 (1 febbraio; confi
delle esenzioni fiscali e dei privilegi commerciali); . nr. 2819, pp. 376-377 (3 febbraio; assicurazione df
nova e di rispetto di tutti i privilegi). II 24 febbraio (Ub., V, nr. 2828, pp. 383-384), le Septemsedes furoo·
conosciute come unica istanza d'appel!o per le cause di carattere commercia!e sorte nel o contrail drv
di Bra§ov, che invece tendeva a utilizzare corti di giudizio diverse da quelle di Sibiu data che i rapporti
due clttEI sassoni restavano assai tesi, per motivi di ordine economico: cf. supra, le note 56 e 57). Lo
anno 1453, ii re ribadi per i Sassoni delle Septemsedes l'esenzione dal lributum nelle dogane del reg
particolare in quelle ungheresi di Owar (Magyar6var), Moor (M6r) et Pazan (Pazony) (Ibidem, nr.
2852, pp. 401-402; 12 giugno). Negli anni seguenti, la Corona si espresse ancora contra gli abu
nobiles di Transilvania (Ibidem, nr. 3011, pp. 524-525; 24 aprile 1456). 1114 febbraio 1457, la citta di
ottenne ii diritto di tenere due mercati annuali e uno settimanale (Ibidem, nr. 3064, pp. 561-562).
82
Ibidem, nr. 2831, pp. 386 (11 marzo 1453).
83
Ibidem, nr. 2818, pp. 374-376 (3 febbraio 1453).
84
Ibidem, nr. 2811, pp. 369-370 (1 febbraio 1453). Successivamente, a causa dei danni prov
dalle incursioni turche, le Duaesedes ottennero una riduzione di 40 marche d'argento sul censo d,_i
Martino (Ibidem, nr. 2975, p. 497; 23 maggio 1455), nonche alcune agevolazioni per l'apporto di
per l'esercito regio (Ibidem, nr. 3013, p. 526; 24 aprile 1456).
85
Ibidem, nr. 2821, pp. 378-379 (6 febbraio 1453). Sul compromesso del settembre 1412 e ;
trasti di ordine economico con la citta di Sibiu, cfr. supra, le note 56 e 57. Segui la conferma dell~ ·
colarita di giudizio per i Sassoni della Terra di Barsa (Ibidem, nr. 2965, pp. 490-491; 17 marzo 1455):
86
Ibidem, nr. 2806-2807, pp. 365-366 (23 e 25 gennaio 1453). 1125 agosto 1457 venne ribadito,
ii divieto di arresto, di sequestro delle merci o di prelievo di tJibuli non giustificati ai cittadini di Cluj, ch
vano essere giudicati unicamente dalle istanze di giudizio della lore citla (nr. 3083-3085, pp. 574-576.
87
113 aprile 1453, Ladislao chiese al Capitola di Alba lulia di assistere Giovanni Hunyadi(/
nr. 2836, pp. 389-390). Gia a luglio, ii Caprrolo di Alba lulia comunic6 che Giovanni Hunyadi aveva.
possesso della citta e del distretto di Bistri1a (Ibidem, nr. 2865, pp. 410-411; 20 luglio). Subito
Hunyadi rilasci6 una carta con la quale attestava e non contestavc.i i privilegi e le liberta di B,
(Ibidem, nr. 2867, pp. 412-414; 22 luglio 1453). In effetli, fu solo dope la morte di Giovanni Hunya
i Sassoni di Bistri1a tentarono di svincolarsi dal controllo della famiglia del de/unto comes Bistric·
sull'argomento si veda la bibliografia segnalata alle note 35, 52 e 78 del presente contribute.
252
La solidarieta e ii consenso
numerosi documenti fin qui presi in esame mettono dunque in evidenza la complessita
relazioni che legarono Giovanni Hunyadi e le libere comunita sassoni di Transilvania.
na sostanza, queste relazioni trovarono la loro forma compiuta in un meccanismo di
roca solidarieta", ossia in un vicendevole appoggio con la manifesta finalita di tutelare
no i propri specifici - comunque parzialmente coincidenti - interessi.
n un momenta di profonda crisi del potere regio, Hunyadi fu guida e difensore del trono
stando con energia sia le spinte centrifughe della grande nobJ/1/as che le pretese degli
rgo e, soprattutto, la minacciosa avanzata ottomana da Oriente. E, Ira le armi a sua
sizione, ii gubemator regni Hungariae non sottovalut6 ii potenziale che le citta sassoni
nsilvania era.no in grado di offrire. In virtu delle loro capacita belliche ed economiche di
ere artigianale e mercantile, certamente !'Hunyadi individu6 in essi un arsenale, piu che
ocio armato, ma comunque al servizio suo e in difesa della Corona di Santo Stefano.
loro volta, i Sassoni, o meglio i gruppi sociali urbani piu attivi (formati da ricchi artigiani e
nti che stavano progressivamente acquisendo ii controllo dei Consigli cittadini), furono
mente consapevoli del fatto che l'unico modo per dar seguito a.lie proprie aspirazioni
e economiche e sociali era quello di avere un potere centrale forte, quindi di sostenere
·' della Corona, da cui dipendevano la conferma o l'ampliamento di ogni loro antico o
privilegio. E, nella fattispecie, Hunyadi era non solo ii massimo esponente della Corona
silvania, ma anche la personalita attorno alla qua.le si coagulava la difesa del regno
.. eria (nonche la lotta contra i Turchi, ormai pericolosamente vicini a.Ila TeJTa Saxonum).
questo contesto, si comprende ii considerevole ausilio economico, militare e logistico of-
citta sassoni in favore del gubemator regni Hungariae. Supporto che non venne meno
13.quando, nel gennaio 1453, Hunyadi ottenne l'ufficio di comes perpetuus et hereditarius
· et districtus Bistriciensis, in evidente violazione a.Ila libertas Saxonum. Ma si capisce
ii continua e persona.le intervento di Hunyadi in favore delle comunita sassoni, attraverso
"e considerevole di prowedimenti di carattere politico, economico e persino militare
ntissero la sicurezza e l'ordine interno delle citta e tutelassero gli interessi commerciali
· piles di Transilvania, non solo nel contesto del regno, ma anche al di fuori di esso, in
re verso le regioni extracarpatiche, dove piu significativi era.no quegli interessi.
effetti, questo particolare rapporto si rivel6 essenziale per l'ulteriore progresso politico
a economica delle comunita sassoni, le qua.Ii, a.Ila morte di Hunyadi, avevano ormai
· un nuolo politico, economico e militare di rilievo, tanto nel contesto carpatico, quanta
d'Ungheria. lnfatti, ii mutuo legame che fin dai loro primi insediamenti nella regione
tica univa gli hospites sassoni e la Corona d'Ungheria senza dubbio non venne
nzi si perfezion6. I Sassoni e ii mercato transilvani riuscirono ad ampliare in misura
i propri legami di ambito sovraterritoriale, ossia la comunicazione e l'inserimento in
rente nel dinamico ambito politico, economico e sociale della coeva Europa, pur
hdo caratteristiche di perifericita allo stesso sistema europeo. D'altra pa.rte, "ultima
· _la Christiani/as latina orientale, la comunita sassone di Transilvania era divenuta un
ilegiato di mediazione tra un Occidente e un Oriente che sullo spazio di frontiera dei
incontravano e scontravano in continuazione e in modo sempre piu complesso.
seconda meta del 400', sotto ii forte dominio di Mattia Corvino, queste particolari di-
litiche ed economiche di biunivoco consenso conobbero una lase di nuovo svilup-
endo la loro massima espressione con la creazione dell' Universitas Saxonum
rliae, ossia l'unificazione in un'unica realta politica, amministrativa e territoriale di tutte
munita sassoni presenti sul fondo regio transilvano88 . lnfatti, see certamente vero
iVa fu propria del figlio di Giovanni (che in questo modo ottenne indubbi vantaggi sul
11, nr. 4623, pp. 412-413 (6 febbraio 1486).
253
Andrea Fara
piano politico, economico e militare), e altrettanto sicuro che essa si realizz6 in virtu delle
tinue sollecitazioni attuate nei confronti della Corona dai nuovi gruppi dirigenti sassoni (i qu
formati soprattutto da ncchi mercanti e artigiani, avevano individuato nell'unione territonale
nella semplificazione giuridica la chiave de! successo politico e della prosperita economica). ·
254
·e finanziellen Verpf/ichtungen der Siebenbiirger Sachsen zwischen den
Herrschaften von Sigismund von Luxemburg und Matthias Corvinus
(1438-1458)
ZsoltSimon
Rumanische Akademie,
,,Gheorghe $incai" lnstitut for
Sozio-Humanistische Forschungen,
Targu Mure 9
Die Siebenburger Sachsen zahlten im Mittelalter zwei Arlen von k6niglichen Steuern: den
(census) und die ausserordentliche Steuer (subsidium, taxa, contributio). 1 Die H6he des
es wurde von denjenigen Privilegien aus dem 13.-14. Jahrhundert festgesetzt, die auch
anderen Verpftichtungen regelten. Der Zins des Hermannstadter (Sibiu, Szeben) Kreises,
spater daraus entwickelten Sieben Stohlen, betrug, im Sinne des Andreanums (1224) und
2
r nachtraglichen Bestatigungen, 500 Silbermark, nach dem Mass des K6nigs Bela IV.
aut des Privilegiums von 1318, betrug der Zins der Stohle Mediasch (Media 9, Medgyes)
Grol1schenk (Cincu, Nagysink) 400 Mark feinem Silber, nach Hermannstadter Mass, die
eier des HI. Bischofes Martin (11. November) bezahlt werden mussten. Das Privilegium
3
369 behandelte aber die Summe nach Ofner Mass. Auf Grund des Privilegiums von
4
/betrug der Zins des Burzenlandes 150 Silbermark, nach Hermannstadter Mass.
TEVTSCH Friedrich: Zur Steuergeschichte der Hermannstadter Provinz im 15. Jahrhundert. KbVSL,
2). 29-30, 41-43; HORVATH Jeno: Az erdelyi szaszok kozgazdasagi viszonyai a nemzeti feje-
eg megalakulasaig [Die wirtschaflichen Beziehungen der SiebenbOrger Sachesen bis zur Gron-
es NationalfOrstentums] (MTE, XV). Gyula, 1905. 85-87; FRATER Istvan: Brass6 gazdasagi hely-
15-16. szazad fordul6jan [Kronstadts (Bra~ov) wirtschafliche Stellung an der Schwelle zum 16.
ndert]. Budapest, 1930.4-16, 58-63; GRANAZT0I Gyorgy: Tarsadalmi tagoz6das Brass6ban a 15.
vegen [Soziale Schichtung in Kronstadt am Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts]. Sz, CVI (1972). 359;
Zsuzsanna: Egy penzOgyi tervezett61 a Harmaskonyvig. Werb6czi es a paraszthaboru [Von ei-
nziellen Plan zum Tnpartitum: Werb6czi und der Bauernkrieg]. Sz, CXV (1981). 119; KUBINYI
AMatyas-kori allamszervezet [Das Staatsapparat der Matthiaszeit]. In: Hunyadi Matyas. 106-
SKOCZV Istvan: A Ketszek 16. szazad eleji osszeirasai [Die Zinsen der Zwei Stuhle am Anfang
Jarhunderts]. In: Unger Matyas Emlekkonyv Unger Matyas negyedszazados egyetemi tortenetta
odese emlekere es szOletesenek hetvenedik evfordul6ja alkalmab61 [In Honorem Matyas Unger
h seines 70. Geburtstags. und der 25. Jahresfeier seines Professorats]. Hg. KovAcs Peter E.,
anos, MOLNAR Laszlo V.. Budapest 1991. 49-54; DERS.: A szaszfoldi ad6ztatas kerdesehez [Zur
r Besteuerung des Sachsenlandes]. In: Tanulmanyok For Lajos tortenesz 60. szOletesnap jara
'ftfOr Lajos FOr anlasslich seines 60. Geburtstags]. Hg. HORN lldik6. Budapest, 1993. 81-96.
., I. Nr. 43. Konig Belas Mark: HOMAN Balint: Magyar penztortenet 1000-1325 [Geschichte des
_hen Geldwesens. 1000-1325]. Budapest, 1916. 103-104; HuszAR Lajos: A budai penzveres
a kozepkorban [Die Geschichte der Ofner MOnzdrucke im Mittelalter] (BVTM, XX). Budapest,
; ENGEL Pal: A 14. szazadi magyar penztortenet nehany kerdese [Einige Fragestellungen zur
te des ungarischen Geldwesens im 14. Jahrhundert]. Sz, CXXIV (1990). 32, 33.
,; I. Nr. 354. II. Nr. 929, 1174. V. Nr. 3013. Die Urkunden van 1318 und 1369 wurden 1456,
_3 und 1494, bzw. 1383 und 1387 bekraftigt. For die Hermannstadter und Ofner Mark, vgl.
ie Anm. 2): Penztortenet. 92, 100-101, bzw. 96-99, 110; ENGEL (wie Anm. 2); Penztortenet.
;82-86, bzw. 28-31; HuszAR (wie Anm. 2): Penzveres. 14-18 (die Ofner (Budaer) Mark).
, C, X. 192-193. Laut dem Text des Privilegiums vergaben auch die vorherigen Konige Ur-
r diese verschwanden (alienata).
Zsolt Simon
***
Die grosseren Verwaltungsorgane bestimmten die Summen die einige OrtschaftJ
bezahlen hatten. Die Verpflichtungen der steuerzahlenden Personen wurden jedoch
Rahmen der lokalen Gemeinde festgesetzt, wie im Falle des Bistrizer Kreises (Distrikts).
Anhand der erorterten Oaten, zahlte der Bistritzer Kreis Steuern auf eine andere w
Im Sinne des Privilegiums van Johannes Hunyadi fur den Distrikt (1453), musste man in
Stadt Bistritz (Bistri\a, Besztrece) und in der Umgebung (pertinentia) fur jedes Haus um
Feier des HI. Martin 2 Lot Silber zahlen. Diener, Burger und Dorfbewohner waren verpflic
1 Lot fur 10 Jach Boden zu zahlen. Fur je 3 Pfluge bezahlte man 1 Mark, fur 1 Muhle
halbe Mark, bzw. 4 Lot, wie zur Zeit K6nigs Sigismund (Zsigmond) und der anderen K6ni
Die Summe, die fur die verschiedenen Ausgaben der Gegend gesammelt wurde, m
lautdem a/ten Gebrauch, van den oberen 15 D6rfern, den unteren 15 D6rfern und Bist
einem Verhaltnis van 2: 1: 1 gedeckt werden. Der Zins van 60 Mark, der vorher den Sz
gespanen gezahlt wurde, musste man, van nun an, an Johannes Hunyadi uberweisen_
oberen Dorfer zahlten am Tag des HI. Johannes des Taufers (24. Juni) 35 Mark und ·
S_ilber. Die unteren Darter zahlten am Tag _des HL Martin 24 Mark und drei Viertel hauf (3
d1eser Angaben musste also die Stadt B1stntz d1esen Zins rncht selbst zahlen). ·:'°
Die Bewohner des Kreises bezahlten den Martinszins, einerseits, so, wie die Lei
nen im 15. Jahrhundert, doch nicht per Grundstock, sondern per Immobilien (Hauser,
stucke, M0hlen), verteilt, andererseits, so wie die Stadte im 13. Jahrhundert und im ersten
zehnt des 14. Jahrhunderts (nachher tilgten die Stadte in einer einzigen Summe ihre s
7
lasten). Z.B., gemass dem Privilegium van 1316, zahlte man in Klausenburg (Cluj, K
var), zum Martinstag, einen koniglichen Viertel fur jeden Pflug als Grundsteuer. Diejeni
nur ein Haus hatten, mussten 3 Mass geben, die Diener 1 Mass. 8 Laut des PrivilegiunJ
Karl (Karoly Robert) I. den Klausenburger die Privilegien des Stephan (Istvan) V. (1270
zur0ck, insoweit diese nicht durch dasselbe Privilegium van 1316 geandert wurden .. <
Anhand der Analogie kann man voraussetzen, dass die Steuern des Bistritzer Kr
in der zweiten Halfte des 13. Jahrhunderts, oder in der ersten Halite des 14. Jahrhun
festgelegt wurden. Das Privilegium van 1453 bekraftigt die Datierung. Laut diesem, i
die Bistritzer zur Zeit Sigismunds und seiner Vorganger den Zins auf eine bekannten
Die Steuer der Sachsen wurden schon in der zweiten Halite des 15. Jahrhunde
9
selten fur jedes Tor festgelegt. Die Bistritzer zahlten schon meistens ihre Steuern a
wie die anderen sachsischen Stohle. Was sie vorher den Seklergespannen zahlten, ~--
mehrere Ortschaften eine festgesetzte Summe bezahlten, und was als Summe fur d"
5
DRASK6czy (wie Anm. 1): Kerdes. 81-96; DERS (wie Anm. 1): Ketszek. 49-50, 52, 56 (A
TEUTSCH (wie Anm. 1): Steuergeschichte. 41-42. Von der Steuer waren im Allgemeinen die G
befreit, die Beamten und Angestellten der Stadte, die Schulmeister, MOiier, Hirte und die Armen. Vgh
Erik: Kozepkori varostortenetonk statisztikai forrasai (1-11). [Statistische Quellen zur Mittelalterlich
geschichte] TSK, 1/1 (1957) 55. 1/2. 22-23; DRASKOClY (wie Anm. 1): Ketszek. 48, 55 (Anm.,7)
6
Ub., V. Nr. 2867. Die Steuern wurden dorfeiweise abgegeben. Falls (sehr selten) Dorfer .
wurden, dann zahlten sie zusammen (z.B. 1453 vereinigte Hunyadi die Dorfer Kisdemeter un
und verordnete, dass diese fernerhin die Steuer gerneinsam zahlen (Ebenda. Nr. 2876). \
7
FOGEDJ Erik: Kozepkori magyar varosprivilegiumok [Die rnittelalterlichen ungarischen Sta
legien]. In: Ders: Koldul6 baratok, polgarok, nemesek. Tanulmanyok a magyar kozepkorr61 [Men
Bruder, BOrger, Adlige: Studien zum ungarischen Mittelalter]. Budapest, 1981. 259-263. Vgl. auch
Laszlo: A foldesuri jaradekok uj rendszere a 13. szazadi Magyarorszagon [Die Neuordnung S
Renten irn Ungarn des. 13. Jahrhunderts]. Budapest, 1998. 19-55, 183-187.
8
Ub., I. Nr. 319-320.
9
KuaJNYJ (wie Anm. 1): Allamszervezet. 106.
256
Die finanziellen Verpf/ic/Jtungen der SiebenbOrger Sachsen
der verschiedenen Ausgaben des gesamten Kreises bestimmt war, wurde fortan, auf
einer fixen Formel auf die verschiedenen Einheiten des (Bistrizer) Kreises aufgeteilt.
ffensichtlich sind aus der ersten Halfte des 15. Jahrhunderts nur wenige Quellen, die
·he des Sachsen Zinses erweisen, erhalten. Sie betreffen meistens das Burzenland .
.moglich das die anderen administrativen Einheiten dies Urkunden vernichtet haben,
10
em diese ihren praktischen Wert verloren. .Die erhaltenen Quittungen und die Befehle
Burzenlander erteilt wurden (1440, 1443, 1450, 1455) beweisen, dass, in den meisten
11
die Sachsen wirklich die in den Privilegien festgesetzten Summen bezahlten.
'51 und 1452 hingegen zahlten sie weniger. 1451 verlangte Hunyadi 142 Mark von
13
rzenlandern. 12 1452 vergab er eine Quittung !Or 145 Mark . FOr uns ist unklar, was
ockgang bewirkt hat. Man kann vorauszusetzen, dass, im ersten Fall, Hunyadi die 8
bgezahlt hat, die die Kronstadter, seit Sigismund, der kronstadter HI. Martin-Kapelle
(ein Thema auf das wir zurOckkommen). Im zweiten Fall, ist es moglich, dass Burzen-
die fehlende Summe !Or einen anderen Zweck ausgezahlt haben. Jedoch ist es auch
llbar, dass die Burzenlander mit den fehlenden Summen schuldig geblieben sind.
14
54 zahlten die Sieben StOhle 360 Mark Silber (nach l<onig Belas Mass) als Zins,
15
Hunyadi den Hermannstadtern 40 Mark ausgewiesen hatte, wurden insgesamt 400
Steuer verrechnet. Aber auch so war die Summe um 100 Mark kleiner als diejenige
4 festgelegt wurde. Die Erklarung !Or diese grosse Differenz bleibt ein Ratsel !Or uns.
e einzige Angabe die die gesamten Steuer der sachsischen Siedlungen ist uns
16
. 1443, betrug Birthalms (Biertan) Zins 100 Gulden. Nur 51 davon wurden kassiert.
· liichts des Verhaltnis von 4-5 Gulden !Or 1 Mark, war diese Summe mil 20-25 Mark
5,6% der Gesamtsteuer der Sieben StOhle). Das war scheinbar ziemlich wenig. In
en Halfte des 16. Jahrhunderts, betrug der Anteil Birthalms 9-10% der Gesamtsteuer
17
le (144-200 Gulden), Hinter diesen abweichenden Prozentsatze konnte sich aber
ahme der wirtschaftlichen Rolle Birthalms im Rahmen der Sieben Stohle verbergen.
ngarn, vorwiegend auf Basis der Prazedenzen aus der Zeit Sigismunds, wurden in
iten Halfte des 15. Jahrhunderts, fast als Regel, viele Steuern ausgeschrieben. Da-
te man den durch die Zunahrne der osrnanischen Gefahr verursachten Aufwand zu
_Die normalen Einnahmen waren dafOr nicht genOgend. Zwischen 1438 und 1458,
im Allgemeinen, jahrlich ausserordentliche Steuer eingetrieben (!Or 1441, 1442,
18
52 und 1457 haben wir !eider keine Angaben in diesem Sinne gefunden haben.
kann man allgemein sagen, dass van den Angaben die die Ausgaben des Staatsschatzes
ichts Qbrig geblieben ist. Die meisten van ihnen wurden in den Stadtarchiven bewahrt, aber,
Archiven van Pressburg und Odenburg (Sopron) wurden die Unterlagen skartiert (KUBINYI
Jiralyi kincstart6k oklevelad6 mukodese Matyast61 Mohacsig [Die urkundliche Tatigkeit der
.Schatzmeister van Matthias bis Mohacs]. LK, XXVIII (1958) 37, Anm. 18) .
. Nr. 2415-2416, 2446, 2720, 2996. Obwohl in der Quittung aus 1455 die Gesamtsumme
eilungen, eigentlich 151 Mark, betrug, rechnete fiilschlicherweise der Perzeptor 150 Mark.
da. Nr. 2755.
da. Nr. 2800.
da. Nr. 2944.
_da. Nr. 2943. Das wissen wir aus Hunyadis Brief an die Steuersammler, einige Tage var der
.der Quittung Ober 360 Mark (um welche Mark es sich handelte, wurde nicht angegeben).
a. Nr. 2471.
(1510), 8.6% (1513, 1526), 9.5% (1537): DRASK6czv (wie Anm. 1): Ketszek. 59-60 (Taf. 9).
6czy Lajos: A kamara haszna (/ucn,m camerae) tortenete [Die Geschichte der ungarischen
pmmen]. Budapest, 1879. 69-76; H6MAN Balint: A Magyar Kiralysag penzugyei es gazdasag
roly Robert koraban [Die konigliche ungarische Geld- und Wirtschaftspolitik zur Zeit Karl
,. 1921. 163-170; MALYusz Elemer: Les debuts du vote de la taxe par les ordres dans la
le. EHH, [II] (1965). 55-62, 62-67, 78-79. DERS.: A magyar rendi allam Hunyadi koraban
257
Zsolt Simon
lnteressanterweise, nur eine einzige Quelle, die ausserordentliche Steuer der Sac
betreffend ist hinterblieben, /Or die, bislang, keine Dalen gefunden wurden. Die Quelle i
Brief von Ladislas (Laszlo) V, vom 6. April 1457. Auf die dringende Notwendigkeit b
hatte der Konig eine Steuer auf das gesamte Grundeigentum ausgeschrieben; Hermann
19
musste 2500 Goldgulden zahlen. Auf dieser Basis schrieb der Konig die Steuer als Gr
herr aus, wahrscheinlich fur den eigenen Bedar/. Also, es handelt sich nicht um die St
die vom Herrscher zusammen mit den Standen von alien Steueizahlern eingetrieben wir
Am 8. Dezember 1457, zahlte das Buizenland 10.000 Goldgulden an Michael (Mi
Szilagyi, Ban von Macva (Machowa) und Kapitan van Belgrad (Beograd, Nandorfeherv'
Aufgrund seiner Amte, hatte Szilagyi kein Recht auf diese Steuer2 1• Wahrend den Kam
zwischen der koniglichen und der Hunyadi Partei, nach Ladislas Hunyadis Hinrichtung, h
aber Szilagyi den grossten Teil SiebenbOrgens unter seiner Kontrolle gebracht. Er ve
tete Bistriz und belagerte Kronstadt und Hermannstadt. Laut Thur6czy, verwendete Szil
die koniglichen Einkommen (also auch die Sachsensteuer) for sich und seine Anhanger. 2f
Die 10. 000 Goldgulden waren nicht die Steuer die vom Konig und den Standen fOr
Sachsen ausgeschrieben wurden, sondern eine Zahlung an den Feldherm for die Erhalt
des Friedens. In den 1450er Jahren kam es vor dass, wegen ausserordentlichn Ereigni
Sondersteuer an Landesteile ausgeschrieben wurden 1450, 1454 und 1457 wurden s
steuer /Or die Fernhaltung der Truppen des Giskra, in Nordungarn tatig, eingetrieben.
***
Das Register aus den Jahren 1453 und 1454 isl die einzige bekannte Quellen au
erforschten Periode die alle Einkommen des Konigreichs vollstanding aufzahlt. Lallt
Registers, betrugen die Steuer der Sieben und Zwei StOhle 6500 Goldgulden (1300
Silber nach Konig Belas Mass). 24 Kronstadts und Buizenlands Steuer fehlen, weil der V
ser des Registers sie nicht kannte. Auch Bistrizs Steuer sind im Register nicht vorha.
1453 wurden diese von Ladislas V. an Hunyadi, ewiger Gespan von Bistriz, vergeben
Angesichts der Werten des Martinszinses kann man schlussfolgern, dass die Su
aus dem Register auch den Zins und auch die ausserordentliche Steuer enthielten,.
dieses wurde auch irgendwie hingewiesen: dy diennen und czinsen. Die aufgelisteten
men waren aber nicht punktuelle Summen. Es ist ausserst verdachtig, dass die Zwei S
mehr Steuer zahlten als die viel grosseren Sieben StOhle, vor alien wenn wir wissen,
[Der ungarische Standestaat im Zeitalter Hunyadis]. Sz, XCI (1957). 107-123. Konig Matthias verlan
in jedem Jahr die ausserordentliche Steuer, und aus der zweiten Halfte seiner Herrschaft bliebeij
Quellen auch Ober die Steuern der Sachsen (KUBINYI (wie Anm. 1): Allamszervezet. 106., 109-110)
19 1
Ub., V. Nr. 3072. Ladislas endete sein Befehl mit der Bemerkung, dass die Hermannstadt ·
mehr an die Befreiung von den Steuer ho/fen sollten, denn so gross war die Not des Landes.
20
Ebenda, Nr. 3095.
21
Ober seine Worden: Archonto/6gia, I. 31., 375., II. 232.
22
Thur6czy(1985). 280; FRAKN6I Vilmos: Hunyadi Matyas kiraly. 1440-1490 [Konig Matthias H
1440-1490] (MTE, XI, 1). Budapest, 1890. 46-47; REHNER Hermann: Die Sachsischen Gemeinw
benbOrgens zu Beginn der Regierung des Matthias Corvinus. FVLK, XXVIII (1985) 26-27. DAHINTE
Geschichte der Stadt Bistritz in SiebenbOrgen, herausgegeben von WAGNER Ernst (StudT, XIV)
Wien, 1988. 64-65; KusINYI Andras: Matyas kiraly [Konig Matthias]. Budapest, 2001. 23. HEGXI.
Balvanyosvar es a nagypolitika (1456-1463). A Vardai es a losonci Dezs6fi csalad kOzdelme a
nyosi uradalomert [Ungura,;; (Schlosswall) in der Grosspolitik (1456-1463). Der Kampf zwischen d
milien Vardai und Losonci-Dezs6fi um das Besiztum]. EM, LXVll/3-4 (2005). 118-121.
23
MALYUSZ (wie Anm. 18): Allam. 120-123.
24
Vgl. BAK Janos M.: Monarchie im Wellental: Materielle Grundlagen des ungarischen Konigt
fOnfzehnten Jahrhundert. In: Das spatmittelalterliche Konigtum im europaischen Vergleich, herausg
von SCHNEIDER Reinhard. Sigmaringen, 1987. 381-382,
258
Die finanziellen Verpf/ichtungen der SiebenbOrger Sachsen
eit Matthias, die Zwei Stohle eine Halfte oder ein Drittel der ausserordentlichen Steuer
25
· ieben Stohle zahlten. Laut dem Register betrug jedoch die Fraktion 9/8. So kann
26
diese Summen, mindestens die die Zwei StOhle betreffen, als falsch ansehen.
ie Fraktion zwischen den ausserordentlichen Steuer und dem Zins, viel kleiner als die
ia aufgezahlt im Register, kann man als korrekt annehmen. Das Verhaltnis zwischen
teuern war 800/500 Mark oder 4000/2500 Gulden, bzw. 900/400 Mark oder 4500/ 2000
n. Die ausserordentliche Steuer betrugen 1.6 mal, bzw. 2.25 mal mehr als der Zins.
iese Proportion anwendend, ergibt sich ein Verhaltnis der zwei Steuern van 283.33/
ark, mil einer Summe van 433.33 Mark oder 2166.66 Gulden. Die Steuer der Zwei und
n Stohle, weiter die des Burzenlandes, betrugen zusammen 15166.66 Goldgulden.
summe, die auf Grund der Lisle beim Staatsschatz als 20.580 Goldgulden erwartet
27
was kleiner als die im idealen Fall einzutreibende Summe und betrug 4.7 und 7.4%
28
usatzlichen normalen Einnahme aus der Zeit Sigismunds van 320.000 Gulden. .
n Wirklichkeit kamen zum Staatsschatz kleinere Summen als die idealen geplanten Sum-
Im Spatmittelalter, haben die Konige ziemlich haufig Einkomrnen fOr verschidene Zwe-
erwiesen. Das kam auch zur Last der ungarischen koniglichen Steuereinnahmen.
olche Zuweisungen folgten auch kirchliche Zwecke. Laut Sigismunds Anordnung van
:· bekam jahrlich die Messen-Stiftung der Kronstadter Kapelle des HI. Martin 40 Gulden
29
m Zins der Stadt, fOr Messen !Ordas Heil der ungarischen Konige . Mitte des 15. Jahr
rts, wurden dafOr aus der Summe, genauer 10 Mark (laut den Zahlungen van 1446 und
30
,:nur 8 Mark genutzt Die restlichen 2 Mark wurden fOr die Armen des Spitals benutzt.
befahl Hunyadi den siebenbOrgischen Steuereintreibern, dass sie, aus dem nach-
ronstadter Zins, 10 Mark fOr die hiesige Pfarrkirche, 2 Mark fOr die lokale Zunft Corpus
31 32
·zuweisen, damit man dart mil mehr Andacht die Messen abhalt. 1455, die Armut
Heiligen Peter und Paulus-Kloster lebenden Dominikaner in Acht nehmend, und mil
gehren, dass diese unermOdlich und heftiger fOr den HI. Ladislas und die anderen Ko-
len, vergab Hunyadi, im Namen Ladislas V., 10 Mark jahrlich aus dem Zins der Kron
fOr den Genuss der Bruder und fOr die Reformation des Klosters, fOr die er spater
en Beitrag des Konigs einholen wollte (8. November). Das geschah aber bis am 10. De-
'r 1455 nicht An diesem Tag, Oberwiesen die Steuereintreiber versiegelt 10 Mark, aus
urzenlander Zins, dem Kronstadter Richter, der die Summe den Dominikaner Obermit-
33
llte, falls man dafOr das konigliche Einverstandnis bekommen konnte.
UBINYI (wie Anm. 1), Allamszervezet. 106-107.

er Text isl problematisch auch weil die Summen in der nicht mehrverwendeten Mark des Konigs
ahlt wurden. Die einzige logische Erklarung ware dass es sich um Verpflichtungen aus einer Zeit
·.~Is diese noch verwendet wurde. Diese Verpflichtung konnte nur der Zins sein, da Mitte des 15.
s, wie auch spater (Ebenda. 107), die ausserordentliche Steuer, in Gulden ausgerechnet wur-
Schlussfolgerung widerspricht aber den aus den Privilegien bekannten Summen des Zinses.
LEKES Lajos: Hunyadi. Budapest, 1952. 333 (Anm. 99); ENGEL Pal: A magyar kiralysag jovedelmei
cl koraban [Die Einkommen des ungarischen Konigreichs im Zeitalter Sigismunds]. In: A tudomany
.taban. Emlekkonyv Benda Kalman 80. szOletesnapjara [Im Dienst der Wissenschaft: Festschrift
~n Benda anlasslich seines 80. Geburtstags], Herausgeber GLATZ Ferenc. Budapest, 1993. 426-
(wie Anm. 24): WellentaL 356-358, 380-384.
, K(wie Anm. 24): Wellental. 380-384; ENGEL (wie. Anm. 27): Jovedelme. 429.
b., Ill. Nr. 1346. Die Bestatigung der Gabe aus dem Jahr 1427 (Ebenda. IV Nr. 2011) .
. benda, V. Nr. 2562. 2996. Um 1526 wurden noch immer die 40 Gulden an die HI. Martin-Kirche
ENrz Geza: Erdely epiteszete a 14-16. szazadban [SiebenbOrgische Baukunst im 14.-16. Jahr-
Klausenburg, 1996. 257).
b., V. Nr. 2500.
benda. Nr. 2992 (1461 bekraftigte Matthias die Urkunde und erhohte die Steuer um 2 Mark).
benda. Nr. 2996.
259
Zsolt Simon
1438 erliess Konigin Elisabeth, fur eine, van ihr und dem Konig zu bestimmende F
den Zins der dem Kapelan und dem Konig zu zahlen war, dem HI. Elisabeth-Spitals (Bis ·
zu Ehren der HI. Elisabeth, die Patronin Ungarns, und wegen der Arrnut und den BedOrfnis
des Spitals. 34 Die VerfOgung isl deshalb interessant, weil die Urkunde vom Konig Albre
(Albert) herausgegeben werden musste, auch wenn er nicht in Ungarn war (oder anha
einer schriftlichen VerfOgung seines Kanzlers, der in Ofen geblieben war, oder unter sein
Siegel als osterreichischer Herzog oder deutscher Konig, im Ausland). Man kann weiter re
stellen, dass Elisabeth nicht einrnal die Zusage der mil der FOhrung des Landes betraut
Prelaten und Vikare verlangte, sondern die Urkunde unter ihren eigenen Narnen herausga
Die Handlungsweise lass! sich durch die Regierungssucht der Konigin erklaren die, auc
36
Anwesenheit ihres Gernahls, afters als die einzige Herrscherin Ungarns agierte.
Andere Zuweisungen waren fur die Verteidigung der Stadte, meistens fur den Bau
die Reparatur der Stadtmauern. Auf Antrag der Kronstadter, vergab Albert I. 1439 das
Basler Konzil ausgeschriebene Abschiedsgeld fOr die Verteidigung der Stadt. Um des
Verschwendung vorzubeugen, schickte er, durch die Vermittlung Elisabeths, einen Mann
37
dem Auftrag, die umsichtige Ausgabe der Gelder zu Oberwachen. 1440, auf Antrag '
Kronstadter Gemeinde, wurde die Halfte des Zinses fur die Erhaltung der Stadt, aber a
38
for die Finanzierung der Befestigungsarbeiten, vergeben. 1454 Oberliess Hunyadi 40 M
fur die Renovierung Hermannstadts, eine Ruine. Er versprach, dass, falls der Konig diese
39
fugung nicht gutheisst, dann er die Sum me aus seinem Verrnogen auszahlen wOrde.
Haufig wies man (ein Teil der) Steuem fur die Deckung der Verpflichtungen des S
schatzes, vor allem fur die Tilgung von Schulden an verschiedene Personen zu (z.B. die';'
ritter). 1439 vergab Albrecht den noch nicht ausgezahlten Martinszins von Grol!>schenk
Mediasch an zwei Hofritter, Henning und Jost, als Lohn. Die Gelder sollten von zwei B ·
von Hermannstadt (Jakob, bzw. Oswald und Michael von Altzen (Al\ina, Olcna/Alcina) ode/
40
Personen, von den Borger ernannt, eingetrieben werden und ihnen Obergeben. •'··•··
34
Ub., V. Nr. 2320.
35
GABOR Gyula: A kormimyz6i melt6sag a magyar alkotmanyjogban [Die Staathalterwiirde im
rischen Staatsrecht]. Budapest, 1931. 37-38. MALvusz Elemer: Az els6 Habsburg a magyar tr6noiF
Erste Habsburger auf dem ungarischen Thran]. Aetas, XX (1994). 128, 134 (van Anfang April 14.
Ende April 1439 war er fem van Ungam), 129-130 (die Urkunden in seinem Namen), 131 (die Vikaie
zwei Urkunden in welchen schon gemeinsam die Verstarkung der Stadtmauem betrieben wura;
weisen auch, dass die Zulassung der letzteren notwendig war (Ub., V. Nr. 2321). Den Wtrkungskrei
Vikare kann man nur vermuten. Wahrscheinlich durtten sie die Untreuen (zum Tade und Verlust d.
m6gens verurteilt wurden) nicht begnadigen und Liegenschaften und kirchliche Pfrunden versch.
(MALvusz Elemer: A kancellariai tevekenyseg Albert kiraly uralma alatt (1438-1439) [Die Tatigl<
Kanzlei wahren der Regierung Konig Albrechts (1438-1439)]. In: Opuscula classica mediaevali~
honorem J. Horvath (KFT, Ill). Hg. BOLLOK Janos. Budapest, 1978. DERS.: Az els6 Habsburg. 132
36
Ober die Regierungssucht Elisabeths siehe: MALYUSZ (wie Anm. 35): Az els6 Habsbur
125, 131-133, 138-139, 143 (Anm. 16); GABOR (wie Anm. 35): Melt6sag. 38.
37
Ub., V. Nr. 2332.
38
Ebenda. Nr. 2371 (pro sustentatione et conse,vatione eiusdem civitatis). Die deutschsp
Regeste der transkribierten Urkunde erwahnt konkrete Befestigungsarbeiten. (Ebenda, Nr. 2372)'
39
Ebenda. Nr. 2943. Am 13. Aprilie 1454, verodnete Ladislas V., dass den Hermannstadter, we
Armut der Stadt, der Angst var Tiirkeneinfalle und der Notwendigkeit des Geldes fur die Erhaltung
festigung der Stadt, die konigliche Hille gebrauchten, ein Teil des Zinses erlassen wird. Daer die
Lage nicht kannte, iiberwies er die Sache an Hunyadi mit der Anordnung, dass, falls die Fakten
die Stadt einen gemassigten und geniigenden Steuemachlass bekommen sollte (Ebenda.Nr. 290
40
Ub., V. Nr. 2347. Ober Szomszedvari Henning und Justra/Jodok von Kuss6 oder vegles
615,618; Archonto/6gia, I. 43,434,456,467,509, II. 119,234; WERTNER M6r: Beheim Mihaly
evi magyarorszagi esemenyek szerepl6ir61 [Michael Beheim und die Denkwiirdigen Personen
1457]. Turul, XXVII (1913) 59-62. Diese Geschichte dauerte sehr viel, wurde 1455 noch nicht
260
Die finanzie//en Verpflichtungen der Siebenbiirger Sac/1sen
Mehrmals erhielten die siebenbOrgischen Wojwoden die Sachsensteuer. Elisabeth

ab den Kronstadter (1440) und Bistrizer (1442) Zins dem Wojwoden Dezso Losonci. Ihm
aber nur die Halite des Kronstadter Zinses zu, weil die Konigin schon die andere Halfte,
41
ntrag der Kronstadter Stadtvertretung, erlassen hatte. Letztendlich kam ihm auch das
t zu. Im Mai 1441, Obergaben das Burzenland den Zins vom letzten Jahr einem der neuen
42
oden, Johannes Hunyadi, der im Namen des Konigs Wladislaw (Ulaszl6) I (Ill). agierte.
usammen mil dem anderen Wojwoden Nicholas (Miklos) Ujlaki, bekam er regelmassig
urzenlander Zins (1443, 1444). Anhand der Urkunde vom vorigen Jahr, das war schein-
43
er Fall schon var 1443. Wladislaw Oberliess ihnen den Zins fOr die Landesverteidigung
44
Ojlaki und Hunyadi wurden in Februar 1441 zu Wojwoden ernannt. Schon in Mai, hatte
yadi den Burzenlander Zins van 1440 eingetrieben. Deswegen, ist es moglich, dass die
nten Steuer ihnen schon in den ersten Monaten, nach ihrer Amteinsetzung Obergeben
n. oa die relevanten Quellen fehlen, konnen wir nur vermuten, dass die Wojwoden, bis
nyadis Ernennung zum Staathalter (1446), diese Steuer bekommen haben. N<!ch 1446,
45
haltenen Urkunden zu Falge, Oberliess Hunyadi scheinbar nichts davon dem Ujlaki.
Is Wojwoden haben Hunyadi und Ujlaki auch andere Steuern erworben; z.B. 1443,
sserordentliche Steuer der Gespanschaft Tolna(u). 1444 bekam Ujlaki die Steuer der
lichen Gespanschaft Zala. Damals war es jedoch im Konigreich Ungarn eine ziem-
46
breitete Praxis, dass die Oberherren die Zuweisung der Steuern fOr sich erwarben.
s Reichsverweser, Oberwies Hunyadi 2 Mark aus dem Burzenlander Zins an einem

' nnten Familiaren, fOr die ihm und dem Konigreich geleisteten Dienste; 1450 Ober-
47
3 Mark, 1452 10 Mark fur unbekannten Zwecke und Personen oder Einrichtungen.
die Kosten des Kronstadter Zinsens bestellte Hunyadi mehrmals Waffen oder Reit-
r van den hiesigen Meistern. Er versprach, dass die Kosten van den Steuern abge-
werden. 1444 bestellte fOr den Varna Feldzug ZOgel und Zaume, fOr die er 8 Ofener
estimmte, aber da er spater nicht mehr Geld !Or die Reparatur der Zaume hatte, bat
48
ronstadter, so viel aus dem Zins der Stadt anzuweisen, wieviel notig ist.
9 befahl er den Kronstadter, dass sie, auf Last ihrer ausserordentlichen Steuer, !Or 10
,ein Harnisch !Or Sandrinus Kizdi kaufen sollen, und, weiterhin, dass sie den Wert van
49
er dem Schildemachermeister Mathias bezahlen. 1451 befahl er die Anfertigung
50
O Pfeilen und 200 Lanzen, in 4 Wochen nach Pfingsten. Aul Lasten des nachsten
1
, bestellte er 2000 Pfeile, 15 Bogen, 200 Sehnen, 2 Zentner Eisen (1454) !Or die Ver-
chsen, sich auf die Turkenverheerungen des Jahres 1438 benufend, aus dem Zins von 2000 Gui-
ODO zahlten. Vgl. Ub., V. Nr. 2364 (1440), 2543 (1446), 2546, 2552-2553, 2607 (1447), 2633
9, 2673, (1449), 2820, 2846, 2861 (1453), 2915-2916 (1454), 2964, 2978 (1455) .
.; V. Nr. 2371, 2397; PALOSFALVl Tamas: Some Remarks on the Political History of Transylva-
ears 1440-1443. MT, 11/1 (1998).191 (undAnm.10).
_,v. Nr. 2415, 2416.
_nda. Nr. 2465, 2509.
·, I. 247; Archonto/6gia, I. 14-15; ELEKES (wie Anm. 27): Hunyadi. 132. PALOSFALVI (wie Anm.
s. 195.
i 1458-ig volt vajda. Archontol6gia, I. 15.
ki, X. 124. MALYUSZ (wie Anm. 18): Allam. 111-113 (die Ausserordentliche Steuer des Jahres
iabolcs kam in die Hande des Grosswardeiner Bischofs Vitez), 115, 116. Drns. (wie Anm. 18):
77.
V Nr. 2562, 2720, 2800.
da. Nr. 2503.
da. Nr. 2609-2610 .
. Nr. 2740.
da. Nr. 2910. Vgl. auch PALL Francisc: Stapanirea lui lancu de Hunedoara asupra Chiliei ,;i
torarii Bizanjului [Johannes Hunyadis Herrschaft Ober Chilia und die Frage der Hilfeleistung
tudii, XVlll/3 (1965). 619-638.
261
Zsolt Simon
teidgung Chilias. Er bat die Bewohner, dass sie, !Or sein hohes Gefal/en, das, und was n
sein Vertrauensmann, Stoica, !Or denselben Zweck kaufen worde, nach Braila zu bringen,
In Ausnahmefallen liessen die Konige die Steuer einiger Ortschaften ganzlich oder
weise nach. Dies geschah, im Allgemeinen, falls die Bewohner von Naturereignissen heim
sucht wurden und Schaden dabei erlitten. Am haufigsten aber kam das vor, wenn die
2
schaft unter einer Armee zu leiden hatte oder durch einen Brand verw0stet wurde:
Armesichts Petersdorfs (Petre§ti, Peterfalya) Armut erliess Hunyadi 5 Mark an Ste
(1452) . 1455, nach Brand, wurden Rosenau (Ra~nov, Barcaroszny6) 8.5 Mark erlassen
Wegen der durch die T0rkenz0ge verursachten Armut, befahl Ladislas, dass den Zwei Stu
55
40 Mark, !Or eine unbestimmte Frist, von den Steuer abgezogen werden (1455).
Laut Privilegien musste man den Zins in Mark, nach Konig Belas Mass, oder in Herma
stadter Mark zahlen. Schon 1369 aber, genehmigte Ludwig (Lajos) L den Zwei St0hle, in
weit sie kein Silber haben, die Tilgung der Schulden auch in Gulden, nach dem damali
Wechselkurs56 . Einer Quelle aus dem Jahr 1438 nach, zahlten die Bewohner der Zwei Stu
den Martinszins zur Zeit Konig Sigismunds entweder in reinem Silber, in der Mark des Ko
Bela, oder in M0nzen, und eben so wurde es von ihnen auch im erwahnten Jahr verlang
Einerseits, weisen diese Oaten darauf hin, dass 1368, neben Silber man auch die .G ··
m0nzen !Or die Steuerzahlung verwenden konnte. Andererseits, bezeugen sie, dass man{
1438, auch in Silbermark zahlte. Aus Albrechts L Befehl an dem Ofener Rat, dass dieser
Zwei St0hlen jahrlich den Preis der Ofener Mark in Silber an~ibt, zwecks der Ausrechnung;
Wertes der Mark nach Konig Belas Mass in Silber (1438),5 konnen wir schlussfolgem,
die Steuern, in Allgemeinen, in M0nzen gezahlt wurden. Diese Oaten stimmen mit dei'
obachtung 0berein, dass, nach der Halfte des 14. Jahrhunderts, die Mark als Wahrung
59
Bedeutung im ganzen Konigreich, im Vergleich zu Gold und Zahlungsgulden, verlor.
Die Befehlsbriefe sind nicht entsprechende Quellen !Or die Bestimmung der Wah
welcher die Sachsen ihre Steuern zahlten, da diese nur einen Willen widerspiegelten
Quittungen Ober die Obemahme der Steuern liefern sichere Oaten, nur falls sie die Wa
angeben. Die Quittung war Beweis da!Or, dass die Verpflichtungen erfOllt warden waren.
die Verpflichtungen in den Privilegien in Silbermark angegeben waren, war es die ein
Losung, dass man auch in der Quittung die Summe und Masseinheit aus dem Privil
pierte, unabhangig von der Wahrung in welcher die Zahlung tatsachlich stattgefunden hatt
Nur zwei solcher Quellen sind uns erhalten geblieben. Sie unterstotzen die oben a
!Ohrten Angaben. Im Sinne dieser, haben die Burzenlander 1441 den Zins vom vorige
in reinem Silber gezahlt. 60 1443 hingegen, haben die Birthalmer ihn in Gulden beza.
52
SoLYMOSI Laszlo: Veszprem megye 1488. evi ad6lajstroma es az Ernuszt-fele megyei a
madasok [Das Steuerprotokoll des Komitats Veszprem aus dem Jahr 1488 und die Steuerrech.li
der Komttate des Emuszt]. 7VMM, Ill (1984). 164-165, 222 (Anm. 40), 231 (Anm. 141); TEUffSCH (.
1): Steuergeschichte. 42; THALL6C2Y (wie Anm. 18): Lucrum camerae. 204.
53
Ub., V. Nr. 2800.
54
Ebenda. Nr. 2996.
55
Ebenda. Nr. 2975. Die Zwei Stuhle zahlten wegen der Verheerungen des Jahres 1438
die Halite des Zinses (Ebenda. Nr. 2543, 2552-2553, 2964). Aus demselben Grund wurde
Jahre auch der Pachtpreis des Grundes bei Vizakna/Salzburg gesenkt (Ebenda. 2845),
56
Ebenda, L Nr. 354, IL Nr. 929. Die Urkunde von 1318 wurde 1456, 1492, 1493, 1494 b
die von 1396 wurde 1383 und 1387 bestatigt (Ebenda. L Nr. 354, IL Nr. 929, 1174. V. Nr. 3013),.,
~ :
Ebenda. V. Nr. 2305. }
58
Ebenda. Nr. 2305.
59
ENGEL (wie Anm. 2): Penztortenet. 88-91.
so Ub., V. Nr. 2416.
61
Ebenda. Nr. 2471. Laut der Urkunde, wurden der Zins in Birthalm libernommen. Weil.
tung im Stadtarchiv aufbewahrt wurde, k6nnen wir annehmen, dass die Bewohner gezahlt ha
262
Die finanzie/len Verpflichtungen der SiebenbOrger Sachsen
Die ausserordentlichen Steuern wurden Mille des 15. Jahrhunderts in Gulden oder Dina-
ezahlt. Die Steuer fur die Deckung der Kosten des Bistritzer Distriktes musste man, laut
pnvilegs van 1453, in Gulden oder Dinaren zahlen. 1457 verlangten Konig Ladislas V. und
; gyi diese ausserordentlichen Steuem auch in Goldgulden und sie bekamen es auch so.
·1n Ausnahmefallen wurden die Steuern var dem in den Privilegien festgestellten Zeit-
t verlangt. Im Januar 1443, angebend dass, er, fur die Pfiege des allgemeinen Wohles
egen der Besserung und Wiederherstellung der Unteren Teile, standig an den Grenzen
·muss, wo das Geld fur die Versorgung seiner Manner sehr fehlt, erbat Hunyadi die Kron-
er dass sie die 50 Mark Silber, die im Sommer vereinbart wurden, anstatt dem zum
stag zu zahlenden Zins, im vorhinein bezahlen sollen, und dass sie den Zins des vor-
n Jahres seinem Vertrauensmann Obergeben. 62 1447 bezog sich Hunyadi Vertrauens-
am 30. August, auf die Notwendigkeiten des Landes und Obernahm van den Kron-
63
'rn 60 Mark, nach Hermannstadter Mass, auf Konten des kommenden Zinses.
m 27. September 1450, befahl Hunyadi Kronstadt die sofortige Zahlung des Zinses. Er
igte 131.000 Goldgulden fur den ROckkauf der Burgen Pressburg (Bratislava, Pozsony),
··· chin (Trencin, Trencsen), Szucsa, Bistritz und der Stadt Skalitz (Szkalica, Szakolca),
· er keine, fOr Konig und Land, schadliche Schwierigkeiten wollte64 . Die Steuer wurden,
ittung, am 30. Oktober ausgezahlt. 65 Am 13. Oktober 1456, entgegen der frOheren Ver-
g, wies Ladislas V. die Sieben StOhle an, den Zins fur das laufende Jahr sofort an 66
Bolen zu Obergeben, da er gegen die Tilrken und and ere Feinde viel Geld brauchte.
r Zins wurde nur in Ausnahmefallen var dem vereinbarten Zeitpunkt verlangt, und
nn eine dringende Notwendigkeit es erforderte. Der lnhalt der Briefe, manchmal ihre
ung, weicht van den gewohnten Zinsforderungen. Sie nennen die Ursache der Vor-
ng der Zahlung. Die Formulierung des Briefes van 1443 isl nicht anweisend, sondern
:manchmal sogar untergiebig. Hunyadi bat sehr tapfer und kilhn dass sie den Zins
geruhen zu zah/en. Diesmal versprach er, in einer allgemeinen Formulierung, Gegen-
n, namlich, dass er ihnen helfen wOrde, und versicherte Kronstadt, dass sein Ver-
. ann ihnen fOr den Zins jedwelche Schutzbriefe unter dem grossen Siegel ausgeben
Die Tonart kann man nur dadurch erklaren, dass der Konig den Zins an Hunyadi nur
·· en hat. Nur der Konig hatte das Recht den Zeitpunkt der Zahlung vorzuschieben.
rideren Fallen, wurden die Sachsen nur darauf angewiesen, die Steuern zum ange-
Zeitpunkt zu zahlen. Am 26. September 1444, befahl Wladislaw I. die zeitliche Be-
'der Steuern. 67 Am 28. Oktober 1446, verordnete Hunyadi den Burzenlandern die
°:des Zinses. 68 Am 8. November 1451 forderte er die sofortige Zahlung der Steuer an
rtrauten, da der Martinstag nah war. 69 In Oktober (11., 12.) 1454 befahl Ladislas V.
' enlandem, den Einwohnern der Sieben Stohle die Obergabe des Zinses an seine
treiber. 70 Am 1. April 1455, als er die Sieben Stohle anwies, dass sie zur Zahlung
n TOrkenkampf notwendigen ausserordentlichen Steuer bereit sein sollen, damit
71
,•ner keinen Verzug haben, gab er kein direktes Motiv fur die dringende Abgabe.
V. Nr. 2446.
da. Nr. 2598. Hunyadi verlangte 100 Mark, aber die Quittung bezieht sich nur auf 60.
da Nr. 2718. Zurn erwahnten Vorfall und dessen Voraussetzungen, vgl. PALOSFALVI Tamas:
.var elfoglalasa 1450-ben [Die Einnahme der Burg Pressburg. 1450]. In: Varak, templomok,
anulmanyok a magyar kozepkorr6I [Burgen, Kirchen, Spitaler: Studien zum Ungarischen
Herausgeber NEUMANN Tibor. Budapest-Piliscsaba, 2004. 197-198, 204-211.
V. Nr. 2720.
da. Nr. 3043.
da. Nr. 2509.
da. Nr. 2556.
da. Nr. 2755.
da. Nr. 2936, 2937.
da. Nr. 2967.
263
Zsolt Simon
Mehrmals aber wurden die Steuern nach dem festgelegten Termin bezahlt. Die
tung fur den Zins der Burzelander wurde erst am 22. Dezember 1446 ausgestellt, di
1447 nur am 26. Dezember, die fur 1451 am 14. Dezember, die fur 1452 am 18. Novem
72
die fur 1455 am 10. Dezember, die fur dn Zins der Sieben Stohle 1454 am 6. Dezembe
1449, auf Grund der Ausgaben im lnteresse des Landes, forderte Hunyadi van Kron
74
die Abgabe des Zinses ohne Verzug, laut Gebrauch. Ladislas V. befahl, am 23. Nave
1453, den Sieben Stohlen die Tilgung des Martinszinses ohne Rest und Verzug. In Deze
1457, verlangte der Steuereintreiber van den Burzenlandern die Obergabe des Zinses. 75
In einem Fall kann man ausrechnen, dass man schnell, in ein Paar Tagen die no
digen Summen auftreiben konnte. 1452, der milder Eintreibung der Steuer aus dem Bu
land betraute Burgherr van Hunyad schickte van hier aus seinen Vertrauensmann, a
Dezember nach Kronstadt. Dieser bekam bereits am 14. Dezember die verlangten Steu
***
In unserer Zeitspanne, verfOgten die Konige, bzw. Hunyadi, Ober das Steuerwesen:
Landtag van Juni 1446 wahlt ihn zu Reichsverweser und Obergab ihm und den Beraterr,
k6niglichen Einkommen, mil Einraumung eines lnterventionsrechtes seitens der Prelateri
77
Baronen. Der Landta9, van Marz 1447 betraute ihn aber mil der vollen Verwaltung und
8
teilung der Einkommen. Nachdem Ladislas den Thran bestieg und er sein Amt aufgab'
zember 1452-Januar 1453), blieb Hunyadi weiterhin Verwalter der k6niglichen Einnahme
Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts, war, im Prinzip, der Hauptschatzmeister der Oberbel
haber des Finanzwesens, aber seine Befugnisse sind schwer festzustellen. Im Berei
Steuerwesens, Obie er scheinbar nur einige Rechte aus. Die meisten Steuereintreiber
80
nicht seine Familiaren. Das Bild wird uns klar, wenn wir die Sachsensteuern erforschen
Diese wurden theoretisch vom Schatzmeister verwaltet. Keine Quelle weist aber d
81
hin; so bleibt seine Rolle in der Verwaltung der sachsischen Steuern unklar. Mann kanrl'.
82
muten, so wie im Falle der anderen Stadtarchive, dass die Nichterwahnung des Sc
meisters eine Falge der Vernichtung seiner Dokumente isl. Jedoch ist es wahrscheinli
dass die K6nige und Hunyadi in direkter Verbindung, ausschliesslich durch Steuereint(
zu den Sachsen standen. In Falge, spielte der Schatzmeister keine Rolle auf dieser Ebe·
Unter diesen Umstanden, werden wir, im Weiteren, die Steuereintreiber naher bet
ten, chronologisch aufgeordnet, nach dem Jahr der Eintreibung der Steuer. lnsoweit es
72
Ub., V. Nr. 2562, 2621, 2760, 2800, 2996.
73
Ebenda. Nr. 2944.
74
Ebenda. Nr. 2692 (rogamus amicitias vestras vobisque commiffimus).
75
Ebenda. Nr. 2891, 3098. ·
76
Ebenda. Nr. 2758, 2760. Es ist wahr, all dieses geschah nach der zweiten Mahnung, und au
Burgherr schrieb, dass wenn s1e sich beeilen, werden sie ein Gefal!en dem Reichsverweser machif
er das Geld flir den Ruckkauf einiger Burgen von bestimmten Tschechen braucht (Ebenda. Nr. 2758)
77
GVU, [II]. 357-359. .;-;;
78
Ebenda. 362.
79
MALYUSZ (wie Anm. 18): Allam. 95, 116-117, 598; GABOR (wie Anm. 35): Melt6sag. 80, 84
Hunyadis Steuereinsammlungen: MALYUSZ (wie Anm. 18): Allam. 118-119. 1454 versuchten sie •
Erfol~ die Obernahme der Einkommen aus den Hande des Konigs (Ebenda. 99-100, 598,600). :
° KUBINYI Andras: A kincstari szemelyzet a XV. sz. masodik feleben [Das Personal des Schat,
in der zweiten Halfte des 15. Jh.]. TBM, XII (1957). 25-26. DERS. (wie Anm. 10): Kincstart6k. 35, 97.
81
Sie erfullten diese Funktion in der erforschten Zeitspanne. Die Schatzmeister: Archon/o/6gia . .
82
KUBINYI (wie Anm. 10): Kincstart6k. 37 (Anm. 18). Die Urkunden der Schatztmeister (Anfan•
Jahrhunderts) wurden, z.B. in Bartfeld (Baria, Bardejov) erhalten. Einige Tage nach der Verkundigu~:
Steuer, auch vom Schatzmeister, wurde die Stadt aufgefordert sie zu zahlen und der Sammler geg_
Haufig, erstellte, neben dem Schatzmeister, auch der Konig eine Quittung. In anderen Fallen, wurd_ ,.
koniglichen Weisungen von Schriften des Schatzamtes begleitet (Ebenda. 55-56, 164-165, Anm. 57)"
264
Die finanziellen Verpflichtungen der Siebenbiirger Sachsen
rs angefOhrt wird, handelt es sich hier um die Steuern der 81Jrzenlander. Neben den Na-
der steuereintreiber geben wir auch die von ihnen besetzten Amter im Bereich des Steuer-
ns und, in Klammern, den Zeitpunkt der Eintrebung der Steuer.
ik16s Em6kei Szobonya, Vizegespan der Szekler \1441-1444), dem Ujlaki unterstellt,
8
ahm 1441 den Zins der Burzenlander von 1440. Nicholas nahm am Landtag von
teil und 1447 wurde er unter den wichtigsten Staatsmannern aufgezahlt. Er fie!, hochst-
84
cheinlich in der Schlacht auf dem Amselfeld (Kossovopolje) ein Jahr spater.
85
agisterVinzent war Hunyadis ausserordentliche Notar (1443 ). Domherr von Gross-
in (Oradea, Nagyvarad) (1446, 1450) und Weissenburg (Alba lulia, Gyulafehervar)
), unter den Namen Bacsi Bala Vince, Pfarrer in Frauenbach (Baia Mare, Nagybanya),
er Pronotar, aber weiter auch Pfarrer, er war Hunyadis Sekretar und Berater und dann
Gesandter beim Papst, beim Forst von Burgund und anderen FOrsten. Wahrscheinlich
dem Erwerb von Grundeigentum, kommt er in den Quellen als Szi/asi Vince vor. Er
86
e Protonotardes Reie:~sverwesers ~1449) und Bischofvon Waitzen (Vac) (1450-1473).
8 88 8
Miklos Vizaknai der Altere (1446, 1447, 1450 9), wird in den Quellen zwischen 1428
90
;dem 7. August 1465 erwahnt. 1430 war er Salzkammerer in Secken (Sic, Szek). Vize-
ode (1439-1446, bzw. 1448, 1462-1465) und Vicegouverneur (1450-1452) von Sieben-
en, Vizaknai (t 1465/1466) war Burgherr von T6rzburg (Bran, Torcsvar) (1448), K6nigs-
91
er in Schassburg (Sighi~oara, Segesvar) (1453), Gespan von Hermannstadt (1464).
92
ntocsa und Kristof waren Kammerer der siebenbOrgischen MOnzkammer (1446).
·aren h6chstwahrscheinlich die milder Steuereintreibung beauftragten Florentiner Olasz
93
topher (Christoforo) und sein Kollege Zati Anton (Antal), lange Zeit im MOnzwesen tatig.
_lasz (t Ende 1468-Anfang 1469) bekam das BOrgerrecht in Hermannstadt, Klausen-
·und Frauenbach. Er war Salzkammerer (1438), MOnzkammerer in Frauenbach (1443-
, 1455-1456, 1463-1467), Hermannstadt (1453-1456, 1458-1467) und Kronstadt (1463).
ati (t Anfag der 1460er Jahre), vieleicht ein Verwandter des Olasz, wahrscheinlich
BOrger von Klausenburg und Frauenbach war wahrscheinlich der Antal der die MOnz-
er von Schassburg leitete (1432-1437). Auserdem leitete Zati die Salzkammern von
·ub., V. Nr. 2415-2416.

Archontol6gia, I. 194., 517,524, II. 233. MALYUSZ (wie Anm. 18): Allam. 532.
Vb., V. Nr. 2446.
Leben: BUNYITAY Vincze: A varadi plispokseg tortenete alapitasat61 a jelenkorig [Die Geschichte
rdeiner Bistums van den Anfangen bis Heute]. II. Grasswardein, 1883. 136; ScH0NHERR Gyula:
ester [Magister Vince]. In: [DERS.] Schonherr Gyula cir. emlekezete [In Erinnenung an Dr. Gyula
~rr], herausgeben van ScHONHERR Antalne. Budapest, 1910. 213-216. BoN1s Gyorgy: A jagtud6
· g a Mahacs elotti Magyararszagan [Die Juristen-Elite in Ungarn var Mahacs]. Budapest, 1971. 166-
:LYusz (wie Anrn. 18): Allam. 593-594; Archantol6gia, I. 75, 111, 370, II. 232. Familie: KEMPELEN
gyar nemes csaladak [Die Adligen Familien Ungarns] (I-XI. Budapest, 1911-1932). X. 178-179.
Vb., V. Nr. 2556.
Ebenda. Nr. 2598.
Ebenda. Nr. 2718.
Vgl. ENGEL Pal: Kozepkari magyar geneal6gia [Mittelalterliche ungarische Genealagie]. CD-ROM.
st. 2001. [Familie Vizaknaij.
_GROSS Lidia: Nicolae Senior de Ocna Siblului: vicevoievod al Transilvaniei. Aspecte genealogice
s van Salzburg, Vizewajwade van Siebenblirgen: Genealagische Aspkete]. In: Transilvania (seco-
10XVII). Studii istarice [SiebenbUrgen (13.-17. Jahrhundert). Geschichtliche Studien] (BIi, sn, VI).
eberin ANDEA Susana. Bukarest, 2005. 127, 131; Archontol6gia, I. 14, 15, 446. Zu seinem le-
. auch REHNER (wie Anm. 22): Gemeinwesen. 19-21.
OL, DF 246462. Vgl. weiter Ub., V. Nr. 2556.
Ub., V. Nr. 2598.
265
Zsolt Simon
Hermannstadt (1439, 1446-1451/ 1452; und auch die MOnzkammer: 1458-1460), Klaus,l
burg (1441, 1446), Kronstadt (1443-1444) und Frauenbach (1444, 1455-1456). 94 ,
San (Zannobius) erschien als Olasz Krist6fs Bruder in Hermannstadt (1446). 95 Er sta
im Dienste der Familie Thall6ci und war ein Vorganger der Hermannstadter Familie Prall.~
Den Namen nach stammte Matthaus (Mate) Szegedi (1447) 97 aus einer bOrgerlich
Familie aus Szeged. Szegedi erscheint 1447-1448 in den Quellen, schon als Adliger (er
ein Gespan). Szegedi war Salzkammerer van Burgles (Dej, Des), zusammen mil Odoar
Manini (23. Juni 1447-1449)98 und Gespan van Temeschkubin (Cuvin, Keve) b1452). 99 +
Michael (Mihail, Mihaly) Pestyeni (Pestyeneil din Pe!,lteana) (1450) 1 0 war Gesp'
van Maramorosch (Maramure§, Maramaros) und Gespann der hiesigen Salzkammer (145
1453, 1457-1462), da seit 1435, die Leitung der Salzkammer an der Gespanschaft gebund
war. 1470 war Michael van Pe~teana Matthias Corvinus Gesandter in der Walachei. 101
Johannes (Janos) Cseh war ein Familiar des Nicholas Vlzaknai (1450, 102 1452' 0 3).
er schon 1450 mil dem Namen van Vizakna (Salzburg, Ocna Sibiu) vorkommt, stammte
wahrscheinlich aus der gleichen Gegend, wo er spater Richter war (1464, 1466 und 1469),
Vlzaknais Testament (1465) bezeugt Csehs enge Beziehungen zu ihm. In Hinsicht auf die
leisteten Dienste, erlies er Cseh und seiner Frau 100 Gulden van ihrer 200 Gulden Schuld.'.
Der Gelehrte Franz (1451) 106 hies mil vollen Namen Paznadi Ferenc. Ein Familiar'
Johannes und Ladislas Hunyadi war er Gespan und Burgherr van Hunyad (1446-1456).\~
94
DRASK6czv Istvan: Olaszok a 15. szazadi Erdelyben [ltaliener in SiebenbOrgen des 15. Jah
derts]. In: Scripta manent: Onnepi tanulmanyok a 60. eletevet betoltott Gerics J6zsef professzor tiszt
[Scripta manet. Festschrifl fur Professor J6zsef Gerics anlasslich seines 60. Geburtstags], heraus
ben van DRASK6czv Istvan. Budapest, 1994. 126-128.
95
Ub., V. Nr. 2562.
96
DRASK6CZV (wie Anm. 94): Olaszok. 128.
97
Ub., V. Nr. 2610.
98
MOL, DL 55358 (23. Juli; Hunyadi benachrichtigt die Stadt Burglos Ober ihre Ernennung),
(14. Dezember 1447; auch als Kammerer van Szek), 55388 (8. Mai 1448), 55422 (15. Marz 1449; in
zwei letzten Urkunden kommen sie nur als Kammerer var, aber da hier Befehle Ober Salz enthalten
mOssen wir darunter offensichtlich Salzkammerer verstehen).
99
Archonto/6gia, I. 140.
100
Ub., V. Nr. 2718.
101
Archontol6gia, I. 154. (1451-1457.), Rusu Adrian Andrei, Pop loan-Aurel, DRAGAN loan: I
privind evul mediu romanesc. Tara Hajegului in secolul al XV-lea [Quellen zur Geschichte des ru
schen Mittelalters: Das Hatzeger Land im 15. Jahrhundert], I. 1402-1473, Cluj-Napoca [Klausenburg], 1
Nr. 221 (11. Juni, 24. Juli 1462; CsANKI Dezs6: Magyarorszag tartenelmi foldrajza a Hunyadiak ko ·
[Geschichtliche Erdkunde Ungarns im Zeitalter der Hunyadis] (HKM, IX). I. Budapest, 1913. 461).
me. 442-443. Am 20. November 1461 war noch Parlagi Pal der Gespan van Maramarosi, am 5. Nov
1465 schon Nagy Laszlo und Bijzo Simon. Dipfome. 438,471), Regeste Bra§ov. 78 (1470)
102
Ub., V. Nr. 2720.
103
Ebenda. Nr. 2800.
104
Ebenda, VI. Nr. 3364-3365, 3478, 3485, 3767. In der 1469 Quelle kommt nur Johannes Sch
aber der Herausgeber der Urkunde meinte, dass es sich hier um Cseh Janos handelt (Ebenda. 592, 61.
105
Ub., VI. Nr. 3220. Vielleicht warder im Jahr 1453 erwahnte Steuersammler Janos ein F'
van Vizaknai Miklos. (MOL, DL 30316).
106
Ub., V. Nr. 2755, 2763. ·.
107
FOr 1447, 1450 und 1455 gibt es keine Oaten Ober seine Worden. Man kann jedoch ve ·
dass er diese auch getragen hat. Archonto/6gia, I. 248, 330, Sz. K. [SzAs6 Karoly]: Jelentes a vajdah
gorog katolikus egyhaz leveltarab6I [Bericht aus dem Archiv der Griechisch-Katholischen Kirche van H
MIT (1887). evi jul. 24-27-iki videki kirandulasa Deva varosaba es Hunyad varmegyebe [Der <jah
Ausflug in die Provinz am 24-27 Juli, in die Stadt Deva und im Komilat Hunyad], Herausgegeber S
Sandor. Budapest, 1887. 49. (30. November 1456, nur als Burgherr Ferenc Deak). 1439 war er ein F
van Rozgonyi Istvan d. A Archonto/6gia, II. 187 (zur Familie: CsANKJ (wie Anm. 101): Foldrajza, V. 2,
266
Die finanzie/len Vel)Jflichtungen der Sie/Jen/Jiirger Sac/Jsen
108
Ober den Hunyader Dechant und Rektor der Burgkapelle Martin (Marton) (1451)
n wir keine weitere Angaben. Da 1450 Emerich (lmre) und 1459 Kelelmen Hunyader
109
ante waren, konnte Marton nur zwischen diesen zwei Jahren diese WOrde ausOben.
Nicholas (Miklos), Dechant von Kokel (Tarnave, KOk0116), musste 1454, zusammen mil
rg (Gyorgy) Henckel, Familiar des Konigs, die Steuern der Sieben Stohle und des
110 111
en landes einsammeln. Das wiederholte sich 1456, aber nur !Or die Sieben StOhle.
Hofmeister Miklos von Gross-Kopisch (Cop~a Mare, Nagykapus), schrieb sich 1439 auf
112
iener Universitat ein. Spater (1454-1457) wird er als Dechant von Kockel erwahnt.
nnte frOhestens 1446 Dechant werden und spatestens bis 1459 bleiben, da in den Jah
113
in gewisser Laszlo (Ladislas), bzw. Miklos Buda von Zelend (bis 1469), Dechant war.
114
Nebenbei war er koniglicher Kapelan und Protonotar der koniglichen Kanzlei (1454-
). Wahrscheinlich hat er diese WOrde auch 1456, weil er auch damals als Familiar der
115 116
gs vorkam. 1455 war Miklos aber Kapelan des Bischofs von SiebenbOrgen.
Im Oktober 1454 erhielt Miklos, zusammen mil seine Bruder, eine Wappenurkunde.
behauptete Miklos von Gross-Kopisch, dass er aus einer adeligen Familie stammt j de
11
; genere procreatus). Schon drei Jahre frOher (1454), war er als Adliger eschienen.
orlaufig isl es nicht sicher, dass unser Steuereintreiber dieselbe Person mil dem beim
nbOrgischen Kapitel tatigen Miklos war. Dieser war noch vor dem 22. Februar 1440
Ian des Dobokaer Dechanten war. Am 3. Marz kam er als Priester in der Kirche von
Ub., V. Nr. 2758, 2760 .

.)JEKOV Karoly: Locul de adeverire din Alba lulia (secolele XIII-XVI) [Der GlaubwOrdigenort van
burg]. Klausenburg, 2003. VII. Anhang zu den Jahren 1450-1459.
Ub., V. Nr. 2936, 2937, 2943-2944. Am 8. November 1454 wurden sie van Hunyadi konigliche
mmler genannt (exactores argenti regalis in parlibus Transsiluanis constituli (Ebenda. Nr. 2943).
Ebenda. Nr. 3043.
Karriere: HORVATH Sandor: Nagykapusi Hofmaister Miklos, k0k0116i f6esperes es testverei, Janos,
es Gaspar czimereslevele 1454-bol [Die Wappenurkunde des Hofmeisters Nicholas van Gross-
,.□ echant van Kockel, und seiner Bruder Johannes, Bartholomeus und Gaspar. 1454]. Turul, XXII
82-185; TONK Sandor: Erdelyiek egyetemjarasa a kozepkorban [SiebenbOrgische Studenten im
r]. Bukarest, 1979. Nr. 1774, S. 304-305. Neuauflage: FEJERPATAKY Laszlo: Magyar cimeres em-
nkmaler der ungarischen Wappen]. Ill. Budapest, 1926. 46. Die erste wird erwahnt van TONK:
jarasa. Nr. 1774 (9. Oktober 1454). Ub., V. Nr. 2936-2937, 2943-2944 (11.-12. Oktober, 28. Nove-
_Dezember 1454); VEKOV (wie Anm. 109): Locul. VII., Anhang zum Jahr 1454, Ub., V. Nr. 2963,
o Bela: Kapisztran Janos levelezese a magyarokkal [Johannes Kapestrans Briefe an die Un-
,. NF, II (1901). 187. Die letzte wird erwahnt bei TONK: Egyetemjarasa: Nr. 1774 (12. Marz, 23.
Dezember 1455), Ub., V. Nr. 3043 (13. Oktober 1456); IVANYl Bela [Besprechung: KATTERBACH
ecimina supplicationum, ex registris Vaticanis collegit. 1-11. Rom 1927]. In: Turu/, XLI (1927). 24-
~ptember 1457). Aul die guten Kontakte Hofmeisters zum Konig weist die Tatsache hin, dass
s-Kopisch (1455) die Haltung eines Jahr- und eines Wochenmarktes aushandelte, so wie auch
igung des Zinses, hinsichllich auf die TOrkenverheerungen, filr die Stadte Mediasch und Markt-
JUb., V. Nr. 2963, 2975. Vgl. TONK: Egyetemjarasa. Nr. 1774).
· EKOV (wie Anm. 109): Locul. VII., Anhang zu den Jahren 1446-1459. Es isl vorstellbar, dass
los 1449 noch Pfarrer und Dechant in Telegd war, da 1452 schon ein gewisser Janos diese
n ausObte. Ebenda. Fur eine kurze Zeit verdriingte Vardai Istvan Kapusi aus dem Dechanat.
~nuar 1454, ermahnte Ladislas V. Kapusi zur Obergabe der Stelle an Vardai, was auch ge
_pnnte, da der Konig Vardai schon zum Dechant van Kokel ernannt hat. Kapusi bekam am 9.
· ine Stelle zuruck (MALYUSZ (wie Anm. 18): Allam. 98 (wie Anm. 225); HORVATH (wie Anm. 112):
, 183; FEJERPATAKY (wie Anm. 112): Emlekek. 46).
I. Anm. 112: die Dalen 9., 11., 12. Oktober 1454 und 12. Marz 1455 (als spezieller Kapellan).
I. Anm. 112: die Oaten 9. Oktober 1454, 12. Marz 1455, 23. Mai, 18. Dezember 1455, 13.
56. In der Monographie van Bonis Gyorgy (Anm. 86) kommt er nicht als Protonotar var.
LTONK(wie Anm. 112); Egyetemjarasa: Nr. 1774 (die Urkunde unter dem 18. Dezember 1455).
t Ub., V. Nr. 2943; HORVATH (wie Anm. 112): Hofmaister. 183; FEJERPATAKY (wie Anm. 112):
IVANYI (wie Anm. 112). 24.
267
Zsolt Simon
Weissenburg vor, am 27. Juni 1444 als Kapelan des siebenb0rgischen Probstes, und
als Domherr von Siebenb0rgen. Er war nach dem 25. Marz 1454 Domherr und Pfarre
8
Kopisch." Da es sich hier um den Kapelan von Siebenb0rgen und der Pfarrer von Ko
handelt, berufen sich die drei lelzten Oaten hOchstwahrscheinlich auf Hofmeister Mikl6si
Georg Henckel von Leutschau (Lewocza, LOcse), der 1454 den Zins der Sieben St
120
einsammeln musste, war auch 1453 Hauptm0nzprOfer des Landes (der M0nzpragung
1457 wurde Henckel zusammen mit den SOhnen Hunyadis und ihren Anhangern in Olen,
122
fangen genommen. Jahrzehnte spater, war er vermutlich Hofrichter in Eger (1481 )12\ ,
Johannes Lemme! (1455) war Herrnannstadter Gespan, Hofritter und besonderer
124
miliar des Kbnigs. Zwischen 1447 und 1449, war Lernmel Saroser Vizegespan, im Na
van Johann (Jan) Giskra (Jiskra), und zugleich Kapitan der Burg van Scharosch (Saras).
Mihaly Szentivani, kOniglicher Familiar, 1456 Eintreiber der Steuern der Sieben St0hl
war vermutlich dieselbe Person mit Mihaly Szekely van Johannisdorf (Voivodeni, Vajdasz.
ivan). Michael Szekely war Burgherr, bzw. Kapitan (zusammen mit Stephan (Istvan) Heder!
zu Bistriz (1456-1459, 1459-1460, 1461-1463), Vizegespan (1458, 1461) und Gespan !14
1460) van Bistriz, und spater Gespan, bzw. Kapitan van Hermannstadt (1462-1463). 12
118
Kanvent. I. Nr. 199,205,500,762,829, 1050, 1150. Vielleicht milder Ausnahme der nicht"
Klaren Dalen van 1452 (vom Herausgeber unter Fragezeichen gesetzt) kommt immer als Anwalt var.
119
Aus der letzten Urkunde wird klar, dass der Bischof, aufgrund eines geschriebenen B
des K6nigs den Pfarrer von Kopisch als Dechant in Kolozs ernennen wollte, weshalb Johannes Vin-
protestierte und so schritt gegen den letzten der Pfarrer van Kopisch im Namen des Bischofs
Es handelte sich wahrscheinlich um Georg (Gy0rgyi) Haranglabi Dechanat van Kolozs. Harang
trug diese W0rde bis 1453 (VEKOv(wieAnm.109): Locul. VII. Anhang zum Jahr 1447).
120
Ub., Nr. V. 2936, 2937, 2943-2944.
121
GYONGYOssv Marton: Penzgazdalkodas es monetaris politika a kes6 kozepkori Magyarorsza'
[M0nzwirtschaft und M0nzpolitik in Ungarn im Spatmittelalter]. (Doktorarbeit) Budapest 2003 (Hs.);
(vgl. weiter: 31-32, 42); HuszAR (wie Anm. 2): Penzveres. 93 (und Anm. 267).
122
BLEYER Jakab: Beheim Mihaly elete s muvei a magyar tortenelem szempontjab6I [Mic
Beheims Leben und Werke aus dem Sichtspunkt der ungarischen Geschichte]. Sz, XXXVI (1902).
Anm. 5); WERTNER (wie Anm. 40): Beheim. 68. 1441 wird das Tuch van Bartfeld erwahnt, also wurde
wahrscheinlich Handel betrieben. Fraglich isl, ob Georgius Filius Petri de Henkel de Leuczscha, der 1.
an der Wiener Universitat studierte, bzw, der 1503 gestorbene Valer des Humanisten Johann He
dieselbe Person mil dem obigen Miinzpriifer ist (BUNYITAY (wie Anm. 86): Tortenete II. 170-171).
123
J. Siebmacher's grosses und allgemeines Wappenbuch in einer neuen, vollstandig geordn
und reich vermehrten Auflage mil heraldischen und historisch genealogischen Erlauterungen. IV. B ·
15. Abtheilung. Der Adel van Ungarn sammt den Nebenlandern der St. Stephans-Krone. (Supplem
band.! Bearbeitet van Geza v. CSERGHEO und Josef v. CSOMA. N0rnberg 1894.
1 4
Ub., V. Nr. 2979, 2996.
125
Archontol6gia, I. 173,405,509.
126
Ub., V. Nr. 3043.
127
MOL DL 29511 (23. November 1459; Burgherr), 37642 (7. Marz 1463: Gespan). Ub. V. Nr. 3
(1. Januar 1456: Archonto/6gia, I. 279). VI. Nr. 3118 (18. April 1458), 3189, 3192 (13. Juli, 18. Septem
3194-3196. (29. Oktober, 1., 7. November 1459; Gespan), 3258 (23. Juli 1461; Vizegespan), 3302 (
November; Kapitan und Gespan van Hennannstadt. Erstausgabe: SZABO Karoly: Az Erdelyi Muze
eredeti okleveleinek kivonatai (1232-1540.) [Die Uneditierten Urkunden des Erdelyi Muzeum (12
1540)]. TT, XXIV (1890). 113), 3305-3306, 3311 (12., 13., 16. Dezember 1462; die Originalurkunde in
er als Kapitan van Bistriz und Hermannstadt erwahnt wird: MOL, DL 36611), 3319, 3327-3328 (5.
15., 19. Juli 1463; auch Gespan van Hennannstadt). Te/eki. II. 73. (1. November 1459; Gespan; Rege
Ub., VI. Nr. 3195); Konvent, I, Nr. 1344 (1459. nur Burgherr, ohne Namen der Burg), 1435, 1438 (2
31. Marz 1460: Gespan), 1597, 1600 (2. August 1461); Archonto/6gia, II. 224; CsANKI (wie Anm. 10
Foldrajza, V. 816-817 (Ende Januar 1463); ENTZ (wie Anm. 30): Epiteszete. 238. 1447 0berliess Nichol
(Miklos) Apafi in seinem Testament zwei Goldgulden einem gewiesen Michael (Mihaly) Szentivani (U
V. Nr. 2605). Er nahm 1467 am Aufruhr Teil. Deshalb wurden seine Liegenschaften van Matthias kon
ziert (1468). Aus diesem Jahr haben wir auch die letzten Dalen Ober ihn. Er starb var dem 7. Juni 14
als seine Witwe erwahnt wird (Ub., VI. Nr. 3719; CSANKI (wie Anm. 101): Archonta/6gia, II. 224).
268
Die finanzie/len Verpf/ichtungen der Sieben burger Sachsen
arz 1458, Obergab Matthias Corvinus Szilagyi die Erbgespanschaft van Bistriz, zu
h mit dem Oistrikt. Laut Gesetz, war Szilagyi und nicht Szentivani Gespan, doch trug
e diesen Titel (1459, 1460). Wir mOssen annehmen, dass, in diesen Jahren, so wie
d 1461, er Szilagyis Vizegespan warder sich um die lokalen Angelegenheiten, in
nheit des koniglichen Onkels, kOmmerte. Auf Grund der obigen Oaten waren die
on Gespan und Vizegespan van Bistritz mil die des Burgherren und Kapitans
128
den, so konnte Szentivani systematisch beide Amter besorgen (1456-1463).
r halten es fOr wenig wahrscheinlich, dass der Steuersammler Mitglied der Familie
1 129
ani aus dem Komitat Fejer war, fOr die er, an verschiedenen Orlen und Zeiten, Dien-
tete. zusammen mit seinen Verdiensten, wurden sie van Matthias 1459 (bzw. 1462)
130
nt Die Urkunde nannte keine Verdienste im Dienst des Johannes Hunyadi.
131
er Hofritter Johannes (Janos) Szenterzsebet wurde 1457 fOr die Obernahrne der
132
rordentlichen Steuer gesendet. 1455 war er Vizegespan van Borschod (Borsod).
er Hofritter Johannes (Janos) Gereb van Vingart (1414-14. September 1471), Ober-
33
443 den Zins van Birthalm. Burgherr van Gorgen (Gurghiu, Gorgen,t), 1 aus der adligen
13
Kacsics, Gereb heiratete die Schwester der Frau des Hunyadi. Natorlich verdankte
ch dieser Verbindung, dass er van Hofritter (1437), Gouverneur (1445), Burgherr van
135
iu (1448-1457) und siebenbOrgischer Vizewojwode wurde (1450), var Hunyadis Tod.
ereb war Szilagyis Vizegouverneur van SiebenbOrgen, wahrend Szilagyis gesamter
136
· eit, vom 14. Januar bis Ende September 1458, und van Anfang April (nach der Aus-
ng zwischen Matthias und Szilagyi) bis Herbst 1460 (als Szilagyi van den Osmanen
137 138
.• gengenommen wurde). Er war auch Vizegespan van Bistriz (1461 ), Burgherr van
1453 schenkte Ladislas V. den Bistritzer Distrikt Hunyadi. Nach seinem Tod Oberliessen (1457)
'eth und Michael Szilagyi die hiesigen koniglichen Burgen, einschliesslich Bistritz, dem Konig. Am
rz 1458, ubertrug Matthias Bistriz dem Michael Szilagyi (Fejer-Hunyad. 231. Ub., V. Nr. 2810. VI. Nr.
. DAKER Gottlieb: Die Erbgrafschaft von Bistritz. PEGB (1854-1855); 11-19. TRAUGOT KLEIN Johann:
ichte der Deutschen in Nord-Siebenburgen. PEGB (1870-1871). 35-37. DAHINTEN (wie Anm. 22):
ichte. 62-65).
9
1461 besass er, zusammen mil seinen Verwandten das Dorf Szentivan im Komitat Fejer (A Szent-
csalad leveltara, 1230-1525. [Das Archiv der Familie Szent-lvany], Herausgeber BORSA Ivan, nach
ige von MALYUSZ Elemer (MOLK, 11, 14). Budapest, 1988. Nr. 108. Fur die Famrne: Ebenda. 10.
0
, Ebenda. Nr. 105, 109. Matthias begunstigte Michael Szentivani und seine Verwandten, da er 1466
tragen hatte, dass diese sich aussohnen. 1467, entgegen den Vorschriften des Kronungsdekrets,
·ugte er ihnen zwei Urkunden von 1462 (Ebenda. Nr. 122, 124; laut dem erwahnten Dekrets musste
die Urkunden im Laufe eines Jahres bestatigen, sonst verloren diese die GOltigkeit) .
.13'
132
Ub., V. Nr. 3072.
Archonto/6gia, I. 121,510. II. 226.
<133 Ub., V. Nr. 3098 (1457).
']" KovAcs Peter E.: A Hunyadi-csalad [Die Hunyadis]. In: Hunyadi Matyas. 45; ENGEL (wie Anm.
Geneal6gia. Familie Kacsics, Tafel 6; Familie Gereb (vingarti); KuBINYI (wie Anm. 22): Matyas. 16,
Zusammenfassung Ober sein Leben: Ebenda. 16 .
135
.. Archonto/6gia I. 15, 321, 509. II. 83. 1443 nannte er sich Ritter (miles) (Ub., V., Nr. 2471); trotz
Tatsache dass er nicht als k/Jniglicher Hofritter erwahnt ist, bedeutet es dasselbe.
36
) MOL, DL 30841 (19. September 1458). DF 244544 (23. Mai 1458; Originalurkunde: BAR-Cluj,
.E, To/Ok-Bertalan, Oklevelek, Nr. 24). Ub., VI, Nr. 3099, 3119, 3121, 3134, 3136-3137 (10. Maiz, 24.
'I, 26. Mai, 15., 20. August 1458); Konvent, I. Nr. 1305; GABOR (wie Anm. 35): Melt6sag. 86 (Szilagyis
I zum Staathalter); KUBINYI (wie Anm. 22): Matyas. 16, 47. Er war Vizegouverneur bis Ende August,
zilagyi sich entfemte. Sein Wirkungskreis berschrankte sich tatsachlich nur auf Sebenburgen. Vgl.
er: GABOR (wie Anm. 35): Melt6sag. 92 (Anm. 329; 23. August 1458).
137
BAR-Cluj, E.M.E., Banffy, Oklevelek, Nr. 430-431 (1. Oktober 1460; Kopien: MOL, DF 260983-
984). DJAN-Bra~ov, A.S.K., Stenner, I, Nr. 14 (28. April 1460; Kopie: MOL, DF 246374); DJAN-Cluj,
O.C., Pn'vl1egii, lase. M, Nr. 19-21 (9. September 1460: Kopien MOL, DF 281080-281082). lase. IV, Nr.
; Chinteni [Kajant6], nn (8. August 1460; Kopien: MOL, DF 281249, 281272). MOL, DL 27034 (24.
269
Zsolt Simon
139 14
°
Hunyad (1465), Vizekapitan (1453), Kapitan (1458,
141 142
1459, 1460 ) Siebenburg
143
Als siebenburgischer Gespan der Salzkammer (1468), war Gereb im Finanzwesen tatig)
Manchmal, enthalten die Quellen die Namen der mit der Einsammlung der Steue ·
auftragten Personen nicht 1443 befahl Wladislaw I. den Vorgesetzten des Burzenlan
den Zins den siebenburgischen Wojwoden Ujlaki und Hunyadi, deren Vertrauensman ·
145
zu ubergeben. 1453 aber forderte Ladislas V. von den Sieben Stohlen, dass sie die St
an Hunyadi, an den Verwalter der koniglichen Guler oder an denjenigen der das konig
6
Schreiben aufzeigt zahlen.1' 1455 musste man die ausserordentliche Steuer derjeni
Person abgeben, die einen besonderen Brief fOr diesen Zweck aufzeigen konnte. 47.
Ein Teil der milder Steuereinsammlung betrauten Personen abreitete im Finanzw

Christoph Olasz (1446, 1447) und Anton Zati (1446) waren bei der Munz- und Salzkam
Matthaus Szegedi (1447) bei der Salzkammer. Georg Henkel von Leutschau (1454, 1
war koniglicher Munzprufer. Diese Personen haben die Steuer in 5 Fallen eingesamelt
Andere Steuereintreiber waren in der Staatsverwaltung verwickelt: Nicholas Viz
der Altere (1446, 1450), Wizewojwode von Siebenburgen, bzw. Vizegouverneur, der Ge
te Franz Paznadi war Burgherr von Hunyad (1451), Johannes Gereb, Burgherr von G"
(1457), Nicholas Szobonya von Em6ke, Vizegespan der Szekler (1441), Johannes Leni
Gespan von Hermannstadt, Hofritter und besonderer Familiar des Konigs (1455), od~F;
Ritter Johannes Szenterzsebeti. Diese Wurdentrager sammelten in 7 Fallen die Steuern
Hofmeister Nicholas von Gross-Kopisch, Dechant von Kockel, koniglicher Kapela ····
Notar der Kanzlei (1454, 1456) war ein Geistlicher und ein Angestellter der Kanzlei,
Dechant von Hunyad, Direktor der Kapelle (1451), bewegte sich nur auf eine geistliche
Der aussenordentliche Notar, Magister Vince war damals nur in der Kanzlei tatig (1443
Mehrere Quellen verraten nicht auf welcher Ebene die Steuereintreiber tatig
Manchmal erwahnen die Urkunden aber wessen Familiare, Vertrauensmanner die S
eintreiber waren. Johannes Cseh (1450, 1452) war Nicholas Vizaknais Familiar und G
miteigentomer. San (1446) war siebenburgischer Vizewojwode, Vertrauensmann des.,>
August 1460), 28845-28846 (2. Oktober 1460), 62876 (1460. dominica proxima post festum bea/i 'a.
[sic]). Ub., VI, Nr. 3229-3231 (19. August, 9., 11 September 1460; Originalurkunden: OL 37223, .
bzw. OJAN-Cluj, AO.C., Privilegii, lase. K, Nr. 13; Kopie: MOL, OF 281062); Konvent, L Nr. 1474;
1487 (1. Oezember 1460: Originalurkunde: OL 107568); KusINYI (wie Anm. 22): Matyas. 16, 47-4..
den Gouverneur Szilagyi: GABOR (wie Anm. 35): Melt6sag. 86-92. ·
138
Ub., VL Nr. 3258 (23. Juni 1461)
139
Ebenda. Nr. 3441 (10 September 1465)
140
MOL, OL 30316 (17. November 1453). EN1Z (wie Anm. 30): Epiteszete. 434. KUBINYI (
22): Matyas. 47.
141
Ub., VI. Nr. 3099 (5. Januar 1458) •
142
BAR-Cluj, E.M.E., Mike, Oklevelek, Nr. 21 (22. Juni 1459; Kopie: MOL, OF 253601). M
28404 (14. Mai 1459). Ub., VI, Nr. 3182 (15. Mai 1459); Szekely ok/eveltar, I. 177-178 (23.,
1459{' ENTZ (wie Anm. 30): Epiteszete. 397. .
43
MOL, OL 27673 (18. Marz 1460; mil Ladislas Losonci in pa,tibus Transsiluanis bel/idu
Vgl. KUBINYI (wie Anm. 22): Matyas. 16, 47.
144
KusINYI (wie Anm. 22): Matyas. 16. In einer Regeste einer landesrichterlichen Urkundey
April 1466 wird er als Gespan der Salzkammer erwahnt, aber Gereb selbst nannte sich ·
Urkunde vom 21. Juli Gespan der Salzkammer von Burglos und Seek (Sic, Szek) (Ub., VI. N
3473). Am 6. und 26. November 1466 erwahnt weder Matthias, noch das Konvent von Klaus
Monostor ih als Salzkammerer (Ebenda. Nr. 3500, 3509). 1462 wurde Gereb gesendet um von d.e
Stohlen die Steuer einzusammeln, die fur die Zuruckbeschaffung der eiligen Krone und die W,e
stellun~ der Landesgrenzen bestimmt war (MOL, OL 15762; 12. August 1462). ·
14
Ub., V. Nr. 2465.
146
Ebenda. Nr. 2891.
147
Ebenda. Nr. 2967.
270
Die finanziellen Verpflichtungen der SiebenbUrger Sachsen
rneurs, und Bruder des Christopher Olasz). Michael Szentivani war ein Familiar des
s (1456). Als Burgherr van Bistriz, rnusste er aber auch Hunyadis Familiar. Michael van
na, aus dern Komitat Hunedoara, spater Gespan van Maramorosch (1451-1452), war
tlich ein Familiar Hunyadis (1450), der ihn vieleicht als seinen Steuersammler schickte.
Lisle der Personen beauftragt mil der Steuereintreibung stark! frOhere Vermutungen:
adi <hat> das, in seiner Hand zusammenliegende, Vermogen so verwaltete und seine
t durch das fam1/iare System, so ausgeubte, wie seine Ze1/genossen [... ] es ist sehr wahr
~/icli, dass er das familiare System mit der Verwaltung der Staatseinkunfte beauftra§II
14
inige der Oaten die die Steuereinsamml_ung betreffen betonen auch diese Aspekte.
·ndererseits kann man die Ergebnisse d1eser Forschung - m1t dem Amendament, dass
nstatt des Schatzmeisters, Hunyadi oder den Konig verstehen muss- mil den allgemei-
merkungen Ober die zweite Halfte des 15. Jahrhunderts in Verbindung bringen. Einer-
benutzte, auf zentraler oder auf lokaler (Gebiet, in unserem Fall eine ausgedehnte Re-
omitat, Stadt), der Schatzmeister seine Familiare, bzw. seine dortigen Angestellte, die
149
ohnenden Adligen, fur die Steuereinsammlung. Andererseits, wurden vom k6nigli-
150
of Ritter, Kanzleibeamte (Notare) ausgesendet fur das Einsammeln von Steuem.
tztendlich, bringen wir in Erwahnung, dass, in mehreren Fallen, die Person die !Or
uereinsammlung nominiert wurde eine andere Person damit beauftragte. For solche
ie durch die hohe gesellschafitiche Stellung der nominierten Personen gut erklarbar
den wir Beispiele aus der Zeit des Johannes Hunyadi und des Michael Szilagyi.
nyadis Beauftragte mil dem Einsammeln der Steuer waren: Nicholas Em6kei, Vize-
der Szekler (1441), Magister Vince, ausserordentlichen Notar (1443), 1446 die Monz
ren Antocsa und Kristof, und Nicholas Vizaknai, Wizewojwod und Vizegouverneur
iter damit San, sein Familiar und Krist6fs Bruder, beauftragte, so wie er es auch, 1450
2, als er erneut die Aufgabe von Hunyadi erhielt, mil einem anderen seiner Familiare,
151
s Cseh, tat), der Gelehrte Franz, Burgherr von Hunyad (1446) , der seinen Auftrag
chant von Hunyad, Martin, Obertrug (1451). 1457 befahl Michael Szilagyi dem Burg-
. Gurghiu, Johannes Gereb, den Zins des Buizenlandes zu Obernehmen. Gereb be-
erseits den Buizenlander den Zins seinen Vertrauensmann zu Obergeben. 152
alle der Personen, die eine niedrigere soziale Stellung hatten, haben wir keine An-
ber ahnliche Obertragungen. Das warder Fall mit Dechant Nicholas, k6niglicher Ka-
d Georg Henkel von Leutschau, kbniglicher MOnzprOfer (1454), Johann Lemme!,
on Hermannstadt, k6niglicher Ritter und besonderer Familiar des Konigs (1455), mil
Dechant von Tarnave, Michael Szentivanyi und Johannes Szenteizsebeti {1457).
YUsz (wie Anm. 18): Allam. 574., 598. 1443 sammelte Hunyadi auch mil einem Vertrauens
· .Gergely die ihm Obeiwiesene ausserordentliche Steuer des Komitats Tolna; die PrOfung der
· erfolgte durch einen anderen Familiar, D6czi Mihaly; 1446 sammelte er die Steuer des Ko-
it zwei anderen Vertrauensmiinnern, 1452, 1453 und 1455 die Steuern des Komttats Ternes
· :seinem Sohn Laszlo (Ebenda. 111 (und Anm. 277), 113 (Anm. 287), 116, 118-120).
(wie Anm. 80): Kincstar. 26, 28, 33.
d_a. 26. Beispiele filr die Hofritter die irn Finanzwesen tiitig waren, weiterhin Ober die Ange-
anzlei und der Gerichte: Ebenda. 32., 36.
: . Nr. 2415-2416 (1441), 2446 (1443), 2556, 2562 (1446), 2598 (1447), 2718, 2720 (1450),
_2763 (1451.), 2800 (1452) .
. da. Nr. 3098.
271
2.
Ideological and Practical Aspects of an Age
The Surviving Medieval Synagogue of Buda

8./1.2. Ideological and Practical Aspects of an Age
The Ruins of the Severin Fortress
274
Ethnic Attitudes in the Kingdom of Hungary and the Defense of
Christendom in the Mid 1400'
Florin Dumitru Soporan

"Babe§-Bolyai" University,
Cluj-Napoca
e investigation of the complex anti-Ottoman struggle of the Central European peoples

pecially of the social and ethnic components of this fascinating fragment of medieval ci-
n is quite a challenge when it comes to the scientific approach and the methodology
by the historian. First of all, contaminated by the anachronistic readings present in
1 historiographies, one might erroneously seek to find patriotic reasons or forms of
solidarity in events seen by their very protagonists as a crusade, as a selfless struggle
nse of Christendom. For various reasons, some authors have chosen to interpret the
of the Late Middle Ages from a vantage point typical of Late Modernity. At the same
indiscriminate presentation of the same events as portrayed by their contemporaries,
lete disregard of their subjective values, individual loyalties and external constraints,
deprive this period of turmoil of its own substance, the substance of a world marked
1
_mber of distinctive elements, among which ethnic affinities played a significant role .
Nationalism and Crusading
· previous considerations on medieval Europe gain a particular significance when we

e region located east of the Holy Roman Empire. Here, the coexistence of commu-
nging to the three great European families of languages, the survival of the Hungari-
d sedentary after 900 AD., as well as their different religious affiliation created the
-~ of considerable tension, a tension which even nowadays is far from being solved'.
oriography sought to solve the apparent contradiction by employing the term of late/
e crusade in connection to the anti-Ottoman struggle. The term does fit the political,
iscourse of that time and associates the conflict with religious differences between
an Turks and Greek or Latin Christendom. The Crusade has been reconsidered
rn historiography, which presently clearly distinguishes between the enthusiasm of
s and of the nobles fascinated by the mirage of the Holy Land and the political
3
iastical institutionalization of the overseas expeditions mounted by the Holy See •
ian historians have remained faithful to a traditional approach. They include the
th
the 15 century in the framework of the Late Crusade, although its original idea
I momentum in the world that had generated it. The actions taken by the Orthodox
have been related to stimuli specific to the Catholic environment. In this parti-
we are dealing with a rare example of agreement between the Romanian and
,ran historiography. The latter has always presented the actions taken during the
'Huizinga, 'Nationalism in the Middle Ages', in Nationalism in the Middle Ages, edited by C.
(New York 1988), pp. 23-24.
5,Phillips, The Medieval Expansion of Europe (Oxford 1988\ Nora Berend, 'Hungary, The
·~tendom', in Medieval Frontiers: Concepts and Practices, edited by David Abulafia, N.
rshot 2002), pp. 195-215
_this respect, more recently Norman Housley, Contesting the Crusades (Oxford 2006).
period in question by Hungarian kings and nobles as services to Christianity. This appr
became dominant at a time when the secular interpretation of history was gaining mo
tum, and those actions were praised as a defense of European civilization.
More often than not, such interpretations support an identity-oriented discourse, m
to highlight the historical merits of one nation and legitimate its presence in the general E
pean arena. Therefore, such a discourse strangely coincides with the attitudes adopte
the clergymen and the political decision-makers of the Middle Ages. Since the 13th cen
they had been using the crusade as a means to further their own political or financial '
rests, whether we are talking about the Teutonic expansion in the Baltic region or abou
4
financial success of the Knights Templar in France at the time of Philip IV the Fair .
Furthermore, even the classic crusade provided opportunities for the manifestation 0
confiicts dividing the Christian world, and national animosity was clearly refiected in the ch
cles of that time. In the West, these attitudes led to long-lasting conflicts which pitted
English against the French (the Hundred Years' War), the Germans against the Italians
centuries-long confiict between pope and emperor and the communal struggle), the Sw
against the Danes and the Scots against the English. They were also manifest in Central'
Eastern Europe, where Catholic proselytism in the aftermath of the Fourth Crusade, A
intransigence and German colonization in the east only served to increase the tension 5 Ct
Without denying the religious agenda of those who fought in Hungary, in the Rom "
provinces, and in the Balkans, one must also highlight the ethnic and regional significa
their actions, at a time when the only national struggle seen during the Middle Ages
Huizinga described the Hussite movement-occurred in close proximity of the anti-0
front. We are not implying that the Hungarian magnates, the Walachian rulers, or the
despot had taken up the revolutionary agenda of Master Jerome of Prague (Praha,
Still, we must admit that they were perfectly aware of their family and ethnic origin an
all the political leverage and the loyalty that derived from it. Contemporary accounts ar
illustrative in this respect, and a reading of the events occurred at the middle of the 1~
6
come to complete the image of a world so often described in a Manichean fashion . !:"
I. Foreign Threats and Domestic Responses
The peoples of East-Central Europe began to feel the threat rising in the south at/
as the Turks set foot in Europe and the emirs took control of the South Balkans. While_·
Europe were capable of foreseeing the magnitude of Ottoman expansionism in the de""
to come, the exhortations for a crusade made in Avignon and taken up by the soverei
the countries under immediate threat were soon heard by the entire Christian world.
Holy See and the Western intellectual circles, the Turk was but another potential threat
remote borders of christianitas. For the Balkan people, for Hungarians and Walachi
different religion and society of the Turks soon became a constant threat, requiring
7
envisage far-reaching solutions, well beyond the scope of conventional confiicts •
4
E.g. William Urban, The Baltic Crusade (Chicago 1973)· :;;erban Turcu§, Sfantul Scaun §i
secolul al XIII-lea [The Holy See and the Romanians in the 13th Century] (Bucharest 2001), pp. 11
5
loan-Aurel Pop, Geneza medievalii a natiunilor modeme, secolele XIII-XVI [The Medieval
of Modern Nations. 13th -16th Centuries] (Cluj-Napoca 2003), pp. 91-95.
6
Johan Huizinga, Men and Ideas (Amsterdam 1981), p. 114; S. Bylina, 'Le probleme nation
le mouvement Hussite', in Faith and identity: Christian political experience: papers read at t
Polish colloquium of the British Sub-Commission of the Commission intemationale d'histoire ,..
tique comparee, 9-13 September 1986 (=SCH, Subsidia, VI), edited by David Loades, Katherin_.
(Oxfqrd 1990), p. 68.
'Georges Ostrogorsky, Histoire de !'eta/ Byzantin (Paris 1964), pp. 324-335.
276
Ethnic Atitudes in 1/Je Kingdom of Hungary
nee sultan Murad I took up residence in Adrianople in 1371, the old power relations,
upon arrangements concluded between the Slavic states and Byzantium and
ry, became obsolete. _Apart from the_ considerable appeal still enjoyed by the prospect
rusade in the Apostolic Kingdom, this comes to account for the rapid involvement of
ngevin monarchs in the attempts to drive the Turk out of Europe, after 1370. Despite
· ure of these early Hungarian initiatives, they created a precedent in what concerns the
s employed by the Hungarian political elite, with the involvement of Balkan peoples in
8
nflict following agreements or alliances concluded with states or with various factions .
***
or the Hungarians, the Ottoman Turks were not the major threat to their political
ce and national survival. The first durable contacts between the Hungarians and the
world date back to the 1zlh century. Thus, a German chronicle indicates that King
11 (1142-1162) invited Khorezmian archers to come to Hungary. The differences
ived by the people of tt1at time had to do with clothing and, of course, with religion. The
th
ntagonism between the two communities appeared in the second half of the 13
ry, following the religious intransigence manifest in the wake of the Fourth Crusade.
9
·mportantly, however, it appeared as a consequence of the Mongol invasion of 1241 .
yond the political and military significance of the events in question, the Mongol power
in the east brought to the forefront a number of ideological and identity-related issues.
first time since their integration into the Christian world, the peoples in the region felt
eat of assimilation by the civilization of the steppes. In the long term, these fears led to
ition of identity based upon the idea of a space seen as the border of christianitas10_
e defense of Christendom became the reason to exist for the peoples who had
1shed here polities according to universally accepted principles of order. This type of
n, better documented in the case of the Catholic world, was also manifest on the
n fringes of medieval Europe. The Iberian kingdoms used their position on the confines
11
slamic world in their state propaganda, which accompanied the military Reconquista .
reconsidered position of the states and the peoples located on the fringes of Europe
seen in the correspondence exchanged by their sovereigns and the various popes or
cials of the Holy See. Before Lyon I (1245), Bela IV informed Gregory IX about the de-
n caused by the Mongols. He insisted upon the defensive importance of his country,
ad finis christianitatis. The significance of this phrase goes beyond diplomatic
I and its immediate motivations. Hungary's position as the first line of defense for
nity would not only remain a constant presence in the official Hungarian proraganda,
Id also contribute decisively to the medieval definition of Hungarian identity' .
nsiderable part in this process was also played by the Holy See, which partly em-
he perspective of the Hungarian Crown, especially since it was consonant with the
paradigm recommended in the 1200' to all Christian monarchies. This was the time
Lmgary, the Polish polities and the Baltic possessions of the Order became, alongside
r_the context, see also John Meyendolff, 'Projets de concile oecumenique en 1367: un dialogue
e Jean Cantacuzene et le legat Paul', OOP, XIV (1960), pp. 147-177.
5 SzQcs 'The Peoples of Medieval Hungary', EHH, [VIII] (1990), 2, pp. 11-20.
;g. N. Berend, 'Defense de la Chretiente et la naissance d'une identite: Hongrie, Pologne et la
. iberique au Moyen Age', Anna/es HSS, LVIII (2003), 5, pp. 1009-1027.
p, Geneza medievalil, p. 56; see also the already classic study of N. Berend, Al 1/Je Gate of
om: Jews, Muslims and "Pagans" in Medieval Hungary, c. 1000-c, 1300 (Cambridge 2001).
e also $erban Papacostea, Between 1/Je Crusade and the Mongol Empire. Tile Romanians
Cen/ury(Cluj-Napoca 1998), pp. 48-51.
277
the Latin Empire of the East and the overseas territories controlled by the West, the large
Roman missionaries, and their defense would lead to repeated appeals for a crusade 13 • ,,.
The wide territory to be covered and the dynamics of the crusades themselves com ·
mised the success of pontifical appeals, and the attempts to deploy a crusader force of
military orders in the territories threatened by the Mongol invasion ultimately failed to b
any concrete results. Even if Hungarians and Poles always tried to strike the apostolic ch
in their international contacts, contemporary accounts suggest that they felt abandoned
the rest of the Christendom. Writing to the pope sometime around 1260, the sarne Bel
expressed surprise at the fact that the Church was more interested in the Saint Louis' T
expedition than in Hungary's defense, threatened by another devastating Mongolian inroa
***
The crusade experienced a development somewhat similar to that in the West. Ther
the 1200', the former instrumentum ecclesiae became an instrumentum regni, assisting.i
establishment of the great powers. In France, national unity was achieved after the eli
lion of the southern entities, as the latter were likely to evolve towards a distinct ethnic(
tity or join the Iberian realms. They were annihilated on charges of heresy. In Central Eu
the cross was rather an instrumentum nationis, in the political corporate meaning of the
This essentially had to do with the states' inability to channel the loyalty of their subje
the service of the common interest. The profound causes are related to the internal
dynamics of these states. Various peculiarities present within these states, in different
and at different levels, had granted the nobility a dominant position in relation to the er
The most serious outcome of this acute external threat involved a change in the pr
atmosphere of relative tolerance, which had favored German colonization in these stat
well as the settlement here of other foreigners, meant to defend the borders. The new
made every ethnic community consider its own destiny, and also the legitimacy of soci
tical, and ecclesiastic structures, in order to better define the national interests and
1241 is particularly significant precisely because it created a precedent, as two centuri
we find the same external circumstances and internal reactions. The Golden Horde, with i
pensity for a diffuse universalism rooted in no institutionalized religion whatsoever, for
dowed the arrival of the Ottoman Turks. The Western failure to understand the prob ·
th
the Danube Christians was the same in the mid 1200' and at the middle of the 15 cen
The identity-related Hungarian and Polish historiographical discourse began to ci.

the motif of the inimical foreigner, always willing to join the external enemy. Obviously, th'
actions were not completely novel at the time when the Mongols showed up at the HU!)
border, proximity being more often than not synonymous to mutual suspicion. Still, q
instability and the external context gave them substance and integrated them into a
set of reactions. Hungary is a case in point. Hatred of Muslims and Jews had become,
on the internal political agenda prior to the Golden Bull of 1222, and the Cumanian q
also divided a public opinion reluctant when it came to the assimilation of the former en•
13
Cesare Alzati, in inima Europei. Studii de istorie re/igioasil a spafiului romanesc [Int
of Europe: Studies on the Religious History of the Romanian Space], edited by $erban Tu .
Napoca 1999), p. 24. ,
14
For instance: Z.W. Kozstolnyck, Hungary in the Thirteenth Century, New York, 1998, p;
15
See also Thomas T8nase, 'Le Royaume de Hongrie et les missions franciscaines dans I
sous domination mongole du Xlll 6 siecle au XV s1E!de: un example de geopolitique religieuse',
V (2003), pp. 113-131, as well as Gyula Kristo, Die Geburt der ungarischen Nation (Herne 200
16
Histoire de la Hongrie, edited by Ervin Pamleny (Budapest 1978), pp. 41-43; the hostili
nobles towards these foreigners had to do with the involvement in the management of royal r
278
Ethnic Atitudes in the Kingdom of Hungary
The fact that numerous noblemen failed to respond to the call to arms issued in 1241
be explained precisely by taking into account the hostility felt by Hungarian nobles
rds these new associates of the king, deemed a threat to the internal political balance.
violent incidents involving Hungarians and Cumanians only foreshadowed the problems
inating the political agenda of the last Arpadian kings. The solution found to these
lems created a sizable fracture between the Crown and its subjects .
•••
hile the kings saw these auxiliaries as essential for the defense of the borders and for an
Balkan policy, the nobles, increasingly identifying with the nation as a whole, felt that
sition as main partners of the royal crown, and implicitly their power of over sight,
hreatened by the presence in the kingdom of these distinct entities. Under these circum
s, each of the two components of the Hungarian political system devised its own stra-
r the salvation of the realm. The strategies differed particularly when it came to the
es towards the communities that had a different language and faith than the dominant
.This exclusive attitude of the nobles, enhanced by religious fe1Vor, affected to varying
s all the foreigners living in the realm, and the charters of the time speak of manife§-
11
of hostility towards Muslims and Jews, but also about the seizure of Orthodox assets .
e papacy eventually endorsed the point of view of the nobles, even if initially it had
tood the importance of using foreigners for the defense of the eastern borders of Hun-
.he popes constantly vacillated between the demands of an apostolic policy and the
_tic approaches which required special treatment for the Orthodox or for those recently
ed. This dilemma left its imprint upon the actions taken by the Holy See in this region
e two centuries that followed, and only the Council of Florence attempted to come up
efinitive solution. In the short term, Hungary would be forced to defend itself by
g the local forces, and the presence of Cuman riders in the battles of Central Europe
ed to increase the suspicions regarding the kingdom's position within christianitas".
same period saw the rise of a threat in the west. Here, the conflict with the Duchy of
d forced the country to fight on two fronts even in 1241. The image of the fortress
e and of the German threat to Hungary, fueled by a long tradition of conflict, gained
_nt place in the collective mentality of Hungarian nobles. This was precisely the time
s shaping its own discourse on power, based upon the historic right of the original
d on a certain equality with the Crown in the establishment of the kingdom.
eady complex political interests and identity issues were further complicated by
ion of the conflict with the PFemysls of Bohemia. They were also appealing to Slavic
in_ order to counteract German pressure, as indicated by the Manifesto to Poles or
mpts to seize control of the alpine territories. Changes in mentality, only revealed
in this key the documents of foreign policy, did nevertheless find their confirma-
ternal realities of the Hungarians, the Czechs, the Poles, and the Romanians 19_
peter Jackson, The Mongols and the West. 1221-1410 (Harlow 2005), pp. 62-63; unlike in
he West, contemporary texts presented the Orientals as monsters in human shape.
tvan Vasary, Cumans and Tatars: Oriental Military in the Pre-Ottoman Balkans, 1185--
'dge 2005) pp. 158-164; Victor Spinei, The Great Migrations in the East and South East of
the Ninth to the Thirteenth Century, II, Cumans and Mongols (Amsterdam 2006'), pp. 138-
e of the Kingdom of Hungary as a bastion of heretics and of the schism would be used by
anda in order to discredit king Bela IV in the eyes of the pope, even on the eve of the bat-
brun.
Dvornik, Slavii 7n civi/iza/ia eurcpeanii [The Slavs in European Civilization] (Bucharest
'30.
279
In Hungary, we see the generalization of the gyepu, fortifications erected on the sou
and eastern borders, where defensive responsibilities were delegated to local elements. Th
ficiency of these measures allowed the kingdom to counteract the Mongol threat and resurn
offensive foreign pclicy. In the long term, the phenomenon increased the centrifugal forces
the consolidated regional entities, of distinct ethnic composition and family loyalties, d
loped autonomist attitudes and drew increased pcwer from the military prestige thus gain
The Anjou age began with efforts to restore the crown's authority, usurped in the b
areas by potentates. For the first time we see forms of regional affiliation that would be
the rule whenever domestic stability was compromised: the Voivodate of Transylvania, vi
as a regnum by contempcraries at the time of Ladislas (Laszlo) Kan (1299-1312), the
eastern counties gathered under the power of the Csak family, a first polity in the Ian
future Slovakia, and, at a different level, the German towns which, despite the corpora'
protecting their interests, developed their own identity, anti-Hungarian and anti-Walachia
The monarchy prevailed by resorting to the lesser nobility from the counties,
threatened by the rising power of the magnates, but also by adopting the exclusive atti
showed by the great nobles with regard to the non-Hungarian and non-Catholic inha ''
of the kingdom. For the first time in Hungarian history, the writings of great prelates exp
relate religious affiliation and loyalty to the king. One outcome of this policy was the st
rise of a Romanian social elite, forced to choose between Catholicism and social exclusi
The last period of Charles (Karoly) I Robert's reign (1308-1342) and especially the
of Louis (Lajos) I (1342-1382) were in fact a permanent crusade against the heretics an
Orthodox, actively supported by enthusiastic papal legates. The consequences of this
would prove unfortunate for the future of the region, where radical proselytism fu
resistance of Balkan peoples and brought the Romanian states under the spiritual um
the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople. Louis spent most of his reign fighting v
coalitions of internal rebels and neighboring states, and failed to obtain any lasting r
This made his country vulnerable to the new power, product of the Islamic revival occu
Asia Minor. Once again, it came to threaten the region's position within Christian civilizati
II. Patriotism and Crusade
The complex situation of that time was part of the legacy passed on to the new H,
rian king, Sigismund (Zsigmond) of Luxemburg (1387-1437). The long reign of this typ
medieval monarch, faced with rapid social, economic, and political changes, has beeri
lyzed by historians chiefly from the perspective of its imperial dimension, arbitrating in E
and mediating the conflicts caused by the great schism of the West (and also by that
East). During the four decades during which this monarch controlled Eastern Euro
political agenda was dictated by the events occurring in the eastern kingdoms, whe
presence foreshadowed the future Habsburg attempts to integrate the Danube tenj
into a coherent political unit. Wth his right to succession challenged in Hungary, with int
instability in his native Bohemia and with the turmoil created by the election of two d,i
0
' Tudor Salagean, Transilvania in a douajumatate a secolului al XIII-lea. Afirmarea regimului ·
ga/ional [fransylvania in the Second Half of the 13~ Century: The Rise of the Congregational R
(Cluj-Napoca 2003), pp. 225-232; 1.-A. Pop, Romiinii §i maghiarii in secolele IX-XIV. Geneza
medieval In Transilvania [Romanians and Hungarians in the 11 th-14 th Centuries: The Genesis:
Medieval State in Transylvania] (Cluj-Napoca 2003'), pp. 125-126; Berend, Gate of Christendom, 8:
21
Pal Engel, The Realm of St. Stephen. A History of Medieval Hungary. 895-1526 (London,
pp. 234-235.
22
See also N. Housley, 'King Louis the Great of Hungary and the Crusades. 1342-1382',
LXII (1982), pp. 192-208.
280
, he was forced to abandon the active foreig_n policy pursued bj the last Anjou king,
ely at a time when the Ottoman power was rising 1n the Balkans' .
***
·e former warrior barons of Louis I competed with the officials of the Court in the attempt
a husband for the heiress to the throne, hesitating between the prince of Bohemia,
ed by the former king, the Anjou relatives from Naples, and possibly a member of the
family. In the meantime, sultan Murad II was systematically turning the Balkan polities
•ssal states, opposed with varying degrees of success only by the short-lived alliances
bian, Bulgarian, and Albanian ruler. The internal dissolution of the former Slavic states
th
ely echoed the Byzantine developments of the 15 century and foreshadowed what
happen in Hungary during the next century. In all cases, we look at a fracture between
·ng authority and the rest of the population and with the authorities' inability to rally the
ts in support of a patriotic cause. The situation was radically different in the West,
the identification between state and nation was once again proceeding forward, after
th 24
mentary interruption caused by the crisis occurred at the middle of the 14 century .
om the very beginning, Sigismund was faced with the problem of the incompatibility be-
:the monarch and the nation, in both the corporatist and the ethnic sense of the term.
ble faction that had supported the Anjou claim to the Crown of St. Stephen had invoked
e dynastic legitimacy of Charles of Calabria, and the hostility to a Czech contender,
ad entered Hungary with a Bohemian army. Illustrative of the importance gained by re-
.· lidarities within power relations is the fact that the rebels set the center of their resis-
Slavonia, where the support of the local population and of the Bosnian king made it
for them to resist for a long time. Until 1403, the state authorities sought to limit the
f the aristocracy, either through timely compromises, or by fighting the leagues of
25
n which at one point even captured the king and forced him to make concessions .
of the main bones of contention between the two components of the Hungarian politi-
em was the king's preference for foreign advisers, promoted to positions traditionally
Hungarians. The most interesting case is that of count Hermann von Cilly of Styria,
re father-in-law of the king, who received vast estates in the realm and served as ban
nia for nearly three decades. Henceforth, the destiny of this family would be connected
lavic area on the border between Hungary, Serbia, and the Empire, where the Cilly
tes would anticipate, at a smaller level, the integrationist policies of the Habsburgs.
example, more relevant for the Hungarian anti-Ottoman policy of that time, is that of
amed Stibor, a man with an exceptional cursus honorum, who ended up becoming
26
of Transylvania and the leader of military expeditions in support of Walachia .
"(presence of these courtiers so detested by the local nobles was in perfect agree-
th the general policy of the king. He had to manage the vast assets belonging to the
· f Luxemburg, being practically forced to adopt a cosmopolitan approach to regional
F'rom this point of view, the anti-Ottoman actions taken by Sigismund remained quite
_c11, as he attempted to defeat the infidels by launching a call for a crusade .
.,'·Engel, 'Magyarorszag es a torok veszely Zsigmond koraban (1387-1437)' [Hungary and the
Threat in the Age of Sigismund. 1387-1437], Sz, CXXVIII (1994), 2, pp. 273-287
. Dimitri Obolensky, Un commonwealth medieval: Bizan/ul. Europa de Riisiirit, 500-1453 [A
ommonwealth: Byzantium, Eastern Europe. 500-1453] (Bucharest 2002), pp. 141-175.
yr6czy (1985, p. 43) praises those members of the Horvath family who had died in Slavonia
foreigners.
el, The Realm, p. 249.
281
Clearly, something had to be done in this respect, following the great Ottoman victory
Kosovopolje (June 1389), the submission of Serbia, and the almost annual campaigns
Bulgaria. The Walachian victory of Rovine created t11e favorable premises for a crusade,
the time proved right for the mobilization of Western forces, particularly when it came to
Burgundians. The disaster of Nicopolis once again demonstrated the inefficiency of such
anti-Ottoman endeavor, but it did seNe to develop a French-Burgundian interest in exp
tions to this region, as seen later at the time of John Hunyadi. Still, the Burgundian invcil
ment would remain inferior to that of 1396, despite the massive propaganda carried ouf'
the entourage of a king willing to place his entire foreign policy under the sign of the crusade ..
***
In the short term, however, the defeat had a negligible military irnpact upon Hungary,
borders were protected by local forces, and the Ottomans were being forced to deal wit·
new enemy within the Muslim world: Timur Lenk. The defeat of Ankara and the captur~
sultan Bayezid I (1402), but especially the ensuing conflicts within the Ottoman Empire spar
Hungary from an offensive across the Danube. These two decades of respite consolidat
the image of Hungary as a land with a mission, the border and the shield of Christendom'
All of the faithful sons of the Church had to protect the interests of the apostolic king
In 1408, Sigismund criticized the cardinals loyal to pope Boniface IX for being hostile to
Hungary, the shield of Christendom. It is difficult to identify the actual impact of such id
upon the masses, but if we also take into account certain events occurred during the sa
period we begin to see that elements of the political and intellectual discourse did act4
transfer to the public debate, increasingly active across entire late medieval Europe29 i}
It is obvious that the people of that time were seeking to relate the cause of Christen
to the destiny of Hungary. The tendency went well beyond the momentary political circums
ces which revived the issue, as it resurfaced in later Hungarian writings. The sovereign i
ded to give it a legal foundation, in keeping with the principles of medieval law, at the Cou
of Constance. He insisted that the natio hungarica be given the right to vote alongside;,
other five nations which enjoyed this right. While Sigismund had to sacrifice this plan to
general interest of the Church, it is true that he sought to appease certain internal sensiti ··
at a time when the Czech Hussite movement was emerging as a serious challenge.
Sigismund portrayed the kingdom of Hungary as a besieged fortress, caught be

the Hussite heretics and the Muslim infidels. In this context, during another period of e
turmoil (the 1590'), people referred to Sigismund's desire to wipe out all Walachians fro
kingdom. The exclusive agreement concluded with the nobility, needed for the fight ~ .
the Czechs, deprived Hungary of the important defensive support of its southern allies •· ·
The Ottoman recovery under Mehmed I and the renewed clashes in Bosnia and B.
forced the Hungarian Crown to structurally readjust its policies and the attitude towards'
non-Hungarian subjects. The endurance of the latter had been demonstrated during t
27
See here Steven Runciman, Caderea Constanlinopolului. 1453 [The Fall of Constantinople.
(Bucharest 1971 '), pp. 19-22; Hungarian chronicles blamed the defeat on the insubordination sh
by the foreign knights.
28
For instance: Klaus-Peter Matschke, Die Schlacht bei Ankara und das Schicksa/ van B
Studien zur spiitbyzantinischen Geschichte zwischen 1402 und 1422 (Weimar 1981).
29
See also:;;. Papacostea, 'La Valachie et la crise de structure de l'Empire ottoman (1402-1
RRH XXV (1986),1·2, pp. 30-31.
30
Ot
One Czech chronicle indicated that Sigismund, in his hatred of Czech honor and langq
would have given away the whole of Hungary for a chance to destroy Bohemia (see also Pop, Ge.
medievala, p. 54).
282
Etllnic Atitudes in the Kingdom of Hungary
1 to set up a crusader mark at Severin (Sziireny) by bringing in a community of Teuton

his led by Master Nicholas of Radowitz. Under these circumstances, king Sigismund
pied what Engel Pal called a new policy towards the states in the south, seeking to protect
31
gary by way of a new partnership with the states of Serbia, Bosnia, and Walachia .
•••
The new relationship differed from the one of mere submission, attempted by Louis I, and
ently consisted of an arrangement involving Hungarian support against the Ottoman at
s. such a relation can hardly fit the pattern seen in the Western feudal world. The partners
yed a lot more freedom, and could even conclude separate agreements with the infidels,
happened in the case of Serbia and Walachia. For the long term, the obvious intention
to integrate these allies, one way or another, into the structures of the kingdom. Proof in
respect is the fact that the Romanian, Serbian, and Bosnian rulers were accepted into
· rder of the Dragon, which included those magnates personally loyal to the king.
The buffer zone remained operational during the lifetime of the contracting sovereigns
due to the relative passivity of the Porte, content with maintaining the Balkan status quo.
,south-Slavic and Romanian polities remained loyal to their apostolic protector only as Ion~
3
at did not affect their own situation with regard to the Turks or to the dissident factions .
Even if Mircea I eel Ba/ran (the Old) constantly maintained his independence in foreign
ions and Stephen (Stepan) Lazarevic received the title of despot of Serbia from the Byzan
inperor and continued to be a vassal of the sultan, the first impasse in the Hungarian
' ration with the Balkan peoples occurred in the case of Bosnia. Here the traditional in-
ndence of local magnates soon came into conflict with the Hungarian attempts to set up
anent structures for the defense of Slavonia. The conflicts with the locals occurred after
'led to the gradual loss of the fortresses seized two decades earlier, with the exception
,ibrenic, which intermittently hosted one of the Hungarian border banates.
· · ore dire developments occurred in Walachia, subjected, after 1417, to systematic Ot-
11 attacks. The invasion of 1420, which led to the death of Mircea l's, son Michael I, for
ist time brought the Ottomans under the walls of Bra~ov (Kronstadt, Brass6), creating
'among inhabitants. Devastating inroads ravaged the Banate of Severin and the neigh
counties, making necessary the king's personal presence and the more active involve-
()/ Hungary in support of Dan II of Walachia. The effects of the war were felt in the years
llowed, when a number of counties were depopulated and even disappeared from
ents. The king's attempts to assume the offensive in this sector of the front, occurred
33
8, met with utter failure, as the Hungarian forces were crushed at Goluba6
nthe domestic levels, these events were accompanied by a change in the attitude
,s the lesser Romanian nobles from Ha\eg (Hatszeg) and Banal, at a time when the
racy in general was renewed. This was the time when the family of Voicu was given
late of Hunedoara (Hunyad). The importance of these social categories grew after the
'c,f Goluba6, when the king began to reorganize the defense of Transylvania.
ugen Gluck, 'Date noi cu privire la prezen\a cavalerilor teutoni la frontiera Banatului' [New Data
esence of the Teuton Knight at the Frontier of the Banate], RI, NS, Ill (1992), 7-8, pp. 783-792;
, loan Dragan considers that the crusaders withdrew because the local nobility had refused to
e with them, fearing a return of the inquisitorial practices of the Anjou kings.
ee also Elemer Malyusz, 'lkach rex Bosnensis', SSASH, XIV (1968), pp. 259-267; Idem, 'Die
"der Tall6ci', SSASH, XXVIII (1982), pp. 1-66
e also Dan Ple,;ia, $tefan Andreescu, 'Un episode inconnue des campagnes du voievode
ince de Valachie', RRH, XIII (1974), 3, pp. 545-557.
283
The document of 1432-1433, which listed the contributions to be paid by the administra
units and the nations of Transylvania, also mentions the nobifes vafac/1i, cum potentia. Gi
the defensive imperatives, the Romanian nobles, deprived of collective representation in
congregations of the kingdom, emerged as a distinct and important military catego7',
their representatives soon learned how to gain a political advantage from this situation \.
The collapse of Hungary's last line of defense, the despotate of Serbia, also came t
crease the importance of these dynamic social categories and military potentials. Ge
(Durad) Brankovic's succession, a nephew of the former despot (1427) accompanied by
surrender to Hungary of some fortresses, Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar) among th
drew a punitive Ottoman response. Inroads occurred almost every year, targeting Serbia
the border counties of Hungary. The king sought to secure the position of his Serb ally, g
ting vast estates in the region east of the Tisa and turning the Orthodox despot of Serbiaj
one of the greatest landlords of the realm. The latter took considerable advantage from
position during the struggles that would affect Hungary in the two decades that followed.
kingdom of Hungary and the champion power of Islam were now openly facing one anot
and success in the forthcoming battle depended on the mobilization of the greater arm
Sigismund of Luxemburg's reign created the premises for the great campaigns of 1
1456. It also defined the internal political situation of Hungary and the coalition of fore
valved in the upcoming events. Furthermore, it marked the failure of the crusading initi
and, generally speaking, of the request for a foreign coordination of the military effort.
After 1420, it became obvious that resistance could be ensured only by settin
regional alliances, by appealing to ethic and clan solidarity, particularly strong in the b
regions, and maybe by rallying the whole kingdom in defense of the faith. Over the
term, such a policy would have undermined state authority. It gave centrifugal forces ·
military and propaganda edge they had lacked one century earlier. Still, when Si~is ·
died, only few could predict the disasters caused by the emergence of the oligarchs' .
This is the time when we begin to see the future factions that would compete for p
in Hungary, by way of their candidates to the throne, each located on a specific territory;
associated with a particular ethnic group: Slovakia, where contact with the Hussites,
awakened the old Slavic solidarity, Transylvania and Slavonia, interested in an active '
Ottoman policy, and Western Hungary, dominated by magnates associated with the Cou
the latter region the German towns and population had a significant importance, later ta
into account by the House of Austria, the rightful successor of the dynasty of Luxemburg,
Ill. Between the Enemies of Christendom and the Enemies of the Realm
It is very difficult to determine to what extent the death of Sigismund and the ren
clashes with the Turk catalyzed the factional struggle that would deprive the crown of an
power for nearly two decades. Without discussing in detail the events, we shall just m
the fact that when it came to the statement of identity, the death of the man who, for n
four decades, had limited the power of local barons and promoted his foreign entourage,
as a vindication of the former and of traditional entities, the counties and the provincial unit_
" In this respect: Hunnuzaf<i, 1-2, p. 567; GVU, [I], 1432-1433, Propositiones, art. XXI,
420; Supplementum, p. 427.
35
Dvornik, S/avii, p. 69; still, the rise of George Brankovic helped restore Serbian unity, foll .
the annexation of the estates held by the major noble families. :
36
See also Matei Cazacu, 'Les Ottomans sur le Bas-Danube au XVe siecle.Quelques preci
SOF,j<LI (1982), pp. 27-41.
See Engel, The Realm, p. 346.
284
*••
The succession of Albert of Habsburg, the son-in-law of the former king, was accepted
out opposition only as an expression of the will of the estates, the only ones entitled to
'ide on such a matter. The status of rex e/ectus was confirmed in a capitulation that stress
the ban on the appointment of foreigners to high positions in the kingdom and the strict
ervance of the realm's old laws and customs. This nobiliary nationalism seems strange
time when the Turks were threatening the very existence of Hungary, and the imbalance
rces demanded a cooperation of all Christians. Still, the Hungarian attitude was in no
dissimilar to what was happening in the rest of Europe during the period in question.
In Byzantium, where the situation was even more dire, the attempt to cooperate with the
holies was denounced by numerous social categories which proclaimed their loyalty to the
odox doctrine and revived the Greek patriotism emerged in the 1200'. The nations neigh
·ng Hungary were also experiencing an emergence of their identity spirit, amid political
military initiatives directed against their fellow religionists, placing popular piety in the
ice of the patriotic cause. The Poles still enjoyed their victories against German crusa-
' and their clergy circulated the legend of holy intervention in support of the Jagiellonian
38
s, while the Czechs proclaimed Christ sanctissimus et invictissimus be//ator pragensis .
\:iespite his moderate stance, the short reign of Albert of Habsburg was affected by the
ch animosity towards the Germans. One Czech chronicler presented him as a good and
~ing, despite the fact that he was a German. The violent confiicts between the Germans
.he Hungarians of Buda occurred on the occasion of king Albert of Habsburg's coronation
-:··to indicate how widespread these feelings were with the people of that time39 .
ile the xenophobic reactions were causing trouble for the central authorities, the social
ture was challenged by the struggle of the laboratores mentioned by medieval sources.
ing after a long series of tumultuous events associated by historians with the emergence
ssite ideas, the peasant unrest manifest in Transylvania (1437-1438) plunged the society
deep crisis. Beyond the social, confessional, or fiscal aspects, at regional level the con-
pposed two types of legitimacy: that of the privileged Estates, augmented by tradition
y their specific relation to the Crown, and that of the rebellious peasants4°.
what concerns these events, relevant to our topic is the ethnic substratum of the political
ilitary developments and the references to the origin of the protagonists found in the
s of that time. The peasants gathered on Bobalna (Babolna) hill defined themselves
negotiations as a universitas regnico/arum Hungarorum et Va//achorum. In early 1438,
ing with medieval tradition, the opposing faction formed a league, the fratema unio of
41
• a (Kapolna). It would evolve into the better-known unio trium nationum .
ge significance of the moment went beyond its initial goals. The partnership established
en the nobles, the Saxon patricians, and Szekler leaders was both directed against
ernal threat and meant to secure the defense of the land against the Turk. Two of its
'9ents were clearly defined along ethnic lines. Saxones and Siculi occupied a distinct
and had their own institutions, while the nob//es, still far from the magyar nemzet of the
y,1ere nonetheless ideologically related to the Hungarian ethnic group. The pact increased
.g. Urszula Borkozovska, 'The Ideology of Antemurale in the Sphere of Slavic Culture (13th-17'h
s)', in The Common Christian Roots of the European Nations. An International Colloqium in the
;(Augustinianum Patristic Institute, 3-7 November 1981), II (Florence 1982), pp. 1208-1209.
hur6czy (1985), I, pp. 232-233.
History of Transylvania, I, edited by Thomas Nagler, 1.-A. Pop (Cluj-Napoca 2005), p. 245.
avid Prodan, Supp/ex Libel/us Valachorum (Bucharest 1984\ p. 23.
285
the solidarity among the privileged Transylvanian categories, with regard to both foreig
and the crown, at a time when the kingship tried to limit the privileges of the Estates. ;
Under these circumstances, a mobilization of rival nations under the fiag of a crusad
at the call of a foreign ruler seen as such was domed to fail, as clearly demonstrated
Ottoman inroad into Serbia of 1438. The fall of Smederevo, Brankovic's stronghold, foll
by the terrible devastation of his lands, found Hungary totally incapable of protecting it
and even the defense of the southern counties was left to local forces. The king's insist
and the pleas of the Serbian despot now in refuge led to the summoning of a Diet mea
decree the general mobilization against the infidels. Amid the preparations, South Transyl
was invaded and, for the first tirne, the Ottoman forces besieged Belgrade. The death of
Albert of Habsburg, occurred in the camp where the forces meant for an expedition to
42
s
were gathering, marked the end of the royal initiative in Hungarian policy . ,
The political conglomerate which this representative of the House of Austria had mana
for the first time ever, to integrate into a single state entity failed to reach its original goal}
mobilization for a crusade. Henceforth, it would be dominated by those who had identified:
greater extent with local interests and had managed to use to their own advantage the solid
between the more or less privileged subjects of the same ethnic origin. It was the time 'o
kingmakers in Hungary, of the noblemen's regency in Poland, and of confessional faction'
in Bohemia. This relative disintegration of the forces that had successfully transplanted th'
radigrns of Christian civilization into this part of Europe did not go unnoticed by the edu ·
minds of that time. Their writings allow us to see the events precisely from the vantage
the emerging centers of power. from this point of view, the case of Hungary is quite ambi
a strange osmosis between the legitimist and identity-related Hungarian discourse culti
by the players in the internal political arena, and the actual reality of the political and
3
actions, conditioned by the mobilization of regional and national resources 4 .
The civil war which divided the kingdom after 1439, and which opposed the supp
of Ladislas, Albert's posthumous son, to those of Polish king Wladislaw (W/adys/aw, Ula
Jagiello, indicated the rise of these centrifugal forces. Beyond the traditional divisions
Hungarian aristocracy, we see now the emergence of a faction of magnates, closet
court and consisting of Sigismund's favorites, led by Ulrich von Cilly and Ladislas Gara·
sisted by Denis (Denes) Szecsi, archbishop of Esztergom (Gran). Their rivals was the 'n ···
party' of the lesser noblemen, led by palatine Lawrence (Lorine) Hedervari, hostile r
German influence, and by the young warlords John Hunyadi and Nicholas (Miklos) Ujla
The propaganda of both sides spoke about the need to protect the kingdom again
foreign threat, but this intention was directly related to the concrete interests of local le.:
The legitimist party was concentrated in western Hungary and included magnates holdin'
estates on the border of Austria and cities dominated by German burghers, who saw tfJ':
operation with Frederic (Friedrich) Ill as essential for their own security. The Ottoman "
was less acutely felt in these regions, closer to the Empire and Bohemia, more distanr
the tumultuous Balkan world, whose presence was felt only in vague calls for a crusad~
42
Ca mil Mure,anu, John of Hunyadi, Defender of Christendom (Oxford-la,i-Portland 2001),
43
F.D. Soporan, 'Afirmarea Monarhiei Habsburgice in Europa Centrala ,i de Est (1526-1556)'
Rise of the Habsburg Monarchy in Central and Eastern Europe. 1526-1556], S/udMed, I (2004), p
44
This faction, whose main representative would be John (Janos) Vitez of Zredna, militat
consolidation of royal authority, thus seeking protection from the abuses perpetrated by the ma
and trying to ensure a better defense of the realm against the foreign threat. The phrase 'the n
party' was taken up by Hungarian historiography precisely because of the patriotic agenda of the\
(Engel, The Realm, p. 365). ··
286
defense of their own cause, they invoked the medieval tradition of the kingdom, the
pie of the Holy Crown, and Wladislaws descent from legitimate kings of Hungary. At the
r of their argumentation lay the coronation celebrated by the primate archbishop in Fe-
of 1440, under exceptional circumstances. Wladislaws supporters were noblemen ac-
involved in the anti-Ottoman fight, coming from an environment where families were
atriarchal and where the presence of sizable non-Hungarian communities created the
·ses for solidarity with the Orthodoxs already under Ottoman rule. The new king justified
im to the crown promising to unite the forces of the two kingdoms under the banner of a
e. For Wladislaw, Hungary and Poland were cfipeus et limes Sanctae fide/ catho/icae 45.
•••
ladislaw came from an environment in which hostility towards the Germans was more
t than in Hungary, hence his popularity among those fearing Hungary's 'annexation' by
man house. The cooperation with the papal legates and the willingness to listen to the
of Polish clergymen favored a shift of crusading efforts in the direction of Central and
rn Europe. In this endeavor, the Slavic peoples, the Hungarians, and the Walachians
_to play the part held one century earlier by the German knights. The complex political
xt did not allow the king to set up an ethnic agenda, with an anti-Ottoman goal in mind,
me elements of the king's behavior seem to suggest that he had such concerns.
e army mustered by him for the civil war was recruited mainly from the regions directly
ned by the Turk. He was supported by Brankovic, the Talovacs (Tall6ci, Thall6czy), do
in Slavonia since Sigismund's time, and namely by Hunyadi, ban of Severin, and Ujlaki,
Macva (Macs6). The prestige they enjoyed in their regions and the military skills of the
nders gave the 'national party' not only a nearly complete victory over domestic ene-
ut also the possibility to turn the tide in the conflict with the Turk and resume the offen-
hg the Danube and in the Balkans. The loyalty of these magnates had to be gained,
46
' ing gave them large estates and appointed them to various positions at the court .
e king sought to increase the crusader force, not just through constant appeals for help
e sovereign pontiff and the Western monarchs, but also by involving the neighboring
s, vitally interested in annihilating the Ottoman threat. The effect of his initiatives proved
ite limited when it came to the Czechs, divided by their own political and confessional
, and their military participation in the long campaign or the defense of Belgrade was
"to small mercenary units. Such a unit, led by nobleman Jenik of Mekov, is mentioned
f the crusader avant-garde that went beyond the Balkans in the winter of 1443-1444,
contribution was probably the recourse to Hussite tactics, unknown to the Ottomans47 •
Polish response to Hungarian appeals was also below expectations. The small units
ccompanied the king to his new throne and on the Balkan front were only a token
lion from a nation fighting its own 'war of liberation' against the Germans. In fact, in
e Polish nobles accused the king of putting the interests of Hungary before those of
while the Ruthenian provinces were raided by the Tartars. The manner in which the
ns responded to the call for a crusade reveals the extent to which the mentality of
.ee also Wiktor Weintraub, 'Renaissance Poland and Antemura/e Christianitatis', HUS, Ill-IV
80), 2, pp. 920-930.
,g. loan Dragan, Nobilimea rcmaneasca din Transifvania. 1440-1514 [The Romanian Nobility
ania. 1440-1514] (Bucharest 2000), p. 287.
_est Denis, La fin de /'independence de Boheme (Paris 1931), pp. 54-72; Mihail P.Dan, Cehi,
vaci, refa(ii/e dintre ei in secofe/e Xflf-XV/ [Czechs, Romanians, Slovaks and their Relations
16~ Century] (Sibiu 1944), p. 116.
287
that time could still be captivated by the mirage of an expedition against the heathen
period when here as well loyalties were moving from christianitas towards the native 1a;d
Over the medium term, more successful seems to have been the king's policy toward
Orthodox subjects. Their participation in the crusade was sought through a direct interve
of the Holy See, following the successful conclusion of the Council of Ferrara-Florence (1
1439). The solemn proclamation of the union between the two Churches was in itself a
promise meant to save Byzantium and the whole Christendom through a joint crusa
effort of Orthodoxs and Catholics. The attempt had consequences in Wladislaw's Kingd
Hungary and Poland, where the famous Deere/um Ruthenorum was issued and confirm ···
The charter that first spoke about the equal rights of the Uniate and the Latin clergy
not implemented right away, stirring mainly the opposition of the Roman-Catholic hiera
from the two realms, but it was nevertheless seen as the beginning of a new policy toward
Orthodoxs of Hungary. The union was essentially meant to draw them into the anti-Otto
struggle. The issue remains widely debated among historians, especially when it comes t
echoes of the union among the Walachian Transylvanian elite and to the location of the''
centers of Orthodox spirituality, but most specialists agree that defensive needs forced eve
most radical defenders of the Latin faith to change their attitude towards the schismatics50 _1
•••
The emergence of the nations living in Hungary during the fights for Christendol))
directly elated to the outstanding local representatives of these nations. Familiars coming
their ranks reached the forefront of political life, being present in both of the noblemen'
lions. The most spectacular cases are those of the two military leaders whose power
were located in the border areas, John Hunyadi and Jan Jiskra (Giskra) of Brandys (Bran
At a first glance, modern scholars of the Middle Ages might find it inconceivable thatf
military leaders-whose careers rested on services brought to the kingdom and their su'
of the legitimate authorities, who constantly asserted themselves as Hungarian mag
and professed their obedience to Rome and its crusading designs-should also accelerat
rise of their original ethnic communities, mobilize their solidarity around a common agenda:
1
Hunyadi's case, the matter seems to be completely out of the question, if we consi9
manner in which his personality and military achievements have been presented by Hung
historiography. His family began to rise alongside the 'new men' with which Sigismun
sought to replace the old clans. His active involvement in the anti-Ottoman struggle t
John Hunyadi into a key member of the national party, into a role model for a lesser nob1
Hungary desirous to find the suitable paradigm for its rebellious spirit and patriotic ideal
48
Mure9eanu, John Hunyadi, p.119.
49
Joseph Gill, The Council of Florence (Cambridge 1959), pp. 123-124. Borys A. Gudziak,,.
and Refonn. The Kyvian Metropofitanate, the Patriarchate of Constantinople and the Genesis
Union of Brest (Cambridge, Mass 1998), pp. 27-33, 89. !
50
Oskar Halecki, From Florence to Brest (1439-1596) (offprint from SPM, V) (Rome 1958),
43; some authors consider that it was this context that led to the establishment of the first ecclesf
institutions of the Orthodox Transylvanian Romanians, placed under the authority of uniate cler
(Adrian Andrei Rusu, loan de Hunedoara §i romanii din vremea lui. Studii [John Hunyadi a
Romanians of his Time] (Cluj-Napoca 1999), pp. 54, 94-97). ·
51
More recently, Hungarian authors have spoken about the great popularity enjoyed by his
much praised by the chronicles of that time and saluted as the crowning achievement of Hungaria
For the same reason, the defeats suffered by the crusaders under his command were usually
to foreign treachery or to the plots hatched by the enemies of the realm (Engel, Realm, p. 378).
288
Ethnic Atiludes in the Kingdom of Hungary
nyadi's popularity endured as centuries passed. On each and every occasion Hungarian
·ans stressed the support he received from his Hungarian contemporaries. They even
t to develop a theory of his purely Hungarian origin. When they finally accepted that he
f Romanian descent, they tried to minimize the fact, considering it natural in the context
multiethnic structure of medieval Hungary. In a broader perspective, John was the
IIustration of the success enjoyed by the policy of tolerance and openness to foreigners
by St Stephen, the founder of the realm. Karacsony's statement, whereby John was a
rian Romanian who rose as a nobleman of the realm, remained paradigmatic, even if
re moderate authors recognized the exceptional nature of his ascent, from the condition
all nobleman in a fringe region to the highest positions in the realm. In fact, such de-
2
ns match the portrait that the character in question constantly painted for himse1t6 •
unyadi's entire career was devoted to Hungary. He enjoyed the trust of his sovereigns.
fended the realm not only against the Turk, but also against the Austrian pretenders or
· t Slovak separatism. He always presented himself as a representative of the Hungarian
1nation (carrying out the decisions of the Diet), which resorted to his nominal arbitrage
ealings with foreign enemies. Just like his contemporary, Jiskra, Hunyadi was a man
time. He was not a revolutionary like Hussite leaders, who separated themselves from
· ns by stating their Czech origin and defending their linguistic and confessional heritage.
53
uch greater extent, Hunyadi and Jiskra were different from the Italian condottieri .
ir rise was circumscribed by the domestic Hungarian context. They never challenged
b coordinates, at least not formally. The medieval nationalism manifest in the adjacent
:did still leave recognizable traces in their public and private conduct. They were fully
of their origin and the support they could get from their respective ethnic communities.
e famous Matthew (Mate) Csak in the early 1300', the Walachian magnate never relin-
, this paternal estate, which remained in the possession of his family for fifty years
"s death. Evidence of the fact that he was a member of the Walachian community are
54
names (loan, lancu) used by him and his brother, as well as by some of his relatives .
e chroniclers of his time sought to present him as a staunch Catholic. Recent investi-
}' however, indicate that he was concerned with the situation of the Orthodoxs too.
'despread disputes following the Council of Florence, Hunyadi's almost neutral attitude
he conflict between Greek rite bishop John of Caffa and John Capestran (Giovanni
strano) is rather well-known. However, Hunyadi did not live to see the activity of
fCaffa's Transylvanian successor, the unionist Makkarios of Halich (Halicz). Still,
' i's relative tolerance can be more easily linked to anti-Ottoman necessities, which
55
\ien Capestran show tolerance towards the old schismatics on the eve of Belgrade .
s obvious traces, but with significant long-term consequences for Hunyadi's nation,
by his political and military activity. All the positions he held for nearly two decades
ice of Hungary, kept him in contact with his native province. When he became the
leader of the realm, he kept those positions that allowed him to control the resources
gel Pal considered that only the difficult situation in which Hungary found itself at the middle
century can account for the meteoric rise of a man of such humble origin. For details on the
ry of the Hunyadi family, see Rusu, loan de Hunedoara, pp. 35-52.
ngel, 'Hunyadi palyakezdese' [The Beginning ofHunyadi's Career], in Nobilimea, pp. 91-109
also L-A. Pop, lacob Marza, 'La personnalite et l'epoque de Jean de Hunedoara refletees
nnotations en marge d'un incunable de 1481', Al/GT, XXV (1999), pp. 45-61; Dragan, Nobili-
94-295; Mure,anu, John Hunyadi, pp. 14-15.
e lulian-Mihai Damian, 'The Greek Rite Transylvanian Church in the 1450': Archbishop John
_nd the Crusade in East-Central Europe', in this volume (pp. 145-155).
289
offered by his region of origin, of which he was fully aware since the beginnings of his
for a significant part in his successes had been played by quick local responses to his
This had been why in 1442, within only four days, the defeat of Santimbru (Szentimre)
turned into the victory of Sibiu (Hermannstadt, Szeben) or why, later in the same yea
was able, with Walachian aid from South of the Carpathians to defeat the Ottomans 011
river lalomi\a. These successes eventually led to his famous long campaign of 1443-14
As loan Dragan pointed out, the beginning of Hunyadi's political career saw the first
Walachian leadership over the Banate of Severin. The rise of this Walachian elite contiri
after 1440 and involved not only Walachians from areas neighboring the Ottoman power/
rise also meant progress in the internal organization of communities. The district assembli
Ha\eg gained more authority over matters pertaining to public or private law. The chan
of Ladislas V even drew up a form for the documents issued to the privileged Walachi
After 1456, the royal party greatly sought to gain the support of Walachian nobles, sue
those from Banat, in order to weaken Hunyadi's party, largely Walachian in those parts5.7
Hunyadi's relation to Walachia and Moldavia was interpreted in contradictory fashid°

Romanian historians. Some tried to portray him as a forerunner of the designs for a Roma
national unity. Others refused to see a Romanian agenda in his foreign policy and consid
his interventions in Walachia and Moldavia as attempts to further only Hungary's inte ·
which, according to both Walachian and Hungarian data they also were. In return, the ev'.
unfolded, both prior and after 1456, indicate that he tried to gain the support of Walachf
inside and outside the Hungarian realm. He installed or supported rulers favorable,t
plans, such as Basarab II, Vlad II and Wladislaw II in Walachia, or Peter II and Bogda •
Moldavia, reawakening old conflicts, like the Polish-Hungarian dispute over Moldavia''.-,
When considering Hunyadi's actions, it is difficult to separate between a possible;
vation stemming from ethnic solidarity and the actual demands of Hungarian policy. Still, as
personal note can be seen in his relations with the Romanian countries. The rulers sup
by him were his personal vassals, and the factions seeking refuge in Hungary enjoyed f
rect protection. He often interceded on behalf of such refugees with the Saxon magistrate
with the local estates, a practice that would set the pattern 'Walachian relations'. Two{
essential for the last crusade have their origin in his contemporary Transylvania. Vlad Ill }j
(the Impaler) and Stephen Ill eel Mare (the Great) lived in Transylvania at the height of J..
power, were educated at his court and embraced, more or less explicitly, his initiatives59 • l
The people who were best informed on the situation in the region, the popes a
high prelates, constantly considered the Romanian origin of the crusader. In 1448, A
Silvio Picomomini called him blacus and suggested that he was descended from the her
Antiquity. References to his Romanian nationality are also found in the Slovakian accou
Hunyadi's campaigns against Jiskra (1449-1451). One contemporary inscription men
the defeat of the Walachian at Lucenec, in 1451, even if Hunyadi had started the cam
as Governor of Hungary. John himself seems to have used his Romanian origin duriri
European crusade. When offering the throne of Hungary to Alphonse of Naples, in an att.
to put the House of Aragon in charge of the southeastern crusade, John pledged the a
of Transylvania and 10000 Walachians. While that did not come to pass, and the offer
56
This, the victory of Sibiu, was the moment when the voivode issued a general call to a ··
essential part being played there by the Romanian majority from Transylvania (Dragan, Nobili
354; Engel, The Realm, p. 402).
57
Dragan, Nobilimea, pp. 258, 429.
58
Rusu, loan de Hunedoara, 43
59
See also Ion Toderm;cu, Unitatea medievala romaneasca [The Medieval Unity of the Roma
II (Bucharest 2001), p. 76.
290
en as a desperate attempt to save a regional cause, the plan alludes to a mindset that
ed after Hunyadi's death, a certain awareness of Romanian identity and solidarity60 .
ilar developments occurred in the northern counties of Hungary, inhabited by a signif-

lavic community, not associated with a particular administrative unit. Here, however, the
ie revolution had sharpened the sense of ethnic identity, reawakening aspirations
'had not been sufficiently exploited in the late 1200', by Mathew Csak. At the beginning,
wns and the nobles in that region sided with Ladislas V. The queen protected her loyal
ts. She dispatched Jan Jiskra, who had also served under Albert of Habsburg.
lskra remained known in history as a son of his nation. Piccolomini, who wrote his biogra-
lled him quidam nobili Moravo natos, though his Italian exploits and his Bohemian pre
• stirred up by Hussites brought him closer to a Renaissance hero. He surrounded himself
nd foremost with Czech, Slovak collaborators (fratres Bohemici, bratriky, cseh testverek).
their help, he expanded his authority to include the counties of Kosice (Kaschau, Kassa),
in (Trentschin, Trencsen), Nitra (Neutra, Nyitra) and also Bratislava (Pressburg, Pozsony)
· g obedience to the child-king, Jiskra eluded all control from Hungarian authorities. King
' law I had to sign truces with him. After 1444, the Diet was forced to recognize his au-
' in an attempt to include him in the legal political system. Jiskra had the support of
, which made it possible for him to pay his Czech mercenaries. His relations with the
tes of Bohemia and the Slavic world rendered him practically invulnerable for decades. In
Jhe Hungarian Diet appointed him as one of the six captains governing the country61 •
e distinctiveness gained during this period by the future Slovakian territory is high-
by the Diet's overtures to the northern towns, which remained fruitless, and by the
igns led by Hunyadi against the rebellious regions. Still, the campaigns were interrupt-
truces, mediated by Slavic magnates, by archbishop Zbigniew Olesnicki (1449) or by
ssite governor of Bohemia, George (Jiii) Podebrady, who saw Jiskra's territories as a
of Bohemia. Jiskra's career was longer than that of Hunyadi. Nevertheless, Matthias
tis (Malia, Matyas) brought Jiskra's territories back under the control of the crown 62 •
nether attempt to build a political career on an ethnic-regional agenda was that made
·ch von Gilly. Beginning with 1446 he found himself in control of Slavonia, where his
had previously lost power in favor of the Talovac family. Just like his Styrian estates,
vie region whose political sympathies went towards the north enjoyed an excellent ad
lion. The skills of the count and the alliances he concluded protected the region from
_oman inroads and from the mercenaries who were laying waste to Austria. The rnag-
?eath in the new war (1456) led to the dissolution of local unity, but the "design" was
.vived, when the House of Habsburg began to increase its authority in the South .
The Turk, the Realm and its People
the end of a period that saw the Ottoman expansion towards Central Europe delayed
quarters of a century, the situation of the nations living in Hungary and in the neigh-
territories experienced dramatic changes. The rise of the Hunyadis did not only place a
tlian kinglet on the throne in Buda, as the favors granted to the Walachian fami liars of
··ryadis and to some Walachian refugees created an actual Romanian party at the royal
Lajos Thall6czy, Samu Barabas, A Frangepan Csa/ad Ok/eve/Iara. Codex diplomaticus comitum
gepanibus, I, 1133-1453 (= MHH, I, 35) (Budapest 1910), no. 344, p. 350; Calatori, I, p. 402.
an, Cehi, romani, s/ovaci, pp.110-111; Engel, The Realm, p. 393.
an, Cehi, romani, s/ovaci, p.131.
rich Zollner, lstoria Austriei [fhe History of Austria], I (Bucharest 1998), p. 207.
291
court. Many Romanian (Walachian) nobles, a category that gave many bans of the marcti
county officials, and high prelates, were favored by the policies of king Matthias Corvi
They received estates and high offices, but failed to become a politically distinct commu
possible a fourth Transylvanian nation. This was only natural, at a time when the ce
authorities were eager to prevent the rise of new and potentially hostile privileged categori
Even if this category was susceptible to Hungarization, the Walachian military potenti
became a leitmotif of that time. A letter sent by the papal nuncio at the time of the battl
Varna described the Wallachians as the bravest fighters on the face of the earth. Later
humanists showed increased concern with the origin and the evolution of Romanians. Fl
Biondo and Poggio Bracciolini wrote about the Latin origin of the latter, illustrated bye
testimony of some Romanians they had met. Pius II suggested that the world vlah may t{
65
been derived from flacus, in a first attempt to compile a history of the Romanians .
The hostile reactions towards the rise of the Walachian elite did not have the magni
of those triggered in the 1600' by the consequences of the Fifteen Year War. Still, they
rather present in the mid 1400'. Frederic Ill mocked Matthias's ethnic origin. Later, acco(
to a 18 century tradition however, on the eve of Mohacs, palatine Paul (Pal) Tomori uf'
th
king Louis (Lajos) II not to wait for the Transylvanian troops. Otherwise, they would have
to share the glory with the Walachians. In fact, things were rather different. Nevertheles ··
geographic spread of the Walachians in the kingdom and its southern and eastern 'prov·
increased the fears of the traditional privileged estates, joined in a defensive solidarity66. •
Similar developments could be seen in the Slovakian territories. Czech linguistic an
tural influence helped the Slavs living in the northern part of the kingdom shape a distinct•
tity. Their integration into the Habsburg monarchy made possible the emergence of a s
of identity able to look back in time and give new significance to the deeds of Jan Jiskr
Ethic and confessional reactions could be seen also with the peoples indirectly affec
the anti-Ottoman campaigns. "Hunyadi's crusades" were not too popular with the Ser
to the feud between him and Brankovic and due to the nature of inter-denomin
relations at that time. Catholic proselytism had caused the emergence of a pro-Ott·
Serb faction, even if the Brankovics apparently remained loyal to Hungary. Yet, while the
garian sources accused Brankovic of treason, namely after 1448, Serbian folk songi,s
Janka as a ruthless crusader too, bent on destroying the Serbian Church and people .
The religious enthusiasm of the warriors who checked the Ottoman advance, even·
• just a while, cannot be denied. But one must also acknowledge the importance of na
feelings in the events that took place. For those on the battlefront, the crusade had b .···
essential for the defense of their territorial integrity. These feelings differed considerabl ·
the appeal of the Oriental cavalcade that still stirred the imagination of Western knights.
64
Dragan, Nobilimea, p. 432.
65
Ciiliitori, I, p. 495.
66
Adolf Armbruster, La romanite des Roumains. L'histoire d'une idee (Bucharest 1977), pp.
Dragan, Nobilimea, pp. 389-390.
67
Mure~anu, John Hunyadi, p. 184; Engel, The Realm, p. 403.
292
Heraldry in the Age of the Hunyadis
Gyorgy Feiszt
The Archives of the Vas County,
Szombathely
umanism, the ideology of the Italian renaissance, slowly developed in Hungary, not
lack of personal interest, but because of the absence of accommodating centers. The
tion of humanism in Hungary began in John Hunyadi's environment, namely through
!fices of John (Janos) Vitez, bishop of Oradea (Grosswardein, Nagyvarad). Still, the
· enowned promoter of humanism in Hungary was king Matthias (Matia, Matyas), who
ed at his court, with the outmost respect, every humanist, regardless of rank. Out of
1 (the chancery) and personal (the royal library of Buda (Ofen) for instance) reasons,
ded scribes and was found of books. In this respect, our present study focuses on the
masters of the minor arts employed by the king, on the 'royal staff, with various Italian
ounds, which copied and bound books, for the cote of arms of the ('painted') charters
in the Hunyadi age can largely be attributed to such artists and handicraftsmen.
The Cote of Arms of the Szenthei Family

51
(31 of January 1456, Vienna)
cote of arms of the Szenthei family (fig. 1) was granted by king Ladislas (Laszlo) V
ous of Hungary, while in Vienna (Wien). The artistically beautifully painted cote of
th
peccably designed from heraldic perspective, is one of the few 15 century examples
of arms which portrait occupational utensils. In this remarkable respect, the cote of
th
nctually reveals the technical evolutions of the 15 century, such as the hard plough.
The Cote of Arms of the Szentgyorgy-Bozyn Family

th
(19 of July 1459, Vienna)
Szentgyorgy-Bozyn family's cote of arms, granted to them by the Roman-German

and king of Hungary Frederic (Friedrich) Ill (figs. 2-3), points at an interesting aspect
_raldic doctrine. The count endorsed the emperor's claim to the Hungarian throne,
turn, allowed each of the counts to use their family's cote of arms in the empire.
llnique example, we know a charter of donation, issued in two original copies, if we
\npare the two depictions of the cote of arrns. The notice the differences between the
ures and peacock feathers painted as decorated helmets. The real difference
n be found with the helmet and the components, the blanket, the background and
g of the frame. The crowded composition, the rich golden color and the burning
e general impression of a jewel, impression largely due to the shine of the precious
the helmet, ribbon and frame, while the crowded atmosphere is largely influenced
tinctive features of Szentgyorgy-Bozyn cote of arms' frame and background.
te of arms, presented for the first time, is interesting also because of its position in
. cious stones, placed between 3 to 3 pearls, are aligned on the golden frame. The
ly, though ornamental, preserved its enveloping character. The second cote of
the appearance of a tissue, placed before a background resembling a grenade
~h has the renaissance cup and a kite in its corner. The decoration of the frame is
Gy6rgy Feiszt
simpler and less crowded. Frederic granted as a privilege that the frame of the cote of arm
be adorned with the golden crown from Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle) of the Holy Roman Empi/
The Szentgyorgys had taken Frederic's side after the death of Ladislas V (1457). Still
th
conflict ended with Matthias' victory and coronation (29 of March 1464). Matthias forg
nd
the Szentgyorgys. By his charter, from the 2 of February 1462, he had promised that
would not be punished and thus, under normal circumstances, could use their cote of a
The Cote of Arms of the Bodfalvi Bod (Both) Family

51
(21 of February 1460, Buda)
The cote of arms granted to the nobles of the Ung County is a late gothic achieveni
The heraldic mistake, yet an advantage for the historian, is the division of the shield with cl
red and blue ribbon, the insertion of other colors, which repeat themselves in the decor of
helmet. The esthetics of the cote of arms is well balanced, showing a good sense of colo~
lowing us to appreciate the combination of the two open colors in the miniature. The old ch /
is valuable in terms of Hungarian historic costumes, for it preserved the image and the ·•
ry combat gear of Matthias' Black Army, formed in 1459, in which, perhaps, part of the 1•
had served. The charter issued prior to Matthias' coronation was not confirmed (fig. 4).
The Cote of Anns of the Csaszar-Petnehazy Family

th
(9 of January 1462, Buda)
The late gothic cotes of arms on the charters of Buda are some of the last charters o
kind which hold in common the fact that painters from the western heraldic tradition ('s
of shield' fashion) of the 14th century portrayed two angels standing behind the shield
know of seven charters of this kind. Five of which are cotes of arms of cities. The cote of
charters issued in Bratislava (Pozsony, Pressburg), Vienna and, between 1456 and 14
Buda reveal the relation between the cotes of arms painters in these three cities (fig. 5).
The three cotes of arms of Buda have probably the same author. In this cote of
the angle stands on the consol, with its hands ripped to pieces. The composition of col
his mantle and wings, as well as the perspective design of the shield, increases the int
of the space composition. The general appearance of the shield, of the helmet, its deco
and the absence of the blanket reveal the decay of the age of heraldry. The most bea
elaborated part indicates an Italian influence on the brocaded background. The pre '
presented cotes of arms are all also examples of miniatures painted in the gothic style
royal chancery. The Renaissance style in terms of cotes of arms first appeared, on the
January 1463, on the cotes of arms charters of the city Kezmarok (Kas(e)mark(t), Kes
The first Italian artist of the Corviniana Library's shed can be identified with the author
cote of arms. The miniature of the cote of arms (175 x 131 mm) reveals a well structur_
delicately drafted picture. The actual cote of arms is almost of secondary importance. The
focuses on the angel, placed on the support of the shield, on the square rocks of the cou
with column, dressed as priest, with wings painted in rainbow colors, in the court painted
a greenish curtain, which precedes the sky's blue color and the cirrocumulus (fig. 6). ·
This kind of an angel is no unique model (figs. 5-6). The angel in question first appe
grants of cotes of arms already made by the kings of Hungary, first by Sigismund (Zsig
Luxemburg and later by Ladislas V the Posthumous. Nonetheless, on each occasion the
appeared on a secondary decorative level. In our case, the painter developed the su
the cote of arms through forms of real angels. Consequently, the symmetrical compositi
its fine design, evolves and creates the atmosphere of a celebration. The selective mm
pluvial sequences, as well as the courageous forms conferred to the huge wings of th
enforce the structural fragile looking angels.
294
Heraldry in the Age of the Hunyadis
The Cote of Arms of the Nagy and Szerdahelyi Huszar Family

(6th of February 1466, Di6sgy6r)
he unknown artist placed the cote of arms, with a green frame, decorated with double
sand rhombus, on a blue background. This type of frame is known since the turn of the
5th centuries, a rare example of continuity in terms of heraldic decoration. Once more,
inting is of value for the history of Hungarian costumes for it depicts the outfit and the
· ent of the light cavalry from Matthias Corvinus' age, with its tight pants and stockings of
me color. The spur is strengthened, in relation to the ankle, by the black color (fig. 7).
he style of the cote of arms, the combination of color and metal are regular. The
ic mistake in the present case is the fact that the helmet and its ornaments, are placed
osite directions as shield painting. The cote of arms is not unitary on the artistic level.
lish decoration of the shield and the blanket placed on the blue background, as, toge-
ith the delicate natural design, they create opposition with the painting of the shield.
The Cote of Arms of the Kaposmerei Merei Family
(27 th of May 1474, Buda)
!lowing the intervention of Gabriel Rangoni (Veronai Gabor), bishop of Transylvania,

· s granted this cote of arms to the student Thomas (Tamas) Merei, for undisclosed
The written depiction of the cote of arms, according to which the pelican feeds its ba-
h its own blood, differs significantly from the original painting. The three offspring are
and the nest is replaced by a crescent. The charter does mention neither a golden
· or the absence of a branch of the shield. This is best explained by the fact that in
·an heraldry the golden shield was not a distinctive element and can be attributed to
tic liberty of the painter, who was not around the king at the time of the painting.
re, as basically an insignificant distinction the golden shield was granted by Matthias.
recipient Tamas Merei was a learned man. Merei did not gain his valor on the battle
.'e depicted pelican is a symbol of sacrifice, but that of sacrifice towards his own family.
painter uses colors in dark tons. The plastic drawing of the painting and the texture of
~ets are trademarks of the late gothic paintings. However, at the same time, in the first
he present charter, we find letters which specific for the Renaissance age (fig. 8).
The Cote of Arms of the Montefalco Family
(27th of May, 1478, Buda)
cote of arms was granted by king Matthias to Pietro Gentle Senilis de Montefalco,
... s IV's special envoy, who came to the Hungary, bringing with him the cardinal hat
Ell Ragioni, then bishop of Eger (Agria), and to Pietro's brother, Matriottus, scholar of
nee, who was Matthias' ambassador at the curia, as a sign of recognition for their
According to the description of the cote of arms, with the raven holding the golden
ias donated the cote of arms to bishop Gabriel Ragioni. Still, the text of the charter
mention the main figure originated in the cote of arms of the Perenyi family, as well
en ribbon with roses, which belonged to the Montefalco family's old cote of arms.
harters also reveal the painter's artistic intentions, painting with well-chosen artistic
tement repeated in the charter of the Torok family's cote of arms (1481 ). The back
dark red, brocaded in gothic style. The wide golden frame, a renaissance influence,
rated with pearls and precious stones. The framing motif appears for the first time
of the Buda shed. Text and image combine gothic and renaissance elements.
known reasons, the charter was not sealed. The family preserved it with great res-
nes were painted as ornaments in a hall of the family's castle in Montefalco, while
arms, its sequences and its granting, was remembered also in poems (fig. 9).
295
Gyorgy Feiszt
The Cote of Arms of the Nagylucsei Family

d
(2" of February 1480, Buda)
The cote of arms was granted to the preposite of Szekesfehervar (Stuhlweissenb

Alba Regia), Orban Nagylucsei, keeper of the treasury, his brothers and cousins. The divi
of the shield's colors was quite frequent in grants of cotes of arms, during Sigismund's r •
Nevertheless, prior to 1526, compositions and motifs such as those of the Nagylucsei ·
of arms are rather seldom (the Hunyadi and Kossuth, as well as the Torok cote of arms).<
The lower field of the Nagylucsei cote of arms affects the general heraldic aspect of
cote of arms, as it does not properly fit the axis of the field. Also unusual are the facts that
lion on the shield is orientated contrary to the direction of the helmet and that the blanket'
the two branches do not have identical colors. The cote of arms, with its golden frame, Wh
background is decorated with green traits and golden grass, combines gothic and renaiss~
elements. The helmet and its ornament are in gothic style, while the construction, made
noble calm, of both sides of the helmet's fields, decorated with gold, and the lion reveal
infiuence of the Renaissance. Likewise, the text of the grant combines the gothic hand
with the antique style of letters, also a result of the infiuence of the Renaissance (fig. 1O).
Orban Nagylucsei (t early 1492) came from a family of serfs near Csall6. He climbed
social ladder within the ranks of the Church, first a student, then canonic of Buda, preposi{
Szekesfehervar (1474), of Gyor (Raab), since 1482, bishop of Eger (1487). He rose al
the king's service as treasurer (1479), deputy-palatine (1487), great landowner. A hum'
he admired king Matthias. From Marzio's writings, we known that he possessed an impo
library, containing the Psalterium, decorated with the fabulous cote of arms and miniatu
The Cote of Arms of the Enyingi-Bak6naki Torok Family

(26"' of November 1481, Buda)
Matthias confirmed to Ambrus and his sons the unpreserved cote of arms, grant
Sigismund of Luxemburg to the family. Because of its valor in combat, the family re
three cotes of arms within a hundred years. In 1507, king Wladislaw (W!adys!aw, Ulas ·
granted to the Emeric (lmre) Torok and his sons the rank of baron and a new cote of ar
The painter of the cote of arms, Franciscus de Castello ltalico, shifted the accent fro
usual arte pictura figurata et depicta to the dignifying artistic purpose, both for the painte
the recipient of the grant of cote of arms. The ornamental fiowers on the charter reveal the
ence of the schools of miniature of northern Italy, as well as Gothic traditions. This cote of
concludes the series of gothic heraldic painting and introduces the renaissance style (fig. 1'
In the decaying age of heraldry, the cote promotes of new form of colors. To our k
ledge, it was the first time that the left and right parts of the blanket had no identical colors.
ther unique fact was that the painter placed the blue crown on shield and helmet (figs. 12-1
The Cote of Arms of the Hradnai Holy Family

th
(10 of April 1488, Vienna)
The text of the charter does not depict the cote of arms granted, together with the
noble, by Matthias to Paul (Pal) Holy Hradnay, who came from a family of peasants, a
which probably died out, with the extinction of the male line which had received the
arms from the king. The present cote of arms, of the occupational type, enriches the se ·
'talking cote of arms', of which rather few were examples were found in Hungarian herald ·
painted image, of an exemplary correctitude, ovemules the heraldic politesse and turns its,
to the text. The miniature, using seldom chosen motifs, is, by its choice and composition
!ors and by its delicate design, a particular example of the late gothic style (fig. 14).
296
Heraldry in l/1e Age of the Hunyadis
The Cote of Arms of the Sankfalvi-Heiis Family

th
(16 of November, 1489, Buda)
The cote of arms, on the painted frame of the charter, depicted in its text, was granted
Matthias to Anton (Antal) Sankfalvi, preposite of Bratislava (Pressburg, Pozsony) for his
cesses as the kings ambassador to emperor Frederic Ill, Casimir (Kazimierz IV), king of
nd, Ferdinand of Aragon, king of Naples, and to the Venetian republic, and, likewise, to
as He6s for his merits in the fight against Stephen Ill of Moldavia. While it recalled the
essful diplomatic mission of Sankfalvi to Graz, to Frederic Ill of Habsburg, the text also
tioned John Vitez's negotiations, which allowed Sankfalvi to bring the news to Matthias
inus that the emperor was returning the Holy Crown to the elected king of Hungary. Later,
492, by the will of Wladislaw II Jagiello, he became bishop of Nitra (Neutra, Nyitra).
In terms of heraldic sense, the cote of arms is a perfect painting, interesting also because
s style specific for the early 1500'. The bishop's hat placed on the shield was, according to
charter's text, destined for Antal Sankfalvi, who, as a preposite, had the right to wear the bi-
p's insignia. The text also informs use that the image on the shield recalled the wounds suf-
by Tamas He6s, by three arrows, during the Moldavian combats. By the two mentions,
text of the charter completely dissolves the cote of arms' symbolic system (fig. 15).
The helmet's blanket is painted flat and wide, according to gothic traditions, as in the
of the formation and composition of the spindles. In return, by its symmetry, by the calm
vertical structure of the shield, the cote of arms is evidence for an early beginning of the
issance in terms of heraldry. The text of charter granting to the Sankfalvi-He6s family
te of arms also recalls, in great details, the deeds of the painters of the cotes of arms.
The charter does not mention the cote of arms received by the family (fig. 16), which depic-
monkey (1455). John (Janos) Laz6i, canonic and archpriest, did not accept the cote of
with the monkey on it (1488), and asked for a new cote of arms from the king, rnore suita-
. r the family's merits. He spent his last years in Rome, as a Hungarian confessor, where, at
ge of 75, he died in 1523. He was buried in the local San Stefano ii Rotondo church. On
mbstone the family's cote of arms was depicted under a slightly modified form (fig. 17).
***
IQ the Buda shed, conservative artists and promoters of the new style worked in parallel.
ew style artists established themselves the latest around 1470. The renaissance-style
Clf arms of Albert Vetesi, bishop of Veszprem (1476), could otherwise not be explained.
th
;fhe cote of arms of the city of Sankt Pollen (26 of December 1486) has a special place
gst the cotes of arms granted in the 1480'. The golden brace frame of the peculiar, by its
othic and semi-renaissance characters, cote of arms reminds of Pietro Gentilis' cote of
.The ornament in its right corner would be hard to imagine without the influences of Corvi-
dex. The imperial eagle 'hanged' in the niche recollects the attempts of northern Italy.
· .ely that the original shape of the royal eagle was gothic. The animal of the cote of arms,
cably drawn, is very vivid and its expressive lines indicate a talented artist (fig. 18).
***
. tthias Corvinus' royal court was a 'school of Maecenas'. John Vitez, Orban Nagylucsei,
, Vetesi, Nicholas (Miklos) Bathory further promoted the arts to other zones. By means
royal grants of cotes of arms, the Renaissance style works reached not only the aristo-
0at court, but also the nobles. Still, the golden age of the cotes of arms' paintings came
the reigns of kings Wladislaw II and Louis (Lajos) II. The evolution however had begun
the cote of arms granted to John Hunyadi (fig. 19), but this is the topic for another study.
297
Taubenpost im 15. Jahrhundert
Szabolcs Marton
Universitat van Szeged
Mittelalter konnte die rascheste Moglichkeit der NachrichtenObertragung die Nutzung

ubenpost sein. FOr diesen Zweck wurden Tauben angeblich schon die antiken Sumerer
·gypter verwendet. Die Domestizierung der Taube erfolgte um 3000 v.Chr. Der Vor-
r der Haustaube war die Felsentaube (Co/umba I/via), die im nahen Orient sogar 250 Km
h flog, um nach Trinkwasser zu suchen. Diese ausseror.dentliche Fahigkeit der Felsen
erkennend, trugen angeblich schon die Phonizier und Agypter Tauben auf hoher See
ch, um Nachrichten nach Hause zu senden. 1 Laut Mackrott und Szikora, verwendeten
diesem Model! auch die Griechen und Romer die Taubenpost. Der Grieche Taurostes
richtigte seine Landsleute durch eine Posttaube Ober seinen Olympiasieg. Laut Plinius
:Alteren (23-79 n.Chr.) trugen zur Zeit Casars die Romer Tauben mit sich auf den
'en damit sie die Nachricht ihrer Ankunft nach Hause Obermitteln konnen. Varro (116-27
'r,) 'und Columella (1. Jh. n.Chr.) widmeten in ihren Werken Ober die Landwirtschaft ein2
s Kapitel Ober die Taubenzucht, aber sie erwahnen die Nutzung fur Postzwecke nicht.
***
an kann annehmen, dass die Brieftauben mit den Romern ins Karpatenbecken gelang-
an will schon im 10. Jahrhundert Ober die Slawen wissen, dass sie mit Vorliebe Post-
n verwendeten; noch mehr, die Russen verwendeten Tauben, an deren Fossen bren-
.e Stricke angebracht waren, fur Angriffe auf Befestigungen (letzteres konnen wir nur mit
fe\ annehmen). Die erschrockenen Tauben flogen in die Stadt hinein, versteckten sich in
achboden der Hauser, die mit Schill oder Stroh gedeckt waren, und steckten die Stadt
' nd3 . Laut meines Wissens, ist das die einzige Quelle Ober die Brieftauben der Slawen.
ie Araber hatten aber die Brieftauben besonders lieb. 1096 fanden die Kreuzritter ange-
/)in richtiges Postnetzwerk in Palastina. Mit einer solchen Nutzung der Tauben trafen sich
hristen nur wahrend der KreuzzOge, eben deshalb konnten die Posttauben bei uns nur
1Andreas (Andras) 11. Jerusalem-Feldzug erscheinen, und konnten nur bei dem Neubau
c:hutzeinrichtungen und Burgen nach dem Tartareneinfall wichtig werden. (laut Szikora
pdeten schon Stefan I. und die sich im Lande befindenden Missionare Brieftauben)'. Als
SZJKORA Andras: Katonagalambok, hirviv6 galambok [Militar- und Posttauben]. Budapest 1983 .
.A galamb es tenyesztese [Die Taube und ihre ZUchtung]. Herausgeber MELEG Istvan. I. Buda-
2001. 7; MACKROTT Heinrich: Galambtenyesztes [faubenzUchtung]. Budapest 2004. 13.
Caius PUNIUS SEcuNous: Historia naturalis. Paris 1685. X, 52-53. 429-432 (er schrieb Uber Tau-
ht, erwahnte aber das Postnetz nicht); VARRO: A mez6gazdasagr6I [Ober die Landwirtschaft],
geber KUN J6zsef. Budapest, 1971. 395-401; CoLUMELLA: A mez6gazdasagr6I [Ober die Land
ft], Herausgeberin HOFFMANN Zsuzsanna. Szeged, 2005. 267-270; SZIKORA (wie Anm. 1): Ga-
. 20-25; MACKROTT (wie Anm. 1): Galambtenyesztes. 13; wegen der entwickelten lnrrastruktur der
, ware es logisch ein Posttaubennetzwerk zu vermuten, aber die Quellen beweisen das nicht.
. aut MAcKRon (Galambtenyesztes (wie Anm. 1). 13) dienten die Dacher der romischen Befesti-
. Urmer als Taubenschlag. SZIKORA (Galambok (wie Anm. 1). 25-26) behauptet, dass die romische
en den Transport durch mobilen Taubenschlagen 16sten.
Sz1KORA (wie Anm. 1): Galambok. 26-28; MACKROTT (wie Anm. 1): Galambtenyesztes. 13, 154.
AJDA Endre (A pasta tortenete [Geschichte der Post]. Budapest 1967. 16, 33) erschien die erste
npost im 10-11. Jahrhundert in Agypten. nachdem die Romer sie nur auf sehr begrenzter Weise
Szabolcs Marton
ein Hinweis gegen die Haltung von Posttauben in dem frOhen ungarischen Ktinigreich
gelten, dass sehr wenige Beweise einer Taubenzucht aus dem mittelalterlichen Europa 0
geblieben sind. For NOrnberg kennen wir eine Verordnung, aus 1299, die den BOrgern
Taubenzucht verbietet, und das beweist die Beschaftigung der Einheimischen mit Taube
Naturlich kann man hieraus nicht schlussfolgern, ob die Tauben fOr Nachrichteno
gung verwendet wurden, oder fOr andere Zwecke. Auf jeden Fall ist stammt der Hinweis
der Zeit nach den Kreuzzogen. Wir wissen auch von einem Verbot Modenas (1328), Wei
glOcklicherweise mehr verrat. Hier gab es eine derartige FlugObung der Tauben, dass
Gruppe hinausgelassen wurde. Dieser schlossen sich andere Tauben an. lnteressant war
dass auch andere Tauben zurOckkehrten. Diese fremden Tauben wurden auf jeden Fall
schlachtet. NatOrlich wurden auch Wetten auf die zurOckkehrenden Tauben geschlos
Diese Wetten verursachten den Zorn der Obrigkeit, welche die TaubenflOge verbat6.
Laut des allgemeinen Wissens konnten die Belagerten in den meisten Fallen nur d
Tauben ihre Lage bekannt machen, und so bekamen die gut ausgebildeten Brieftauben
strategische Wichtigkeit. Den Tauben musste beigebracht werden, sich nach der Freilas
schnellstens H6he zu gewinnen, um von den Belagerern nicht erschossen zu werden.
Ebenfalls wichtig war, dass bei der Ankunft der Anflug zum Taubenschlag moglichst
sein soil (ahnlich eines Korkenziehers), um von SchOssen nicht getroffen zu werden. Der"
benschlag war immer im bestgeschOtzten Teil der Burg eingerichtet, und die Flugbahn in
Richtung der am schwersten zuganglichen Mauer. Es war keine Seltenheit, dass Nachn
verschlOsselt wurden, bzw. dass 5-6 Vogel gleichzeitig mil der gleichen Nachricht gesc
wurden (deswegen hielt man, zur Kriegszeit, in den Burgen eine grosse Anzahl von Vogef
Die Fluggeschwindigkeit der Tauben erreicht heute auf kOrzere Strecken 100-11 OS
Vor der Veredlung aus dem 19. Jahrhundert konnten sie mit einer Geschwindigkeit von 7
Stkm sogar mehrere Stunden, auch beladen, fliegen. Die Flugrichtung der Tauben ist g
linig und hat als Zielpunkt den Ort des SchlOpfens oder den Ort des Paares. Wenn sie von:
(Buda) nach Munkacs (Munkacevo) befbrdert wurden, konnten sie von hier wieder. (1
Olen fiiegen, umgekehrt aber nicht. Fur das, musste man sie von Munkacs nach Ofen bnn
Es ist eine grosse Frage, ob im mittelalterlichen Ungarn die Posttauben irgendeine· ·

spielten. Kommen sie in den Urkunden, Rechnungen, Orts- und Personennamen vor? ,.
verraten die archaologischen Funde, die mit Tauben in Verbindung gesetzt werden ktinnte
\C''
Laut Balint Sandor wurde die Einrichtung der Taubenpost von den TOrken in Ungarn'
gefOhrt. Der Szegeder Ethnograph fand heraus, dass die erste Erwahnung der Taube '
9
eben bei der Belagerung der Stadt 1552 gemacht wurde , als der umzingelte Heder B
dem Budaer Pascha Ali durch Taubenpost (und durch Kurier) zur Aushalten ermutigt wur
Seit 1552 sind die Tauben im Leben Szegeds anwesend. Im 19. Jahrhundert wurde'
die grosste Leidenschaft der Einwohner. Sie dienten nicht nur als Fleisch fur die Kuch
ihr Kot als DOnger hervorragend ist. Sie wurden auch in der Gerberei verwendet. Die F
in Anspruch genommen hatten (was annehmbar isl). Die turkischen Volker lernten die Veiwendun
Posttauben van den Arabem und brachten sie nach Europa. Unteiwegs nach Jerusalem (1099), t.
die Kreuzritter in Casarea auf eine vom Falken erlegte Posttaube. So begegneten sie der Taube11
(RUNCIMAN Steven: A keresztes hadjaratok t6rtenete [Geschichte der Kreuzzuge]. Budapest 2002. 21
5
6
MACKROTT (wie Anm. 1): Galambtenyesztes. 13. ·y
WENDELL MITCHELL WENDELL Levi: The Pigeon. London 1963. 4, 33, 116.
7
SZIKORA (wie Anm. 1): Galambok. 29-30.
8
MACKROTT (wie Anm. 1): Galambtenyesztes. 159.
9
BALINT Sandor: A szegedi galambaszat [Die Taubenzlichtung in Szeged]. NK, 1/1-4 (1956).
300
Taubenposl im 15. Jahrlwndert
Kissen auf. Die TaubenzOchter beschaftigten sich nicht mil Brieftauben, sondern such
eVi:igel hi:iher fliegen zu !assen. Darin bestehen, bis heute, auch ihre Wettbewerbe '°.
bes TaubenzOchter in Szeged auch var der torkischen Besetzung? Das Steuerregister
zz gibt ein sehr detailliertes Bild der Stadteinwohner, aber unter ihnen befanden sich
a/ambos oder Galambasz (TaubenzOchter). Mil dem Namen Baglyos sind zwei, ein
11
sz, und je ein S6/yom und Pacsirta im Register eingetragen . In der Lisle der nahge-
n Stadt Subotica ~Szabadka), die 1400 Leibeigenennarnen beinhaltet (1525), finden
1
r einen Galambos • Deswegen ki:innen wir nicht bezweifeln, dass Tauben zur Nach-
. obermittlung zwischen Szeged und Olen nur seit der TOrkenzeit verwendet wurden.
'ehr viele Personennamen Galambos sind den in verschiedenen Gebieten des Landes
en geblieben. Im Wi:irterbuch der Familiennamen erscheint der Name zum ersten Mal
13
(Galambus [Peter]). Bis 1526, sind hier nur 18 Personen mit dem Namen eingetragen.
·• n kann keine Vermutungen machen, !Or welche Zwecke die Personen Tauben hielten
hrung, Nachrichtenmitteilung), bzw. ob sie Oberhaupt Tauben gezOchtet haben? Ferner,
eln die anderen Familiennamen (Pacsirta, Vereb, Verebes, Bag/yos usw.) nicht unbe-
die Beschaftigung der Personen wider. Es isl mi:iglich, dass diese nur zum VergnOgen
ogel gehalten haben, oder, dass die Namen nach einem bekannten Merkmal der Vogel
14
aftnamen bekamen. Vieleicht war schon im Mittelalter die Taube Symbol des Friedens.
• ht war es kein Zufall, dass in der Bibel der HI. Geist als Taube auf Jesus herabsank.
den Ortsnamen spiegelt sich die hiesige Bedeutung der Tauben noch weniger wider.
15 16
nnen den Ortsnamen Ga/amb6c seit 1344 , Galambfalva und mehrere Galambok,
welchen die wichtigste Ortschaft im Komitat Zala lag 17_ Ausserdem gab es eine Ortschaft
cBALINT (wie Anm. 9): Galambaszat. 26; MAcKROTT (wie Anm. 1): Galambtenyesz1es. 148-149.
REIZNER Janos: Szeged tortenete [Die Geschichte von Szeged], IV. Szeged 1900. 101, 114
as Bag/as, Benedictus Bagylyas), 102 (Fabianus Madarazs), 104 (Mathias S0/0111), 125 (Paulus
~,ta); Das Steuerregfster schrieb nach Strassen die Namen auf, und van hier wissen wir dass in
d auch eine Madarasz (VogelzUchter)-Strasse gegeben hat (S. 121: P/alhea Madaraazs) .
2
. ENGEL Pal: Egy bacskai jobbagynevsor 1525-bol [Ein Bacskaer Register der Leibeigenen aus
, TSz, XXXVll/3 (1995). 360. Im Dorf Csonthaffeyer [heute Csantaver] lebte Johannes Galambos.
'f ihn erscheinen in der Liste mehrere MadarBsz, aber auch Cs6k8s.
3
, KAzMER Miklos: Regi magyar csaladnevek sz6tara XIV-XVII. szazad [Worterbuch der alten un-
en Namen. 14.-17. Jahrhundert]. Budapest, 1993. 390 (mehrere Ga/ambus, Galambos und ein ein-
Ga/ambas/ Galambasz?). A magyar nyelv t6rteneti-etimol6giai sz6tara ([Geschichtlich-etimologi-
Worterbuch der ungarischen Sprache]. Herausgeber BENK6 L6rand. I. Budapest, 1967. 1016) er-
schon 1138 Glombudi (Galamb?), um 1165 Golombos, und 1316 Galamb. Ga/amb hat einen
.chen Ursprung; die ungarische Sprache hat go/9bb- ga/amb vor Ende des 10. Jahrhunderts,
. als go/omb Ubernommen. Andererseits, benutzte man scheinbar schon im Altertum die Taube
mbol der Zahmheit, Reinigkeit und Liebe. Von hier kommt auch das liebkosende Wort Taubchen.
CJH. 94-95; In der EinfUhrung zum Gesetzbuch Kolomans I. schildert ihn Erzbischof Serafin, als
ig zahm und rein wie eine Taube (rex nosier Colomanus, columbinae grabae simplicitate).
MOL, DL 91355 (10. Oktober 1344; Gran (Esztergom)?; die erste Erwahnung der Galamb6cer
Is ungarisches Eigentum). Der ursprungliche Sinn von Galamb6c konnte Ga/amb ut (fauben-
ein, so wie im Fall von Bolond6c-Bolonduth (REVICZKY Bertalan: A Vag-Ujhelyi prepostsag tor-
[Geschichte der Propstei Vag-Ujhely]. Trencsen [Trentschin, Trencin] 1897. 73; 29. Marz 1406).
MOL, DL 31382 (9. September 1410; Brief des Chorherrn von Eger, Valentin (Balint) GalambfalvQ.
des Namens konnen wir eine Ortschaft Galambfalva am Anfang des 15. Jahrhunderts vermu-
SiebenbUrgen kennen wir in dieser Beziehung die Ortsnamen Galamb bzw. Galambfa/va (EO, II.
4). Anhand der Listen der papstlichen Zehnten aus den Jahren 1332-1333 wissen wir, dass im
estertum Telegd (fileagd), in der Pfarrei Erdohat ein Galambfalva (villa Salonib) gegeben hat,
iesem erwahnten Bezirk gehorte in der Maroscher (Mure,) Gegend ein Dorf namens Galamb.
7
· Kiss Lajos: Foldrejzi nevek etimo/6giai sz6tara [Etimologisches Worterbuch der geographischen
nungen]. Budapest 1980 (s.v.). Der Ort Galambok isl seit 1231 bekannt. 1265 erscheint es als
buk Berchy (Berce) und 1433/1437 als Galambok velgye.
301
Szabolcs Marton
Galambok auch im benachbarten Komitat Somogy,1' oder im slawonischen Komitat Ko

Im nordlichen Komitat Ung gab es eine Ortschaft Galambhaza im 14. Jahrhundert. 20
21
sen auch Ober eine brache Liegenschaft Ga/ambosparlaga im Komitat Szatmar . Eben
2
unbewohnter Ort konnte auch Galambegre sein. 1223, im Komitat Bodrog, gab es
23
Weg Golombaya in der Gegend von Csecst6. Im Komitat Gy6r lag 1323 ein Weingu
4
mens GalambsokoroJ . Zwei Gewassernamen haben den Begriff Taube behalten. 1
25
mitat Ung gab es ein Bach Galamablazpathaka, bzw. im Komitat Zala Galambokuyze.
Manche mittelalterlichen Ortsnamen, deren Anzahl man nicht als zu klein, aber
nicht als zu gross schatzen kann, sind bis heute erhalten. Die Frage isl, ob diese Siedlu
oder Orte wegen des Taubenhaltens, oder bless wegen der grossen Anzahl der hie
handenen Tauben den Namen erhalten haben? Letztendlich geh6rten die Tauben ins t
der grosseren mittelalterlichen Siedlungen genauso wie heute. In der Suche nach Sch
den Raubtieren zogen sich die Tauben schon ganz frOh in die Nahe der Menschen zurOc
Galambosparlag, Galambegre, Ga/amblaz k6nnten ihre Namen einfach wegen der g"
sen Bev6Ikerung von Felsentauben (Wildtauben) erhalten haben und, dass die nichts<
meinsam mit der Taubenz0chtung hatte, da sie Brachg0ter waren (z.B. Galambospartag wu
als Brachweide identifiziert). Ahnliche Erklarungen kann man fur den Taubenwegen und·
Weingut vorschlagen. Die nach Tauben benannten, Gewasser, konnten ihre Namen auch'
gen der grossen Taubenbevolkerung erhalten haben. Man kann auch vermuten, dass ·
Tauben-Siedlungen ihre slawischen Namen vor der ungarischen Landeseinnahme erhi
Gegenwarting ist es unmoglich zu entscheiden, ob die Ortsnamen, aber auch Pers
namen irgend etwas mit der Taubenzuchtung zu tun hatten, und wenn ja, ob die Taub ·
Nachrichten0bermittlung ausgebildet und veiwendet wurden. Heute werden die Tauben
w6rtlich trainiert, um bessere Ergebnisse zu erzielen. Fur ein sicheres Finden des Ziel
werden sie zu erst aus einer kleinen Entfernung freigelassen, die schrittweise vergr"
28
wird . Vermutlich geschah das auch im Mittelalter nicht anders. Schriftliche Hinweise
finden wir aber !eider nicht. Einfach haben wir keine konkreten schriftlichen Urkunden
eine mittelalterliche Taubenz0chtung, Veiwertung oder Bef6rderung von Tauben.
Auf Grund der schriftlichen Quellen, kann man bemerken, dass die Anwesenheit der
ben im Karpatenbecken zuerst im Capitulare de vii/is des Karl dem Grossen bewiesen ist. I:
der frankischen Verf0gung (9. Jahrhundert), mussten alle Richter fur die Versorgung des H
18
CsANKI Dezs6: Magyarorszag tortenelmi foldrajza a Hunyadiak koraban [Historische Erdk
Ungarns zur Zeit der Hunyadis], II. Budapest 1894. 606-607; Galarnbok (1238: Kolombok; 1331: G
buk; 1444: Galambok, Komitat Somogy).
19
MOL, DL 106924 (9. November 1362; Keros/ Kreuz), 101749 (20. Dezember 1421; Transkript
dem Jahr 1458), 101746 (30. September 1452); die zwei letzten Urkunden enthalten die Entscheidu
des Kapitels von C:azm (Csazma) betreffend unter anderem auch Teile des Gutes Galambok.
20
CsANKI (wie Anm. 18): Foldrajza, I. 394 (Go/ombhaza; 1325. Komitat Ung).
21
MOL, DL 18119 (04. Dezember1478).
22
Zsigmond. V, 387 (1415; terram sabu/osam Galambegre).
23
GYORFFY Gyorgy: Az Arpad-kori Magyarorszag torteneti foldrajza [Die historische Geogra
Ungarns zur Zeit der Arpader], I. Budapest 1987. 715; HOFFMANN Istvan - RAcz Anita - T6TH Val
Helynevtorteneti adatok a korai 6magyar korb6I [Oaten zu den Ortsnamen aus dern altungarischen
alter~ I. Debrecen 1997. 86.
4
GYORFFY (wie Anm. 23): Foldrajza, II. 586. Helynevtorteneti adatok (wie Anm. 23), II. 77.
25
Zsigmond, 11-1. Nr. 728, S. 85 (24. Dezember 1400; Grosswardeiner (Oradea, Nagyvarad) Ka
eben da gab es auch die Herrschaft Galamb/aza: AO, VI. Nr. 210, S. 84; 25. Juni 1321).
26
Zsigmond, Ill. Nr. 2931, S. 677 (11. November 1412).
27
Sz1KORA(wieAnm.1): Galambok.10-11.
28
MACKROTT (wie Anm. 1): Galambtenyesztes. 153.
302
pfauen, Fasanen, Enten, Tauben, Wachtel, Turteltauben im Dorf halten 29 . Da die Fran-
h im Westen des Karpatenbeckens fest eingesetzt hatten, kann man voraussetzen,
· TaubenzOchtung nicht vernachlassigt wurde. Man kann weiter feststellen, dass Tau-
nd andere Vogelarten nur tor die Fleischversorgung des Herrschers gezOchtet wurden.
auben sind auch in einer Rechnung aus Pressburg (Bratislava, Pozsony) erwahnt. 1410
cSigismund (Zsigmond) hier. Die Stadt besorgte for ihn alles Notwendige. Dem Konig
n 2weimal Tauben serviert. Am 29. Mai, zum FrOhstock, gab es neben andere Gerichte
auben (van der Stadt mit 8 Dinar eingekauft). Am 3. Juni, kaufte die Stadt wieder zwei
n, diesmal tor nur 6 Dinar. Ausser den Tauben verspeiste Sigismund, beispielsweise,
0
tel in Pressburg. Am 4. Juni, wurden 16 Wachtel und andere kleine Vogel aufgetischt' .
uch damals wurden die Tauben und andere kleine Vogel als Gerichte des Herrschers be-
tet. In der ersten Halfte des 15. Jahrhunderts war das Verspeisen van Tauben in Ofen
31
gliche Gewohnheit . Eventuell wurden auch Taubeneier verspeist; zumindest erwahnt
rtus van Temeswar, unter den ihm bekannten Vogeleier, dass Taubeneier weiss sind 32 .
en Fall musste er die Tauben kennen, erwahnte aber nirgends, dass diese zur Nach-
nObertragung verwendet wurden, obwohl er reichlich auch aus antiken Autoren zitierte.
***
einer Meinung nach ist das beste Kontraargument tor die mittelalterliche Verwendung
aubenpost das damalige System der staatlichen Einrichtungen. Aus der TOrkenzeit, gibt
ehrere Oaten Ober Taubenpost, aber damals hatten die Tauben schon einen Sinn. Starke
·ngssysteme standen nebeneinander, vorne die kleineren Vorposten, die Nachrichten
ittelten, hinter diesen die Zentren, wo immer eine bedeutende Armee stationiert war,
van wo aus die bedrangten Burgen mit Truppen versorgt werden konnten. Die Tauben-
·wurde nur van den soliden, gut organisierten und zentralisierten Reichen in Anspruch ge-
en wurde, wie das Romische Reich oder die Arabermacht. Wahrend der Besatzung ha-
ie TOrken, aber auch die gegenOberstehenden Ungarn, ahnliche Einrichtungen befolgt.
as Netzwerk der ungarischen Grenzfestungen wurde erst unter Sigismund ausgebaut.

iMilitar hatte keine so fortgeschrittene Ordnung wie spater. Die Kommandanten der
pen (Konig, Palatin, Ban, Wojwode) hatten auch richterliche Funktionen und bereisten
Land, beziehungsweise ihre Gebiete. Es hatte keinen Sinn Tauben van Munkacs nach
fliegen zu !assen, da der Konig vielleicht eben in Osterreich oder Bohmen war, oder, im
en, gegen TOrken kampfte. Das gait auch tor seine Statthalter (Palatin, Landesrichter).
Ein Eilbote konnte sich unterwegs mit anderen Leuten treffen, die ihn Ober den genauen
thaltsort des Empfangers informierten. Er konnte sogar seine Gefolgschaft treffen. Eine
e aber konnte var dem Zielpunkt, wo moglich war, dass niemand war, nicht anhalten und
Rute auch nicht andern. Wlr mOssen einsehen, dass die ,,dezentralisierte" staatliche Ein
ung Ungarns tor die Taubenpost nicht gOnstig war, deswegen kommt diese Post33 nicht in
." Kozepkori egyetemes torteneti szoveggyujtemeny [Textsammlung fur die mittelallerliche Welt
· le], Herausgeberin JoNAs Ilona Sz. Budapest 1999. 157 (Capitufare de vii/is: 40. Verordnung).
FEJERPATAKY Laszlo: Magyarorszagi varosok regi szamadaskonyvei [Alie Rechnungsbucher der
ischen Stadte]. Budapest 1885. 44-46.
1
BLAZov1cH Laszlo - SCHMIDT Jozsef: Buda varos jogkonyve [Das Gesetzbuch der Stadt Olen], II.
ed 2001 (das Gesetzbuch entstand zwischen 1403-1421). Art 154, S. 392; die HOhnerverkiiufer
nnlen Handler konnlen folgende Tiere ver kaufen: HGnher, Ganse, Enten, Tauben und Ferkel.
1' Temesvari Pelbart valogatott irasai [Ausgewahlle Schriften des Pelbartus von Temeswar (Timi-
3
ll- Herausgeber KovAcs Sandor V. Budapest 1982. 238.
KONYOKI Jozsef: A kozepkori varak kulonos tekintettel Magyarorszagra [Die mittelalterlichen Bur-
mil Sonderbetrachlung Ungams]. Budapest 1905. In einer Abhandlung der Fonmen der Nachrichten-
ragung wird die Taubenpost gar nicht erwahnt, nur die Licht- und Tonsignale.
303
Szabolcs Marton
den Quellen vor (wahrend der Belagerung von Belgrad (Beograd, Nandorfehervar), w
eher Eilboten, als Tauben, !Or den Kontakt zwischen den Verteidiger und Hunyadi benu
Die Vermutung wird von der gesetzlichen koniglichen Regelung der Botendienste
dem HI. Ladislas (Laszlo) und Koloman (Kalman). Konig Ladislas verfOgte Ober die Pfe
34
die die Bolen zur0ckliel>en . Konig Koloman sanktionierte die Institution der Boten 35 .
Das Gesetzbuch des HI. Ladislas. Ill. Art. 14. Ober diejenigen, die die van den /aufenden
Boten(cursoribus) zuriickge/assenen Pretde an/Jal/en. Wenn jemand ein van laufenden Bolen
zuriickge/assenes Pretd einfiingt, so/I er es drei Woe/Jen bei der Kirche oder in der Menge var
zeigen; u,nd wenn der Herr nicht ersc/Jeint, so/I er es dem Perzeptor des Konigs abgeben [...],
Art. 28, Uber die laufenden Gesandten, dass sie die Pretde nicht Ober drei Mei/en bringen. Kein
/aufender Gesandte so/I es wagen, das Pretd jenseits des dritten Oorfes zu bringen, und so/I wa-
der die Pretde der in der Kirche oder im Hof des Bischofs oder des Gespans dienen den Leute,
noch die Pretde der Priester oder anderen Geistlichen nehmen, oder die van ihren Wagen aus-
spannen. 1§. Aussetdem, irgendwe/ches Pretd er findet, kann er es wegnehmen, damft die Ge-
sandschaft des K6nigs schne/ler ankommt. 2. §. Wer einen /aufenden Gesandten verpriige/t,
so/I 55 Pens en zahlen, und wer einen dw-ch ergreifen des Zilge/s anhii/t, so/I 10 Pensen zahlen. . r
Das Gesetzbuch des Koloman I. Art. 36. 2. § Wenn letztendlich die Nachricht Ober ein \
grOsseres Ereignis sich verbreitet, soil der Gespan zwei Bolen mil vier kriegstauglichen ____ :;
Pferde zum KOnig senden, die, auf eigenen Kosten ankommend, diese Reisekosten vom'},'
Pa/atin verfangen, und so/len noch einma/ so vie/ fur den Riickweg bekommen.
Anhand der Stadtrechnungen, kann man die Kontakte (15. Jahrhundert) zwischen E
(Presov, Eperjes) und Leutschau (Lewocza, L6cse) analysieren. Beide benutzten Fuss
vor alien Reitboten. Anscheinend, verwendeten alle Stadte aus Oberungarn keine Taube __
Noch interessanter isl es, dass der 1548 ernannte Burgkapitan von Eger, Stefan (Is
Dob6, durch seine Spione standig Ober die Kriegsplane der TOrken informiert war, undI
eine Botenpost einrichtete, um Kriegsachrichten schneller nach Wien zu Obermitteln. Die_·
funktionierte angeblich sehr effektiv. Zur selben Zeit aber, wird nichts von Tauben erwaH'
Vor der Belagerung von 1552 ware es logisch gewesen, wenn der vorsichtige Feld
Tauben in die Burg gebracht hatte (und die Tauben von Eger in anderen Grenzburgerj
mit die Korrespondenz mit den oberen Kommandanten und den anderen Burgherren'.
Menschenverluste funktioniert. Dies geschah nicht. Es gibt Aufzeichnungen Ober die s·
37
die durch den Belagerungsring aus der Burg gekommen sind . Mehrere unter ihnen .h·
es geschafft sich wieder in die Festung einzuschleichen. Im Jahr 1532, versuchten in\
die deutschen Verteidiger mit Lichtsignalen mit der Aussenwelt zu kommunizieren 38 . .····
Angeblich fing die erste ungarische Taubenpost 1556 bei der Belagerung von Szi
an, als die Burgverteidiger eine Taube aus der umzingelten Burg nach Kanizsa san
34
CJH. 82-83, 86-87.
35
Ebenda. 106-107.
36
lvANYI Bela: Eperjes es Leese erintkezesei a kozepkorban [Die Kontakte zwischen Epp
Leutschau im Mittelalter], KSzVM, X/1 (1913). 1-2; FEJERPATAKY (wie Anm. 30): Szamadaskon
37
SUGAR Istvan: Az egri var hadi postaja a XVI. szazadban [Die Militarpost der Egerer Burg,
Jahrhundert], HK, XCIV/1 (1982). 206-215. ',
38
Koszeg ostromanak emlekezete [Erinnerung an die Belagerung van Koszeg (G0ns)], he
geben van BARISKA Istvan. Budapest 1982. 147-148. Paolo Giovios Buch der zeitgen6ssische
nisse erwahnt, dass 1532 die Szapolyai-Partei Gran belagerte. Die Verteidiger riefen tags0ber
nen- und Rauchzeichen, nachts mi! Feuersignale nach Hilfe (aber keine Rede van Posttauben).
39
Szigeti veszedelem [Die Katastrophe van Sziget]. Budapest 1977. XIII. 86-88. 118; Die'
dung der Posttauben wird auch van einem Tagungsband bestatigt, wo gar nicht erwahnt wird
304
schichte ist vorstellbar (aber nicht bestatigt!). Letztendlich waren die T0rken seit 200
da. Es war hbchste Zeit, dass auch die Ungarn die Verwendung der Tauben erlernten.
r selben Zeit, da diese Information aus Zrinyi Miklos (Nicholas) Werk Die Belagerung
;get (im Winter 1645-1646 geschrieben) stammt, ist es moglich, dass die Beschreibung
lagerung und das Senden van Tauben nur eine wertvolle Quelle tor das Zeitalter des
ist'°. Es isl bloss eine Vermutung, aber ich halte es als leicht vorstellbar, dass die
ndung der Brieftauben van den T0rken als eine Art Kriegsgeheimnis behandelt wurde.
gen hat sich in Ungarn (und weiter im Westen) die Ausbildung und Verwendung der
n nur spat nach dem Eindringen der T0rkenherrschaft in Ungarn (1541) verbreitet.
chaologisch betrachtet, kann man die Prasenz der Tauben auf dem Gebiete Ungarns
r romischen Zeit konstant nachweisen (obwohl aus nur 2-3 Fundorten). Gleichzeitig
onnte man aus diesen Funden nichts Weiteres die Taubenpost betreffend erfahren.
_Jedermann im Mittelalter oder FrOhneuzeit in Ungam verwendet werden konnten (GOKBILGIN

~igetvar ostroma es elfoglalasa 1566-ban [Die Belagerung Szigets anhand torkischer Quellen.
,LXXVlll/4 (1966). 793-799). Die IOrkischen Augenzeugen wissen auch nichts Ober Brieftauben,
.Nachrichten, die durch Pfeile Obermittelt wurden (lnformaci6aramlas a magyar es torok vegvari
n [lnformatiosstromung im System der ungarischen und IOrkischen Grenzfestungen] (Studia
, XX), Herausgegeben van PETERCsAKTivadar- BERECZ Tamas. Eger 1999).
englischen Sprachraum erschien der Begriff earner pigeon nur 1641 (Online Etymology Die
rry; www.etymonline.com). Vermutlich wurde zu dieser Zeit in Europa die Posttaube bekannt.
305
C.
Borders and Contacts
e Siege of Constantinople in a French Miniature from the Late 1400'

C. Borders and Contacts
;<j,
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Europe after 1453 and the Ottoman Expansion
HOLY AOl.1,lr,N
EMf'lRE
~RANCE
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308
I.
The Lands
rch of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople in a 12'" Century Miniature

C.I. The Lands
Sultan Mehmed II
Emperor Frederic Ill and his Monogram
310
1.
Seas of Power
JI Palazzo Duca/e in Venice

C.I. 1. Seas of Power
The Letter sent by the Council of Genoa to Prince John Hunyadi

th
(24 of February 1454)
The Athens Statue of Constantine XI as Great Martyr and 'Semi-Official' Sain
312
A Byzantine Humanist between Catholicism and lslamism:
Georgius Ghemistos Plethon (ca. 1360-1452)
loan-Vasile Leb
Babe§-Bolyai University,
Cluj-Napoca
lthough little l<nown to the general public, Georgius (Gheorghios) G(h)emistos Plethon left
i-derable mark upon his time. Seen as a mystery of Byzantine culture (Adrian Caraba),
n lies practically at the origin of the famous Platonist Academy of Florence established,
3, by that patron of the arts who was Cosimo de Medici and supported by the equally
s Lorenzo de Medici, ii Magnifico. At a time when Constantinople was negotiating with
est for assistance against the Ottoman threat, amid endless clashes between the Islam
hristianity, Plethon tried to suggest a reform which he believed would revive the Byzantine
1
. and save it from extinction. But who was really Gheorghios Ghemistos Plethon?
***
·~ exact date of his birth remains uncertain. It is usually believed that he was born
1355 and 1360, in 1359/ 1360, in a good family, maybe the family of a priest. Most of
and the scholars point to ca. 1360 as year of Plethon's birth in the family of a priest".
ai found several members of the Ghemistos, including a Methodius (May 21, 1337)
emetrios (1368), author of liturgical studies and bearing the title of protonotary of the
g. Fritz Schultze, Georgios Gemistos Plethon und seine refonnatorischen Bestrebungen (Jena
rint Frankfurt am Main, 1975); Franc;ois Masai, 'L'Oeuvre de Georges Gemiste Plethon. Rapport
!rouvailles recentes: autographes et traites inedits', BARB, XL (1954), pp. 536-555; Idem,
tie p/atonisme de Mistra (Paris 1956); Christo/er M. Woodhouse, George Gemistos Plethon. The
Hellenes (Oxford 1986); m.arwv1aµ6r; Kai Apmoru.1aµ6r; Kara r6v m.Ijewva [Plethon between
_and Aristotelism] edited by E. Moutsopolou (Athens 1987); Wilhelm Blum, Georgios Gemistos
o/itik, Phi/osophie und Rhetorik im spatbyzantinischen Reich (1355-1452) (Stuttgart 1988); A.
heorghios Ghemistos Plethon (c. 1355-1452), filosoful neopiigiinismului in Bizanj' [Gheorghios
i Plethon (ca. 1355-1542): The Philosopher of Nao-Paganism in Byzantium], in Studia Historica
·· ica. Omagiu Prof Emilian Popescu [Studies in Honour of Professor Emilian Popescu], edited by
scu, Tudor Teotoi, Adrian Gabor (la§i 2003), p. 537; Theodoros St. Nikolaou, n/\HGDNIKAI
(P!ethonstudien) (Tessaloniki 2005). After 1453, many educated Greeks sought refuge in Italy.
help, in 1470 Lorenzo Medici set up in Carregio the famous Christian-Platonist academy of
~re biblical studies, patristic studies, and Greek philosophy held the center stage. Among its
resentatives we find Marsilio Ficino and Giovanni Pico de!la Mirandola (see in Theo/ogische
kfopadie (Berlin-New York), the voices of Martin Schmidt, Akademie (11, 1978, pp. 132-133);
·.·ficino Marsi/io (XI, 1983, pp. 171-174), and in LMA, VI (1993), those of M. Luzzati, Medici.
agnifico, cols. 445-446 and E. Kessler, Giovanni Pico de/la Mirando/a, cols. 2132-2133).
,' fl. K. MrrapTsEAIWTn, 0 tM~VOKEVTpiaµ6r; KW Oi KOIVWVIKOTTOAITIKEs 1/5t£r; TOO m.Ij0wvor;
.of Hellenism and Ecumenicity in Plethon's Works] (Athenes 1989), p. 9; Blum, Plethon, p. 7;
LMan, 'Repere bizantine: Georgios Gemistos Plethon (1359-1452)' [Byzantine Landmarks:
~mistos Plethon (1359-1452)], AFTO, IV (2000), p. 76 (but, on p. 79, considers that most
·· was born in 1359/1360); 1360 (date suggested by most researchers): Alice-Mary Talbot,
· rge Gemistos', ODB, p. 1685; Gerhard Podskalsky, 'Gemist(h)os Plethon, Georgios', RGG,
. 655; Nikolaou, Plethonika, p. 227. For his family as a family of a priest, see r,wpyiou
D8wvo,;, n,p, apuwv [George Gemiste Plethon, Traite des veJtus], edited by Brigitte
sker (Leiden 1987), p. XIX; Masai, Pie/hon et le p!atonisme, p. 54.
loan-Vasile Leb
Great Church. A document from the year 1401 mentioned a certain Michael, from the
family, who was an orphanage priest. Apart from Plethon and his children, we know of one
Ghemistos who lived in the 16th century, a native of Epidaurus and secretary for the c'
Ancona. In 1516, he sent a long poem to Pope Leo X, urging him to organize a new crusa
Without claming to have completely solved the matter, Masai concluded that most·'
the protonotary of St. Sophia, who drew up the 1368 document, was Pleton's father,
giving credibility to the idea that he belonged to a clergyman's family from Constantin
Further, taking into account the date of Plethon's death (25th of June 1452), now precf
known, due to Martin Jugie, corroborated by other information, especially by that provid
George of Trebizond, Masai set the date of the Byzantine scholar's birth around 1360. Th
considering the data provided by Bessarion, in his De natura et arte, who had called Plet
Constantinopolitanus, Masai accepted the idea that Plethon was a native of Constantino
Little is known about Plethon's education. It is believed that he received a good educ.i
in Constantinople, where he attended the customary trivium and quadrivium, and that'
became familiar with ancient literature and philosophy reading the copies made during:\
Byzantine era. He may have been a student of "Platonist" Demetrios Kydones. A letter se
Gheorgios-Ghenadios Scholarios to the princess of Peloponnese indicates that, after co ·
ting his studies in Constantinople, Plethon went to Adrianople to the court of sultan Mu
(t1389). Petre P. Negulescu speculated on the reasons that drove Plethon to Adrianople 4:
Georgios Gemistos, casting aside the prejudices of his time, traveled to the court of sultan
Murad I. At a time when the Byzantine capital, the fo,mer city of Constantine the Great, offere
to those eager to team only sterile knowledge of Greek Antiquity and subtle theological debate
the court of the Turkish sultan was hosting scholars from the whole East. Among them, th
young man with refo,mist ideals was hoping to find the new ideas and original points of vie
that would have opened new perspectives and guided him towards new horizons.
Here, in a barbarian country, he studied with a certain Eliseus, a Jewish scholar who
duced him to the foreign teachings of Zoroaster. They were to influence him for his entir
In a letter sent by the same Scholarios to exarch Joseph we read precisely about the d
influence that Eliseus had over his apprentice. This is what he would have said to Ghemisf
Or, how could you give yourself to Zoroaster, who you say stands above all others, and ho
could you stop frequenting the wisest and holiest of teachers? Who does not know
Zoroaster, who was celebrated by all Persians <only> when it came to astronomy and for n
other reason-[astronomy] which eventually eluded him-and who, in all other matters;
thought and acted in keeping with his origin? For he was the son of Ninus, who had manie
his own mother, Semiramis. They introduced the Persian custom of marrying one's OWQ,
mother. He [Zoroaster], previously unknown to you, was introduced to you by Eliseus, whg
seems to be a Jew, but is [in reality] a polytheist. Leaving your count,y to hear his enticin
teachings, you ate at his table, as at the time he was ve,y influential at the bariJarians' cou
Being the man that he was, he found his death in fire, like that Zoroaster of yours.
3
Aus Bessarions Ge/ehrtenkreis, edited by Ludwig Mohler (Paderborn 1942), p. 92: M. Jugie,
de la4mort de Gemiste Plethon', EdO, XXXVIII (1935), p. 160; Masai, Plethon et le platonisme, pp. 52,
Scholarios, IV, pp. 152-153; Friedrich Fuchs, Die hoheren Schulen von Konstantinopel im M"
BA, VIII (1926), pp. 158-159; Georg Ostrogorsky, Geschichte des byzantinischen Staates (Munich 1
274; M.A. Mehmed, lstoria turci/or[The History of the Turks] (Bucharest 1976), pp. 122-124; P.P. Neg
Filosofia Rena,terii [The Philosophy of the Renaissance] (Bucharest 1986), p. 138; Masai, Plethon
platonisme, p. 55. Plethon, Traite des vertus, p. XIX, note 2 (fambrun-Krasker). Kydones promoted W;.
thought in Byzantium, especially through the Latin commentaries to Aristotle. Kydones also translat~
Greek5
Thomas Aquinas' Summa theologica,re-edited by E. Moutsopoulos, in CPhGR, II, 15 (1976).\
PG, CLX, col. 639 Scho!arios, IV, p. 162 (I. 8-12); Plethon, Traite des vertus, p. xx (fambrun-K
Zoroaster: Emilian Vasilescu, lstoria Religiilor [The History ofReligions] (Bucharest 1982), pp. 181-1
314
A Byzantine Humanist between Catholicism and lslamism
atter once resurfaced following the discovery and publication of another version of
6
arios' message regarding Plethon, by Spyridon Lambros. The message read as follows :
.his [Pleton's] apostasy came under the influence of a Jew whom he frequented for his
i/lfu/ interpretation of Aristotle's works. This Jew admired Avenues and the other Persian or
b commentators of Aristotle's books, translated by the Jews in their own language. As to
ses and the Jewish beliefs and practices inspired by him, those did not interest him at all.
nether scholar interested in Eliseus was Michel Tardieu, editor of the Arab version of the
strian text May1Ka Aoy1a, with commentaries by Plethon. As opposed to Masai, he con-
that Eliseus was interested not in the Cabbala, but rather in the Falsafa. On grounds
olarios' letter to Joseph, he indicated that Eliseus was one of the Jews who had sought
to the sultan's court and eventually reached high positions in justice and administration.
onsequently, Eliseus, who had contacts with the Jews arrived from Spain, used in the
rn interpretation of Aristotle the ideas of Averroes which, since Maimonides, the Jews
translating from Arabic into Hebrew and from Hebrew into Latin. He was probably also
r with the representatives of the Oriental school of AI-Suhra-wardi, Iran, who revived
as of Avicenna in theologies considered to be pre-Platonist: Hermes, and especially
ter (M. Tadieu). Given the nature of his teachings, Zoroaster may have been seen by
n as the ancestor of Platonism, the one who inspired the Chaldean Oracles (F. Masai)'.
thon's relation to Islam was discussed by Taeschner, who saw the Mistra, the next stop
career as an authentic mediator between East and West, and Masai. Both considered
ethon was indeed influenced by the Islam. Their opinions differed, however, in regard to
ture of this influence. More recently, that matter was once again discussed following the
ery by Nicolet and Tardieu of an Arab translation of Plethon's works in a manuscript8.
***
sed on the data provided by Scholarios, Schultze estimated that Plethon went to Murad
around 1380, at the age of approximately 25. After his teacher's execution, sometime
n 1390 and 1393, he returned to Constantinople, after having spend a considerable
of time in the company of Eliseus. In the Byzantine capital, Plethon was charged
ching Aristotelian thought. Among his students there we find Mark Eugenikos, the
!spoken anti-unionist at the Council of Ferrara-Florence, Bessarion, the future metro-
9
bishop of Nicaea and then a Roman cardinal, and Laonikos Chalkokondyles .
p. Lambros, naAa,6Aoym Kai ni:Aorrovvl)a1aKa, II (Athens 1912-1924), pp. 19-23; the letter was
lished by M. Jugie, in Scholarios, IV, p. 152 (I. 26-153), and translated by Masai, Ptethon et le
me, p. 58; see further Traite des verlus, p. xx, note 7 (Tambrun-Krasker).
ee B. Tambrun-Krasker's edition of May1Ka Aoy,a rwv arro Zwpoaarpov µaywv. ,,wpyiou
· nA~ewvo, E(~yl)m, ,;, aura A6y1a, and the study 'La recension arabe des MayIKa A6y1a', in
,a, VII, 1995; Masai, Pie/hon et le p/atonisme, pp. 57, 61.
ranz Taeschner, 'Georgios Gemistos Plethon. Ein Beitrag zur Frage der Uebertragung vom islami-
eistesgut nach dem Abendlande', Islam, XVIII (1929), pp. 236-240; Idem, 'Georgios Gemistos
)ein Vermittler zwischen Morgenland und Abendland zu Beginn der Renaissance', BNGJ, VIII
930), pp. 100-113; F[elix]. Klein-Franke, 'Die Geschichte des frQhen Islam in einer Schrift des
.s Gemistos Plethon', BZ, LXV (1972), pp. 1-8; Jean Nicolet, M. Tardieu, 'P/etho arabicus. ldenti-
_et contenu du manuscrit arabe d'lstanbul, Topkapi Serai, Ahmet 111, 1896', JA, CCLXVIII, (1980),
. 7; Masai, Plethon et le platonisme, pp. 56-57.
harles J. Hefele, Dominique H. Ledercq, Histoire des Conci/es d'apres /es documents originaux, VII
16), pp. 951-1104; 1.-V. Leb, Teologie §i istorie. Studii de Patristica §i /stone bisericeasca [Theology
ry. Studies in Patristics and Church History] (Cluj-Napoca 1999), pp. 83-109; Jean Gouillard,
_n Jean (1403-1472)', and Olivier Clement, 'Marc Eugenikos', in Dictionnaire cu christianisme.
aedia Universalis (Paris 2000), pp. 98-99, 639-640; Dic/ionar tematic al evului mediu occidental
315
loan-Vasile Leb
As Plethon's teachings brought him into conflict with the Church, emperor Man
Palaeologus (1391-1425) was forced to send him to the court of his son, despot Theodore
Pie/hon "sought to hide, but failed, and as his ideas spread among his disciples, he wa;
chased away from the city by the devout emperor Manuel and by the Church. In one war;
they did fail, [for] they spared him, instead of sending him into shameful exile among th
barbarians and thus prevent him from doing hann (Scholarios).
In fact, Plethon remained on good terms with the emperor, and this is precisely what ang
Scholarios. Thus, Plethon ended up in Mistra, by then the capital of the Marean despotate
Mistra (Mezythra), founded by Guillaume II Villehardouin of Achaia in 1248149, laid
steep mountain slope, not far from the location of ancient Sparta. Taken by the Byzantin
1261162, Mistra soon became the capital of the province of Morea, a point of contact be ·
the Greek and Latin worlds, inhabited by a motley population, more pagan than Christian.
a while, Mistra was ruled by the sons of John VI Kantakuzenos, who had the title of d
Manuel (1348-1380), Matthew (1380-1383) and, for a short time, Demetrios (1383-1384
Demetrios's death, John VIII Palaeologus (1425-1448) gave the province to his
Theodore I (1384-1406). The despotate went to the imperial family. It became one 0
centers of Greek resistance to the Ottoman expansion and the main nucleus of the newG
nationalism, at a time when Constantinople was still faithful to its imperial and cosmop"
tradition. Between 1406 and 1443, the despotate was led by Theodore II, Manuel II''
supported by both his father and his brothers: John, the future emperor, Thomas (1430-J
Constantine (1432-1449), the future emperor, and Demetrios (1449-1460) 12 . ',
During the reign of Theodore II, the Byzantium enjoyed a period of peace, as the Ott
had problems of their own, foreign (the Tartar invasion) as well as domestic (the ten yea'
between the sons of Bayezid I). A year after he became sultan, Mehmed I (1412-1421) co
ded a treaty with Byzantium, ceding Thessaly, the Peloponnese, the fortresses on the
Sea and of Propontis. Quite friendly relations were established between the Empires. S
April 1415, probably under Ghemistos' influence, the Byzantines built the famous hexa
a densive wall of approximately six miles long. It was demolished by the Ottomans in 1
In this context, Ghemistos opened his philosophical school and formulated his ideas
restoration of the empire. Precise details about the school remain unknown, but it has.
noticed that his writings are quite encyclopedic in nature, approaching a variety of fields,
geography to philosophy and natural science. For instance, he also commented passages
Xenophon, Polybius, Diodorus, Appian, Procopius, Zonaras, Flavius Josephus (history), ~t
Ptolemy (geography), Aristotle, Theophrastus (natural science). Other commentaries reg
Aristoxenes, Aristide, Origen, or Porphyry. He wrote a Chronography of Thessaly, a Caf:'
and History of Greece from the Battle of Mantinea to the Death of Philip of Macedonia,
saw many translations. His most important book remains, however, the Treatise on Laws.
Also significant is the fact that in the Peloponnese Plethon was a public official, pr
a magistrate. In 1433, by imperial will, he received a sizable estate in Mistra, for servi,
[Reasoned Dictionnary of the Western Middle Ages], edited by Jaccues Le Goff, Jean-Claude Sch .
2002), pp. 79-81; Traite des vertus, p. XXI (Tambrun-Krasker); Schultze, Pe/hon, p. 27; Masai, Plet
le platonisme, pp. 56-58; Podskalsky, 'Plethon'; col. 655; some authors believe that Plethon did n
in Constantinople but went straight to Mistra (cf. Caraba, 'Plethon', p. 541). J
10
S.B. Da§kov, Oic/ionar de impiira/i bizantini [Dictionnary of Byzantine Emperors] (Bucharest
pp. 396-401; Stelian Brezeanu, 0 istorie a Bizan/ului [A History of Byzantium] (Bucharest 2005), pp. 31.
11
E.g. Steven Runciman, Mislra, Byzantine Capital of the Peloponnese (London, 1980); see .
Dyonisios A. Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de Moree, 1-11 (Athens 1954'); Caraba, 'Plethon', p. 542:
12
Da§kov, Dic/ionarde impiira/i bizantini, pp. 401- 408; Brezeanu, ls/aria lmperiului Bizantin,
13
Mehmed, lstoria turcilor, pp. 145-146; Caraba, 'Plethon', pp. 541-543.
316
A Byzantine Humanist between Catholicism and fsfamism
pire. Here, near the old Sparta, the Platonist philosopher felt close to the roots of Greek
!ion, to the homeland of Lycurgos. Feeling that the institutions of Byzantium had dete-
d after having forgotten their Hellenic roots, he gathered around him a brotherhood
t to restore Hellenic Platonism, that is, polytheism, considered by some historians as a
and nationalist expression of intelligible forms, within an action involving a de-Christia-
n of concepts (Tambrun-Krasker). He believed that the only remedy for the empire was a
'nd reformation of state, society and education, through a return to the forgotten traditions.
lethon thus rejected offers coming from various Maecenas and from the friends who
·. t to lure him into going to Italy, and remained in Mistra. He submitted two memoranda,
0 Manuel II, on the causes behind the existing social and political crisis (1416-1418),
nother, drawn up around 1425, to despot Theodore, in which he suggested reforms
n both in nature and in light of the critical moment in which Byzantium found itself14 .
*'*
e Byzantine Empire drew near his end, which eventually occurred in the tragic year
John VIII Palaeologus (1423---1445) was trying to rescue what could still be rescued,
g the help of the West, like his ancestors before him. Just like his forerunners, he
d on a religious Union, or indeed on the annexation of the Eastern Church by the Holy
uring a visit to the Peloponnese, in 1428, the emperor told Plethon about his plan, and
ted him on the summoning of a synod meant to discuss the union of the two Churches.
A Caraba's view, Plethon remained duplicitous, and vehemently defended the Eastern
, just like a representative of the Orthodox faction, even if he actually believed that the
f the Churches would have strengthened Chnstianity, renden'ng impossible the nse of
religion. From the very outset, he spoke against the union and the planned synod. In
ncerned the Byzantine position with regard to this synod, he believed that Easterners
be more firm when it came to the issue of representation. Plethon told the emperor15:
not think ft is necessary to travel to Italy, and I do not think that anything good will come of ii. ff
'voyage does occur, things should change a whole lot, and we should firmly define and stick
hose points that we want to secure. The same should also be done by those who will later
cuss the issues. Let me say something that has just occurred to me: ff you decide to go
re, on your arrival you will find yourselves greatly outnumbered by them [the Latins]. If
. attend the synod without a clear plan in mind, then they will all think that you are
•I<, and the synod will tum into a trial. Therefore, you must insist that the vote not be
ed on the number of people present, and that eve,y party be granted an equal number
ates, to ensure balance. /tis under those terms that you should begin the synod.
· words, indeed, proven true by the developments occurred at the Council of Florence.
,years later, Plethon himself attended the synod planned by the emperor. During all
, he had enjoyed the emperor's appreciation, for there can be no other explanation for
's. presence at the synod of Ferrara-Florence (1438--1439). Quite interesting are his
nions concerning the Greeks' position at the unionist synod. For instance, Meyendorf
t the only anti-unionist in the Byzantine delegation was Gheorghios Ghemistos, even if.
al/ group of 'Latinophile' humanists from among the Byzantines were in favor of the
and ready to accept the pope's teachings; their vast majority-1'nc/uding the conser-
· is Brehier, Civi/iza/ia bizantinii [The Byzantine Civilization] (Bucharest 1994), p. 338; Traite des
XI; the Treatise on Laws was last edited by B. Tambrun-Kraske (1987) and Th. Nikolau (2001).
(Opou/os(1660}, p.155 (cf. Caraba, 'Plethon', p. 545); St. Runciman, Ciiderea Constantinopolufui
Fall of Constantinople 1453] (Bucharest 1971\ p. 12.
317
loan-Vasile Leb
vative Pa/amites-thought that the synod was a way to accomplish the union, on Orlhodoi
grounds[ ... ] <recognizing> the pope as patriarch of the whole West.
Consequently, Plethon was the only one opposed to a union of the Churches, and ther
he constantly supported Mark Eugenikos in the discussions with the Latins 16_ "
Later on, he even wrote a treatise on the progress of the Holy Ghost, a text deemed •
dangerous than the heresy of filioque it was meant to condemn. Duplicitous, Plethon did
become directly involved in the debates, preferring to act behind the scenes. When ask
patriarch Joseph II (1416-1439) about the filioque, Plethon answered like a true Orthodox'
None of us should have doubts concerning the tenets of our Church, because, first of al/, ft
has been given to us by our Lord Jesus Christ, and then by the apostles, and this has always
been the comers/one of our faith. All of our teachers testify to that. As our teachers now stand.
upon these cornerstones and remain always faithful to them, for they are cerlain beyond anf
doubt, and no one must doubt the truth of such tenets. No one can doubt these tenets and
still call himself a believer. Even our adversaries do not deny the teachings and the
statements of our Church. They themselves admitted that our teachings are both beauafuf
and true, and they are desperately seeking to demonstrate that their dogmas are in full
agreement with ours. Consequently, let no member of our Church falter in his fait/1; if that
happens, our adversaries will also follow suit. Still, doubts should rightfully be expressed,
when it comes to their faith, for there is no evidence that it is indeed in ham,ony with ours. •
On the other hand, Plethon's presence gave new impetus to humanist studies in Flo
He met with the Florentine humanists, both clergy and laymen. Chief among thern
cardinal Giuliano Cesarini, the head of the Catholic party in the synod. Ten years after
discussions, the Platonist Academy of Florence was founded by Cosimo de Medici. I
respect, we have the testimony of the first leader of the Academy, Marsilio Ficino, who sai
vVhen Florence hosted the synod between Greeks and Latins, at the time of Pope EugeniiJ
the great Cosimo, designated 'Pater patriae' by a decree of the Senate, often listened to th
Greek philosopher Ghemistos (also named Pie/hon, as a second Plato) discuss the myste ·
of Platonism. Immediately, he felt so inspired and impressed by the feNor of Ghemisto
discourse, that he devised in his august mind a sorl of Academy, which he was to estab
when the time was right. Later, when the great Medici turned this idea into reality, he entrust .
me, the son of his favorite physician, with this great mission, even if I was still a child.
These meetings between Plethon and the Florentine humanists drew the envy·•
fellow Greeks, especially that of Scholarios, who would become the first ecumenical p
under the Ottomans. The conflict between the two continued well after the end of the syn,
16
Joseph Gill, The Council of Florence (Cambridge 1959); Constantin N. Tsirpanlis, Mark Eu"
and the Council of Florence. A historical reevaluation of his personality (Thessaloniki 1974); Al
Moraru, 'Sinodul de la Ferrara-Florenja (1438-1439) §i urmiirile lui in Riisiirit, reflectate la istoriciL ·
(Mihail?) Ducas §i Georgios Sphrantzes' [fhe Synod of Ferrara-Florence (1438-1439) and its
Consequences reflected by Byzantine Historians (Michael?) Dukas and Georgios Sphrantzes], Sturm
IX (1987), 2, pp. 96-103; John Meyendorff, Teologia bizanffna [Byzantine Theology] (Bucharest 1996),
17
Syropoulos (1660), pp. 197-198 (cf. Carabii, 'Plethon', p. 546).
18
Marsilio Ficino, Opera omnia, II (Basel 1561), p. 1537 (cf. Masai, P/ethon et le platonisme,
Magnus Cosmus senatus consul/a patriae pater, quo tempore concilium inter Grecos atque Lafi
Eugenio Pontifice F/orentiae tractabatur phi/osophum grecum nomine Gemistum cognomine Pl
quasi Platonem alterum de mysteriis Platonicis disputantem frequenter audiuit; e cuius ore fe
afflatus est protinus, sic animatus ut in Academiam quandam a/ta mente conceperiQ; loan Ra
'Ghenadie II Scholarios, primul patriarh ecumenic sub turci' [Ghennadios II Scholarios, the First
nical Patriarch under the Turks], Orlodoxia (Bucharest), VIII (1956), 1, pp. 71-109; Idem, 'Miirturi
credinjii a patriarhului ecumenic Ghenadie al II-lea Scholarios' [fhe Profession of Faith of the E ·
Patriarch Ghennadios II Scholarios], Orlodoxia, XXXVI (1984), 4, pp. 462-499; Carabii, 'Plethon',
318
A Byzantine Humanist between Catholicism and lslamism
he nickname Plethon was also adopted during the stay and the discussions in Florence.
istos took great pleasure in it, for it was similar to that of his spiritual master, Plato. Here,
te a piece called On the Differences between Aristotle and Plato, better known under the
title De Diferentiis. It seems that the eight chapters of this work are in fact the summary of
ngthy he had conversations while in Florence, in his attempt to demonstrate Plato's
·onty over Aristotle and to promote the teachings of the former, little known in the West".
was also in Florence that Plethon wrote a study on the µoipa: n£p1 oµapµtvqr;, it became
pter of his future book v6µ01. According to him, everything that happenedin the universe
redestined and even the Almighty God could not intervene to change the fate of the world.
men could not be held responsible for his sins. Still, his god was not stronger than that of
le. He could be compared to that of the later deists, as his absolute transcendence is a
f isolation from what is immanent, even if Pleton keeps referring to him as sovereign and
r. This teaching about God was presented in another text, Plethon's Summary of the Tea-
s of Zoroaster and Plato, which had considerable influence among Western humanists20 .
he influence exerted by the school of Mistra over Italian Platonism was not limited to
ce and to the Academy of Marsilio Ficino. We also find it in the academies of Naples
pecially of Rome, the latter represented by Callimaco, Leto, and Platina. Platina had
he student of Argyropoulos, a former disciple of Plethon. F. Masai considered that this
y of Rome showed the highest affinity with the pagan spirit of the Peloponnese
hood. Even so, in the Italian Peninsula the spirit of Mistra Platonism was soon distor-
subordinated to the Christian doctrine, in its opposition to Averroism 21 •
r the end of the Florentine synod and after a short stay in Venice, Plethon returned
in the company of prince Demetrios, and remained there until the end of his life. The
had stirred in Florence came back to haunt him, in the form of a polemic between
'and Scholarios, chiefiy over the text called De Diferentiis and enhanced by the book
•·· d by Plethon in 1443144 and called Kara rwv nA,jewvor; m· arrop1wv Ap1arortA£1.
hon's reformist plans also included religion. He did not see Christianity as a unifying
t rather a corrupt form of Hellenic thought. This thought, represented by Plato and the
nists, was to him the absolute truth. During his Florentine stay, where he was practi-
shipped, he apparently told George of Trebizond that soon the whole world would em-
religion that would not be Christian or Islamic, but identical to the old paganism".
statement can help us better understand Scholarios's position with regard to him. In
of the former, Plethon's attacks on Aristotle were more religious than philosophical.
logian accurately felt his intention to destroy the Church and Christianity in general.
23
_critic was very harsh, as very well illustrated in Scholalios' letter to exarch Joseph :
this was the reason why I directed my polemic work against Pie/hon's text. He
ed Aristotle so vehemently because he probably knew that Aristotle's philosophy,
ial/y that pa,t of it that is so different from the ideas of Plato, is the one providing us with
ce for the Just Faith. I did not want to fight against Plato, or indeed to defend Anstotle.
s I loathed Pie/hon's intentions, I committed myself to the staunch defense of the faith,
erwise it would have been in vain. Thus, I wanted to open the eyes of those who did
ow Plethon, so that they would not be deceived and then punished, as unfo,tunately
ready happened to so many, whose names I need not mention. In this, I did not pursue
gr honor, as indicated clearly at the beginning and the end of my text.
ai, Plethon et le platonisme, p. 329; Caraba, 'Plethon', p. 547 (with the whole debate).
,.ba, 'Plethon', p. 548.
·, Plethon et le platonisme, pp. 329, 361-362.
r, Civiliza/ia bizantina, p. 338; Caraba, 'Plethon', p. 548
ba, 'Plethon', pp. 548-549.
319
loan-Vasile Leb
Still, the letters exchanged by the two indicate that during Plethon's life they rerr,"'
on friendly terms. On one hand, Scholarios never summoned the courage to directly a
the philosopher. On the other, Plethon feared to publish his fundamental book, the Tre
on Laws, during his lifetime, seeking to avoid a direct conflict with the Church and the s
***
The Treatise on Laws (3 volumes), Plethon's "masterpiece, was begun before he

Italy and was completed in 1440. After the death of his author, the book ended up in theh
of despot Demetrios of Morea. Demetrios sent it to none other than future patriarch Ghen
Scholarios, Plethon's main adversary. He spent only four hours reading the manuscript;·
then threw it on fire. He confessed that reading it caused a double pain, first because
situation in which the despot and his family found themselves, second because of the her
and the blasphemies it contained. In the same letter to exarch Joseph, Scholarios wrote:·
I experienced mixed feelings on that occasion. I laughed at the honesty of this man. I cried for 11
convption of his soul [... ] this was precisely what our impoverished condition needed: eventuaflr,
the heritage of Hellenic culture remained in the hands of an old man, whose effo,ts led to no
other gain than his own convption; for he was clearly not sound of mind when he introduced such
novelties.
Still, he did leave posterity some fragments from Plethon's work, which reveal his main id
In this book, the philosopher from Mistra devised a new religion intended to refo
Byzantine state. Still, Scholarios condemned it as a pagan and dangerous book, and bu~
A defender of Aristotle who had not necessarily rejected Plato, Scholarios had already h
argument with Plethon, seeing his attacks on Aristotle as attacks against the Church. ;
In fact, Plethon's treatise was more of a dogmatic exposition, theological rather than'
sophical. It presented the principles of future legislation without justifying them. Generally
king, according to Brehier, he did not indicate his sources, but one can guess that he was.
liar with the philosophy of Psellos and of the neo-Platonists, especially with that of Proclu .
More recently, however, Nikolaou argued precisely the opposite. Plethon's book incl_
a code of social, political, moral, and religious reforms. The goal was to ensure man's Ii
ness, but before than one had to know man, which was possible only after determining ·
place in the universe. Plethon's universe included divine beings, pure intelligences, I
the heavens, and beings with a soul and a body, inhabitants of the earth 26 •
The whole universe originated from Zeus's thoughts, the primordial principle, an
equally eternal: the universe came from him through a bond of causality, not though a ch
logical one. Zeus himself could do nothing to alter his own will, being subjected, like the r
the universe, to the most strict determinism. All depended upon the will of Zeus but, giv
inflexibility of fate, it also depended upon the Heimarmene, namely, that which is predesti
The nature of the various beings depended on their origin. Poseidon, the eldest
Zeus, presided over the whole of creation. His brothers controlled the Elements, Hera the
ber and the multiplication of beings. The lesser gods commanded the laws of nature. F.
down the hierarchy, the attributes are less and less general because, in keeping with
theory of ideas, the general includes the particular. After the category of the gods came t_.
the genii, demons, souls without a body, immortal just like the gods, but capable of mis
24
Carabil, 'Plethon', pp. 551, 557-558.
25
BrE!hier, Civilizatia bizantin8, p. 338.
26
He believed that there is no evidence to support Plethon's dependence upon the philosophy
Platonism or of Proclus (Th. Nikolaou, 'Georgios Gemistos Plethon und Proklos. Plethons Neuplato
am Beispiel seiner Psychologie', AC/EB, XVI (1970), 2 [-4] (=JOB, XXXII, 4), p. 387).
320
A Byzantine Humanist between Catholicism and lsfamism
me the humans, consisting of both body and soul, whose duty was to imitate the gods.
er represented Ideas, yet individuals and not abstract concepts. It follows that Plethon's
phy was a religion with his own cult and its own liturgy. Plethon claimed that the doc-
as coming from Zoroaster and had been professed by Pythagoras and by Plato.
the first chapter of the book, devoted to the cult of the gods, he included a calendar of
and holydays, inspired by the ancient Greek calendar, a compromise between the lunar
f 12 months with 29 and a half days and the solar year of 365 and a quarter days, with a
inserted to fill the gap between the two cycles. Also interesting is the fact that Plethon
d from the ancient Greeks the feast of Numenia, celebrated at the beginning of every
in honor of Zeus or of another local deity. Thus, his calendar included between 70 and
ual feasts, set according to the movements of the moon. Five times a day, prayers (in
were to be recited, accompanied by hymns in dactylic hexameters 27 .
f particular importance are Plethon's social and political ideas. According to him, man
social creature and manifested himself in three situations: in family, in society, and in the
at large. As man was endowed with such virtues as moderation, resilience, kindness, love
tice or piety, which guided him towards the knowledge of God, then man had to put them
ractice in the aforementioned fields and therefore had to be a social being, thus gaining
ppiness he desired. Plethon believed that the state determined the political nature of
is behavior and character, and saw to his development, improvement, and happiness.
ethon's model is precisely that from Plato's Republic, where individual interest had to be
ted with the public one if the pursuit of happiness was to be successful. As the private
···ts of Plethon's contemporaries no longer coincided with those of the state, the Byzan-
. iety was in a full process of decay. For virtues to triumph anew, a new social and politi-
er was needed. As we have already indicated, Plethon believed that the decaying mores
ntine society were a consequence of the decadent religion of the empire, Christianity.
ce morals are determined by religion, they are in fact a mirror of the latter. Furthermore,
society was in decay, then the religion in question had failed to generate the morals
·• for the preservation of society. Therefore, according to Plethon, Christianity was to
· in this respect, and consequently had to be discarded and replaced with a religion likely
-•• e the entire Byzantine society. Plethon also suggested a number of practical measures.
e claimed that every individual had to be given the opportunity to participate in the social
litical structures according to his natural abilities, what Caraba calls the /aw of compe-
Since people were different from one another, according to Plato's model, the population
be divided into three categories, in order to make it efficient with regard to the state:
The ruling class, in charge of public affairs and state security-it also included the
y, exempt from the payment of taxes.
A second class, that of industrialists-to use a modern term-, craftsmen, and
··· rchants.
;A third class, that of the farmers.
lass had its own field of activity and they never interfered with one another, for that
{gave endangered the development of society.
ven if they were never actually taken into consideration, Plethon's ideas had a certain
oespecially in the Wes~ where Plethon planted the seeds of Platonism. While the Treatise
}vs was burned, the ideas in it circulated due to the other pieces written by Plethon, such
agic Oracles and especially the Treatise on Virtues, which enjoyed considerable circu-
the West and which have been recently republished. Aside these writings, two more
he whole issue in Brehier, Civiliza/ia bizantina, pp. 339-340.
321
loan-Vasile Leb
texts are associated with Plethon's late period: a eulogy delivered in 1450 upon the.
Helen, the widow of emperor Manuel II, and a memorandum in which he saluted the
iation between John Vlll's sons, Theodore, Thomas, Demetrios, and Constantine" ..
***
The philosopher passed away in the morning of 25 June 1452, in Mistra, where
buried. Some of the eulogies delivered on that occasion have survived until today.
not live to see the agony and the fall of Constantinople, his native city, taken
Ottomans eleven months later, on 29 May 1453. The Despotate of Morea survived fo
more years, and his famous school continued to exist, without the old glamour, until 3
1460, when Demetrios Palaeologus was forced to give the city to sultan Mehmed II.
Even in death, his name was honored in the West, where he was seen as a true p
by the representatives of the Platonist Academy. It is ironic that, despite the war he
against Christianity, his body rests in St Francis's church from Rimini, where it was ta
Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta He had the tombstone engraved with the following insc:rJ
THEM/ST/I BVZANTINI
Phi/osopho111m sua tempestate Principis re/iquum
Sigismundus Pandulfus Malatesta Pand(u/fi) F(ilius)
Belli pelopon. adversus Turca111m Regem lmperator,
ob igentem e111dito111m, quo introque mittendum
curavit MCCCCLXV.
As pointed out by Masai, it is the only monument dedicated to the man once consid
29
Bessarion to be the greatest of the Greeks since Plotin .
***
People may wonder about the purpose of this brief presentation of Plethon in a
rence devoted to John Hunyadi? First of all, he was the contemporary of this great fignf
the cause of Christianity. Secondly, because in him we find that turmoil of the philosoph
strove to find a way to save his people, and also because of the impetus he gave to Pl
studies in a West entirely confined to Aristotle, in the wake of Augustine. In this res~
0
shall quote the words of an outstanding scholar of the Middle Ages, Guglielmo Cavallo : ,
During the Council of Florence, in 1438, Plethon's lessons on Plato and Aristotle introduced the.
West to the late Byzantine dispute over the primate of one philosopher ovenhe other[ ...)'
Among the indirect effects of the phenomenon in question we could mention the establishme
of the Platonist Academy of Florence and Marsilio Ficino's translations from Plato. We see he
a new impulse which contributed to the emergence of the entire philosophy of the Renaissan
We could rightfully claim that without the contribution of Greek professors
philosophy of the Renaissance would have never discarded the straigh(iacket o
medieval scholasticism.
Why between Catholicism and /s/amism? For Orthodoxy and the whole Byzantine
were between Scylla and Charybdis, between two worlds with which he had become famili
his youth, the Catholic West and the Islamic East, the latter ruling over St Sophia to this da,
28
In these matters, see the works ofTambrun- Krasker, Tardieu, Nikolaou. For the Romanian
bution to the topic, see Caraba, 'Plethon', pp. 556-557 (as well as his forthooming thesis devoted precj
to this topic). '
29
Masai, Plethon et le platonisme, pp. 363, 365; Caraba, 'Plethon', p. 552.
30
Omul bizantin [The Byzantine Man] (la>,i 2000), p. 134 (G. Cavallo)
322
e demonstration navale des Ottomans devant Constantinople et
la bataille de Kilia (1448)
Matei Cazacu
Centre Nationale de ia Recherche
Scientifique, Paris
Petre l;j. Nasturel
Ecole des Hautes Eludes en
Sciences Sociales, Paris
terrne de patientes et erudites recherches, Peter Schreiner s'est occupe, voici plu-
1
nnees, d'un petit texte que renferme un manuscrit de Bologne, dont voici la traduction .
6956, ff indiclion, au mois de juin, le <N"'"> 1our du Jeune des Saints-Ap6tres, /es Musul-
s vinrent avec 65 vaisseaux et plus, flotte transportant de nombreux hommes d'armes et
force et un materiel de gue,re devant Constantinople et ifs subirent un echec total et la
e, trouvant /a Vlanga forti/iee et bien armee, ainsi que l'enceinte, /es forces de mer et de ter-
Schaines <posees> dans la mer. Puis, quand 17s eurent vu qu)7s avaient 8choue honteuse-
t, ifs se rendirent aKelli [Kilia] et ifs furent mis en pieces et ifs se retoumerent en deroute.
· nements consignes dans cette notice, partie integrante d'une breve chronique ano-
.· montent au mois de juin 6956 (1448). Une lacune a emporte !'indication du jour precis
flotte ottomane sous les remparts de Constantinople. Celle attaque brusquee, qui au-
voir raison alors de la capitale de ce qui restait encore de !'Empire d'Orient, se produisit
t le Careme des Saints-Apotres. M. Schreiner hesitait, en 1967, a admettre la realite de
ement: aucune chronique byzantine signee n'en parle2 . Mme Elizabeth Zachariadou a
certains arguments' qui semblent avoir emporte partiellement l'assenti-ment du savant
'·nd, puisque son corpus de 1975 enregistre le fail a l'an 1448, encore qu'il fasse suivre la
'.un point d'interrogation. Sans doute notre expose levera-t-il ses demiers doutes.
***
uels sont les arguments qui nous permettent de tenir pour historiques les fails rapportes
tte source? C'est en premier lieu, sa valeur de source constantinopolitaine: !'auteur (tout
me qu'il demeure) ne saurait guere etre accuse d'avoir comis une erreur grossiere sur
'EV 'T'f)• ~ " I 'ell -

.7VS , JV )l71WVO~
I ,, I
ICl, f-,OJVI IOtJYlif),
• I <> . . .
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I , I I
'llt)V Cl)IWV ctm)Q"'ro),,WV Vlj~la{, 1j;5ror 01
.,. 'Moupcr'ouµ.ctJJot
I
.... /:; t \ • f • , .JJ\. \ ' I ~ \ \

r,,t \ • \ I
!Cl C,E ;u:a Em~IVCl ap[-UW(,l. f-lB ctpp.a.7WV 710)v\u)y X!tJ O!JVcq.tJV ;u:a X£t.,7WJ'.1.f.U~ w; '11/V KwV/1"'7rol'nVOU7IO.NV,
, • I ~ \' \ \ ' B I I \ \ , I ,, ' ' I '
C<.fJ'70XtCIJJ mt.Jl'ct'J ilCll EV7pOmJV X.W 70V .AaY)J(C(, X.710}(.HOV X.CU woi\),..(i Cipp.clTu,'{.J.iVOV, E71 X!iJ 'ro XtXU'1pDV, 'X!tl
\,.\(\I\,/•~ I . <,fld>I \' I
q ;u:a !17Epi~ TCtJ; ouvcq.u1~ ;ca; ct,\ua1;~ EV ~ ~ITT!- El] m ~ El] ooor, 011 Elf7DXJ-Jcn:tv p.e ~v-rpo7n1 1
'
e1i; 70I K~ \ i£L:tJ\ a_q)a.v1u
' /-A. /
... ,1crav M~twi; w \ '~)upwcra.v
/ /
Ka.m.Au,-uvo1. p . schreiner,
. Stud'ten zu den Bpcc,tr.Cl
I
' Munich, 1967, p. 172-175, 206. La chronique avail ete deja edttee d'apres un manuscrit aujourd'hui
par le patriarche de Jerusalem Oositheos, 'lcrropfCl mpl 'fulv iv 'lepocro;..Jµ.o1i; 7TCt:Tp1apxwcrdnwv , Bucarest,
.cf. loan Bianu, Nerva Hodo§, Bibliografia romaneasca veche. 1508-1830 [La bibliographie roumaine
ne. 1508-1830], \, Bucarest, 1903, p. 501-508), puis sur le manuscrit de Bologne par Spyridon
s (Bp"X,ia. Xpov,d [Chroniques breves] (edition Konstantinos I. Amantos), Athenes, 1932, p. 80-
~ui n'a pas remarque la notice de 1448, dont la decouverte est due a P. Schreiner.
:. P. Schreiner, Studien, p. 172-175 et 206.
3
Compte-rendu des Studien de P. Schreiner dans 'EM>,v,d (Athenes), XXI, 1968, p. 422-423.
Matei Cazacu, Petre :;;. Nasturel
la date et ecrit 6956 (1448) au lieu de 6930 (1422), la date d'un siege bien connu de Con
4
tinople • Le contexte demontre que noire auteur fut le temoin oculaire des evenements re
par lui, evenements qu'il est, pour Constantinople du moins, le seul a avoir consigne
second lieu, l'indiction II correspond effectivement a l'an 1448, et ce premier contr6Ie
est deja rassurant (pour 1422 l'indiction aurait ete la 15'). Comme l'a aussi remarque
Zachariadou, les deux notices qui, dans le manuscrit considere, font suite a la n6tre
cernant la mort du despote Theodore Paleologue, en juin, et l'arrivee, en juilliet-aoOt 1 ''
Constantinople du despote Demetrius, frere du basileus, et elles ne sont pas suivies de la
cision de l'annee, mais datees seulement a l'aide de !'expression en la mi!me annee5 , en'
lion, manifestement, de la notice des evenements du mois de juin. C'est la une preuve s
mentaire que leur auteur, qui les mettait par ecrit sous !'impulsion d'evenements recent
pu confondre des fails s'etant deroules a vingt-six ans d'intervalle les uns des autres. De
le groupement meme de ces trois informations au bas du feuillet 351v du manuscn
Bologne, a la suite d'un texte traitant de divers alphabets, sur un espace extremement r
(alors que la chronique proprement dite figure a la feuille suivante), prouve l'etroite i
dependance des trois evenements survenus la meme annee. Enfin, on retiendra que r·
connait aucune attaque turque contre Kilia (Chilia) en 1422, fail qui n'aurait pas echapp·
sources du temps, notamment aux chroniques roumaines ou saxonnes de Transylvanie1
En absence toutefois d'autres temoignages, la critique interne de la chronique de B. ··
ne saurait constituer un argument decisif pour maintenir la date indiquee par elle: 1448
une source nouvelle vient confirmer a point les resultats de noire analyse: une lettre du 3
1448, que le Grand Maitre de chevaliers de Rhodes adressa au roi de France CharlesV
Nuperrime siquidem ex litteris ex Constantinopoli, Pera et Chio hue Rhodum missis nobis innoti/
magnum Teucrorum sive Turchornm regem cfassem ingentem paravisse exercitumque coad
nasse, ut terra matique ipsam Constantini urbem oppugnaret, quae classis cum in Danubit.i
numen esset ingressa descendissentque Teucti plurimi ex ea in terram, repente classis B!anC
longe ea infen·or numero ex superiore ad nos parte insiluit, et fere infidelium totam c/assem conB
bussit. /Iii vero qui temm petierant a Bianchi gentibus trucidati sunt. Hoc infortunio et clade'
Teucris data, et imperatoria ipsa civitas, et omnes insu/e JEgaei pelagi a formidine magna}
Dea victoriam Christianis dante, /iberati sun/. ·
La confrontation de la chronique et de la lettre dissipe toute incertitude qui planerait ...

quant a la veracite des dires du manuscrit de Bologne. La notice grecque se rapporte a u
saut avorte, ou a une tentative de siege , demeures inconnus jusqu'ici, dont Constantinople
9
4
Voir par example: John W. Barker, Manuel II Palaeo/ogus (1391-1425): A Study in Late B'
Statesmanship, New Brunswick, 1969, p. 361-371; Louis Brehier, Vie et mart de Byzance, Paris,'1
395-396;
5
Donald M. Nicol, The Last Centuries of Byzantium 1261-1453, Landres, 1972, p. 348-34
Kleinchroniken, I, nos. 51-52, p. 99-100.
6
Tl" aim; f.,,,: cf. P. Schreiner, Studien, p. 11-12, 20. ·.•
7
Nicolae lorga, Studii istorice asupra Chi/iei §i Cetil/ii Albe [Eludes historiques sur Kilia et
Alba (Akkerman)], Bucarest, 1899; Alexandru Elian, «Moldova §i Bizan1ul in secolul al XV-lea»
davie et Byzance au XV' siecle], dans Cultura, p. 126. Une attaque turque eut bien lieu contre K
seulement en 1420 (Florin Constantiniu, $erban Papacostea, «Tratatul de la Lublau (15 martie
situa9a intema9onala a Moldovei la inceputul veacului al XV-lea» [Letraite de Lublau (15 mars 141
tuation intemationale de la Moldavie au debut du XV' siecle], Studii, XVII, 1964, 11, p. 1139; $. Pa
«Kilia8 et la politique orientale de Sigismond de Luxembourg», RRH, XV, 1976, 3, p. 421-426).
La lettre de Jean de Lastic se trouve en annexe. Blanchus, on l'aura reconnu, est l'un des n
ses contemporains donnaient a Jean le Blaque, ou le Valaque, le chevalier Blanc, Jean Hunyadi;
roumaine mais au service de la Hongrie, le lancu de Hunedoara des Roumains, /
9
La lettre parte bien d'une armee et d'une flotte mises sur pied par le sultan pour assieger C
tinole, mais ii n'y est fait aucune mention d'une mise a !'execution de cette intention, alors que r_
effective de Kilia et la dure defaite des assaillants sont longuement mises en relief (voir !'annexe).
324
Une demonstration navale des Ottomans
cible, en juin 1448. L'affaire fut immediatement suivie d'une descente a Kilia qui se solda
eantissement quasi total de la flotte ottomane par les soldats de lancu de Hunedoara.
enement reconstitue a sa juste valeur revet des dimensions nouvelles, pour peu qu'on
dans le cadre plus large. On peut le considerer comme une tentative audacieuse de
I pour briser l'encerclement realise contre lui par les forces regrouppees par lancu. Le
essayait d'occuper une puissante base d'approvionnnement de premiere importance,
inait le passage d'Asie mineure en Europe et coupait ainsi en deux !'Empire ottoman.
***
scene politique de !'Europe orientale et du Sud-Est est dominee au cours des annees
· irent la catastrophe chretienne de Varna par l'affrontement de la Hongrie et de !'Empire
11 _Jancu de Hunedoara, devenu (apres la mart de Vladislas (Wladys!aw, Ulaszl6) I"), le
chef des affaires du royaume apostolique, voit sa position consolidee par son election
ctions de gouverneur de la Hongrie Quin 1446). Des lors, ii intensifie ses preparatifs pour
er une croisade qui rejetterait les Ottomans en Asie mineure. Dans ce dessin, ii entre-
e mettre sur pied une large coallition, dont les bases sont posees au cours des annees
448, grace a une serie de traites et d'alliances recouvrant une vaste zone geographique.
ut d'abord, ii etait absolument indispensable, pour la reussite de son plan de maintenir la
ie et la Valachie dans une dependance aussi etroite que possible de la couronne de St.
. C'est ce qu'il realisa dans l'hiver 1447-1448, lorsque Vlad II Dracu/ (le Diable), prince
chie (1436-1442, 1443-1447), fut detr6ne au profit de Vladislav II, parent de lancu et
'fidele (decembre), tandis que Jes forces anmes de lancu installaient en Moldavie Pierre
;•11 (fevrier) '°. C'est a la faveur de ces evenements que la fortresse de Kilia, aux bouches
be, fut cedee par Pierre II a son protecteur pour/a defendre contre /es Tures".
delite des Etats roumains signifiait pour lui la possibilite de dominer la ligne du Danube,
elgrad (Beograd, Nandorfehervar) jusqu'a la mer Noire, au, a !'embouchure du fleuve,
tait bonne garde. Sur une etendue de plus de mille kilometres, les Ottomans pouvaient
ques par surprise, maintenant que l'armee chretienne avail Jes arrieres assures et,
'la possibilite de s'approvisioner et, egalement, celle de se replier en cas de besoin.
ide promise avec enthousiasme par le pape Nicolas V, lancu de Hunedoara ajouta un
~c le roi d'Aragon, Alphonse V, maTtre de Naples et de Sicile, lequel mettait a disposi-
la coalition une puissante fiotte pour bloquer les Detroits et couper tout moyen de com-
tion entre les forces ottomanes d'Asie et d'Europe. Le traite, conclu le 6 novembre 1447,
12
ention de 10.000 soldats de Valachie sur lesquels s'appuyait lancu de Hunedoara .
,~ud du Danube ii ne pouvait campier que sur un seul allie son emule de gloire, !'Alba-
• nderbeg. Ses troupes, conformement a !'entente conclue 13, devaient attaquer /e Turc a
faire leur jonction avec l'anmee croisee qui viendrait par la Serbie et la Bu!garie. Celle
utefois avec Skanderbeg et Alphonse eut pour effet d'eloigner Venise de la coalition.
,,,: _ur une reconstruction de toute la suite de ces actions, voir Francisc Pall, «lnterventia lui lancu
,i
poara Tn Tara Romaneasca Moldova [n anii 1447-1448» [L'intervention de Jean Hunyadi en
_et en Moldavie durant les annees 1447-1448], Studii, XVI, 1963, 11, p. 1049-1072.
e sent les termes memes de la chronique dite moldo-polonaise (Cronici/e, p. 168, 177). Vair aussi
Stapanirea Jui lancu de Hunedoara asupra Chiliei §ci problema ajutorarii Bizantului» [La domination
di aChilia et la question de !'aide a Byzance], Studii, XVIII, 1965, 3, p. 619-638.
jos Thall6czy, Samu Barabas, A Frangepan Csa/ad Ok/eve/Iara. Codex diplomaticus comitum
epanibus, I, 1133-1453 (= MHH, I, 35), Budapest, 1910, p. 350; Franz Kayser, «Papst Nicolaus
sVordringen derTOrken», HJ, VI, 1895, p. 208-231; Francesco Cerone, «La politica orientale di
iAragona», ASPN, XXVIII, 1903, p. 154-212; Alan Frederick Charles Ryder, «La politica italiana
d'Aragona (1442-1458)» (1-11), ASPN, NS, XXXVIII, 1958, p. 43-106; XXXIX, p. 235-294.
alcocondil (1922-1927), 11-1, p. 123-125; Bonftni (1936-1941), Ill, p. 160; F. Pall, «Skanderbeg et
Hunedoara», RESEE, VI, 1968, 1, p. 5-21.
325
Matei Cazacu, Petre$. Niisturel
En effet, depuis l'hiver 1447, la Seigneurie de Venise etait en guerre avec les Se
les Albanais qui cherchaient a recouvrer la ville de Dagno. Les adversaires de la repu
venitienne etaient le despote de Serbie, Georges (flurad) Brankovi6, Skanderbeg et qu
chefs de clan albanais. En decembre, le prince albanais assiegea Durazzo (Durres), land
depechait a Naples des ambassadeurs charges de negocier avec le roi d'Aragon.
Brankovi6 lui aussi menait de pourparlers dans le meme sens 14. Ce demier se trouv
conflit aigu avec le roi de Bosnie Etienne (Stjepan) Tomasevi6 depuis 1444. lls se disputai
possesion de villes minieres don! la principale etait Srebenitsa. Alors que le grand var
Etienne Vuksi6 avail fail alliance avec Georges, le roi de Bosnie rechercha !'alliance de V,
Mais en 1446, Vuksi6 conclut la paix avec le souverain bosniaque, auquel ii donna .s
Catherine en marriage: ils se trouvaient dorenavant l'un et l'autre en conflit avec les Serbe
La Republique de Raguse (Dubrovnik) en meme temps, appuyait entierement les
de croisade anti-ottomane. Elle se trouvait, en effet, placee sous la protection_ de la Hong
L'annee 1448 voit s'intensifier les contradictions et les conflits entre les Etats de la p
sule balkanique. En fevrier, c'est le despote de Moree, Constantin Paleologue le futur d
empereur de Byzance, qui se toume a son tour vers Alphonse d'Aragon pour chercher a
clure par son entremise un marriage avec la fille du roi du Portugal. Le but de cette allian
6
·de diminuer !'influence de Venise en Orient1 . Le meme mois, lancu installe en Moldavie'
II (atteste sur le tr6ne moldave pour la premiere fois le 23 fevrier), et c'est lui qui cede Kjli
Hongrie pour qu'elle la transforme en une base d'operations contre les Ottomans 17_ ;
C'est a cette epoque encore que Venise precise sa position a l'egard du projet de er ·
Le 7 mars, son senat, sollicite par lancu de lui accorder son aide en vue de l'expeditiori
com me condition de son appui la conclusion de la paix avec Skanderbeg et Brankovic1,8:
tuation du royaume s'en trouvait fortement aggravee, car, depuis le mois de janvier des
tions etaient en cours avec le roi des Romans Frederic Ill afin de normaliser les rapports
Hongrie et les Habsbourgs et de ramener sur le tr6ne Ladislas (Laszlo) V le Posthume/
mineur. Venise ne concluera la paix avec Skanderbeg qu'en novembre, de sorte que
lant capitaine n'eut plus le temps de gagner Kossovo, ou la bataille s'etait deja livree sa
Mais des la fin du printemps, le Turc entreprennent de porter une serie de coups aud
afin de briser le blocus qui le mena<;ait du fait de la politique d'alliances de lancu. Le pr
qu'ils assenerent fut une campagne contre la Bosnie et la Croatie (mars). Dans les couli
!'action se trouvait Brankovi6 qui y poussa les Ottomans, auquels ii fournit meme des g
Entre-temps, Venise entamait en secret des pourparlers avec le Grand Turc, qu'ell
contre Skanderbeg; elle mil a prix pour cent ducats la tete de l'Albanais20 . En revanch
!age de Milan (le dernier des Visconti, Filippo-Maria, etait mart le 13 aoat 1447) declen
hostilites entre Francesco Sforza, qui commandait les forces du duche, et Alphonse d'
14
Constantin Marinescu, «Alphonse V, roi d'Aragon et de Naples et l'Albanie de Skander ..
/anges-Paris, II (1923), p. 23-26; Athanase Gegaj, L'A/banie et !'invasion turque au XV' siec/e, Pa· ·
15
Vjekoslav Klaic, Geschichte Bosniens von den altesten Zeiten bis zum Verfa/le des Ko
Leipz~. 1885, p. 375-376; Constantin Jirecek, Geschichte der Serben, 111, Gotha, 1918, p. 187-18
1
Denis A. Zakythinos, Le despo/a/ grec de Moree, I, Histoire politique, Paris, 1932, p. 238-
17 Le prince Ciubiir, qui ne regna que deux mois de l'hiver 1448-1449, est visibJement le
Csupor (de Monoszl6), a qui lancu de Hunedoara ccnfia le soin de gerer les affaires de la principa
dave ~N(cclae Jorga, Histoire des Roumains et de la Romanite orientate, IV, Bucarest, 1937, p. 11f
1
Sime Ljubic, Ustine o odnosajih izmedju juznoga slavenstva i mletacke republike [Docu,
depeches ccncernant Jes rapports entre Jes Pays sud-slaves et la Republique de Venise], IX, 1_4
(~MSM, XXI) (Zagreb 1892), p. 267-268. Vair aussi Reges/es, 111, no. 2766, p. 143.
19
Lettres de Pietro Soranzo au doge (12 et 20 mars) chez Franc Radie, «Prilog za povijest
koga juga god. 1448» [Contributions a 'histoire des Slaves du sud en 1448], S/arine [Antiquites]
XXVll 1895, p. 227-228. Vair aussi Ustine, IX, p. 279 (acte du 20 aoGt mentionnant cette attaque
26
Ustine, IX, p. 268-269. Un trait caracteristique de la diplomatie venitienne, c'est que l'on
front des tractations avec Skanderbeg d'une part, et les Ottomans, de l'autre, pour qu'ils s'attaqu
326
21
rt, et Venise, de l'autre . Les rapports du comte de Curzola, Pietro Soranzo au doge
ise, au mois de juin 1448, fourmillent d'informations relatives aux mouvements du sou-
ragonais, qui etait passe a des actions hostiles a l'egard de la flotte venitienne22 . Prise
ux adversaires, la Republique de Venise intensifia ses appels aux Ottomans, les invi-
quer Skanderbeg, ce qui se produisit avant le 16 juin 144823_
***
llement a !'action de son armee de terre, le sultan Murad II fit appareiller sa flotte,
tree en scene remonte precisement a juin de ladite annee. Le 24, Jean Hunyadi faisait
u roi d'Aragon qu'il etait pre! a partir en guerre, mais ii ne faisait aucune allusion a la
24
attaque de la part des vaisseaux ottomans . En revanche, le 28 juin, Rafael di Pozo,
e Serbie et de Hongrie par Raguse a Curzola, rapportait des informations qui furent
. es a Venise par le comte Pietro Soranzo .
25
{Xe come in Sophia et in Bulgaria una grandissima et infinita quanfitade de Turchi senza nume-
}1e; era zonti et anche per mare avevano fatto armada, per metterla in el Danubio, dixe sera
persone cento cinquanta mil/a, che e una cosa incredibile. Ongari dall'altra parte tutti i era uni-
ban acon:io, i qua/ Ongari avea appariado ancor faro grandissima armada et per el Danubio,
r temi, et al/a festa di S. Pietro tutti si doveva redur a Be/grado.
par consequent entre ces deux dates - apres le 20 juin (car rien n'avait encore trans-
a au sujet d'une quelconque action ottomane) et le 28 juin, terme ante quern indique
ronique grecque - que fut declenchee !'offensive de la flotte ottomane contre Constan-
puis contre Kilia. L'objectif choisi fut le earlier de Vlanga dans la partie meridionale de
periale. Son double port (le port de Eleuthere et le porte de Theodose) etait garni de
, tant du cote de la terre que le long de la mer. Or, au moment de !'apparition des bat-
. ntes par le Turc, ces fortifications se trouvaient en ban eta! de defense. Brankovic,
te juste d'aider pecuniairement Jean VIII Paleologue a refaire les murs maritimes de
26
. Ce geste illustre une fois de plus l'ambiguite de la politique du despote dans le
"ir G.F. Ryder, «Alfonso d'Aragona e l'awento di Francesco Sforza al ducato di Milano», ASPN,
. ), 1962, p. 9-46,
Radie, «Prilog za povjest», p. 228-229; C. Marinescu, «Alphonse V, roi d'Aragon», p. 27.
Radie, «Prilog za povjest», p. 231 (acte du 19 juin). Discussion de la date de l'entree ottomane
chez F. Pall, «Marino Barlezio. Uno storico umanista», MHG, 11, 1938, p. 207. Voir aussi les
du senat pour Andrea Venier du 27 juin dans Listine, IX, p. 269-273 (resume dans Reges/es,
, p. 145).
r6czy (1746), p. 47; Fejer-Hunyad, p. 114-115.
adie, «Prilog za povjest», p. 234. Concernant la date de !'a/faire manquee de l'attaque navale
· tinople et celle de la bataille de Kilia, on peut legitimement les fixer vers 20-24 juin au plus tard,
Jean de Lastic a Rhodes ait eu le temps d'apprendre les evenements, uncertain laps de temps
airement E!cou!e. Par ailleurs, le commandant des forces hongroises qui E!crasE!rent les Otto-
.~ murs de Kilia ne fut pas Jean Hunyadi, qui se trouvait a Buda le 24 juin. II semble done raison-
. pposer qu'il s'agissait en occurence du prince Ciubiir (Csupor).
mond Janin, Constantinople byzantine. Developpement urbain et repertoire topographique, Paris,
9, et carte 1-7-8/ D-E (sur la V\anga, voir aussi p. 227-230, 233,260, 299-300, 325). L'inscription
t~s reparations executees a d'abord ete publiee par Andreas D. Mordtrnann /Be/agerung und Er-
nstantinope/s durch die TOrken im Ja/1re 1453, Stuttgat-Augsbourg, 1858, p. 133), et reprise par
an Millingen (Byzantine Constantinople: The Walls of the City and Adjoining Historical Sites, Lon-
.. 187), lequel commente (p. 193), en outre, un fragment d'inscription concemant la refection de
.'une portion des murailles (ce texte mutile semble avoir echappe au Pere Janin). Voir encore E.
~ ([«Compte rendu», cite], p. 427-428), qui rappelle qu'une premiere restauration des remparts
apres 1427 et avant 1432-1433. Selon R. Janin (Constantinople byzantine, p. 294) les murs
327
Matei Cazacu, Petre $. Nasturel
conflit a mort que mettait aux prises le Sud-Est de !'Europe et les appetits de conqu·
Grand Seigneur. Les navires ottomans trouverent done la Vlanga fiambant neuve, des s ·
sur les remparts et des chaines qui interdissaient l'approche des navires desireux de mou·
Les causes profondes de cette tentative manquee sont faciles a saisir. Constantinople
stituait une base ideale d'operations pour une fiotte desireuse de contr6Ier la navigation en
mer Noire et la mer Mediterranee. En 1444, ce fut toute juste grace a l'aide des Genois
violence d'une tempete qui disperssa les vaisseaux chretiens que les Ottomans etaient
nus a passer d'Asie en Europe pour aller affronter les croises et la victoire. A cela s'ajou
en 1448, toute comme quatre ans plus t6t, les affirmations d'independance de l'emir de
manie, qui etait en passe d'amabilites avec les chretiens et entra alors en rapports av
28
Hospitaliers de Rhodes au cours meme de l'ete .
La detenmination des defenseurs de la Vlanga, la solidite aussi de ses murailles et
tours, la presence de vaisseaux de guerre protegeant Byzance amenerent une modificatio
plan de bataille des Ottomans. On peut meme se demander si leurs intentions depassaiEin
les d'une simple tentative d'intimidation: le sultan guerroyait alors en Albanie 29 . Horrnis l'ano
qui nota dans le manuscrit de Bologne ce qu'il avail vu et vecu, les ultimes chroniqueurs 0
tins sont muets sur ce evenement, qui aura ete alors considere comme une demonstratio
30
taire, un avertissement . Le nouveau plan, ou peut-etre la suite du deroulement du plan{i
avail pour second objectif (sinon pour but principal) de conquerir Kilia aux bouches du Dai;i
le long du littoral de la Propontide s'etendaient sur 8 km. C'etaient une simple muraille, de 12 a
hauteur, flanquee de 188 tours. Rodolphe Guilland («Eludes sur l'histoire administrative de l'Empir
tin. Lecomte des murs», Byzantion, XXXIV, 1964, 1, p. 23) observe que le domestique des m
dont la charge avait ete maintenue sous les Paleologues (Jean Verpeaux, Pseudo-Kodinos. n
Offices, Paris, 1966, index, p. 386, s.v., domestikos ton teicheon), n'est cite nulle part a l'occasion:
27
On peut se demander si la demonstration nava!e ottomane devant Constantinople, en j
n'aurait pas quelque lien avec certain complot fomente dans la capitale, dont parle la notice qui
immediatement a celle qui este commentee par nous (Kfeinchroniken, I, no. 51, p. 99; voir la discu
cette information par P. Schreiner, Studien, p. 175-177). Demetrius avail deja participe du cote des,
ottomanes et de Murad II a un siege de la ville imperiale dans l'ete 1442 (Sp. Lambros, fl«Awo,>:,/:,
n~Ao.Aovvncriro«l 11, AthE!nes, 1912-1924, p. 85-86; Joannes Voyatsidis, «Nfct 7111/tl f2u(arnvifr icrropf~>>;
ces nouvelles pour l'histoire byzantine], Nioq 'EMnvorm/po,v (Athenes), XVIII, 1924, p. 85-86; D.A. Za ,
Le despotat, I, p. 216). Sa venue a Constantinople les mois suivants pourait avoir quelque raport
complot (P. Schreiner, op.cit., p. 178-179, 206). Ence qui conceme la chaine qui barrait la Corned'.
peut-etre aussi d'autres chaines interdissaient-elles l'aCGes aux divers ports de la ville - Mme et_
Beldiceanu nous ant signal!§ !'existence au Musee militaire d'lstanbul d'un dElbris que la tradition a
la conquete de 1453. Mais d'autres tradrrions affirment que ce serait un reste de la chaine qui
Rhodes (la dessus, voir aussi Alexandre A. Vasiliev, Histoire de /'Empire byzanfin, 11, Paris, 1932).
28
Franz Babinger («Von Amurath bis Amurath. Vor- und Nachspiel der Schlacht bei Varna (
dans Idem, Aufsiitze und Abhandlungen zur Geschichte Sudosteuropas und der Levante, I, Muni ·
p. 130, et la note 4) qualifiait Ibrahim bey de Caramanie, le Grand Caraman, de eine derseltsa
stalten des spiitmittelalterlichen Islam. ·"
29
Idem, «Mehemed's II. Heirat mit Sitt-Chatun. 1449», dans ses Aufsiitze und Abhandlungen, I,
30
Deja Mm' Zachariadou (loc. cit., p. 426, et note 2) voyait dans l'evenement de 1448 un atta.
petite importance. II faut retenir que le silence des chroniqueurs a son sujet est impressionant. En efl '.
qu'il se trouvait a la cour de Trebizonde en ambassade, Georges Sphrantzes apprit de la bouche
l'empereur toutjoyeux, la mort de Murad, et l'avenement au tr6ne de Mehmed, et l'ambassadeur de
reur de Constantinople ne put faire autrement que de marquer sa douleur: c'est, lui retorqua-t-il, que
etait vieux et que, apr8s l'E!chec de son attaque centre Constantinople ii s'en tenait a des relations p8
et amicales avec Byzance, tandis que maintenant Mehmed, ennemi des chr8tiens depuis son enfaf
presentait pour eux un p8ril bien plus grand. Nous voyons dans ces paroles la preuve qu'en r8alit8
stantinopolitains ne se sentirent guere menaces par la demonstration de la tlotte ottomane (voir Sp
(1966), p. 76). A tort selon nous, Vasile Grecu (Ibidem, note 3) croit comprendre que Mehmed II
328
st la que la fiotte ottomane tenta sa chance, car depuis fevrier ou mars de la meme
31
une garnison hongroise defendait la place . C'est de eel assaut que parle la lettre de
Charles VII. II yest fail mention tout d'abord d'une bataille navale qui permet a la fiotile
ne, encore qu'elle fOt inferieure numeriquement aux batiments ottomans, de detruire
iers, en incendiant la plupart; apres quoi, les forces terrestres acheverent la deconfi--
32
elements ennemis qui avaient pris pied sous les remparts de la cite danubienne .
me si ses intentions contre Constantinople avaient avorte et en depit aussi de la sang-
faite de ses armes devant Kilia, Murad II avait donne une fois de plus la mesure de son
ilitaire. Le succes de cette audacieuse manceuvre lui aurait assure la ma1trise de la mer
des bouches du Danube. Kilia representait pour la Hongrie non seulement le point stra-
d'ou on pouvait dominer la Valachie et la Moldavie, mais elle constituait encore une base
·· visionement necessaire a une fiotte susceptible de venir a tout moment au secours de
ntinople 33 . La conquete de ces deux villes-clefs allait faire desormais partie int~rante du
3
· me politique de ses successeurs. Mehmed II s'emparera de Constantinople en 1453
et 11 reportera les frontieres de l'Empire ottoman en 1484 jusqu'a Kilia, sur le Danube,
tatea Alba (Akkerman, Maurocastro, Asprokastron) a l'embouchure du Dniester .
35
***
resume, la ville imperiale de Constantinople echappa a sa conquete par mer en juin
ma, attaquee quelques jours plus tard par la meme fiotte ottomane, resista victorieuse-
ne grande victoire cependant allait dedommager le sultan Murad II du double echec
)lavires. II la remporta en octobre, dans la plaine de Kossovo, sur lancu de Hunedoara.
bnstantin Pa!eGlogue: en rea1rre, ii avait fait porter au souverain de Tr8bizonde, Jean IV, qui pr8cise--
--r cette raison manifestait si narvement sa joie aSphrantzes. Que le representant du dernier basi-
,- it sagement la portee de cette succession, les evenements allaient le prouver sans tarder.
Pall, «Stapanirea lui lancu de Hunedoara», p. 620-621. Pour l'emplaoement et la localisation de
me place distincte de Lycostomo, voir Octavian lliescu, «Localizarea vechiului Licostomo» [La lo-
de l'ancien Lycostomo], Studii, XXV, 1973, 2, p. 435-462; Idem, «Nouvelle edition d'actes notaries
tes au XIV' siecle dans les colonies genoises des bouches du Danube. Actes de Kilia et de Lico-
ESEE, XV, 1977, 1, p. 1H-119; P.$. Nasturel, «Le littoral roumain de la mer Noire d'apres le par-
de Leyde», RER, XIII-XIV, 1974, p. 125-127.
oette bataille participerent certainement aussi les soldats des princes de Valachie et Moldavia, les-
iliront du reste des contingents qui seront presents ala conclusion tragique de la bataille de Kos-
M. Cazacu, «La Valachie etla bataille de Kossovo (1448)», RESEE, IX, 1971, 1, p. 131-139).
«janissaire serbe» Constantin d'Ostrovita reproduit dans ses <<Memoires» les paroles pronon-
Mehmed II apres la campagne de 1462 en Valachie: Aussi /ongtemps que /es Roumains detien-
ossederont Kilia et Cetatea Alba et /es Hongrois le Belgrade serbe, nous ne pounons remporter
toire (Memoiren eines Janitscharen oder Turkische Chronik (=SGS, II), editees par Renate
, Gunther Stocki, Graz-Vienne-Cologne, 1975, p. 135; voir aussi la traduction anglaise de la ver-
e due a Benjamin Stolz, Memoirs of a Janissary, Ann Arbor, 1975). Quand ii s'adressa au senat
·· (1477), Etienne ($tefan) Ill ce/ Mare (le Grand), au sujet de !'importance strategique de Kilia et
Alba, declara: queste do terre sono tuffe la Valachia [la Moldavie ial, et la Valachia con queste do
un muro def Hungaria et Po/Iona. O/tra de zo io dico piu, che se quesu caste//i se conserveranno i
, nno perder Caffa et Chieronesso. El sara facil cossa ... (Documente $le/an, II, p. 346).
_n se souvient que des 1452, Mehmed II mit au point l'encerclement de la ville qu'il convoitait et
,!~ d'aout ses janissaires eurent un accrochage avec la population de la banlieue (L. Brehier, Vie
419-420).
ara Beldiceanu, «La campagne ottomane de 1484: ses pr8paratifs militaires et sa chronologie»,
, 1960, p. 67-77.
de est parue pour la premiere fois dans Joumal des Savants (Paris), [CCXCIII], 1978, 7-9, p.
½es editeurs remercient les auteurs d'avoir bien voulu accepter la republication de cette re-
}~stee injustement tres peu conm1e.
329
Matei Cazacu, Petre:;;. Nasturel
Annexe
1448, 3 juillet (Rhodes).
Jean de Laslie, Grand-Maitre de l'Ordre des Hospitaliers de Rhodes, au roi de France, Cha
VII, au sujet des defaites ottomanes devant Constantinople et Kilia, et sur les relations .d
Pretre Jean avec les Sarrasains
(Original perdu; edite par Luc d'Achery', Veterum aliquot scriptorum qui in Gal/iae biblioth
maxime Benedictinorum /atuerant Spici/egium, VII, Paris, 1666, no. 43, p. 256-257).
Serenissime et christianissime Francon,m rex, debita recommendatione praemissa. Consuevenmi"'

per /aeto animo principes audire ea quae in ex/eris regionibus geruntur, et praesertim si quid est qu
detrimentum infldelium intercesserit. Nuperrime siquidem ex lit/eris ex Constantinopoli, Pera et Chi
Rhodum missit nobis innotuit magnum Teucrorum sive Turchorum regem c/assem11 ingentem pa
exercitumque coadunasse, ut terra marique ipsam Constantini urbem oppugnaret, quae c/assis
Danubium flumen esset ingressa, descendissent que Teucri plurimi ex ea in terram, repente
Bianchi longe ea inferior numero ex superiore ad nos parte insiluit, et fe,re infldelium totam cl
combussit. /Iii vero qui te,rem petierant a Bianchi" gentibus trucidati sun/. Hoc infortunio et clade .·
data, et imperatoria ipsa civitas et omnes insufae IEgaei pe/agi a fomidine magna, Dea viC
Christianis dante, /iberati sunt.
lnsuper Presbyter Johannes, lndorum imperatorV, ut quidam sacerdotes indiani hue Rhod(
per veros interpretes dixerunt, magnam stragem et occisionem Saracenis suis finitimis et his maxi
ex stirpe Machometi se ortos praedicant, intulit, ut vix credeatur: nam per trium dierum iter passirri
vera occisorum conspiciebantur. Destinavit praeterea oratorem is Inda-um rex Soldano Baby/oni
muneribus, sicut mos Orientafium est, ei denuntians nisi ab aff/igendo Christianos desierit, se be/lu
ferum civitati Mechae, ubi sepulchrum Machometi esse dicitur, /Egypto, Arabiae et Syriae, qua
ipsius So/dani subjectae sunt, iflaturum: flumenque Nili totum qui /Egyptum irrigat et sine quo null,
vivere posse/, su,repturum et iter a/iud i/li daturum simili pacto mi/litans. Orator ipse primo bene ad •
et visus fuit: dataque ei copia ut sanctum sepu/crum Domini nostri viseret; qui cum reversus ad'C'
fuisset, ab ipso Soldano carceri traditus est, haec intentione i/fum non relaxaturum, nisi orator su
diam missus et detentus non redierit. Haec pauca sunt memoratu digna et Serenitati vestrae di
quam semper valere optamus.
Datum Rhodi in nostro conventu, die tertia Ju/ii anno Domini mi/lesimo quadrigentesimo gu
simo octavo.
Serenitatis vestrae, Magister Hospitalis Jerusa/emv.
I. Sur dom Luc d'Archery, voir: son necrologe dans JdS, lundi, 26 novembre 1685, p. 393-394, ou I
est place entre ceux qui ant le plus enrichi /es bibfiotheques par /'edition de ces anciens man
Jeannine Fohlen, «Dom Luc d'Archery (1609-1685) et les debuts de l'erudrrion mauriste» (1-111),
Mabi/lon (Paris), LV, 1965, p. 149-175; LVI, 1966, p. 1-30, 73-98. Le document que nous analyi
communique a d'Archery par Antoine Vyon, sieur de Herouval (t1689), collaborateur egale
Baluze. II fit don a Saint-Germain-des-Pres de plusieurs manuscrits (Leopold Delisle, Le C
manuscrits de fa Bibfiotheque Nationale, 11, Paris, 1974, p. 45). On trouvera d'interessantes info
sur !'aide qu'il accorda a !'elaboration par d'Archery du tome VII cite ci-dessus a la BNF, Ms. ff,
ff. 117-118, 174'-', 201 (lettres de 1662, 1664 et 1665).
II. Sur la flotte ottomane de l'epoque: Andrew C. Hess, «The Evolution of the Ottoman Seaborne
in the Age of Oceanic Discoveries (1453-1525)», AHR, LXXV, ·J970, p. 1892-1919. On trou~.
si certaines donnE!es dans N. Beldiceanu, Les actes des premiers sultans consetves dans t
serifs lures de ta Bibfiotheque Nationale a Paris. Ac/es de Mehmed fl et Bayezid fl du MS
ancien 39, Paris-La Haye, 1960 (index, s.v. bafteaux). Des miniatures perrnettant de mieux ser.
ter les types de navires ottomanes chez Halil G. Yuraydin, Matrakci Nas0I [rypes des navires],
1963, p. 89-103 (signale par M. Beldiceanu). On appreciera mieux la vitesse des batteaux (etl
330
Une demonstration navafe des Ottomans
necessaire a la ftotte ottomane pour gagner de Constantinople les bouches du Danube, et a la nouvelle
de la bataille pour parvenir a Chios et a Rhodes) ala lumiere des informations reunies par M. Christiane
Villain•Gandossi, «La mer et la navigation martime a lravers quelques textes de la litterature fran93ise
du XII' au XIV" siede», Revue d'histoire economique et sociale (Paris), XLVII, 1969, p. 180-181.
ur Jean Hunyadi appelE! ainsi, voir C. Marinescu, «Du nouveau sur Tyrant lo Blanch>), Estudis romanics
(Barcelone), IV, 1953-1954, p. 137-203 (a lap. 164, ii cite en passant la lettre de Laslie aCharles VII).
sur le celebre et mythique Pretre Jean - l'empereur d'Ethiopie - voir par example: Friedrich Zamcke,
«Der Priester Johannes», Abhandlungen der Konig/ichen Siichsischen Gesellschafl (Dresde), XVII, XIX
(=Philosophisch-historische Klasse, VII et VIII), 1879, 1880: C. Marinescu, «Lepretre Jean. Son pays.
Explication de son nom», BSHAR, X, 1923, p. 73-112: Idem, «Encore une fois sur le probleme du Pretre
Jean», BSHAR, XXVI, 1945, p. 202-222: Jean Richard, «L'Exlreme Orient legendaire au Mayen Age:
•· roi David et Pretre Jean», Anna/es d'Ethiopie (Paris), II, 1957, p. 225-242: Robert Anthony Vitale, «Edit-
ion and Study of the Letter of Priester John to the Emperor Manuel of Constantinople», Dissertation Ab-
stracts /ntemationa/, A, The Humanities and Social Sciences (Ann Arbor), XXXVII, 1976, 2, p. 960-961.
dmond Giscard d'Estaing, «Jean de Laslie, Grand Maitre des chevaliers de Saint-Jean de Jerusalem,
1437-1454», Anna/es de l'Ordre Souverain Mi/itaire de Malle (Rome), XXII, 1964, 4, p. 117-123. Vair
aussi C. Marinescu, «L'ile de Rhodes au XV' siecle et l'Ordre de Saint-Jean de Jerusalem d'apres
des documents inedits», dans Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati, V, Cite du Vatican, 1946, p. 382-401.
331
The Captain and the Superba:
Relations between John Hunyadi and Genoa
(October 1444-September 1455)
Alexandru Simon
Cluj-Napoca
e battle of Varna was compared to the clash of Hallin (1187). Saladin's victory brought the
erusalem. Varna opened the way for the fall of Byzantium (1453). Armed Christians failed
ke the Holy City. In spite of rumors and plans, the hope of freeing the New Rome was
) rather feeble and questionable. From the eve of the battle of Varna (1444) to Mehmed
ubian challenge of 1456, the Christian context seemed unaffected by the Ottoman course
ts, though the 'Free Christian world' was shrinking. Christian 'type-casting' however was
ive. Rome was the tower of the crusade. Burgundy's was the great crusader reservoir of
st. Hungary was Christendom's bulwark Venice was the commercial pillar of the crusade
(epublic chose to do so). Genoa was the merchant who supported the Turk. Serbia and
lachias were the Greeks that betrayed both sides, at times. It is the conventional Christian
· of anti-Ottoman affairs, prior and after the fall of Constantinople and the great anti-Otto-
.essence, rises of George (flurad) Kastriota Skanderbeg of Albania and of the king of Na-
honse (Alfonoso) Vof Aragon. Like any conventional picture, this one too, predominantly
in the 1400', often lacks color, as well as compcsition. John Hunyadi's rise (and, partial,
1
made pcssible by such shortcomings. The same is true for the Genoese merchants .
eptember 1455, the envoys of Ladislas (Laszlo) V, king of Hungary, John Hunyadi, perpe-
ht of Bistri\a (Bistritz, Beszterce) and George Brankovic, despot of Serbia, came to Genoa,
ssing through Venice. The delicate situation of each of the envoys' masters had brought
· rsaries together. Albert de Wothes (Vetesi) archdeacon of Transylvania (later bishop of
sanad), on behalf of Ladislas and John, whose trustee he was, and Junio (Junije) de Gra-
radski) of Ragusa, Brankovic's experienced diplomat, had already been sen~ together, to
irisula in 1454. Each of their masters had been compelled to leave aside their various per-
luctances towards Genoa. In particular for Hunyadi, the Genoese and Genoa had a bitter
e to the aid they had rendered to Murad II in 1444. Times had changed after 1453. None-
,Ahe envoys of 1455 received largely the same answer as their predecessors and succes-
ite pcstpcnements of any real anti-Ottoman help. The Hungarian domestic divisions fa-
enoa's answer. Hunyadi had already sent envoys to Milan. His main adversary Ulrich Ill
had done the same (in hope of naturally achieving the oppcsite). Ladislas V looked for
ence too. It was as if, aside from the domestic rivalries, Hungary could not lead a cohe-
2
non the foreign political level. Like Venice, Genoa paid great attention to such details .
g. Halil lnalcik, 'Byzantium and the Origins of the Crisis of 1444 under the Light ofTurl<ish Sources',
11 (1961 [1964]), 2, pp. 159-163; Kenneth M. Setton, The Papacy and Levant (1204-1571), 11, The Fif-
· · ntury (=MAPS, CXXVII) (Philadelphia 1978), pp. 89-90; Joseph Gill, 'Venice, Genoa and Byzan-
; X (1985), pp. 57-73; Matei Cazacu, 'La peninsule balkanique au XV' siecle', CB, XI (1987), pp.
al Engel, 'Janos Hunyadi and the Peace of Szeged (1444)', AOASH, XLVII (1994), pp. 241-257;
.. r Matschke, Das Kreuz und der Halbmond. Die Geschichte der TOrkenkfiege (Zurich 2004);.
G, A.S., Oiversorum. Jurammenfi. Registri, 712A, nn (4", 5", 9~, 10° of September 1455); ASM,
.otenze Estere, Ungheria, cart. 649, fasc. 1, nn (8~ of May, 10° of July 1455); ASM, A.D.S., Potenze
enezia, cart. 341, lase. 6, 8, 9, nn; 24~ of June, 31" of August, 200 of September 1454); ASVe, S.S.,
bni, reg. 20, c. 56' (15~ of February 1454); Mihaila Popovic, Mara Brankovic: Leben und Wilken
Alexandru Simon
On the Political Journeys of a Politician and of a Republic in the Mid 1400'
In 1444, Hunyadi's crusader glory was at its peak. Three years of anti-Ottoman com
and the successful Long Campaign had turned the low-born Walachian into one of the ric
Hungarian lords and Christendom's symbol of hope. The political dealings of Szeged-Ora
(Grosswardein, Nagyvarad) had in no way diminished his status. As his king's loyal su
and as a devout son of the Latin Church, he had only followed the decisions and changes
by the monarch and the papal legate. The huge feudal bribe he had received from BrankoVi
endorsing the Ottoman-Hungarian peace was largely passed under silence. Except for a '
though quite vocal, voices, which blamed Hunyadi for the defeat at Varna, Wladislaw I (Ill)
dyslaw, Ulaszl6) and cardinal Giuliano Cesarini were held as the main responsibles for thee
ing catastrophe. 11 years later, John's king was not in Hungary, nor at his side. Albert (Albr
of Habsburg's son actually spent few time in Buda (Olen) after 1453. In 1456, Ladislas V left,
city on the eve of the Ottoman attack. Still, namely after Kossovopolje (1448), John had to k
that if he failed, he could not hope to be exonerated, in the afterlife, of any responsibility for a
feat. For seven years, he had been Hungary's uncrowned ruler. But his 'reign' had not brougbt
country (or its neighbors) closer together against the Turk. The effects had been rather contra
In 1455, Hunyadi's glory days seemed over, in spite of his anti-Ottoman successes{''
second half of 1454. They were largely exaggerated, in the Italian Peninsula too (even in
and Venice), not so much because of Hunyadi's propaganda, but due to the need for Chris
victories, regardless of their actual size, after the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople. In th·
of that year, after the futile crusader congress of Regensburg, these successes were s~[
have determined even Casimir (Kazimierz) IV of Poland to come to Serbia and Hungary's·
Krakow (Krakow, Krakau) was not John's friend. Like in the later days of king Matthias (Ma
Matia), Krakow used diplomacy not so much for gaining crusader aid for Buda, but for cu
off any possible subsidies for the kingdom. The rumors of late 1454 could hardly be t
John Hunyadi's crusader status had suffered great blows at Varna and at Kossovopolj
was no longer governor of Hungary, title that had enabled his foreign and domestic p
survival. In return, things had changed also for his old enemy, whose lands had played a ·
role in the events of 1444. In 1444, Brankovi6 had been restored to his Serbian possessio
1455, when several Hungarian embassies were sent to the Italia in search of support, the ·
ces of history repeating were very small for him. George Brankovi6 was basically an exiled ru
einer Frau an der kufturel/en Schnillstel/e zwischen Semen, Byzantinem und Osmanen, PhD Thesis (Vi
2005} loan-Aurel Pop, 'The Battle of Belgrade in Venetian Sources', in Between Worlds, 11, pp. 441
Stefano Magno, Annali veneti e def mondo [1443-1478] (ONB, Codices, Cod. 6215-6217), I, A
num 1443, ff. 1-8'; Ad annum 1444, ff. 21'-22', 24'-27'; Piccolomini, I, no. 167, p. 490; no. 175, p. 519;
I, no. 308, p. 464; AAV, XVIII, no. 4807, p. 22; no. 4925, pp. 129-134; Filippo Buonacoorsi-Callimach
rebus Vfadis/ao Pofono111m atque Hungaro111m rege gestis. Libri trei recognffi et emendati, in SRH, I (1
pp. 511-515; Wavrin (1864-1891), V, pp. 41-43; Tamas Palosfalvi, 'Some Remarks on the Political Hist
Transylvania in the Years 1440-1443', MT, II (1998), 2, pp. 189-210; Emanuel Antoche, 'La bataille de.
viere de lalomi\a. Une victoire majeure de la chretiente face aux armes ottomans', NHB, IX (1999), pp. 6.
Idem, Gones l~iksel, Les bataiffes de Sibiu /22 mars 1442) et de fa riviere de fafomifa /2 septembre 1.
Essai4 de reconstitulion d'apres /es sources de f'epoque, in Between Worlds, 11, P,/;' 405-426 (in parti
ASM, AD.S., Potenze Estere, Turchia-Levante, cart. 647, lase. 2, nn (13 of September); Ve
cart. 341, lase. 10, 11, nn (31" of October, 17° of November 1454); Ac/en der Standetage Preussens
der Hemchaft des Deutschen Ordens, edited by Martin Toeppen, Ill. Januar 1447-Ju/i 1453, no. 91, pp.
243 (Leipzig 1882); IV, August 1453-September 1457 (1884), no. 17, p. 30; Piccolomini, 11, no. 135, p'
no. 165, p. 294; no. 186, p. 365; no. 291, p. 562; Luigi Michelini Tocci, 'Ottaviano Ubaldini delle Carda ·
inedita testimonianza sulla battaglia di Varna (1444)', in Melanges Eugene Tisserant, VII (Vatican City 1_
pp. 97-130; Elisabeth Zachariadou, 'The first Serbian Campaigns of Mehemmed II (1454-1455)', A/ON
XIV (1964), pp. 837-840; Wktor Weintraub, 'Renaissance Poland and Antemurale Christianitatis', HUS,
(1979-1980), 2, pp. 921-923; Norman Housley, Contesting the C111sades (Oxford 2006), pp. 178-179.
334
The Captain and the Superba
e aspect, out of the nevertheless many so-called constant aspects of the later crusades,
however unchanged. In 1455, like in 1444, Genoa, with its centrifugal empire, remained
r challenge, though less an unknown, to Hunyadi's plans and even to the general crusa-
• igns. It was thus no surprise that, although Venice's had seemingly taken a greater dis-
om the crusade than Genoa after 1453, in the summer of 1454, a joint Hungarian embas-
esenting this time only Ladislas and Hunyadi, had been sent to Venice (here it could have
h the, more successful, Ottoman embassy, which had arrived two months earlier. Next
e three envoys from the East, on their way to Genoa, re-attempted to win Venice's aid. It
however that the republic of Saint George was more willing to take anti-Ottoman action
at of Saint Mark. The pragmatic Superba already tried to assure the survival of her Eas-
iterranean possessions, with or without the help of the captain north of the Danube, where
er colonies were disputed by Walachia and Moldavia, John's more than reluctant 'vas-
or his Hungarian and Ottoman plans, Hunyadi needed to control both states. In 1444 and
due namely to Suceava's anti-Genoese actions, Hunyadi and Genoese representatives,
5
known for their eagerness to gain Ottoman goodwill, had much to talk and disagree on .
aradoxically', the fall of Byzantium should have eased the talks as the Ottoman conquest
stantinople had made Genoa more open to crusader propositions, form both the West, in
tar from Burgundy, or the East. The republic and its colonies, Pera, Caffa and Chios, felt
'new deal' Ottoman they had accepted after 1453 was far from being a solid guarantee.
other hand, Genoa had far less room for diplomatic maneuver than in 1444. On the eve
sade of Varna', her main fear had been Venice. Murad ll's defeat would have ensured
rcial supremacy not only in the Mediterranean, but probably also in the Black Sea area,
ture Serenissima. After the outbreak of the conflict for Milan (whoever ruled over Milan
':ruled over Genoa), which had changed the political face of the peninsula and Mehmed
·nes, in 1454-1455 Genoa's main concern was the Turk himself, but the Venetian threat
ainly not out of the picture. After his triumph of 1453, Mehmed II had granted both repu-
de freedoms throughout his empire. For very political reasons, he needed Venice more
'.needed Genoa. His desire to take Genoese Caffa was no great secret. Genoa had to,
gain the favor of a power near the Ottomans and the Black Sear, while avoiding, for the
6
ng, to challenge Mehmed II. The only power which came into question was Hungary .
•~ major data comes from: ASM, A.D.S., Potenze Estere, Venezia, cart. 341, fasc. 6, 8, 9, nn; 24~
31" of August, 2"' of September 1454); Momcilo Spremic, 'I tributi veneziani nel Levante nel XV
SV, XIII (1971), pp. 221-252; $erban Papacostea, 'La Moldavie etat tributaire de !'empire ottoman
'ecle: le cadre international des rapports etablis en 1455-1456', RRH, XIII (1974), 3, pp. 445-461; Geo
;"Genova e i Genovesi nel Mar Nero (secoli XII-XV)', in Idem, / Gin dell' O/tremare (Genoa 1988),
120. For further information: Francisc Pall, 'Les relations entre la Hongrie et Skanderbeg', RHSEE,
/4-6, pp. 122-126; Ovidiu Cristea, 'Anotimpuri/e venefiene: cronica unei hegemonii e~uate (1204-
e_ne/ian Seasons: The Chronide of a Failed Hegemony (1204-1484)], $tefan Andreescu, 'Cruciada
.¥area Neagra [The Late Crusade and the Black Sea], in Marea Neag,rii. Puteri maritime-Puteri
seco/e/e XIII-XVIII) [The Black Sea: Sea Powers-Land Powers (13~-18 Centuries], edited by 0.
_ucharest 2006), pp. 97-99, 143-150. Gian Giacomo Musso's collected studies (La cu/tura geno-
eta de/l'umanesimo (Genoa 1985)) are still of the greatest importance for the research of such topics.
s, 111, p. 202 (1445; Genoa of herself as the defender par excellence and tradition of the Black
··· s Elekes, Hunyadi (Budapest 1952), pp. 390-391; Sandra Origone, 'I mercanti e la crociata (Caffa
, sec. XIV-XV)', SG, V (1987), pp. 3-10; G. Pistarino, 'Dal decline del Mare di Levante tra cristiani
i alla conquista de! Mar Nero', in Idem, Genovesi d'Oriente (Genoa 1990), pp. 116-119. For the
text, see namely Gyula Moravcsik, 'Ungarisch-byzantinische Beziehungen zur Zett des Falles van
HASH, II (1954), 3-4, pp. 352-353; Eugen Denize, 'lancu de Hunedoara, genovezii ~i expansiunea
[John Hunyadi, the Genoese and the Ottoman Expansion], SM/M, XIV (1996), pp. 19-29; and Oliver
ill, 'Skanderbeg als neuer Alexander. Antikrezeption im spatmittelalterlichen Albanien', in Osman,:
sion und Europaischer Humanismus. Akten des interdisziplinaren Symposions vom 29. und 30.
im Siad/museum WienerNeustadt, edited by Franz Fuchs (Wiesbaden 2005), pp. 123-144.
335
Alexandru Simon
I. The Crusade on the Lower Danube between the Ligurian and the Black Se{
In 1387, Genoa concluded a commercial and political treaty with Murad I, which assur
safe and advantageous trade throughout the areas controlled by the emirate which wast
into empire. From Caffa, through Pera and Chios, to Genoa, a close link, established sin
mid 1350'-early 1360', was expanding and connecting (most) Genoese policies and Ottorna
tics. In 1392, right after Sigismund (Zsigmond) of Luxemburg's first anti-Ottoman campaig
Manuel II Palaeclogus' first imperial anti-Ottoman attempts, she mediated between Buda
and Edime (Adrianople). The talks, which failed in the end, namely because Bayezid I was'
eager than Mehmed II to solve matters by arms, had involved Mircea I eel Batran (the·
Walachia and Manuel II. Such Genoese-Hungarian dealings, different from those in Lou[
Great's (Nagy Lajos) days, but still anti-Venetian too, had a lasting effect on anti-Ottoman
An argument constantly brought up by Genoese against potential crusader actions, in the
(in particular after the 'peace of Szeged' was 'annulled' in mid 1444), was that broken,
rently advantageous Ottoman deals had eventually led to Nicopolis in 1396. On the other,
the Polish, Lithuanian, Genoese and Byzantine Pantie actions of 1387 had largely comprb
the eastern flank of any potential crusade, in particular for the duration of Sigismund's long{
Byzantine rivalries and the Latin conflicts caused by the Great Schism expanded th
cations of the Ottoman-Genoese treaty of 1387. The Greek, respectively Latin necessitie§
contested Sigismund and Manuel II however favored the containment and then the red.I./
the gap between Latin West and Greek East. By 1444, due to the 'Greek' and 'Latin' vicl
the Venetian pope Eugenius IV and the official anti-Ottoman commitment of John VIII,
seemed to have officially been settled. In fact, tensions were at least as high as in th ·
Regional (Italian and Pantie) and domestic (Byzantine) contexts were as influential as bei
zantium was bitterly divided by the Union of Florence, while the Duchy of Milan had a wo
in almost every Italian, Oriental too, affair in which Genoa or her subjects were involved,
Ian turned into a battlefield between the rising Sforzas of Milan and the Aragons of Na
should have fought on Balkan anti-Ottoman front. This hindered most Genoese involve
the plans drafted for the rescue of Byzantium. The Italian political background was more
for even local colonial Genoese politics than in the late 1380'. Then it had played an impo
in Caffa's actions which pushed, from the East, Peter I of Moldavia into an alliance with
I (1390-1391) and thus completed the negative 'crusader' effects of the changes of 13
7
For instance: ASG, AC., Massaria Communis Januae. Ambasc;afo,um Expensae, reg. 22%
188' (15~ of October 1392), reg. 23, c. 75' (3"' of January 1396); reg. 121, cc. 1', 12'-14' (23"' of(
1386); BNM, Cod. Ital. Vll-2570 (=12462), ff. 149'-152' [1395-1396; for more Venetian sources,{
inventory drafted by $erban Marin in his, 'I Vallachi nella cronachistica veneziana: tra realta e fi
Dall'Adriatico al Mar Nero: veneziani e romeni tracciati di storie comuni, edited by Grigore Arbore
(Rome 2003), pp. 112-127], A.N., Notai genovesi in Oftremare, filza 476, Atti rogati a Pera. Donat
vari (1389-1390), no. 10 (24~ of October 1389; cf. Laura Balette, 'Pera Genovese negli atti del nota·
di Chiavari (1389-1390)',BPMAe, IV-V (2006), 2 pp. 115-128); Pasquale Lisciandrelli, Trattati en
po/ffiche de/la Republica di Genova (958-1797). Regesti (=ASLSP, NS, I) (Genoa 1960), nos. 67
131-132; Bernat L. Kumorovitz, 'I. Lajos kiralyunk 1375. evi havasalfoldi hadjarata es torok ha
Walachian Campaign of King Louis I and the Turkjsh War], Sz, CXVII (1983), 5, pp. 919-982;
'The Treaty of 1387 between Murad I and the Genoese', BSOAS, LVI (1993), 1, pp. 13-33 (in pa
8
E.g. Domenico Caccamo, 'Eugenio IV e la crociata di Varna', ASRSP (Rome), LXXIX (19
87; Gy6rgy Szekely, 'Magyarorszag es Buda varosa Velenoe es Genva k6z6tt a 14.-15. szazad
[Between Venice and Genoa: The Cities of Hungary and Buda in the 14~-15~ Centuries], TBM, XX
pp. 9-20; K.P. Matschke, 'ltaliener, Griechen und TUrken im Umfeld des Kreuzzuges van 1
(1997), pp. 159-177; $. Papacostea, 'Genes, Venise et la croisade de Varna', BP, VIII, 1997, pp. 27/
in particular); Al. Simon, 'Annus Mirabilis 1387: King Sigismund's Ottoman and Greek Rise in the .
and Early 1390', in King Sigismund and the Orihodox World (=Byzantina et Neograeca Vindo
NS, XII), edited by Ekaterini Mitsiou, M. Popovic, Johannes Preiser-Kapeller, Al. Simon, Vienna,>
336
ba, Milan and the Turk from Nicopolis and Golubac to Varna and Belgrade
the eve of Nicopolis, Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti most likely instructed Bayezid I on
nd's deployment of troops. Visconti had been recently anointed as first duke of Milan by
las (Vaclav, Wenzel), Sigismund's rival brother and king of the Romans (1395). The very
ilanese data was confirmed by a letter sent by Manuel II to Sigismund and intercepted
an intelligence (1396). The Twkish-Milanese communication channel used was Genoa,
1sconti's unofficial (until 1409) suzerainty. Genoa had been used by the family as both
anti-Ottoman link, since the 1360'. In 1427, contacts between Milan and the Turk were
enough to support Filippo Maria Visconti's (Sigismund's major Italian problem) offer of
tic mediation between Sigismund and Murad II (1427), which, after the king's failure at Go-
alamboc) (1428) led to an Ottoman-Hungarian truce. In spite of later Venetian accusa-
is Milanese political line was not invented by the Sforzas, but by the Viscontis. Francesco
nly perfected it in the 1450, long before Lodovico Sforza became one of the main causes
er Ottoman-Venetian war. At exactly the same time (1499), Milan had lost Genoa, after
of almost constant suzerainty, to French king Louis XII, Venice's ally. The king of France,
ne Charles VI at that time, had already been Genoa's official suzerain in the year 13969 •
n Hunyadi should have been aware of these Milanese-Genoese-French facts. In the
30', he had served as a knight to duke Filippo Maria Visconti. The Milanese administration
•·· Iy had a particularly good knowledge of the Hunyadis. In Milan, John had started making
ne, which allowed him to repeatedly loan money to king Sigismund of Luxemburg upon
i'._s return to Hungary. In the early 1450', Hunyadi still shining armor, the wars for the
• n of the Visconti and namely the conflict between Francesco Sforza and Venice, a las-
r problem for John Hunyadi too, favored good formal, quite often, relations between Milan
yadi. Besides, though caught in Italian warfare, Sforza paid great attention to East-Me-
n and Pantie affairs. For the eastern Genoese, Hunyadi and Hungary were their grea-
nal anti-Ottoman hopes. Demetria de Vivaldi, consul of Caffa, in 1454, and Giacomo
, Latin bishop of Caffa, in 1455, addressed the Hungarian elite. The latter represented
ries of oriental hierarchs, Armenians namely, such as the catholicos Carabeth or the pa-
gharasbat, and had also anti-Ottoman contacts to Persia. Their disappointment was bit-
nothing became of their plans and they found out that neither Hungary, nor Hunyadi, in
efforts and speeches, were the power and the man they been just a decade earlier'°.
; Notes, IV, no. 3, pp. 6-11; Jean Froissart, Chroniques, in [Idem], Oeuvres de Froissart, edited
. de Lethenhove, XV (Brussels 1871), pp. 252-254; Recuei/ des voyages et des documents
a l'histoire de fa geographie depuis le Xllf jusqu'a fa fin du XVf siec/e, edited by Charles
JI., Bertrandon de la Brouquiere, Voyage d'Outremer(Paris 1892), p. 119; Sa'adeddin, in Cronici
pp. 301-302; Jean Delaville Le Roulx, La France en Orient au XIV' siec/e. Exped1lions du ma-
. icaut, I (Paris 1886), p. 258; Jorg K. Hoensch, Kaiser Sigismund. Herrscher an der Schweffe zur
.61>-1437 (Munich 1996), pp. 338-339 (the connections of 1427 between Buda, Milan and Genoa).
i'n ove,view, see also Cadice, I, no. 120, pp. 307-309; no. 151, pp. 364-368; no. 181, p. 432; no.
35; no. 234, pp. 534-536; no. 241, pp. 550-552; Notes, 11, pp. 499, 513, Leben und Taten der
aiser. Die anonyme vufgargrie-chische Chronik Codex Barberinianus Graecus (Anonymus Zoras)
,;edited by Richard F. Kreutel (Graz-Vienna-Cologne 1971), pp. 35-37; Sanudo, II, cols. 953, 958;
. 160, 170; Franz Babinger, 'Relazioni visconteo-sfo12esche con la Corte Ottomana durante ii
Jn Idem, Aufsafze und Abhandfungen zur Geschichte Sudosteuropas und der Levante, Ill (Munich
185-207; Lajos Tardy, Tatarorszagi rabszofgakereskedelem es magyarok a Xfff-XV. szazadban
.lave Trade and the Hungarians in the 13°-15° Centuries] (Budapest 1980), pp. 34-35, 172-173;
Anti-Ottoman Warfare and Crusader Propaganda in 1474: New Evidences from the Archives of
,XLVI (2007), 1-4, pp. 25-39. It should also be noted that the knowledge the Sfo12as posesed on
· Hunyadis, by no means of humbler origins than the Sfo12as, may have played a great part in
_ther distant, political (and matrimonial) attitude towards king Matthias Co,vinus in later years.
337
Alexandru Simon
It would however be unjust to place the responsibility for these failures only on Hun
domestic problems and on Hungarian civil strives. Asides from the Ottoman-Moldavian p
problem, the Italian ccntext remained a major obstacle in view of more consistent anti-Ott
action. As so often in late crusader affairs, at the beginning of the 1440', the northern pa
the Italian Peninsula were in turmoil, once more, because of the Milanese duchy, its situ
and policies. In late 1441, by the peace of Cremona, Filippo Maria, the last of the Visconti
been forced to accept Genoa's independence. Francesco Sforza, nominally captain-gene'
the victorious Venetian troops, had defeated the Milanese. Sforza switched sides once mor~
became Filippo Maria's son-in-law, according to the agreement concluded prior to the pea
Cremona. Sfo12a, duke of Milan from 1450 on, but in control of the duchy since his marria
1441, was in the following years (1442-1445) at odds with Sigismondo Pandolofo Malates
former son-in-law, and pope Eugenius IV. It seemed time to make use of the Genoese con
!ions between Milan and the Turk, after Murad II had politely, and also wisely, turned down
of Filippo Maria Visccnti's great propositions. Through Genoa, Visccnti had asked Murad
chase, together with the Tartars, the Venetians out of the Black Sea area, out ofTana (1426
In early and mid 1444, still aided by mainly pro-Ottoman Florence, despite her housingo
ccuncil of 1438-1439, Francescc Sforza feared Venice and Rome. Their Italian positions
have been sirengthened by a crusader success. This was ccmmon political knowledge sin"
time of the Great Schism of the West. Venice had renounced her distant, though secretly
able, attitude towards Hungarian anti-Ottoman actions, which had been the dominating
feature in the time when Sforza had been her captain (1440-1441). Though evidences ccnn
the Genoese aid rendered to Murad II, in 1444, to a Milanese order or to talks between Vi
and/ or Sforza and the sultan are circumstantial, the political link is rather obvious. Sforza, Vi
and Genoa feared Venice, whose fleet had been sent against the Turk. Sforza, (openly ai,'
sonaly) supported by Genoa, also feared 'crusader' king Alphonse V, Visconti's (still) seer
Genoa's Corsican and Sardinian rival. After 1453, Venetian and Roman crusader failur ·-
forced Sforza's Italian stand. It became soon clear, as Makarios, the metropolitan of Gothidl
Genoese areas of the Crimea, noticed in late 1453, that is was basically futile to approach
anti-Ottoman matters. Yet, in hours of despair, people still turned to Milan and the Sforzas,C:
hope of anti-Ottoman aid, as did the unfortunate Albanian lord Skanderbeg in the late 1460_'
Notes, I, p. 434; IV, nos. 7-8, pp. 63--64; Romano Giacinta, 'Filippo Maria Visconti e i Turchi', A
11
(1890), pp. 600-601 (Murad's refusal relied also on Visconti's double-dealings, as he, for the same ant'
tian reasons, tried to gain the favor of Sigismund too, who planned a major attack on Murad); Franz;
Erkens, '... Und wil eine grosse Reise do tun. Oberlegungen zur Balkan- und Orientpolitik Sigismu "
Luxemburg', in Festschrfft fur Erich Meuthen, edited by Johannes Helmrath, Heribert MOiier (Munich 1
739-762); Enrico Basso, 'From Cooperation to Clash of lnteresets: Genoa and the Turks in the Four!
Fifteenth Centuries', in The Turks, 111, Ottomans, edited by Hasan Celal GOzel (Ankara 2002), pp.
Francesco Somaini, 'Les relations complexes entre Sigismond de Luxembourg et les Visconti, dues
in Sigismund von Luxemburg. Ein Kaiser in Europa, edited by Michel Pauly, Frani;ois Reinert (Mai
pp. 157-198; Ernest Oberlander-Tamoveanu, 'Notes on the Genoese Coinage at Pera during the Fi
the 15• Century', EBPB, V (2006), pp. 377-386 (extremely relevant for Milan); Simon, 'Annus mirabi/i
12
E.g. ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, /1/iria, Polonia, Russia, S/avonia, cart. 640, fasc. 2, nn [
1453-January 1454]; Venezia, cart. 340, fasc. 1, nn (14• of September 1451); fasc. 4, nn (30• of Jun
cart. 341, fasc. 1, nn (26• of January); fasc. 4, nn (14•, 21", 23"' of April 1454); Hurmuzaki, 1-2, no._
715-717; Franco Catalano, 'II ducato di Milano nella politica dell'equilibrio', in S/oria di Milano, VII, L.'.
zesca (Milan 1956), pp. 318-319; O.J. Schmitt, 'Skanderbegs letzte Jahre. West-ostliches Wee~'
van Diplomatie und Krieg im Zeitalter der osmanischen Eroberung Albanies (1464-1468)', SO,,
LXV (2004-2005), pp. 56-123; lulian Mihai Damian, The Greek Rite Transylvanian Church in th_
Archbishop John of Caffa and the Crusade in East-Central Europe', in Be/ween Worlds, 11, pp. 14 _
these crusader matters, see, in particular, in comparative perspective, E.C. Antoche's analysis, 'L
ditions de Nicopolis (1396) et de Varna (1444): une comparaison', MT, IV (2000), 1-2, pp. 42-43 (na
338
Defensive Necessities and the Offensive Limits of the Hungarian Kingdom
1444, unlike in Sigismund's time, the southern system of buffer states did not seem to wort<
· re Hungary's favor, though, by name, Bosnia, Serbia, Walachia and Moldavia, for instance,
rted Buda's anti-Ottoman politics. But in order to survive or to be reborn as a state (Serbia),
Brankovic's Serbia, in particular, and even Walachia, had to find a modus-vivendi with
ii< in the first place. Hunyadi's successes did not halt the problems posed by domestic con-
r by Venice's Serbian or Bosnian interests. His victories increased the old fear of regional
nan hegemony. Meanwhile, in Buda, given Rome's, Venice's or Burgundy's involvement,
perspective of a direct attack on Murad II, the need for foremost defensive allies and sub-
f the Holy Crown had diminished, a mistake, even under those circumstances. The offen-
rtance of such states was also undervalued, one of the quite many crusader mistakes
. Jn 1455, things looked worse. Regardless of his name, the king of Hungary and Hunyadi
longer as powerful or, in particular, as close, as they had been in 1444. Besides John's
to infiuence Hungarian politics had greatly decreased after he lost the council and skills
op John (Janos) Vitez, Hunyadi's main advisor probably in foreign affairs, appointed due to
di's infiuence secret chancellor of the realm (1453), before (quickly) changing sides 13.
ere was however an area, where John Hunyadi seemed more powerful than before. In
t148, after prolonged efforts and failed Moldavian interventions, Hunyadi, then the actual
Hungary, had obtained from the new Moldavian prince, Peter (Petru) II, which John had
· stall, the cession of the Chilia harbor on the Danube Mounds. The harbor was placed
Walachian-Hungarian condominium as the kingdom had no direct territorial link to the
a problem which was unsolvable even after, at the end of 1447, Hunyadi had changed
Walachia too). A garrison loyal to Hunyadi was placed in the city. It might well be that,
me context, or later (between late 1449 and mid 1453), during the rules of Bogdan II
nder (Alexandre!) II, John Hunyadi gained also control over the other major harbor, of
origins, under Suceava's princely, authority: Cetatea Alba, the other harbor known, to
as well as to the West, as the fortress of the Hungarian at the time of it final Ottoman
,t (1484). On military level however, this probable (nominal most likely due to the local
, short-lived, Hungarian rule at the Dniestr Mounds, left little or virtually no traces. This,
the ways in which Hunyadi's Genoese talks evolved in general, can be viewed as ra-
14
ant in terms of John Hunyadi's actual Pontic infiuence prior and after the year 1453 .
2
. Cami! Mure,anu, lancu de Hunedoara [John Hunyadij (Bucharest 1968 ), pp. 47-49; Ferenc
Phases of Turko-Hungarian Wartare before the Battle of Mohacs. 1365-1526', AOASH, XXXIII,
, 88-90; Radu Constantinescu, 'Quelques observations sur l'epoque de Vlad Tepe,. IL Vladislav II
ue transylvaine (1450-1456)', RRH, XVII (1978), pp. 313-326; Jadran Ferluga, 'Partis et courants
ans les cours balkaniques vers le milieu du XV' siecle', BF, XI (1987), pp. 221-243; Sima Cirkovic,
·~/! Mayen Age (Vauban 1992), pp. 189-191, 245-249; Jacques Paviol, 'Croisade bourguignonne
genois en mer Nair au milieu du XV' siecle', SSMO, XII-XIII (1992), pp. 135-162; Marko Sunjic,
eclfa (odnosi u XIV. i XV. st.) [Bosnia and Venice between the 14' and 15' Centuries] (Sarajevo
259-263, 277-282, 294-302; P. Engel, The Realm of St Stephen. A History of Medieval Hun-
526 (London-New York 2001), pp. 293-297; Hoensch, Sigismund van Luxemburg, pp. 391-392.
wmuzaki, XV-1, nos. 64-66, pp. 37-39; FHDR, no. LXXll-5, 6, 7, pp. 560-562; no. LXXIII
avos), p. 567; F. Pall, 'lnterven\ia lui lancu de Hunedoara ln Tara Romaneasca §i Moldova ln
~8' [John Hunyadi's Intervention in Walachia and Moldavia. 1447-1448], Studii, XVI (1963), 5,
063; 'Stapanirea lui lancu de Hunedoara asupra Chiliei §i problema ajutorarii Bizan\ului' [John
"ule over Chilia and the Problem of Aiding Byzantium], Studii, XVIII (1965), 3, pp. 62(}.621; see
• uveau sur l'aclion de lancu de Hunedoara en Valachie pendant l'annee 1447', RRH, XV
'458-459; and Gustav Gundisch, 'Siebenburgen in der Turkenabwehr 1396-1526', RRH, XIII
426-435; Sorin lftimi, 'La politique de Jean Hunyadi en Moldavie', in Between Worlds, 11, pp.
imon, 'The Limits of the Moldavian Crusade (1474, 1484)', AIRCRU, IX (2007), pp. 233-236.
339
A!exandru Simon
Even if his influence on Christendom's Pantie and Danubian was questionable and
to frequent changes, due to the political intermediaries he had to use on most occasions
fact was sure. Since 1448, Hunyadi had direct access to Genoese Eastern maritime inte
In 1444, in these matters, he had been compelled to depend (only) on the unreliable, s
($tefan) II. Stephen ll's conflicts, triggered by namely Moldavian Pantie reasons, with the
ese supporters of the Turk had caused great concern, in Caffa and Genoa, while the crus
marched towards Varna and the Venetian fleet approached the Straits. Varna, the Ottom
var and importance of Stephen II, on which the ruler could rely since his first attempt t
power in Moldavia (1432), indefinitely postponed any conclusion (detrimental for the Mol
ruler) of the conflict. An Ottoman mediation is likely to have settled the conflict, detrimen
to the empire's Christian interests, and returned Cetatea Alba, probably lost (as Burgund
ports tend to indicate) by the Moldavian ruler following the events of late 1444, under s
ll's nominal authority. In 1446, After raiding the island of Lebsos, ruled by the Genoese G
Murad sent one of the Dorino I Gattilusio's daughters as a gift to Stephen. This increased
ly John Hunyadi's, but also Genoa's (as well as Caffa's) hostility towards the acting ruler (1
In 1453, John Hunyadi intended to use the Moldavian harbors for the rescue of Byzah
Alongside, Cetatea Alba, which remained under Moldavian control, with or without a Hun
garrison, after Chilia's cession in 1448, other smaller harbors populated the Moldavian a
tween the Danube and Dniestr Mounds. After the fall of Constantinople, these harbors, Iii\'
fa and other Pantie cities, were virtually blocked by the Ottoman rule of the Bosphorus ah
fined to Mehmed ll's goodwill. It was not the only Pantie problem for the Genoese, which',
retically, could have had a Hunyadi solution to it. A Genoese support of Hunyadi's plans ·
impossible without, in exchange, Hunyadi's intervention in Genoese-Moldavian affairs. A
it deal had two loose ends. Hunyadi's Moldavian control was almost null. Peter Ill Aron
throned Alexandre!, Hunyadi's former protege (1454-1455). Hunyadi's access to Chilia,
sically at the discretion of \Mad isl aw II of Walachia. Hunyadi had taken \Madislaw's T
nian estates of Amla 9 (Omlas) and Fagara9 (Fogaras). Moreover, Hungarian-Ottoman h
did not suit Chilia's trade. At any rate, Genoa was also a great problem. Her traditional willi
as well as its capacity to support anti-Ottoman action, was more than questionable. R
lian political evolutions gave nevertheless more hope than usually to anti-Ottoman desigri
15
ASM, A.D.S., Potenze Estere, Ungheria, cart. 650, lase. 1, nn (28~ of April 1446; Venetiad
Wavrin (1864-1891), V, pp. 45-46 (when Burgundian ships reached Cetatea Alba in 1445, the entire
under complete Genoese control and no mention was made, unlike in case of the Walachians on
Danube, of a Moldavian authority); Ilona Czamanska, Mo/dawia i Woloszczyzna wobec Polski, ·
w XIV i XV wieku [Between Poles, Hungarians and Turks: Moldavia and Walachia in the 14•-15•
(Poznan 1996), pp. 86, 95-101, 361-369; Bogdan Petru Maleon, 'John Hunyadi and Stephen the G_ ··
nions of Historiography', in Between Worlds, 11, pp. 379-385, Al. Simon, 'Porturile Moldovei. 9tefan 11,:
Hunedoara §i Murad 11 ln documente italice (1444-1446)' [The Moldavian Harbours: Stephen 11, John.
and Murad II in Italian Documents. 1444-1446], A$UI, NS, LIi-Liii (2006-2007), pp. 7-25; Idem, 'The;,
ans between Crusader Crisis and Imperial Gifts (Mid 1400' and Early 1500')',AIRCRU, IX (2007), pp.';1
16
MOL, DL 14604-14605, 37617, 37619 (30" of January 1453); Magno (I), Ad annum 1452, ff. 1,
Hunnuzald, XV-1, no. 66, p. 37; Leodrisii Cribelli, De expeditione Pii Papae II adversus Turcos (= .
(1948), 5), edrred by Giulio C. Zimolo (Bologna 1950), p. 67 (for 1448); !lie Minea, Din tmcutul stiipiinirii
asupra Ardealufui Pierderea Amfa§ufui §i Fiigiira§ului[From the Past of the Romanian Rule overTra
The Loss of Amlae and Fagara§] (Bucharest, 1914); Gy. Szekely, 'Les voies de rapports polrriques
tiques entre la Hongrie et la region du Caucase vers le Xlf siecle', BPMAe, Ill (1992), pp. 71-76;
Rezachevici, Cronofogia criticii a domnilor din Tara Romiineascii §i Moldova (a. 1324-1881)
Chronology of the Rulers ofWalachia and Moldavia (b. 1324-1881), I. Secolele XIV-XVI [14''-16
(Bucharest 2001), pp. 522-534; Antal Lukacs, 'John Hunyadi and the Duchy of Fagarae', in Be/we
11, pp. 211-216. The middle-man between Hunyadi and Caffa (1455-1456) was Tommasso Senar
family had just lost the !lice castle, near the Dniepr Mounds, to Peter Ill Aron (see alsoAc/e, 111, pp,
340
an, Italian and Pontic Responses to the Ottoman Expansion
.front of the expanding Ottoman threat, many Italian-Ottoman dealings seemed to have
nihilated by the general peace of Lodi (1454). To a great extent, not only in name, Lodi
nsequence of the fall of Byzantium too, like the peace of Bagnolo (1484) was (also) a
f Bayezid ll's campaign against the former Genoese colonies at the Danube and Dniestr
. Under such circumstances, the talks between Buda and Genoa (and Milan) seemed
a chance of succeeding in late 1454-early 1455. On the diplomatic level first of all, this
· bably the main (Italian) change in respect to the events and negotiations of mid and late
pon hearing of the.news of Hunyadi's. (smalle.r) anti-Ottoman successes and of learning
ungarian d1plomat1c efforts In the Italian Peninsula, even Sforza responded more than
· t only in correspondence with his Italian counterparts, but also in the responses to his
nts. Sforza also knew that the Italian maritime republics had a lot on the line in Ottoman
nd that they risked most of their Eastern positions, if not all, in case of a confrontation
Turk. Besides, in March-April 1453, prior to the fall of Byzantium, Hunyadi had been the
ropose to Sforza and to the Medici of Florence an anti-Venetian alliance (meanwhile, he
atening Mehmed II to levy the siege of Constantinople). Hunyadi played in Italian style".
etum, the Italian Peninsula hardly ever played in John Hunyadi's anti-Ottoman manner.
he case of the Venetians, whose treaty was largely a confirmation of the Ottoman-Vene-
of September 1451, which had caused much trouble for Hunyadi over the next years,
ll's privilege, issued after the conquest of Byzantium, for the Genoese merchants of
lata) was ground enough for the Superba to maintain relations to the sultan (1453-
vertheless, unlike Murad II, Mehmed II seemed less than willing to preserve a lasting
a with the Christian powers. He took the mines of Nova Brdo (1454-1455), which made
' e of Serbian despot and Hungarian magnate Brankovic. Brankovic had to take refuge
ngarian kingdom. Late medieval Serbia was reduced once more to almost nothing. The
' t had already experienced that in 1441, when Murad II had taken Nova Brdo from him.
recovered with the aid of his daughter Mara, the sultan's wife. Eleven years later, a new
""' s in power and Brankovic's chances of recovering his lands were much smaller. The
xt target was Hungary. This did not help George Brankovic's cause. Through Ragusa,
convince, by means of almost desperate messages, the Italian Peninsula that he had
18
.to go and that he would fight the Turk until the end, and not switch sides as before .
.:ASM, AD.S., Potenze Estere, Venezia, cart. 341, Jase. 6, nn (24~ of June); fasc. 8, nn (31 st of
00 st
sc. 9, nn (2 of September); Jase. 10 (31 of October); fasc. 11 (17~ of November 1454); cart.
4, nn (22"' of April); fasc 7 (19~, 24~ of July 1455); Teleki, X, no. 122, p. 252; no. 147, p. 305; no.
; no. 177, p. 365; Notes, II, pp 499, 513; Denis A Zakythinos, Le despotat grec de Moree, I, Histoire
aris 1932), pp. 228-231; F. Babinger, Johannes Darius (1414-1494), SachwalterVenedigs im Mor-
.. sein griechischer Umkreis', SBAW, V (1961), pp. 81-82; for Italian affairs, see works of Paolo
lomazia e stati nhascimental!: Le ambascene sforzesche fi110 a/fa conclusione de/fa Lega itafica
r(Firenze,1992); Riccardo Fubini, 'Diplomacy and Government in the Italian City-States of the
ntury (Florence and Venice)', in Politics and Diplomacy in Early Modem Italy: The Structure of
E'ractice, 1450-1800, edited by Daniela Frigo (Cambridge 2000), pp. 25-48 (namely pp. 3G-34).
,e, S.S., Oeliberazioni, reg. 20, cc. 3'-4' (15~ of January 1453 MV=1454; see the version of the
.~.netian treaty edited by Freddy Thiriet, Regestes des deliberations des assemblees venitiennes
·la Romanie, 111, 1431-1463 (Paris-The Hague 1961), no. 2956, p. 195); Diplomatrium Veneto-
dited by Georg-Martin Thomas, Ricardo Predelli, 11, 1300-1454 (Venice 1899), no. 209, pp.
lae lorga, Privilegiul lui Mohamed al II-lea pentru Pera (1 iunie 1453) [Mehmed ll's Pri-vilege
:~ of June 1453)] (offplint from AARMSI, 200 series, XXXVI) (Bucharest 1913), pp. 9-14; F.
...ehmed der Eroberer unde seine Zeit. Weltenstom1er einer Zeitenwende (Munich 195g2), pp.
3-119; lvica Prlender, 'An Eastern Adriatic Republic (Dubrovnik): Facing the Temptations of the
· The Crusades and Military Orders. Expanding the Frontiers of Medieval Latin Christianity,
It Hunyadi, J6zsef Laszlovsky (Budapest 2001), pp. 17:,-186; Simon, The Limits', pp. 233-236.
341
Alexandru Simon
Ladislas Vand Hunyadi were in 1454-1456 in a weaker position than Murad II in 1443-1
Hunyadi had to send his youngest son, Matthias, to Vienna as a hostage, after his engage
to Elisabeth, Ulrich van Gilly's daughter (August 1451) and George B'.ankovic's niece. Gilly,
dIslas' main supporter and unofficial 'regent' after 1453, and Brankov1c were Hunyadi's old
mies. Elisabeth's death (spring 1455) brought the unwanted, yet not useless domestic brid ·
its fall. Outside of Hungary, Hunyadi was also at odds with the rulers of Walachia and Mold
Peter Aron had taken from his Genoese adversaries the Hice castle, near the Dniepr Mo
(1454-1455). Giving in to foreign (Ottoman and Polish) and domestic pressure, he had offi
accepted Mehmed's suzerainty (1455-1456). Still, he, unsuccessfully, tried to compensate
and also gain Hunyadi's goodwill by his secretly accepting the Florentine union. Hunyadi's
tern (anti-Ottoman), predominantly Venetian, flank posed him greater problems, like in 1
1451, and even in 1444. Nonetheless, until 1455, except for his alliance(s) with king Alpha
of Aragon, who provided him only with a partial alternative to Venice, in Italian and Balkari
Ottoman affairs, John apparently never locked for a complete alternative to Venice (whici]
rather impossible). Yet, by trying to win Genoa for his plans, Hunyadi probably attempted that
Trying to replace Venice with Naples (Milan's main threat) and Genoa was a bold ari
most desperate move. Hunyadi was joined in this apparent, but not without grounds, des ·
Brankovic. Venioe's and Milan's powers exceeded those of Genoa and Naples, but the.(
were not in such favorable (if one can use the term during the reign of Mehmed II) Ottonia
sition as the Adriatic republic and the duchy. Throughout 1455, Hunyadi's diplomatic mov ··
not exclude Milan and Venice or Naples, but focused, with little results eventually, on Gen ·
the summer of 1456, neared, things seemed to go from bad to worse for him as the sum
1456 neared. His former 'Genoese colleagues', Brankovic, due to his own military weakn
namely due to John's own fault, and Ladislas left him alone in front of Mehmed II. His vict
though deprived of major consequences, battle of Krusevac (1454), had restored some of j
anti-Ottoman credit. Against Mehmed however, the captain, still called in Ragusa, Milan
nioe, govematore Jancho, needed every help he could get frorn the peninsula, which fla
him, in an almost unpreoedented way, with praises and promises from all sides after 1453:
turn, all Italian powers knew that he was on very thin domestic ice, in spite of Ladislas' tok"
appreciation. Still, his fall could/ would have meant the fall of Christendom's Hungarian bo_,
19
Fejer-Hunyad, no. 55, pp. 14S-157 (as Elisabeth was 10years old in August 1451, the marriage,'
have taken place in December 1453, but was postponed due to polrrical reasons); Cadice, I, no. 120,
no. 151, p. 366; Oocumente moldovene,u, 11, no. 233, pp. 803-804; Oocumente turce,ff, I, nos. 1-2, p
Wadding, XII, p. 259; XIII, p. 243; PLP, (I-XII), Addenda, I, no. 93761 (electronic CD version); F. Pall, 'P.
scambio di lettere fra Giorgio Brankovich, principe di Serbia, e Jancu de Hunedoara (HunyadQ a pro
pericolo ottomano intomo al 1450', RESEE, XII (1974), 1, pp. 7S-86 (pp. 83-84 in particular); $tefan ....
cu, 'Trois actes des archives de Genes concemant l'histoire de la Mer Noire au XV' siecie', RRH, XXU
1, pp. 45-50; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, II, pp. 152-158; Papacostea, 'La Moldavie', pp. 44
20
ASM, A.D.S., Potenze Estere, Turchia, cart. 647, fasc. 1, nn (8' of August, 13' of Septem
20• of October 1454; in regard to the Italian use of Janco/ Jancho, allegedly undocumented so far,
Ransano (1977), pp. 29, 34); Elemer Malyusz, 'A magyar rendi allam Hunyadi koraban' [The Stnuct
Order> of the Estates in the Age of the Hunyadis], (I), Sz, XCI (1957), 1-4, pp. 46-123, $tefan Pas
cnezilor din Transilvania fn lupta antiotomana a lui lancu de Hunedoara' [The Role of the Knezi from
vania in John Hunyadi's Anti-Ottoman Fight], SC$C, VIII (1957), pp. 25-67; Agostino Pertusi, MaltinO
di Novo Brdo vescovo di Dulcigno. Un umanista setbo dalmata def tardo Quattrocento. Vda e ope
1981), pp. 131-133 (subsisting images in the 1470'-early 1480'); It is possible that the Dominicans,
favorites and very influential in Genoese Crimea, played an important part in creating the diploma
between him and Caffa (Raymond-Joseph Loenertz, 'Les etablissements dominicains de Pera-C
nople', in Idem, Byzantina et Franco-Graeca. Altic/es parues de 1935 a 1966, edited by Peter S
(Rome 1970); pp. 20S-226; Maria Mak6 Lupescu, 'Miles Christi- patronus obseivanffae. Johannes
und die observanten Bestrebungen des Dominikanerordens in Ungam', in Between Worlds, 11, pp.
342
II. Defending and Aiding Christendom's Bulwark
ladislaw I had not died at Varna. With the exception of Venice, this was common belief
rly 1445. For her, the pursuit of anti-Ottoman warfare was only a means to a more profitable
with the sultan. The 'royal survival', accepted also by Hunyadi, otherwise, the Habsburg
e would have 'take over Buda, led to the 1445 Lower Danube crusade. In 1453, it was
that Constantine XI had not died at the fall of Byzantium. But this was not the main hope
ncern in the West. Rome, Burgundy, the Habsburgs were expected to step in for the re-
of Constantinople. In 1445 and 1454 there was more Christian hope, mixed with fear,
prior to the clash of Varna or to the siege of Constantinople. Features of this type tend to
a never-ending crusader story. The greatest disasters gave birth to the greatest dreams.
if dreams did not last, they gave the opportunity for greater aids (though, almost constant-
aller than those actually needed) than usually. It was in this hope that Hunyadi developed
plomatic pattern of 1454-1455. Still, he got less than another 'Danube crusade'. Their cau-
n be accounted for it. There was no major Christian force in the area to help Hunyadi.
hock of 1453 was far greater than that of 1444 and it came as the utmost confirmation of
21
an military superiority. And, moreover, Hunyadi did not posses the power of 1444-1445 .
n comparison, using victory was apparently simpler. On August 10, 1456, a day prior to
ath of lancu, after news of his victory had reached the peninsula, Alphonse V of Aragon
"ed war on Genoa. The official grounds were that the republic had provided arms to the
and had occupied the island of Corsica. Alphonse anti-Ottoman involvement had been
over the last years, even in terms of aiding Skanderbeg. Now, he profited also from
·te, response of the Bank of San Giorgio (February-March 1456) to Hunyadi's renewed
of financial aid, in return for the protection of Caffa (December 1455). In fact, the re-
had been logical and reasonable. As long as John Hunyadi did not firmly control Mol-
e could not aid Calla only by Chilia, which Hunyadi could not easily reach for he was in
· with Walachia too at the time. Even after his victory of Belgrade, Walachia seemed to
his control, though Vlad Ill Tepe§ (the Impaler), entrusted by Hunyadi with the defense
ern Transylvania, had won the throne prior to the battle (still, in July, Vlad did not take a
· Ction against the Tutks, unlike his predecessor, attacked alongside Brankovi6, by them).
profiting from his success would have more than difficult for Hunyadi, because, unlike
2
(or Venice who played on his success), John was still directly involved in the matter2 .
;g. Codex, 11, no. 306, pp. 457-458; no. 308, pp. 466-467; Regestes des deliberations, 111, no.
124; no. 2702, p. 128; Magno, I, Ad annum 1445, ff. 38'-39'; Wavrin (1864-1891), V, pp. 54-57;
rowski, Wladys/aw I Jagiel/otlczyk na W~grzech 1440-1444 [Wadislaw I. Jagiello in Hungary. 1440-
arszawa 1922), pp. 171-175, 181, 189-192; Francisc Pall, 'Ciriaco d'Ancona e la crociata contra i
SHAR, XX (1938), pp. 29-47; N. Housley, The Late Crnsades. 1274-1588. From Lyons toA/ca-
\d 1992), pp. 93-94; Yves-Marie Berce, Le Roi Cache. Sauveurs et imposteurs: myths politiques
(Paris 1994), pp. 110-112; Constantin Marinescu, La po/itique orienta/e d'Alfons V d'Aragon, mi
(Barcelona 1994), pp. 149-154; Karol Olejnik, W/adys/aw Ill Warnericzyk. [Wadis/aw Ill of Varna]
1996), pp. 268-272. See also N. lorga, 'Cronica /ui Wavrin §i Romanii' [Wavrin's Chronicle and the
], BC/R, IV (1927), pp. 61-148 (here pp. 66-68; the Walachians and the Hungarian Diet of 1445).
G, A.S., Materie Polftiche. Privilegi, concessioni, trattati diversi e negoziazioni, 2732, nn (10~ of Au-
el in Trattati, no. 884 p. 158); ASM, A.D.S, Potenze estere, Venezia, cart. 343, lase. 4, nn (26•-
·t); lase. 5, nn (10°-11"', 15• of May), lase. 6, nn (16•, 1a•, 27• of June); lase. 7, nn (23"' of July);
.. (8• of August 1456); ASVe, S.S., Deliberazioni, reg. 20, c. 99' (12• of August 1456); Cadice, I,
:432; no. 183, pp. 434-435; no. 234, pp. 534-536; no. 241, pp. 550-552; Teodor G. Bulat, 'Contri-
eascii la opera de crnciat a /ui loan Huniad' [The Romanian Contribution to John Hunyadi's
:oeuvre], RI, XII (1926), 4-6, pp. 57-68; Marjan Malowist, Kaffa, kolonia genuetlska na Klymie i
·schodni w latach 1453-1475 [Caffa, a Genoese Colony in the Crimea, and the Pantie Problem.
5] 0/Varszawa 1947), pp. 174-177; Dariusz Kolodziejczyk, Ottoman-Polish Diplomatic Relations
ntwy): An Annotated Edition of 'Ahdnames and Other Documents (Leiden 2000), pp. 99-106.
343
Alexandru Simon
1. A Crusader Magnate in Domestic Crisis
In February 1454, Genoa addressed Hunyadi as illustris et excelsis princeps ac domino

silvano. Princeps stood for monarch. Mehmed II had addressed him as princeps in the H
rian-Ottoman treaty of November 1451. In June 1444, when still only a voivode, cover
feudal as well as monarchical promises, Cyriac d'Ancona, had written, from both Ottoman
nople and Genoese Pera, had written to the distinguished highness and most Christian
Hunyadi (whom he viewed in his private correspondence as that superb master of the ho
earty and mid 1444, he had frequently been called a prince, in royal Hungarian circles as w
Genoese address of 1454 was no mistake and also came after Hunyadi had resigned his_
as governor Still, the only time (that we know on when he took on the title of ruler from
grace was in late 1447. After beheading Vlad II Dracu/ (the Devil), Vlad Ill's father, lancu toe
for the moment, the title of Dei gracia parcium Transalpinarum wayuoda. Fearing the po
Hungarian and Walachian consequences of his act, though he was at the time at the hei
his power, he then enthroned Wladislaw II. Given Hunyadi's Byzantine deals of 1452-1453
it is difficult nevertheless to say how far his ambitions went, prior and after 1453. In 1444,"
dislaw had promised him Bulgaria. Potential southern dreams may have resurfaced in 144
Regardless of the actual 'magnitude' of his ambitions, the Genoese address was a '•
challenge to Ladislas Vs authority, not to mention Cilly's plans. 'Tyrant' of Transylvania, •
Hungarian province with no crown of its own, Hunyadi was in return not the ideal candid "
a Genoese eastern anti-Ottoman plan (but there was no one better). His main problems w
home. The embassy of 1455 could not mask tensions between the 'nationalist' Hunya
the 'loyalist' royal (Cilly-Garai) party. At the Diet of Gyor (Raab), in July, the Hunyadi pa
denounced Brankovi6 as traitor. John (Giovanni) Capestran immediately embraced the c
against the despot and expanded them. Although, Brankovi6 talked of Church Union a
sade, he had to think of more likely and successful endeavors and thus tried to regain his
from Mehmed II, through the offices of his daughter Mara, Murad ll's widow. The break was
and not unexpected. Still, two months later, the joint, as no signs of competition between e
can be found in Italian sources, embassy arrived in Genoa. Whether it had left prior to th.
(a journey from Buda to Genoa took up to two months), whether the messengers had left'
wards, the break of Gyor must have been known to them, given only its magnitude. At an
Brankovi6's envoy behaved impeccably in terms of Hungarian and anti-Ottoman official lay
23
E.g. ASG, A.S., Diversorum, 3041, nn (24~ of February 1454); MOL, DL 29793 (4~ of De
1447; edited in DRH, D, I, no. 286, p. 394; this document has been the subject of controversies); D
I, no. 305, p. 419; [Ciriaco di Ancona] Cyriac of Ancona, Later Travels (=ITRL, X), edited by Edw,_
Bodnar (Cambridge, Mass. 2003), no. 9, pp. 36-39; nos. 10-11, pp. 48-53; Critobul (1963), pp. 75• ,
here also F. Pall, 'Byzance a la veille de sa chute et Janco de Hunedoara (Hunyadi)', BSL, XXX(
pp. 119-126; D.I. Mure:;an, 'Le Royaume de Hongrie et la prise de Constantinople: croisade et uni
clesiastique en 1453', in Between Worlds, 11, pp. 588-590. For John, Matthias and the Transylva ·
blem: ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, Venezia, cart. 345, fasc. 2, nn (8~, 11~ of February), fasc. 3, n
March 1458); cart. 354, fasc. 2, nn (18~ of February 1468). In this respect, one should not omit also,
of the F,St 1453 (and 1467) events, the question of the Bistri/a County awarded to Hunyadi as compe
2
Magno (I), Ad annum 1454, ff. 221'-222'; Janos M. Bak, Konigtum und Stande in Ungam im_
Jahrl1undert (Wiesbaden 1973), pp. 47-48; Erik F0§i,,edi, Uram, kiralyom. .. A XV. szazadi Magyarors
/a/masai [My Lord, My King ... Power Relations in 15 Century Hungary] (Budapest 1974), pp. 182-1
on these matters can be found in M. Spremic's work, unfortunately unavailable to us, Despot fJurad
vie i njegovo doba [Despot George Brankovic and his time] (Belgrade 1998). Any potential explan
Hunyadi's action of Gy6r (in particular in this case, the possibility that Hunyadi wanted in fact, by Ca
attack, to forcefully win Brankovic's support) should take into account the fact that after unsucces
tacking the Ottomans, Brankovic kept a neutral pro-Christian stand during the siege of Belgrade (som
ASM, A.D.S, Potenze Estere, Venezia, cart. 342, fasc. 8, nn (2200 of August), fasc. 9, nn (18~ of Septe
fasc. 10, nn (20~ of October 1455); cart. 343, fasc. 5, nn (11~, 15~ of May), fasc. 7, nn (23"' of July 14 .
344
e attack on Brankovic was, already prior to the events of 1456, a grievous mistake. By
55, it had become almost certain that, within the year, Mehmed II would attack Belgrade.
well be that, at least for the Hunyadi party (not for Capestran however), the old despot,
ly a scapegoat. John could not go publically after Cilly, involved more treasonable dea-
ith the Ottomans as Brankovic, and thus attacked the apparently weakest of Cilly' tradi-
llies. As in earlier decades, the despot probably accepted the attack of Gy6r in the hope of
ntual survival, for Hunyadi acted increasingly nervous and aggressive. In the same sum-
pushed for the replacement ofWladislaw II with Vlad Ill, and of Peter Aron with Stephen
rty 1455, influenced by Capestran, he had forcefully intervened in Hungary's Greek ec-
tical affairs. His involvement in T ransylvanian politics and finances appeared more brutal
busive than before. In the Latin Florentine and anti-Ottoman name of the cross, he com-
desperation and fanaticism with pragmatism and devotion in the attempt to cut down, as
'as his powers allowed him, all risks within the realm and at its Chnstian borders. In effec~
nted with an undefeated sultan and a growing domestic opposition, John apparently wan-
25
achieve what he had failed to accomplish as governor, namely throughout 1447-1448 .
th against Mehmed and Cilly, Hunyadi wanted and needed to have complete control over
ylvania and the Banate of Severin (in Hungary), Moldavia and Walachia, to the East and
·-East, and, due, in the first place, to the Pantie and Danubian crusader stakes, Genoa's (and
!3) aid (more than he needed Venice's political and military support and recognition). It se-
·_like a lot to ask from such areas and powers, as well as a lot to expect from a man who
nstantly drawn back on the Hungarian political level over the last years. In April 1455, bles-
the archbishop of Esztergom (Gran), Denis (Denes) Szecsi, the Garai-Lljlaki-Cilly league
mber 1453, had been renewed. Her official aim was to protect the king and Ulrich van
inst everybody (i.e. Hunyadi) Cilly had taken over all the power invested in the Hunyadi-
)aki league of mid 1450, retained all its strengths (Garai, Ujlaki) and lost all its weaknes-
unyadi). Hunyadi was left with no major baron, with lands and interests near the southern
n which he could rely (Brankovic's aid would have been vital). In spite of Ladislas' feudal
•the future of Hunyadi's Hungarian career was very dark. The Ottoman threat could not
\eel his domestic position any longer. In August, after the Diet of Gy6r, he resigned from
26
e as supreme captain of the realm and raided Walachia, without any lasting success .
.g. Magno (I), Ad annum 1455, f. 225•·• (in regard to despot George Brankovic in particular, see also
Pontificiae, 111, no. 307, pp. 144-145; from 1453); Acta Bosnae potissimum ecclesiastica cum insertis
documentorum regestis ab anno 925 usque ad annum 1752 (=MSM, XXIII), edited by Eusebius
-in (Zagreb 1892), no. 954, pp. 224-226; Piccolomini, 111, no. 186, p. 365; no. 272, p. 460; no. 291,
, 562 Documente moldovene§ti, II, nos. 227-228, pp. 771-778; Matei Cazacu, 'Du nouveau sur le
ational de la Moldavie dans la seconde moitie du XV siecle', RER, XVI (1981), pp. 36-37; for the
ntex1, see also J.M. Bak, 'The Price of War and Peace in Late Medieval Hungary', in War and
the Middle Ages, editor Brian Patrick Mc Guire (Copenhagen 1987), pp. 161-178; M. Cazacu, Ora-
. du Capitaine Vampire une nouvelle roumaine par Marie Nizet (1879)] (Paris 2004), pp. 111-115.
.eleki, 11, pp. 286, 347-363, 378-379; X, no. 233, pp. 437-438; Fejer-Hunyad, nos. 62-63, pp. 176-194;
pp.196-199; no. 68, pp. 204-207; no. 70, pp. 210-211; no. 72, pp. 216-218; DRH, D, I, no. 318, pp.
: no. 320, pp. 436-437; nos. 322-323, pp. 439-442 (in May 1454, while the Serbian border of the
.as under great menace, in Walachia Ottoman trade blossomed, which probably weakened the
of the Hungarian garrison of Chilia, the main Christian harbor at the Danube Mounds, lo which, at
same, like in 1453, but this time without the aid of IMadislaw 11, arms were smuggled across the
ns); no. 325, pp. 443-444 (November 1454; an apparently failed entente, via (part on the Szeklers
axons of Bra,,ov, between Peter Ill Aron and IMadislaw 11, on initiative of the first one); no. 327,
7 (September 1455). Whatever Hunyadi had hoped for by his public attack on Brankovic was not
· n domestic soil right after the Diet. Gilly's attitude towards the despot however speeded things up
mic, 'I.a Serbie, entre les Tures, les Grecs et les Latins au XV siede', BF, XI (1987), pp. 435-438).
rGVU, [I], 25" of January 1454, art. VII-IX, pp. 37-38; Elekes, Hunyadi, pp. 314-322, 339-342.
345
Alexandru Simon
2. Royal Hungarian and Christian anti-Ottoman Gains and Deficits
The passionate Wiener-Neustadt speech of John Vitez, bishop of Oradea had had litt
feet on emperor Frederic Ill. At that time (March 1455), the Ottomans were raiding, once
southern Transylvania. Though Hunyadi remained his natural ally against his Austrian and
burg rivals (led and represented by Ulrich von Gilly and king Ladislas V) after 1450, Frederic,
reluctance and not too well concealed contempt for Hungary and Hunyadi were a match rli'
in crusader hell for his weak military powers and reduced control over his eastern and south·
tern border areas. Like Hunyadi's Hungarian rivals, Frederic seemed also to think that Hu
could not handle the situation any longer and that the sultan would settle with Hunyadi's and
grade's costly fall, giving thus time and room for both real negotiations and war preparations
this effect, Frederic Ill may have concluded, like his Austrian adversary, Gilly, a, nonetheless I
lasting and less influential, secret arrangement with Mehmed II. It was the only way to effecti
spare his hereditary lands of Ottoman raids. Gilly was more and more the major power figur
the south-west, with one major Ottoman liability (except his own deals and plans) to deal
After Mehmed's Serbian offensive of 1454, Gilly constanUy distanced himself from the d
Like in 1443, Brankovic seemed to have lost all his powers and to have no Christian to turn
Following Hunyadi's resignation of August 1455, Ladislas V handed the Banales of Cr
and Dalmatia over to Gilly. In spite of its violent offensive at the Diet of Gy6r, the Hunyadi
had been force to constantly withdraw ever since. In September, John's position could
emed as fragile. The Turkish peril came again to his aid. It turned the political retreat and wa
resignation into a form of domestic compromise. Hunyadi could not fight openly on two
while his enemies could not risk a direct attack on a crusader symbol. A civil war would
been full of risks. Though the curia generally thought quite little of Capestran, more and more,
nyadi's personal ally, Rome would have reacted very strongly to Hunyadi's domestic fall p ••
the Ottoman campaign. Nonetheless, Hunyadi had to make the most domestic concessio
his fiance had just died, Matthias was sent, once more, as a hostage, this time to the royal .
He and Ladislas had to take in marriage the daughters of Ulrich von Gilly and Ladislas Garai
arrangements made while the Hungarian joint embassy was still in the peninsula proved pr:
!ably futile in 1456. Hunyadi's Walachian efforts seemed equally futile. They should have b,'
land connection to Chilia and fortified Hunyadi's (constant until the end of spring 1456) offe
Genoa and Caffa. By the end of 1455, Wiadislaw II had rejected John Hunyadi's propositio
27
For instance: HHStA, M.E.A., Reic/Jslagakten, 1a, reg. 2, ff. 25'-27', 28'-30' (5~ of July, 2
December 1458); A Justh Csa/ad Leve/Iara 1274-1525 [The Archive of the Justh Family], edited by
Borsa (Budapest 1991), no. 182, p. 71; Vftez, no. 7, pp. 255-267; Cazacu, Dracula, pp. 113-114. For
data: Alexander Georg Supan, Die vier /etzten Jahre des Grafen Ulrich II. van Gilli 0fienna 1868); pp.
Zachariadou, 'The first Serbian Campaigns', pp. 838-839. For Vitez: F. Szakaly, 'Vitez Janos, a polRik
allamferfi: palyavazlat-kerrd6jekkel' [John Vitez, the Politician and the Statesman: Research Questio
Vftez Janos em/ekkonyv [Memorial Book John Vitez], general-editor Istvan Bardos (Esztergom 1990), p
38; A Kubinyi, 'Vitez Janos es Janus Pannonius politikaja Matyas uralkodasa idejen' [The Politics ofJ
Vitez and Janus Pannonius during Matthias' Reign], in Humanista muveftseg Pann6niaban [The Hum.
Culture in Hungary], edrred by Istvan Bart6k, Laszlo Jankovits, Gabor Kecskemeti (Pees 2000), pp. 7-25 ·
28
DRH, D, I, no. 329, pp. 449-450; see also M. Cazacu, 'L'impact ottoman sur les Pays Raum ·
ses incidences monetaires (1452-1504)', RRH, XII (1973), 1, pp. 171-177, Johannes Grabmayer,
Opfer warder Tater: Das Attentat van Belgrad - Ober Sterben und Tod Ulrichs II. van Gilli', M/OG
(2003), 3-4, pp. 286-316; and also, even if ideologically outdated, the older study of L. Elekes, 'Desa
entre les Etats et Ordres dans la Hongrie du XV' siecle et les problemes de recherche y relatifs', E
(1965), 1, pp. 105-131. For the functioning of the system, see also Laszlo Kalniczky, 'Vamagyok es va
tanyok a Hunyadiak koraban' [Captains and Border Captains in the Age of the Hunyadis], TOFT, XI (1
pp. 65-164, Engel, The Realm, pp. 295-296; as well as the older synthesis of lgnatz Aurelius Fessler,
Geschic/Jte derUngam und i/JrerLandsassen, edited by Ernst Kurt Klein, II (Leipzig 1873), pp. 552-558.
346
Wladislaw II wanted to keep his throne and regain the Transylvanian duchies. His options
limited. He had to rely on Ladislas V and Mehmed IL The sultan was ready to support him
seemingly so was the king too, for his own domestic purposes. Young Ladislas was neither
trongest, nor the weakest of kings. He was aware that he was used and usually treated
puppet-king. However, the time for major action on his behalf had not come yet His major
rn in April 1456 was how to pay off his great financial debt to Gilly, who was cleverly pres-
g him at the tirne. Ladislas had to turn to Hunyadi, who could not refuse hirn, though he too
in great need for financial subsidies. In exchange of loaning him 20.000 florins (a great part
dislas' death), Hunyadi received basically the cornplete control over the territories north of
de. Hunyadi had rnade similar moves and deals with the king even at the time of his resig-
n less than a year earlier. On one hand, these arrangements had helped John start a sensi-
litical comeback in Septernber 1455. On the other, at the time of the battle of Belgrade, they
costed Hunyadi approximately three months pay for some badly needed 3.000 mercenaries.
resignation of August 1455, though only in part an actual tactical retreat, had relieved pressure
im and it made it easier for hirn to exploit his fortune, almost to its lirnit, in view of the battle29 .
Ladislas' aims and concerns were a timely asset for Hunyadi and his still beautifully shaped
der image. It was neither accident, nor a surprise that he and Ladislas had the same envoy
eptember 1455. This also left the impression that Hunyadi still had his king's favor and ear.
ual Italian value was the subsequent impression that Hunyadi was further capable of objec-
managing the tense local a regional context. The latest in winter 1455-1456, when it was
e clear, though promises continued to been exchanged that Genoa would not invest in Hun-
n anti-Ottoman warfare, Genoese politicians (in Venice or Milan this was common know-
e before the embassy) had realized that there were major problems behind the Hungarian
de and that Hunyadi was not as in control as he wanted to appear. The 'affair Brankovic' of
r probably provided most clues and left also most traces in peninsular politics. All three major
rs at that Diet (Brankovic, Capestran and Hunyadi) were well-known figures in Italia. The
ii' also recalled the way Hunyadi had negotiated with dying Byzantium (winter 1452-1453),
n he was leaving his office as governor. Though he had been in an unfavorable (still better
in 1455) domestic position, he, without being 'enchanted' by a monk (as accusations went
30
455-1456), had successfully pushed the cost of his anti-Ottoman support to the maximum .
29
E.g. Te/eki, 11, p. 408; X, no. 240, pp. 479-481; 51, pp. 497-498; no. 269, pp. 522-523; Fejer-Hunyad,
76, p. 222; Zsuzsa Teke, Hunyadi Janos es kora [John Hunyadi and his Age] (Budapest 1980), pp. 152-
; Joseph Held, Hunyadi. Myth and Reality (Boulder 1985), pp. 144-150; Istvan Petrovics, 'John Hunyadi,
nt □ !Tim,;' in Between Worlds, II, pp. 221-222; Engel, The Realm, pp. 278-297 (in general). In this mat-
(for the military relation between Hunyadi's real Hungarian power and that of his fellow magnates), see
Andras Borosy, 'The Mi/ffia Poltafis in Hungary before 1526', J. Held, 'Peasants in Anns. 1437-1438 &
', in From Hunyadi to Rak6czi. War and Society in Late Medieval and Early Modem Hunga,y, edited by
Bak, Bela M. Kiraly (New-York 1982), pp. 63-80, 81-101 (see also Cazacu, Dracula, p. 455, note 39).
°3
For instance: Istvan Kapitanffy, 'Ungarische Gesandte im torkischen Lager zur Zeit der Belagenung
tantinopels', AAASH, XXIII (1975), 1-2, pp. 15-24; AL Simon, 'The Lion in Winter: John Hunyadi's Ca-
from Kossovopolje to Belgrade (1448-1456)', in Between Worlds, II, pp. 601-604; Held, Hunyadi, pp.
-145. For the background of the contrasts between the Franciscan Capestran and Hunyadi, protector of
Dominicans, but also for their common-grounds: Remo L. Guidi, 'L'azione rifonnatrice di Giovanni da Ca-
trano nel contes □ del Quattrocento', AS/, CLXVI (2008), 2, pp. 253-296. For the Hungarian and Italian
and impact of Capestran (1455-1456), see E Fugedi, 'Kapisztranoi Janos csodai. A jegy-zoliinyvek
dalom-torteneti tanulsagai' [The Miracles of John Capestran: Notes for the Study of Social History], Sz,
(1977), 5, pp. 847-887; Peter Kulcsar, Kapisztran Janos (Budapest 1987); LM. Damian, loan de Capes-
§i Cruciada TalZie [John Capestran and the Later Crusades], PhD Thesis (Cluj-Napoca 2008), pp. 90-
208-211, 218-222. For Brankovi6 and Hungary, the main study remains that ofFryges Pesty, Brankovics
··rgy szerlJ despola birlokviszonyai Magyarorszagon es a szerlJ despota czim [The Hungarian Feudal Re-
ns of the Serbian Despot George Brankovi6 and the Title of Serbian Despot] (Budapest 1877), passim.
347
Alexandru Simon
3. Between Hungarian Hostilities and Italian Diplomatic Unity
After 1453, though his aid rendered to Byzantium had largely consisted of anti-Otto
threats, Hunyadi still played, on the European level, on the common-place already consti
by <what> if Hungary fell .. .At the end of 1455, probably after he saw that the embassy h
turned from Genoa with the usual promises and statements, but no financial aids, he stat
he was willing to face Mehmed with 7.000 men, armed on his expenses, provided also th
he recuested from papal legate Juan Carvajal, he would receive further military and financial
port through Rome's offices. This was a typical Hunyadi mixture of personal investment, h~
statement, blunt request and real necessities. In fact, getting Italian help as was difficult as r
ving aid from Hungarian barons. Rome could not even aid the more cost-effective crusader
lord Skanderbeg, expected, as in 1448, to aid Hunyadi, while having to defend his own 1··
against the Turk or, as in 1448, to ccnduct his private local wars for booty. Few actually dou
that Hunyadi would not take the stand at Belgrade alone. Besides, from Italian perspectiv
did not lack the military skills or the resources to mount an army on his own (during the tra
nal war season, from mid-spring to early fall, he had the capacity of gathering 10.000 tr
men) bigger than an Italian one (which usually consisted of less than 7.000-8.000 soldiers)
They (willingly) overlooked a major aspect of Hunyadi's situation. His was more and
isolated. His seldom concealed authoritarian tendencies, which had eased his rise as a
and a crusader (1440/1441-1443/1444), now turned against him. To a lesser degree and·
ther different fashion, this had already happened on the eve of Varna and Kossovopolje (.
1448). Outside his, nevertheless great, Hungarian sphere of influence, he could not count I
(after Ladislas' fled to Vienna in spring 1456 the matter became dramatic). Genoa's, Veni
Rome's responses to these problems were rather identical. They flattered Hunyadi's ego a
fered prayer and appreciation. Hunyadi had revealed that he was sensible to symbolical p
too, the last time (1455) when king Ladislas V Posthumous had made him perpetual count
tri\a. In relation to his existing fortune, the title brought no major increase of his wealth. In r
to the local Saxon community, found of its freedoms, it caused him and his successors
problems. The only way in which the countship was really profitable to him was that by hi
title Hunyadi was Ulrich von Gilly's equal. The Cillys had received the hereditary title of
for the Zago~e area, from Sigismund of Luxemburg. After resigning his office as governor, the
title of perpetual count of Bistri\a was probably meant also to boost Hunyadi's confidence32 .,
31
For instance: [Aeneas Silvio Piccolominij, Constanunopofitana c/ades (15° of October 1454), in_
orationes politicae et ecc/esiasficae, edited by Giovanni Domenico Mansi, I (Lucca 1755), p. 271;
Hunyad, no. 74, pp. 219-221; Vilmos Frakn6i, Ca,vajal Janos bibomok Magyaroszagi kovetsegei [The
garian Embassy of Cardinal Juan Carvajaij (Budapest 1889), pp. 4-8, 11-19 (in this respect, see also I
Ammannati Piccolomini, Leffere /1444-1479), edited by Paolo Cherubini, 111, Pontificato di Pio (Rome,
I, no. 64, p. 186, fi"om 1446); F. Pall, 'Skanderbeg et Janco de Hunedoara', SA, VI (1968), 1, pp. 103-1.
particular); $tefan Andreescu, Vlad Tepe§ (Dracula). intre legendii §i adeviiristoric [Vlad the Impaler (
la): Between Legend and Historic Truth] (Bucharest 1998'), pp. 56-62. In comparison, see also the Ve
'popular reactions' of Au-gust 1456: [Marino Sanudo ii Giovanne], Vitae Ducum Venetorum I/a/ice ferip ·
origine Urbis, sive ab anno CCCCXXI usque ad annum MCCCCXCIII, in RIS, XXII (1733), cols. 1163-1
32
E.g. Bonfini (1936-1941), Ill, pp. 149-152; Lajos Kiss, 'A rig6mezei hadjarat' [The Cam
Kossovopoije], HK, VIII (1895), pp. 456-459; Paul W. Knoll, 'Poland as Antemurafe Christianilas'in the
Middle Ages', CHR, LX (1974), pp. 388-390; Oskar Halecki, The Crusade of Varna. A Discussion of
veisial Problems (New York 1943); Ivan Djuric, Le crepuscufe de Byzance (Paris 1996), pp. 329-339; 0.
tea, 'Ciiderea Constantinopolului (1453) ,;i politica ponticii a Ungariei: ecouri occidentale' [The Fall of
stantinopol (1453) and Hungary's Pantie Policy: Western Echos), RI, NS, VII (1996), 7-8, pp. 5
Denize, 'lmpactul caderii Con?tantinopolului asupra spajiului romanesc' [The Impact of the Fall ofByza·
on the Romanian Space], in fnchinare lui Petre ~- Niisturel fa 80 de ani [Festschrift for Petre $. NastU(:
his so' Birthday], edited by lone! Candea, Paul Cernovodeanu, Gheorghe Lazar (Briiila 2003), pp. 119-1
348
At the end of 1455, Hunyadi seemed to be more aware than throughout the last fifteen years
e risks posed by his quest for personal real and symbolical gain, but he lacked the domestic
rt of the 1440', even though on very significant problem had not been settled after 1453,
ly that of the power relation between Hungary as a whole and Hunyadi. Some Genoese of-
still viewed the Hungarian realm as dominium Blanchum, ruled by dominus Blancha (i.e.
). Between 1453 and 1455, by his son Ladislas, ban of Croatia and Dalmatia, count of Bra-
a (Pressburg, Pozsony), to his familiars, in control of most parts of the counties north of
rade and due to his own, namely Transylvanian, estates, Hunyadi had retained the control,
reasing one nonetheless since fall 1453, over most northern and southern key areas of the
. His repeated northern misfortunes against Jan Jiskra (Giskra) still harmed his domestic
on and weakened his southern stands. The importance of these problems is revealed also
at fact that, according to the arrangements of late 1452 and early 1453, he retained the ro-
stles and estates occupied during his regency. In return, he had to pay 24.000 florins, about
of the incomes of these domains, for the expenses of the royal court. Even so, the number
33
supporters decreased. The process had started prior to 1452. Money was not everything .
In spite of his wealth, he was politically isolated. The responsibility for the isolation was also
He lacked the office which had allowed him to reward his followers or the gain the favor of
er adversaries. These powers were now in the hands of his rivals. They did not hesitate to
em against Hunyadi. Through the offices of their fellow citizens in the realm or the agency
ngarian officials, Genoa or Milan had been informed, prior to 1454-1455, of this situation.
rly as March 1452, months prior to the unexpected Vienna (Wien, Bees) uprising which had
red Ladislas into the hands of Gilly, it was considered that Hunyadi was nearing the end
s 'rule'. Such data echoed in Italian answers to his anti-Ottoman requests and basically
him, throughout entire diplomatic correspondence, to repeat himself (with few results). His
ri contacts did not mention his weaknesses as reason for their polite rejection of his de-
ds. Naturally, he too did not make reference to any such troubles. In September 1455, he
lost most of his Walachian and Moldavian hopes, and consequently most his right anti-Ot-
n flank. The versatile Peter Aron had accepted the Ottoman ultimatum, while Wladislaw II
:ked southern Transylvania and supported Ottoman raids in the Banate area. The Italian
34
was likewise not too favorable for John Hunyadi and his anti-Ottoman calls and offers .
StAN, F.B.A., Brandenburgische Literalien, 1095.1 (October 1453; copy MOL OF 267518); GVU, [I],
(25~ of January), art. IX, p. 381; L. Tardy, Beyond the Ottoman Empire. 14"-1 If" Hungarian Diplomacy in
sl(Szeged 1978), pp. 51-52 (the notes 17, 21; here one can also recall bishop Leonardo Giustiniani (of
) of Mytilene's wording of 1453: Johannes, pannonum dux exercftus, Blanchus vu/go nuncupatus; [Mo-
la spectantia expugnalionem urbis Constanlinopolitanae] (=MHH, 11, 21-22), edited by Philipp Anton
[Istanbul-Buda 1872], I, pp. 553-616 (here 556); Caduta, I, pp. 160-161; Marios Philippides, 'The Fall of
ntinople 1453: Bishop Leonard and the Greek Accounts', GRBS, XXII (1983), pp. 287-300); see also
nae, no. 835, p. 191 (the Hussite challenge in Moldavia, 1440'-1450'; Robin Baker, 'The Hungarian-
. g Hussites of Moldavia and two English Episodes in their History', Centre/ Europe (Budapest), IV
;.1, pp. 3-24; Idem, 'Constantine from England and the Bohemians : Hussitism, Orthodoxy and the
Byzantium', Central Europe, V (2007), 1, pp. 23-46); Mihail P. Dan, Cehi, slovaci §i romani in veacu-
XV/ [Czechs, Slovaks and Romanians. 13~-15• Centuries] (Sibiu 1944), ~P- 108-115 (in particular).
E.g. ASG, A.S., Diversorum. Jurammenti. Registri, 712A, nn (4•, 5~, 9 , 10~ of September 1455);
.D.S., Potenze estere, Ungheria, cart. 650, fasc.1, nn (1 st of March 1452, 23~ of April 1454); Teleki,
247-248, pp. 487-490; Just/1 Csalad, no. 182, p. 71; Ub., V, no. 2381, pp. 509-510; no. 2383, pp .
.. 4, no. 2387, pp. 519-520; Cazacu, 'Le role international', pp. 36-39 (namely). For the 'Italian diaspora'
· ary and in particular their place in the context of Hunyadi's Transylvanian economical relations, e.g.
Fara, '/ta/iciin Transilvania tra XIV e XVI secolo', AIRCRU, VI-VII (2004-2005), pp. 337-351; Idem,
ioni tra Giovanni Hunyadi e le comunita sassoni di Transilvania: aspetti politici ed economici (1439-
in Between Worlds, 11, pp. 231-254. See also Ludwig Pastor, The Histo,yofthe Popes from the Close
iddle Ages, II [1447-1458], (London 18942), pp. 391-393; Papacostea, 'La Moldavie', pp. 455-459.
349
Alexandru Simon
Ill. Genoese Ottoman Profits and Concerns from the Italian to the Crimean Peninsu
In spring 1456, Calixtus Ill congratulated the republic of Genoa on her reported anti
man efforts and preparations. Crusader financial advantages were granted to Genoa. She
on a crusader course, making use also of the newly appointed Greek rite archbishop of G
John of Caffa. Perceived by Latin authorities as a non-canonical and anti-unionist Greek rite
rarch, John had been captured in Transylvania (1455), with Hunyadi's support, and sent by
pestran to Rome for 're-schooling'. This was only part of Genoa's Christian image in the 1
In 1457, the pope had to take action against the constant misuse of the crusader funds coll
in Genoese lands. Hunyadi's son later became a synonym for 'misuses' of crusader money,
passing his father in this respect. However, both had to suffer from their alleged and real we
which led to a rather important decrease of the subsidies offered to them (asides the questio
'crusader bonuses', the received money could often not be used for realistic anti-Ottoman
fare, but just for private purposes). A merchant republic could only agree with it After spen
more than two decades at the Ottoman court, Jacopo de Promontorio de Campis, the Gen
eyewitness of the battle of Belgrade, was well aware of such (maybe because of his stay), o
and unofficial deeds of his Zenovesi, quite similar to those of Gennania or Hungaria at that ti
In Genoa's case, such misuses were also the result of Alphonse V of Aragon's actions
the eve of the battle of Belgrade, the king of Naples had chosen to attack the lands of the
blic (May-June 1456), rather than support the crusader papal fleet, as he was committed hi
Though a leNent supporter of the crusade, Calixtus Ill could do little against Alphonse V,
whom he also shared a common Iberian background. Another blow suffered by the repu
Genoa in the first months of 1456, had been Mehmed ll's conquest of the city of Aenas (
Mounds) and of the islands of lmbros and Samothrace, belonging to the Genoese Gattilu ·
noa, even ii she had actually trusted him, could have done little in Hunyadi's favor. Ho
her situation was that difficult, almost disastrous in some Genoese power circles, that she
make him promises of help, formally different than those which usually enveloped crusad
jections. Due to their fragile (formal) as well as hopeful character, they had made Hunyadi
the Bank of San Giorgio, which controlled Caffa and seemed to dictate, namely in the eas
politics of the republic. Hunyadi's calls were as effective as those directed by Genoa to Lo''.
in April 1456, requesting England urgent aid against the Turk. Her 'protector Francesco S
not wanting trouble with Mehmed, refused meanwhile to aid the 'cheaper Skanderbeg as well >
35
ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, Ungheria, cart. 650, lase. 1, nn (26th of July <1446>, 3"' of August 1
th
ASV, Arm. XXXIX-7, f. 28' [March-May 1456]; XXXIX-8, ff. 7'-8' (15 of July 1457); ASVe, S.S., Delibera
reg. 20, c. 98' (17' of July 1456); Codice, I, no. 349, pp. 738-740; F. Babinger, Die Aufzeichnunge
Genuesen lacopo de Promontorio-de Campris Ober den Osmanenstaat um 1475 (=SBAW, VIII, 8) (
1956), pp. 24-28, 84-87; Jacques Heers, 'La vente des indulgences pour la croisade a Genes et en L
na, en 1456', MSL, Ill (1963), pp. 70-101; Alberto M. Boldorini, La predicazione def/a Crociata di Calll
Genova (Genoa 1967); Damian, 'John of Caffa', pp. 100-101. In terms of fast changing 'non-puritan' rel
on should recall in this contex the 'Serbian', in spring 1448, and 'Italian' (anti-Venetian), in spring 1453_
tentes between Gilly and Hunyadi (in spite of their domestic disputes) which backfired in fact on the cru
(CDH, I, Szerbia, no. 218, pp. 149-150; F. Pall, 'Relazioni di Giovanni di Hunedoara con l'ltalia negli anni 1
1453 ~Documenti inediti preceduti da uno studio)' (1-11), RESEE, XIII (1975), 3, pp. 453-478; 4, pp. 559-5
3
E.g. ASG, AS., Oiversorum. Jurammenfi. Registri, 712A, nn (10th of March, 17" of June, 18' of A
th
1456); Materie Politiche. Privilegi, concession( trattati diversi e negoziazioni, 2732, nn (7' of April, 10
gust 1456; abstracts in Trattali, nos. 883-884, p. 158); ASV, Arm. XXXIX-7, ff. 9'"10', 33'-34' [May-June 1
Rappol1i, no. 3, p. 158; Luigi Fumi, II disinteresse di Francesco I Sforza alla crociata di Calisto Ill contra itu
ASL, 4' series, XVII (1912), pp. 101-111; William Miller, The Gattilusi of Lesbos', in Idem; Essays on the
Orient (Cambridge 1921), pp. 348-349; S. Origone, 'Fanti genovesi per ii soccorso di Caffa nel Quattr
BPMAe, Ill (1985), pp, 89-94; Geo Pistarino, 'I Gattilusio di Lesbo e d'Enos, signori nell'Egeo', in Idem, G
vesi d'Oriente (Genoa 1990), pp. 403-408 (namely); Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, II, pp, 186-1
350
an Rivals and Muslim Partners
1403, the /iga Christiana, formed by Byzantium, Genoa, Venice, Rhodes and Latin Naxos,
reed Bayezid l's son and Ottoman contender, S0leyman, to peace. As during Murad ll's
f Constantinople (1422), but less like during the days of contender Bayezid Calixtus, han-
by Hunyadi (1445-1454), the Italian republics were caught in the cross-fire between Otto-
< ntenders. Several Byzantine or papal calls for help were thus left unanswered. From Ge-
point of view, another reason for her 'crusader deaf ear' was the papacy's growingly har-
. ttitude towards the very profitable Muslim-Christian trade with Christian slaves or arms,
h Caffa or Chios. Until the balance of power was altered after 1453, the Ottomans were
at providers of slaves for Genoese merchants. Old slave traders thus became crusaders.
'1t was also the story of the 'Genoese conquest of Constantinople from the Jews' after the
f Belgrade. At any rate, the 'new born crusaders' were not too concerned to cover up their
ercial' past or their lasting collaboration with the Ottomans, which, in 1433-1434, had al-
them to retake control over the northern Black Sea area, where Venice had re-tried to es-
herself. In this respect, the aid rendered in late 1444 by the Genoese to Murad II, who
37
ed Genoa ten years earlier, was only a part of a lasting quid pro quo business relation .
1416, several Genoese fought alongside Mehmed I and against the victorious Venetians in
y naval battle of Gallipolis. Genoa wanted to take economic control of Achaia and Mo-
both Byzantium's and Venice's detriment. This airn remained an important source of Ge-
Venetian tensions even after 1453. In 1454-1456, when Genoa seemed more anti-Otto-
an Venice, due to her greater Ottoman problems, mutual charges were exchanged in pa-
• news on Hunyadi's wandering envoys. This was also the effect of Sigismund's anti-Ge-
(1433) and anti-Milanese (1435) alliances with Venice, which had made Genoa rnore than
tful of the Hungarian and Venetian pillars of the crusade. Civic Genoa felt offended by
ralist attitude of these powers. In early 1444, prior to the 'peace of Szeged', the stands
strong that Genoa petitioned the pope that her clergy be exempted from the payment
crusader ecclesiastical tithe. The metropolis and the colonies fully agreed on these rnat-
. is was not atways the case with anti-Ottoman action. Even throughout the last decade, co-
even prominent members of the community of Pera, had favored such action, while the
city disliked the idea. It was also an omen, reversed at times, for the years after 1453. In
38
ever, there should to have been little Genoese doubt about the course to follow .
.g. Diplomatrium Veneto-levantium, 11, no. 159, pp. 290-293; Epistolae pontificiae, I, nos. 15-17, pp.
ates, IV, no. 19, p. 38; Reges/es, 111, no. 2734, p. 135; no. 2742, p. 137; Raynaldus (1691-1727),
·.· annum 1429, no. 17, p. 79b; no. 21, p. 75b [!]; George T. Dennis, 'The Byzantine-Turkish Treaty of
CP, XXXIII (1967), pp. 72-88; $. Papacostea, 'Une revolte anti-genoise en Mer Noire et a riposte de
-1433-1434)', MN, I (1994), pp. 279-290; 'Genovezi ,;;i otomani in 1431-1434. Din istoria unei alian\e'
and Ottomans in 1431-1434: From the History of an Alliance'], in lstorie §i diploma(ie 7n rela/iile
ale. Omagiu istoricului Tahsin Gemil[History and Diplomacy in International Relations. Festschrittfor
. emiij, edited by Daniel Falut (Constan\a 2003), pp. 91-96; Virgil Ciociltan, 'Bazele alian\ei otoma-
yeze din 1352' [The Basis of the Ottomano-Genoese Alliance of 1352] in Mare a Neagra, pp. 102-105.
ocuments inedits relafifs a /'histoire de la Grece au Mayen Age, edited by C[onstantin]. N. Sathas, I
80), I, nos. 4445, pp. 52-62; nos. 48-49, pp. 65-67; no. 149, pp. 218-223; I libri commemoriali de/la
· · di Venezia. Regesti [edrred by Rucardo]. Predellj, IV, [Registri X-X/1~ (Venice 1896), nos. Xll-189,
77; no. Xlll-1, pp. 201-202; Codex, 111, Appendix, no. 24, p. 533 (1435; Moldavian conflicts following also
_between Sigismund and Genoa); Notes, I, pp. 251-252, 267, 323-325; 111, pp. 141, 147, 159; Fran,ois
liet Desroussiles, VE!nitiens et GE!nois a Constantinople et en Mer Noire en 1431, d'apres une lettre
da Mosto, baile a Constantinople, au baile et aux conseillers de Negrepont', CMRS, XX (1979), 1,
22; Enrico Basso, 'De Boucicaut a Francesco Sforza. Persistance et changements dans la politi-
,tale des seigneurs etrangeres de Genes au XV' shecle', in Le partage du monde. Echanges et
ndans la Mediterranee medievaie, edited by Miehe Balard, Alain Ducellier (Paris 1998), pp. 63-77.
351
Alexandru Simon
Nonetheless, there was more than just one Genoa. In mid August-early Septemberj
Cyriac of Ancona stressed out from Constantinople, the Genoese of Pera rejoiced when
learned that there was in fact no Hungarian-Ottoman peace. Their joy was probably quit
nuine, though rather astonishing in historical perspective. Throughout the 1360'-1390', Pera
played a great role in establishing Ottoman control over the Balkans, Byzantium and the p
shores of Asia Minor. It was not the last time Pera had a quite different perspective on the
than those of Caffa or Chios. The attitude of 1444 of several Genoese remained quite vivid in
political memory of Venice as well. In April 1445, she talked of the Genoese that had a
doned her. Seemingly, in the end, things had returned to 'Genoese normal'. This was no 10
possible after the Genoese anti-Ottoman resistance during Byzantium's siege of 1453. It wa
far no compensation for previous deeds, nor was it the omen of a new age. The conflict be ··
Caffa and the Greek Empire ofTrebizond, dating back to the late 1410', which had rendered
of the greater anti-Ottoman Pantie plans ineffective, continued after the fall of Byzantium. s·
on this Pantie context, Genoa and Genoese personalities were compelled to search for sol
to which they had not turned in recent years. One of them was Hungary, and namely Huny
But, since the political and confessional changes occurred in the mid 1380' in Lithuani
Moldavia, the Black Sea had turned into a burden for the crusade, as Sigismund had to •
rience. Namely in 1429, on the eve of the congress of Luck, he unsuccessfully tried tog
anti-Ottoman support of Caffa, of the Tartars and of the Empire ofTrebizond, while calling
for Moldavia's partition between Buda and Krakow. Due to its problems with Suceava reg
the harbors and communes in southern Moldavia, the Genoese government would hav
corned such a partition. The final word however in these eastern matters still belonged to
As much as Genoese 'central authorities' tried to present Caffa, as a pillar of the Christia
(1434), namely in front of papal charges of dealings with the Infidels, the Crimean city was
interested in preserving the regional Muslim balance of power, than in challenging it. Mor~
Genoa's Ottoman arrangements as well as preparations for a full-scale attack on Veni
basically led to the conclusion of the five-year truce, directed against Genoa as well as a
the Turk, between the old enemies Sigismund and Venice (1433). The almost traditional e
between Buda and Genoa actually came then to an end. Ottoman matters increased the b
By the time Hunyadi had risen to power Genoa's Hungarian role had changed dramatical!
39
E.g. Notes, I, pp. 243, 272-274, 476-477; 111, pp. 68, 132, 197-198, 216-218, 234-236, 259; Cy
Ancona, Later Travels, no. 16, pp. 86-89; Wavrin (1864-1891), V, pp. 45-46; Critobu/ (1963), pp.
Caduta, I, pp. 108 (1455; cardinal Isidor of Kyiv's letter to Philip the Good of Burgundy, in the defense
Genoese); 124-128 (part from the report of Leonardo Giustiani of Chios); Nicolae Biinescu, 'Le confl~;
Genes et !'empire de Trebizonde a la veille de la conquete turque (1418-1419), SBNE, V (1939), pp.
Thierry Ganchou, 'Autour de Jean VII: luttes dynastiques, intervantions etrangeres et resistance orth
Byzance (137:,-1409)', in Coloniser au Mayen Age, edited by M. Balard, A Ducellier (Paris 1995), pp
385, K. Fleet, European and Islamic Trade in Early Ottoman State. The Merchants of Genoa and
(Cambridge 1999), pp. 134-141 (for a synthesis); Halecki, The Crusade ofVama, pp. 68, 92-93; Pap
'Genes, Venise et la croisade de Varna', pp. 34-35 (in partirular); Cristea, 'Anotimpurile venejiene', pp. 9
°
4
For an overview, see Notes, I, pp. 469-470, 504-505, 538, 546-553, 566; Reges/es, II, nos.
2232, pp. 10-13; no. 2405, p. 50; no. 2610, p. 266; AAV, XIII, nos. 3257-3260, pp. 179-185; O/ugosz (
pp, 368-369; Wolfgang Freiherr Stromer von Reichenbach, 'Konig Sigismunds Gesandte in den Ori
Festschrift tar Hermann Heimpel zum 70. Geburtstag am 19. September 1971, II (Gottingen 1972), p
599; E. Basso, 'Caffa e l'Orda d'Oro: una diffcile convivenza', in Idem, Genova un impero sul mare (C
1994), pp. 97-116 (in partirular). See also Codex epistolaris Vito/di magni ducis Uthuanie, 1376-1430 (=
VI), edited by Anton Prochaska (Krakow 1882), no. 1346, p. 818 (according to Sigismund's letter of Fe__
1429 to duke IMtold of Lithuania, Moldavia should have remained in their sphere of influence followi
Ottoman-Hungarian arrangement of June 1428, which makes tt the more intruing why the truce, alS<l
years, of November 1451 between John Hunyadi and Mehmed II only mentions Walachia, given the
political changes occurred in Moldavia a month before; DRH, D, I, no. 305, pp. 418-419); no. 1374, pp.
352
Post-Byzantine Remnants of the Genoese Sea Power
uring the final siege of Byzantium, the divided community of Pera claimed to be officially
I but aided the besieged. Some officials, nevertheless less important in number or in influ-
'than the Greeks, Germans, Italians, Hungarians or Walachians of Mehmed ll's army,
.showed good-will towards the sultan. Eventually, both in terms of actual military glory and
ensuing local and regional Ottoman deals they received after the Ottoman conquest of
ntinople, the Genoese of Pera seemed to have been more successful than the Venetians.
y, the Gencese had fought against 'central' orders and then had concluded arrangements
t the same 'central orders'. In particular, after Mehmed ll's charter for Pera (June 1453), it
siness as usual. Yet, the good days had ended in fact for the Gencese in 1451 with Murad
th, the old Mediterranean partner of the republic. Some thought that this was even the be-
g of their end. In spite of such fears, sometimes truly apocalyptical tones emerge from of-
reccrds (like in all the Italian Peninsula, including Rome), in Gencese territories we know little
ive energetic crusader tours and preachings like the ones conducted by Capestran in Ger-
·a Bohemia et Hungaria. Generally, most Gencese felt the threat, but did not perceive it as
41
'ral menace, other than in terms of trade and colonies. Changing their mind was hard •
Immediately after the conquest of Constantinople, Mehmed II had put military pressure on
·ea Alba and Caffa. Murad II had done the same, in Caffa's case, during his imperial come-
of 1446. Against the appearances that the Gencese were stm a better Ottoman position than
enetians, Genoa feared the consequences of the Ottoman conquest more than Venice.
ed II was clearly not Murad II. Genoa was in a deep financial crisis. Its government was
\led to write over by an irrevocable grant Caffa and its Crimean possessions to the Bank
n Giorgio (November 1453). In crusader terms, slightly ironically speaking, it was not very
outcome for Genoa or Caffa, who only months earlier had been able to negotiate a 3.000
ts a year tribute with Mehmed. The Genoese fighting to preserve Caffa (for the bank), threa-
. by Turks and Tatars, were granted by Calixtus Ill plenary remission of all their sins. The
·was issued twice, after Mehmed's first Serbian campaign and after the siege of Belgrade.
management' however thought it wiser not to encourage heroic anti-Ottoman acts. There-
,even if John Hunyadi's plan and stand would have had fewer flaws, the bank (more than
itself) would hardly have risked financing him, after refusing to to do the same for Rome. It
more cost-effective, as well as safer, to support smaller Crimean anti-Ottoman schemes42 .
1' E.g. ASG, A.S., Diveisomm. Filze, 3034, nn (5~ of June 1420); ASM, A.D.S., Potenze Estere, Turchia-
te, cart. 647, lase. 1, nn (13~ □ !March 1454); HHStA, M.E.A., Reichstagakten, 1a, reg. 2, ff. 6'-10' (24~
· \ember 1453; report on the situation in Constantinople); R.R.B., reg. P, ff. 150'-151' (22"' of January,
June 1453; Frederic Ill's letters to Mehmed II); Acta graeca, Ill, nos. 111-6, 7, pp. 287-290; Caduta, I, pp.
70,230,368, 405-406, 413-414; Ducas (1958), pp. 382-387; Critobul (1963), pp. 146-155; N. lorga, 'Le
de Mohammed II pour la ville de Pera (1"' Juin 1453), BSHAR, II (1914), pp. 11-32; H. lnalcik, 'The
· of Mehmed II toward the Greek Population of Istanbul and the Byzantine Buildings of the City', DOP,
;/()(IV (1969-1970), pp. 245-248; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 11, pp. 121, 138-139 (note 2); see
· exander Apponyi, Hungarica, I (Munich 1903), no. 179, pp. 142-148 (the preachings of Capestran).
42
For instance: ASG, A.S., Cancel/aria, filza 223, Cancelliere Gerolamo Spinola, nn (10~ of March; cf.
usso, 'II tramonto di Caffa genovese', in Idem, La cuftura genovese, pp. 203-223; M. Balard, 'Caffa
sis civitas in extrema Europe',•RB, Ill (1993), pp. 165-182); ASV, Reg. Vat. 436, ff. 26rf-270'; 439, ff.
75" (22"' of Apnl 1455, 23"' of November 1456); Luigi Tommaso Belgrano, Oocumenti riguradanti la
/a di Pera, ASLSP, XIII (1877-1884), no. 154, pp. 261-270; Grece, I, no. 149, pp. 218-223; Cadice, I,
2-4, pp. 21-43; nos. 38-39, pp.118-122; no.117, pp. 297-298; MHS, 1-2, no. 3, pp.14-15; Chalcocondil
, pp. 248-249 (1446); Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 11, p. 144 (note 15). For Caffa's importance for
_a's budget, after the events and deals of 1453-1454: Vittorio Polonia, 'L'amministrazione della Res Pu-
Genovese fra Tree Quattrocento. L'archivio Antic □ Commune', ASLSP, NS, XVII (1977), pp. 313-314.
Isa Regestes des deliberations, 11, no. 1622, p. 145; no. 1854, p. 197; Sphrantzes (1966), pp. 14-15.
353
Alexandru Simon
In great financial needs and at war with Hunyadi's old ally Alphonse V of Aragon, G
sent an embassy to Mehmed II in spring 1454. The aim of the embassy was to obtain the r
of Pera under her authority, but she failed to negotiate even a diminishment of Chios' tri
Chios paid 10.000 ducats in tribute a year and had already paid off an alleged debt of 4ff
ducats to Mehmed (because of Chios' Muslim alum trade). Still, the Ottoman fleet came to ·
(spring 1455) and ravaged parts of the island. Genoa and Rome deeply felt the threat. M
while (March), Caffa stood under renewed Tartar-Ottoman pressures. Two fears combirt
winter 1455-1456, a massive attack on Chios seemed inevitable, in particular, after the Ph
on the Anatolian coast, rich in alum, had fallen to the Turk just a few months earlier. There'
little help to be expected from elsewhere. This had been quite clear for more than a year. 1•
same month of April 1454, both the Ottoman-Venetian treaty and the Italian peace of Lodi
been concluded. They freed the Venice of her major concerns. She had no intentions of retu
to neither of them any time soon, certainly not for Genoa. The 'melodramatic crusader reu ··
chaired by Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy, and unfolded during the Feast of the Phe
in February 1454 had already presented the republics with very few anti-Ottoman altemati
In need of Italian breeding space, Genoa's hope, besides the perspective of a crusad~
that Mehmed II would attack elsewhere, namely in Hungary, after the conquest of the min
Nova Brdo. Hunyadi's messages and plans of early and late 1454 or spring-fall 1455 ca''
handy for the almost bankrupt republic. Genoa cleverly exploited the recent events in Hu 11·'
In January 1454, at the Diet, following Vitez's advice, the royal party, trough the voice oftlie
himself, had tried to retake control over royal revenues, still Hunyadi's hands. Ladislas had
A month later, Genoa greeted the victorious former governor as Transylvania's monarch·
tering alone did not wori<. Likewise, for an 'Ottoman game', she needed not only Huny
noa had to make formal promises that would, on one hand, make the weakened Hun
kingdom challenge the Ottoman sultan, and, on the other, keep the sultan's suspicions to
her doings to a still peaceful level. At the same time, as a result of the republic's financial·
and of her increasingly reduced control over its citizens, Genoese merchants and lords sr
lenged Venetian authority in the Morea, an object of Mehmed's desire. But, when Venetian
eventually fell, the Venetian defeat came less to Genoa's profit than hoped for. By then,
where Hunyadi's son had become king, had long stopped making overtures towards Gen··
43
ASG, A.S., Diversomm. lurammenu. Registri, 712A, nn (5° of March, 14° of November 1455); (i'
I, no. 149, pp. 218-223; //ibri commemoriali, V [Registri XIV-XVI~ (Venice 1901), nos. XIV-282, 283, pp.,~.
nos. XV-13, 14, pp. 121-125; Cadice, I, no. 148, pp. 353-354; Dip/omatarium veneto-levantinum, 11, no'.'
pp. 282-284; Notes, IV, no. 31, pp.104-105; no.15, p.125; Critobu/(1963), pp.178-181; PhilippArg8!1ti
Occupauon of Chios by the Genoese and their Administration of the Island. 1346-1588 (Cambridge 1
pp. 423-431; II, pp. 302-305; L. Balet □, 'I Genovesi nel Mar Nero nel tardo medioevo: aspetti econ □
Basso, 'I Genovesi nel Mar Nero nel tardo medioevo: aspetti etnici e sociali', BPMAe, IV-V (2006), 2, p
346, 347-358. It should be rembered that Caffa had some 70.000 inhabrrants at that time (see also L. B
'Caffa 1467', in Eadem, Genova, Medfterraneo, Mar Nero (secc. XIII-XV) (Genova 1976), pp. 269-290)
44
E.g. ASG, A.S., Diversomm. lurammenti Registri, 712A, nn (4°-5°, 9°-10° of September 14
of March, 17" of June 1456); Diversomm. Filze, 3041, nn (24° of February 1454); Armand Gru
'Philippe le Bon et Constantinople', Byzantion, XXIV (1954-1955), pp. 47-61; William Mc Lead, 'Ca
the Morea in 1467', BZ, LXV (1972), pp. 353-363; G. Valentini, 'La croicata da Eugenio IV a Callisto Ill .1
cumenti d'archivio di Venezia)', AHP, XII (1974), pp. 91-123; Ernesto Pontieri, Alfonso ii Magnanimo, re'.
poli (1435-1458) (Naples 1975), pp. 319-323; Angelo Bargelli-Severi, 'Nuovi documenti su fr. Lodovico
logna, al secolo Lodovico Severi, Nunzio Apostolico in Oriente (1455-1457)', AFH, LXIX (1976), pp. 3-.
istarino, 'La politica sforesca nel Medrrerraneo orientale', in Gli Sfotza a Milano e in Lombarrlia e i faro ra
con gfi stati europei (1450-1530) (Milan 1982), pp. 335-368 (see, for the differences between Italian
and Eastern prespectives, Gabriella Airaldi, 'L'eco di Milano sforzesca nella storiografia del tempo', pp. ,
S. Origone, 'Genova e i Genovesi Ira la fine di Bisanzio e i Turchi', in La storia dei Genovesi. Atti def Con.
sui cetidirigenti de/la Repubblica di Genova, Genova, 12-14 aprile 1984, V (Genoa 1985), pp. 389-402.'
354
perial, Royal and Ducal Interests and the Rescue of Christendom
following pope Nicholas V's late proclamation of the crusade (September) and his own re-
imperial threats, of little substance however, to Mehmed (July 1453), Federic Ill summoned
sader congress for the Regensburg Reichstag of spring 1454. Philip the Good of Bur-
y, whose favor Genoa tried to gain, came, but the emperor himself did not show up. After a
ver month, the Reichstag dissolved in April. The emperor failed to come also to the Diet of
kfurt (October). More crusader promises were made. They could not conceal the fact the pre-
' and princes of the Empire were less and less inclined to collect and send money to Rome
e crusade. The effects of the 'Great Schism' and of the Council of Basel remained strong.
her Diet was still summoned for Wiener Neustadt, Frederic's residence, for February 1455.
nth later, Nicholas V died. Cardinal Bessarion came close to becoming pope, but lost, not
ch because he was a long bearded Greek, but because he lacked the skills necessary for
clave. His election may have changed the crusader course, which affected not only Hun-
but also Genoa and Ragusa. The merchant cities were other potential prime targets for
~ed II. Meanwhile, Genoa had also trouble because of the Milanese crisis which continued
after the peace of Lodi. Besides, duke Francesco Sforza had greeted Bessarion's failure45 .
igismund's great troublemaker, Filippo Maria Visconti had died in August 1447. Hunyadi
Alphonse V, Filippo Maria's designed heir, were making plans for the Hungarian throne.
ensuing crisis led to an entente between Francesco Sforza, Visconti's son-in-law, and Casi-
Medici of Florence, a friend of the Turk. It replaced the former Italian power axis Milan-
s. Without renouncing his Hungarian or crusader plans (which were not as well drafted or
rted by him, as his contemporaries quite often believed), Alphonse eventually sided with
· e, Florence's former ally (1449-1450), and his and Skanderbeg's adversary on the eve of
vopolje (1448). Genoa, then Charles VII of France who wanted to recover Genoa and less
undy aided Sforza (1451-1452). Chances for a functional Italian anti-Ottoman alliance were
slim. In late 1451, a three year peace between Hungary and the new sultan, Mehmed II, was
luded. When the treaty drew near its date of expiration, after the 'general peace' of Lodi,
ed II attacked Serbia (1454). The image of a Turk very careful about upholding laws and
s was spreading. The first anti-Ottoman uses of the printing-press (1454-1455) were not
·· cing enough to change this image which took over Europe even more rapidly than the
46
at the fall of Byzantium was the shame of Christendom, as Nicholas V himself put it .
E.g. ASM, A.D.S., Potenze Estere, Roma, cart. 46, fasc. 4, nn (17~ of April 1455); ASVe, S.S.,
razioni, reg. 20, cc. 18'-20' (17~ of May, 61h of June 1454); HHStA, M.E.A., Reichstagakten, 1a, reg.
'-10' (24~ of September); R.R.B., reg. P, ff. 150'-151' (22"' of January, 29~ of June 1453); MHS, 1-1,
p. 304; Notes, 111, p. 322; IV, nos. 13-14, pp. 88-91; nos. 25-26, pp. 104-105; Raguza, no. 324, pp. 571-
,.'ccolomini, Ill, no. 272, p. 460; no. 291, pp. 499-500, 562 (see also no. 186, p. 365, November 1453);
;,ldus _1692-1727), XVIII (1693), 1455, no. 17, p. 434; Acta inedita historiam pontificium romanorum
·ertim saec. xv, XVI, XVII illustranua, edned by Ludwig Pastor, I, 1376-1464 (Freiburg in Breisgau 1904),
7-30, pp. 41-43; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, II, pp. 150 (note 41), 160-161. For the anti-Otto-
. tential stands of Ragusa, based on the events of the 1440': Barbara Krekic, 'Dubrovnik's Participation
ar against the Ottomans in 1443 and 1444', in Eadem, Dubrovnik, Italy and the Balkans in the Late
ges(London 1980), XVII, pp. 1-17 (reprint; first published, in Serbian, in ZRVI, II (1953), pp. 145-158).
E.g. Codex, I, nos. 344-345, pp. 350-356; nos. 348-349, pp. 357-359; nos. 354-356, pp. 361-363;
aki, XV-1, no. 64, p. 37; Notes, Ill, pp. 229-233 (see also the Milanese and Roman letters of 1453 in
. 7-8, pp. 63-64; nos. 10-11, pp. 68-69; no. 19, p. 74); Reges/es des deliberations, Ill, no. 2766, p.
. 2779, p.145; no. 2787, p.147; Sanudo, Vitae Oucum Venetorum, cols. 1151E-A; For the printing
d the later crusades: Johann Neuhaus, Oas emte gedruckt Buch Gutenbergs in deutscher Sprache
nhagen 1903); Margaret Meserve, 'Patronage and Propaganda at the First Paris Press: Guillaume
and the First Edition of Bessarion's Oration against the Turks', PABS, XCVII (2003), pp. 521-588;
; The Papacy and the Levant, 11, pp. 158-159 (with furtherinfonnation on these matters). In fact, to be
tely fair, the printing press never changed (1400'-1500') the Christian tide in favour of the crusade.
355
Alexandru Simon
Nicholas V feared the outbreak of general conflict, but also the increase of Venetian or N
politan power. He made good use of the real fears caused by the fall of Byzantium to settle·
Milanese conflict By the peace of Lodi (April 1454), meant to last for 25 years, Sforza was
cepted as duke of Milan (in early 1455, Alphonse too finally approved the peace). Both prior
after the fall of Byzantium, Sforza had made, for Italian profit, anti-Ottoman offers to Hunyadi,
litely accepted. By mid 1455, Italian matters seemed to have evolved to Hunyadi's anti-Otto
advantage. Frederic Ill's discontent for the way in which the Milanese affair had been settled
compensated, from Hunyadi's perspective, that his was even more discontent of the state 0(
Austrian and Hungarian interests. Everybody under Rome's scope should have made read
the crusade. But whether pope was Nicholas V or Calixtus Ill, this was seldom the case, con
to Skanderbeg's or Hunyadi's hopes. Rome or the peninsula (or the West) shared more 6
responsibility for this state of affairs with the East Hunyadi himself could not be financed dir '
by Rome. He was no monarch. The Hungarian context made him even less eligible for cru '
funds. Still, prior to receiving news of Belgrade, Calixtus Ill wrote to archbishop Szechy that
had invested 150.000 ducats in the crusade. If so, few ducats had actually reached Hunya
Much to Piccolomini's, who had rather faithfully served him before returning to the I
hortus mundi and was to favor him also as pope, dislike, Frederic obstructed the crusader plan'.
1454-1455, trying to raise the Italian price of his aid. Genoa too exhorted him to aid the cru
So Mehmed II found it wise to reduce Chios' tribute by 40%. Yet the compromise election of
elderly Calixtus Ill, Alphonse Vs former secretary, as pope (April 1455), seemed to be a se ·
for the crusade. Milan, Genoa and Venice thought it would upset the Italian balance of pow
fact, as previous and later popes, Calixtus Ill wanted to compensate for his Italian troubles b)i
sader speech and planning. During his short pontificate (1455-1458), he was quite success
matters of messages of persuasion and glorification, less in terms of actual aid. He could not
the crusader solution to solve all domestic problems from Genoa to Buda. In return, it shou
said that the stop made in Rome by Hunyadi's envoy, on the way to Genoa, in late summ
1455, was the most successful of all Italian stops of the joint-embassy. Of all popes, more
than Eugenius IV, Calixtus Ill was the most supportive and affectionate of Hunyadi's cause.··
did not however have a great impact on the anti-Ottoman course prior to the clash of Belg '
but it played an important role for king Matthias Corvinus during his first months of rule in 14
"ASM, AD.S., Potenze Estere, Ungheria, cart. 650, fasc. 1, nn (19°, 20• of April; 20° of Ju} 1453;
nyadi's letters of response); ASMo, Cane. March., Carteggi, Rettori di Citta, 1685/41 Ungheria (1 ofD
ber 1454; in MOL, OF 289029); ASV, Amt XXXIX-7, f. 25' (5° of August 1456); MHS, 1-2, no. 4, p. 84; N
11, pp. 499,512; 111, pp. 274,283; IV, no. 11, p. 87, no. 31, p. 104; 1libri commemoriali, V, nos. XV-13, 14
pp. 121-125; Ac/e, Ill, pp. 23-28; Wadding, XII, p. 336; A.Ryder, 'Alfonso di Aragona e l'awento di Fran
Sforza al ducato di Milano', ASPN, NS, XLI (LXXX) (1962), pp. 9-46; Paolo Margaroli, Diplomazia e stau
scimentali Le ambascerie sforzesche fino a/la conc/usione de/la Lega fta/ica (1450-1455) (Firenze 1
111-119; Setton, The Papacy and/he Levant, 11, p. 164; for a year of Italian warfare in the early 1450',
spent 550000 ducats, almost twice the royal Hungarian budget at that time. On the other hand, it sh
noted that Calixtus Ill' statement regarding his crusader investments of 1455-1456 was probably accuraf
48
ASVe, S.S., Oeliberazioni, reg. 20, cc. 58', 61'-62' (20° of April, 6' of June 1455); Matteo Scia,,
Giuseppe Valentini, Ignazio Parrino, II Liber brevium di Callisto Ill, la crociata, /'Albania e Skanderbeg.
lermo 1968), nos. 2-3, pp. 69-70; Acta inedfta, I, nos. 27-32, pp. 41-44; Notes, IV, nos. 37-45, pp. 111-11
cas (1958), pp. 394-397; Critobu/ (1963), pp. 214-217; Vincent Ilardi, 'The Italian League, Francesco
and Charles VII (1454-1461)', StudR, VI (1959), pp. 129-143; Alphons Lhotsky, 'Aeneas Silvius und
reich', in Idem, Aufsatze und Vortrage, Ill (Munich 1972), pp. 27-71; Alan Ryder, Alfonso the Magnani
King of Aragon, Naples and Sicily, 1396-1458 (Oxford 1990), pp. 292-295. In comparison to the 'cru
congresses' of the early and mid 1450', rr has to be noted that once Frederic's Hungarian stands cha_
his approach (much less his actual involvement) of these matters consequently evolved and by the ti
the congres of Mantua he even daimed that everything had to be done in support of the congress
Ottomans had plundered imperial lands too (HHSIA, RH.K., Fridericiana, fasc. 1-9, f. 19'~; 7' of May 1
356
Tile Captain and tne ~uperoa
The Results and Effects of John Hunyadi's Italian Experience and Legacy
Matthias usually did not miss out on any political combination. Still, Genoa was apparently
jor diplomatic omission from his political agenda. Prior and after the fall of Caffa (1475),
could have been very useful against Venice or Moldavia, at the Danube Mounds. But she
ot seem to favor Jancho's son. His attempt to contact the republic through ecclesiastical
nels, apparently for anti-Ottoman purposes, failed in 1474 Already in September 1463, on
ve of his first Bosnian campaign, he had tried to gain Caffa's aid, through the offices of Vlad
affa had other more pressing arrangements with Casimir IV of Poland and Hadji Ghiray, the
of the Golden Horde, and did not give in to Matthias' calls. In 1465-1466, after Chilia, lost by
ing to Mehmed (1464), was reccvered by Matthias' fomner enemy, Stephen Ill of Moldavia,
's Caffese and Tartar connections seemed better Yet Matthias' Bohemian turn of 1468
ened his eastern Genoese ties. To the West, his Genoese contacts had nonetheless never
that strong. Genoa had good relations to Frederic Ill, acknowledged by her, until 1479-1480,
) king of Hungary. For her, since 1458, the other king of Hungary had been Ferdinand of
on, not Matthias. In 1479-1480, she was displeased that Matthias had been included, on
inand's side, in the treaty between Genoa and Naples. Eventually, she had to accept hirn 49.
This treaty was an 'appendix' to the agreement, between Ferdinand and the Genoese pope
s IV, which should have provided Matthias with anti-Ottoman subsidies. As the fall of Nea-
n Otranto and its subsequent recovery (1480-1481) triggered a wave of Genoese plans to
ver the republic's eastern colonies lost to the Turk, relations to Buda should have improved.
tually, things evolved neither to Matthias' advantage, nor to Genoa's profit In summer 1481,
· s IV urged him to allow the Genoese ambassadors to pass his lands on their way to Mengli
y's Tartars. Genoa intended to use the Tartars for the recapture of Caffa (1481-1482). On
.eve of Bayezid ll's Moldavian campaign which costed Matthias his crusader prestige and
• ght the old Genoese communes in southern Moldavia under Bayezid's rule, Genoa was ai-
. Matthias enemy, Frederic Ill, who tried, via Venice too, to seal a deal with Bayezid (1484).
n, through Genoa, Matthias re-attempted to gain possession over Bayezid's brother Djern. It
a great failure (1486-1488). Genoa tried to make the most out of the situation, together with
.e,. She pressured Innocent VIII, who favored her and disliked Matthias, that she could con-
te to the great common cause, by means of Djem, and thus even re-take Caffa At the same
50
', once more out of fear for Chics, Genoa did her best to preserve good ties to lstanbul .
't' ASG, AS., Materie Politiche. Privilegi, concessioni, trattali diversi e negoziazioni, 2733, nn (29'-30'' of
ber, 19' of December 1478, 26' of January 1479, 13' of March 1480); ASG, S.G., Sala 34, Caffae-
ria, reg. 590/1243, c. 171' (1" of March, 1• of September 1463); reg. 590/1246, c. 63'; 11' of March
; HHStA, RHK, Frideridana, fasc. 44, f. 60' (30' of November 1479); Monumenta Romana Episcopatus
miensis, edrror J6zsef Lukcsics, IV, 1492-1526 (Budapest 1907), no. 387, p. 460; Lajos Thall6czy, Fram-
. relalivi al/a storia dei paesi siluati all'Adria (offprint An;hT, 3"' Series, VII, 1913, 1) (Trieste 1913), pp. 50-
, Fubini, Italia Quattrocentesca: Po/itica e diplomazia nell'ela di Lorenzo ii Magnifico (Milano 1994), pp.
.124; AL Simon, The Costs and Benefits of Anti-Ottoman Warfare: Documents on the Case of Moldavia
1477)', RRH, XLVII (2008), 1-4, Idem, Cristian Luca, 'Documentary Perspectives on Matthias Corvinus
· tephen the Great;, TR, XVII (2008), 3, forthcoming. As for Hunyadi's legacy, terrestrial and maritime, see
ias Ottoman power image' in ,elation to the sea, in, for instance, Tevarih, I, pp. 89-90, 11, pp. 100-101.
:ff'! E.g. ASG, AS.,st Uttera111m, reg. 1806, ff. 56'-57' (11• oi March 1485), AS.G., Caffae-Massaria, reg.
1243, c. 171' (1 of September 1463), reg. 590/ 1246, c. 63' (11• of March 1465); BMC, Manoscriffi,
\:594, f. 41' (18• of July 1481); HHS!A, RHK., Fridericiana, fasc. 6-2, f. 38' (27• of April 1484); MOE,
o. 131, p. 21 O; Vilmos Frakn6i, Matyas kiraly levelei. KO!Ogyi Osztflly [King Matthias' Letters. Foreign
· n], II, 1480-1490 (Budapest 1895), no. 215, p. 350; Acta vi/am Beatricis reginae Hungariae il/ustrantia.
·mai Beatnx magyar kiralyne eltetere vonatkoz6 okiralok (=MHH, I, 39), edned by Albert von Be12eviczy
apest 1914), no. 61, p. 96; AL Simon, 'Lumea lui Djem. Suceava, Buda ,;i Istanbul in anii 1480' [Djem's
.d: Suceava, Buda and Istanbul in the 1480'], A/IC, XLVIII (2005), pp. 30-31. (with further references).
357
Alexandru Simon
Genoa's Ottoman and Hungarian stand were determined more than before by the posf
of her Italian protector, the usually 'Ottoman friendly' Duchy of Milan. There were also exceptio
In 1458, Francesco Sforza, congratulated Matthias on his royal election. Francesco wrote 0
friendship with John. Genoa did not congratulate Matthias. For her, king of Hungary was F
nand of Aragon, more often and enemy than a friend of the Sforzas. Still, almost two deca
later, the only monarch who accepted to take Matthias as his son-in-law was Ferdinand, due'·
so to Sixtus IV' pressures (1474-1476). Earlier, Gian Galeazzo Maria Sforza had refused to
ter a matrimonial alliance with Matthias (1472-1474). Eventually, in the late 1480', Lodovico ii
ro (reluctantly) approved the plan of such a Milanese-Hungarian alliance, which however n
came into being due to Matthias I' death and his illegitimate son's, John, failure to be era
king (1487-1490). On the Italian political level, like on the Hungarian or European dynastic le
Hunyadi's highly profitable legacy, in terms of crusader advantages, had proved to be very
for Matthias. Except for his marriage to Beatrice (1476), with its known side-effects, almost e
Italian grand scheme of his failed in the end, like it had already happened with Hunyadi's pl
The Italian Peninsula made the humanist glory of the Hunyadis, but not their political fortune'
In 1444, Hunyadi did and could not contact Genoa himself. This was only possible for
king. Influenced by Venetian promises and Roman exhortations, VVladislaw, maybe not toe
ferent in this respect from Hunyadi, did not deem it necessary to involve Genoa in his cru
other than a 'potential' menace to it. The lesson of 1444 seemed to have been learned by 14
though the main textbook was Byzantium's fall. Genoa's crusader attitude had slightly charj'"
after 1453. Still, the contacts of 1455 led to no significant results, also because the Hungary
on the brink of civil war. Still, in March 1456, after Genoa, the Bank of San Giorgio and Ca
had denied John the requested aid (after the Genoese had initiated the contacts), Venice ju
Genoa's anti-Ottoman offers as trustworthy in view of general Italian action against the s
Venice trusted naturally only to a certain degree, her rival. Genoa wanted the crusade, bu
not trust Hunyadi's and Hungary anti-Ottoman capabilities. By focusing on a largely Italian
Ottoman solution, Genoa was half right and half wrong. Buda was no match for Istanbul.
of the crown's subjects however were more than a match. Hunyadi's powers were limited. S
had not lost all his skills. Ironically, from the perspective of a sea power, his major contributi
the victory of Belgrade came on water. It was the destruction of the Ottoman Danube fleet
51
For instance: ASG, AS., Materie Poliuche. Privile'i/; concessioni, trattau diversi e negoziazioni,
nn (8~ of August 1458, 14~ of March 1473); 2733, nn (4 of February, 29~-30~ of November 1478);
A.D.S., Potenze estere, Ungheria, cart. 650, lase. 1, nn (18~ of March 1458). ASVe, M.A.C.R., Podoc_
11-1, no. 113, 116 (26~ of September 1475, 1'1 of April 1478); S.S., Deliberazioni, reg. 20, c. 157' (8~
1458); see Colin lmber's 'Introduction', to his collection The Crusade of Varna. 1443-1445 (Aldershot2. ···
pp. 22-25; L. Elekes, 'A Hunyadi kerdes' [The Hunyadi Question], in Matyas, I, pp. 45-49. In return, in
of Italian profit, we could speculate as to the origins of John Hunyadi's early fortune (see P. Engel, 'Hu
palyakezdese' [The Beginnings of Hunyadi's Career], in Nobilimea, pp. 91-109) which allowed Huny
even lend money to Sigismund, at the time when Hunyadi was far from being the great landowner
1440'-1450', and at a time when he only had offices which involved, quite often, greater expenses thary
fits. Whether or not rr could reflect upon 'Ottoman affairs', the answer to this dilemma might well be in Mil_
state which had apparently a far better knowledge of the contested Hunyadis than (even) Venice for ista
52
ASM, A.D.S., Potenze Estere, Germania, cart. 569, lase. 7, nn (1 st of December; even those
more lucid in several ways than others, of the victory of Belgrade agreed that the greatest sucoesses ,
Christians during the combats had been the destruction of the Ottoman fleet and ammunition); Venezia
343, lase. 3, nn (24~ of March); lase. 5, nn (17~ of May 1456; the Venetian and this time Milanese to
ception cf the mainland Genoese). The maritime context of 1456: John B. Bury, 'The Lombards and
tians in Euboia (1340-1470)'(11), JHS, IX (1888), pp. 97-99; H. lnalctk, 'The Ottoman Turks and the Gnu
1329-1451', in Crusades, VI, pp. 258, 264; G. Pistarino, 'I Gattilusio di Lesbo e d'Enos signori nell'Eg
Idem, Genovesid'Oriente (Genoa 1990), pp. 383-420; Simon, 'The Lion in \/\/inter', pp. 517-519. In June_
the Ottomans first occupied the lower crry of Athens and then the acropolis still held by the Catalan Acctaj
358
The Captain and 1/Je !:iuperba
Walachia and Moldavia between John Hunyadi and the Genoese in the 1450'
e than in the better documented case of his son, and as almost a rule for 'eastern' rulers (including the
in the 1400', Hunyadi's 'foreign', but also 'general' contemporary image, is largely an 'Italian product'.
spect, these lines focus on the events of 1456, when Genoa and the Genoese should have been
assistance for Hunyadi. These matters could help us better determine John's real political credibility
ary capacity and why his chances of survival against the Ottomans were deemed as rather small.
he Walachian Throne and Hungary's Anti-Ottoman Defense on the Lower Danube
of the major problems for Hunyadi in 1456 was his eastern flank (Transylvania and Walachia). Acoor-
radrrional perspectives, he covered the problem with Saxon aid and with Vlad Ill's support, who, more-
ly dethroned Wadislaw II (for an overview: Rezachevici, Cmnologia criuca, I, pp. 9S-104). Nonethe-
.e known data also led to the hypothesis that in fact Vlad (Ill) acted 'on behalf of Mehmed II (view pre-
ant in Romanian historiography in the late 1800'; e.g. Constantin A. Stoide, 'A doua domnie a lui Vlad
, Luptele pentru ocuparea tronului §i consolidarea domniei (1456-1458)' [Vlad <Ill> the lmpalers Second
The Fights for the Throne and the Consolidation of his Rule. 1456-1458], Al/Al, XXII (1986), 1, pp. 111-130).
e Hunyadis and the Walachian Loyalty of the House of Dracul in the Mid 1450'
·obulos (1963, p. 290), Chalcondylas (1958, p. 283), Twwn Bey or Kemal Pasha Zade (in Cmnici tur-
1,pp. 67, 198) all daim that that Vlad Ill took the throne with Ottoman support. This however may have
only for his first short reign in 1448. Yet, none of these Late Byzantine and Ottoman chronicles, whid1
much space to the Walachian-Ottoman war of 1461-1462, even implied that Vlad had been hostile to
e prior to those years, which would have been the case if he had been enthroned by Hunyadi in 1456.
rab IV, Wadislaw !l's cousin accused the Saxons of Bra§OV (late 1479) of sheltering a pro-Ottoman
ction which had caused much damage to Christendom, and had helped enthrone Vlad Ill and kill Wa-
ll (Documente Bra§OV, no. 121, pp. 14S-151; in 1475, Basarab IV had been the Walachian candidate of
Saxons and Stephen Ill of Moldavia, who did not want Vlad Ill back on the throne). Basarab IV had
· ted the Ottomans on their unsuccessful Transylvanian campaign. In return, the repertory of charges
this faction, covering more than two decades, brought forth byu him, perfectly sutts Walachian politics.
Ill ofWalachia in Buda and Transylvania after 1451
ardless of interpretation, a credible analysis must begin in Hunyadi's time. Acoording namely to the
German drafts of the later stones on Dracula, he enthroned Vlad Ill in 1456, in exchange for numerous
s (the main examples in Cazacu, Dracula, pp. 369,439). Earlier, in April 1456, relations between Wa-
and Hunyadi had been hostile again, though both were disposed to accept Ladislas V arbitrage.
was willing to mediate the conflict for we wantto make justice and right to Wadislaw. Until then, he
ed the Saxons to defend Hunyadi's lands in case Wadislaw would attack (DRH, D, I, no. 330, p. 450).
'July 3, 1456, from Cuvin (Keve), Hunyadi informed the jurors of the Seven Saxon Seats that he had
ed their defence to voivode Vlad (DRH, D, I, no. 333, p. 455). Vlad Ill had first been a ruler in 1448 (a
's son or brother, without having ruled until then, could also be called voivode; e.g. Dan, Wadislaw !l's
and contender to Vlad's throne; no. 341, p. 461). Then Wadislaw II had joined Hunyadi on his Serbian
ign, which allowed the Ottomans to enthrone Vlad Ill. In sptte of the defeat of Kossovopolje, Vlad still
this throne (M. Cazacu, 'La Valachie etla bataille de Kossovo', RESEE, IX (1971), 1, pp. 131-139).
• only known direct documentary evidence on Vlad aftenwards comes from February 1452, Following
man-Hungarian 'peace' of November 1451, confirmed in April 1452 (which guaranteed Wadislaw II'
unyadi ordered that Vlad Ill should be expelled to Moldavia, where he had come from (DRH, D, I, no.
· 423). It is uncertain whether Vlad 111, as other contenders, was actually expelled from Transylvania.
fini (1936-1941, Ill, p. 37) stated that lMada Montanae Valachiae princeps attended the talks of Buda on
Ii-Ottoman defense of the realm (summer 1455), while Thur6czy (1985, p. 245), wrote that John
back Vlad Ill and introduced him at court, seemingly at the time of the formal reconciliation between Hu-
nd Gilly (early 1453). Gustav Gundisch ('Cu pnvire la relaVile lui Vlad Tepe<, cu Transilvania 1n anii 1456-
[On the Relations between Vlad the Impaler and Transylvania. 1456-1458], SIIJdii, XVI (1963), 4, pp. 682-
dated Vlad's meeting with Ladislas V to March 1456. This can be accepted, as well as rejected. In 1453,
the fall of Byzantium, John's relations to Wadislaw were good, but, by bringing Vlad to Buda, Hunyadi
e, successfully attempted (for the moment) to put pressure on Wadislaw, a common polttical move.
bad blood between Hunyadi and the Dracule§ti (in 1447 he had Vlad II executed), was seemingly left
(or the moment. Immediately after the tide tume against Ladislas Hunyadi, two days before his exe-
359
Alexandru Simon
cution on March 16, 1457, Vlad Ill reminded the Saxons of how Hunyadi's trustees John Gereb of Vi
and Nicholas (Miklos) Vizaknai (of Ocna Sibiul Salzburg) the Elder had attempted to kill him, out of lo
Vv1adislaw II (Documente Bra§OV, no. 259, p. 319). The safest dating for this event remains the year 1
The Sons of Vlad II Dracul and John Hunyadi
By early September, when Vlad wrote to Bra~ov as ruler of Walachia, Vv1adislaw II (his last known
ment dates back to April 1456) had lost his throne (DRH, D, I, no. 339, p. 456). According to his tomb
from the 1510', he died on August 20, 6983 [1455]. The year is certainly mistaken. Still, the day and mo
his death cannot be automatically regarded as also mistaken (see Alexandru Lapedatu, 'Momnintele
de la manastirea Dealul' [The Princely Tombs in the Dealul Monastery], CL, XXXVII (1903), pp. 433-434
If we accept them, a scenario would be that, after the sultan retreated from Belgrade in late July,
took his Transylvanian troops and made his move against Vv1adislaw. The latter was eventually defeated
lost his life. Previously, due to Mehmed's orders, or out of fear of Vlad, Vv1adislaw had not left for Belg
No known source records the Walachians as Ottoman 'auxiliaries' there. In general, even at the risk ol'
porarily losing central over Walachia, the sultan took with him the ruler or at least the main ccre of his
like in the case of the Moldavian campaigns of 1476 or 1484 (see also Simon, 'The Limits', pp. 244-248)
Vlad's first two letters to Bra~ov (September 6, 10) are a ccllection of twists and turns in phrasing
mixture of direct statements and indirect reference. They sound strange for somebody who 'had' late f'i
di's and Ladislas' full approval for his rule (DRH, D, I, nos. 338-339, pp. 456-460). Though he feared th,,<
and wanted to work for the defense of his land and of the realm, not directly against the Turk, but only to
his stand towards Walachia and weaken her burden, Vlad was already the Porte's vassal. Though, g· '
meeting with Ladislas, the task entrusted to 'him' by Hunyadi and his Walachian victory, he had no
ven his loyally, hw still wanted (had) to prove and do his loyalty. No mention was made of the late Hu
After Ladislas Hunyadi's ccup of Belgrade (November), Vlad's relations to the Hunyadis became
hostile. By mid December, the royal decision had been taken to replace Vlad with Dan voivode. Ladi
nyadi instructed the Saxons to support Dan (DRH, D, I, no. 341, p. 461). He mentioned the broken pr
made by Vlad while extra regnum suum esset, but not his father's direct involvement in Vlad's enthron
In mid March 1457, while accusing Hunyadi's men of attempted murder, Vlad stated that he owed his'.
only to God (Documente Bra§OV, no. 259, p. 319). At any rate, asides from the impact of Hunyadi's d ·'
between Vlad and John's party, as well as to the king, were probably not that strong when Vlad won the
2. The Walachian Front between Belgrade and Ch ilia in the Spring and Summer of 1,
In March 1456, acccrding to the Ragusans, the Ottomans were already attacking the remainders al'
and were also preparing to occupy Walachia (see Raguza, no. 340, p. 589). In April, preparations and.·
along the Danube line intensified. In exchange for his support of the cross, Brankovic was 'freed' by H
Rumors arose that many barons taken together with Hunyadi the cross (CDH, I, Szerbia, no. 265, p. 1
In late May, dashes intensified, proving Ottoman superiority and bringing Brankovic dose to cata ··
(ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, Venezia, cart. 343, lase. 6, nn; [...] El Turcho era venuto verso le parte .
chia e deV despoto de Rassia cum grande zente. El quale despoto credio havesse cum desorrline/ cum
ne zente circha persone Vlllf" ando per assa/tarli, ma trovo Ii Turchi benel in orrline et hebe la pegore,
maso prexi et morti la piu parte d'essi Vlllf" J Poy el prefato Turcho sente ch'e/ Papa, la Maesta def Re
gona et ducha de Burgogna andavanal overo mandavano alchuna possanza verso Constantinopoli,
de ritomare indiretcV per provedere a dicta citta de Constanfinopoli Et cossi ritomo cum una parte des
piu ufille. U altri sono restafi ad damni def prefato despoto e de Valachil El Brancho [Hunyadij sta la
guarrJa def Danubio; aspefta grande exercfto de/ Ungari, quali non porano meters/ insieme fine non si.,
recollo [...] (June 18, 1456; a copy from cart. 650, Ungheria, lase. 1, nn, was edced, with a mistakes, in_;
Szerbia, no. 269, p. 203). The Walachians too had fought the Ottomans (probably in Oltenia) and faced,.
Vii
Given the dates of this report and of Hunyadi's letter from Cuvin, their leader was Vv1adislaw II and not
Seribians, Walachians and Saxons on the Eve of the Battle of Belgrade
Due to the Ottoman peril of spring, Vv1adislaw like Brankovic, had come to an arrangement with
who needed their support, as much as they needed his. Fearing reconciliation between Hunyadi and
law, the Porte did not rely anymore (it had been difficult in the first place; see also Dumitru Nastase, '
Tarii Romane,;ti Vladislav 11,;i asediul din 1453 al Constantinopolului [V\,1adislaw II ofWalachia and
of Constantinople. 1453], RI, NS, X (1998), 1-2, pp. 85-98) on Vv1adislaw and planned to settle matters
chia (see Raguza, nos. 334-337, pp. 528-586; no. 340, p. 589, no. 342, p. 592; September 1455-April 1_
360
The Captain and the ::;uperba
mediately after Hunyadi's intetvention in Walac17ia and the peace with V'v1adislaw (October 1455), the 01-
s had entered Walacl7ia (November) and attacked Saam in southern Hunga,y (Raguza, nos. 334-337,
8-586; DRH, D, I, nos. 328-329, pp. 447-449). They were aided by several Walacl7ians. Also infonmed
usa (who did not mention V'v1adislaw's involvement), Hunyadi placed responsabltty for these events on
law in his letter to Bra§ov (late December), but still asked the city to inqui,y on what had actually hap-
V\Aadislaw ll's responsibility was probably minimal (otherwise, in April 1456, the royal posttion towards
· uld have been different), but Hunyadi's attttude led to renewed tensions (DRH, D, I, no. 330, p. 450).
sptte of his efforts, V'v1adislaw was no matcl7 for the Ottomans. After the clashes of May 1456, Brankovic
reed into retreat, into a fonm of benevolent neutrality towards the crusaders, due to his losses (CDH, I,
· nos. 270-271, pp. 20:,-204; no. 272, pp. 204-206; nos. 72@-733, pp. 46:,-471) silence set in on the Wa-
Ottoman front for the entire duration of the battle. Hunyadi had to re-focus on Transylvania's defense.
c170 se Vlad voivode for tt. He was no ruler of Walacl7ia (he would have been named as sucl7). His task
ted to him prior to July 3) was to defend southern Transylvania, not Walac17ia. This had not been task
· sly, though Hunyadi's words (ecce enim commissimus Vlad wayuode, 1d pro defensione vestra sem-
Jige/ et intendaO cculd indicate that _Vlad was already in Transylvania. If he had been with Hunyadi until
Hunyadi would have probably mentioned that he was d1spatcl11ng Vlad to the defense of the Saxons,
, now that Vlad's men defended them, had to quickly send troops to Belgrade (DRH, D, I, no. 330, p. 450).
· ti-Ottoman Defense and the Last Two Walachian Rulers in John Hunyadi's Lifetime
on the sources at hand, it is impossible to detenmine whether Vlad voivode was Vlad Ill or his step-
r, the future Vlad IV Ciilugiirul (the Monk). Likewise, tt is difficult to detenmine if the Saxons actually sent
to Hunyadi (their Ottoman deals suggest the oppostte). It is equally difficult to detenmine whether 'Madi-
. ·d stopped resisting the Ottomans prior to July 3. Regardless of options, given the fact that Vlad Ill de-
a ruler who fought the Turk, the main problem is the date of V'v1adislaw's _death: August 20 or late June/
r them: loan Bogdan, Vlad Tepe§§i nara/iunile germane §i ruse§U asupra lui [Vlad the Impaler and the
ii and Russian Stories on him] (Bucl7arest 1905), p. 12; Minea, Din trecutul stiipanirii romane§U, p. 47).
adislaw had lost his throne soon after his last known cl7arter of April, Vlad Ill would have been the one
•fhe Ottomans in May. This should have left several marks on his and the Porte's politics, whicl7 it did
is rather unlikely that the fighting between Vlad Ill (House of Dracul) and V'v1adislaw II (House of Dan)
j,Jor months. In sucl7 a case, given the traditional fiefs of the Houses (Oltenia for the Daneeti, Muntenia
;Dane§ti; AD. Xenopol, 'Lupta dintre Draculeeti §i Dane§ti' [The Fight between the Houses of Dan and
AARMSI, 2"' series, XXX (1907), pp. 18:,-272), V'v1adislawwould have retreated to Oltenia, but he was
in Targ§Or in Muntenia (lsto1ia 1290-1690, p. 4). Given the fights of May and the subsequent 'Wala-
ce' during the siege of Belgrade (late July), we date the end of his rule to late June/ early July.
r the date of his death, we cannot rule out the possibility of his sutvival after August 1456 (Oocu-
rB§OV, no. 259, p. 319; Ub., VI, no. 3116, p. 10). Neither Vlad 111, in Marcl71457, nor Mic17ael (Mihaly)
, in Marcl7 1458, in theirreferencese to V'v1adislaw II, mentioned him as deceased (condam). It is thus
ssible that, in case he was still alive, V'v1adislaw attempted to retake the throne during the Walachian
against Vlad Ill in the seccnd half of 1458. The rebellion failed and he was beheaded on August 20,
ide, 'A doua domnie', p. 128). The hypothesis should be viewed with caution for it ccntradicts Basa-
'ljllter of 1479 and it does not provide a solid answer as to why Ladislas V and Ladislas Hunyadi used
V'v1adislaw) against Vlad in late 1456 (Oocumente Bra§OV, no. 121, p. 149; DRH, D, I, no. 341, p. 461).
·. y rate, it remains quite difficult to detenmine the identity of Vlad voivode and subsequently if Vlad Ill
me with Ottoman support or if he only broke his oath to Hunyadi, attacked V'v1adislaw II from behind
dMehmed II. It is still safer to presume that Vlad voivode was Vlad Ill and that he acted from behind
-e anti-Ottoman line as soon as Hunyadi entrusted the 'defense of the Transylvanian Saxons' to him.
· married the first of his two wives, closely related to the late Hunyadi (Simon, 'The Limits', p. 238).
al Challenges and Options on the Moldavian and Genoese Shores of the Black Sea
·· the events of 1457 and 1458 too, prior and after Ladislas Hunyadi's death, the Hunyadi party cculd
any support from Walachia or Moldavia, though in theo,y, both countries (since Stephen Ill took the
throne in April 1457) were ruled by men who had 'promised' (and sworn) mucl7 to Hunyadi. Wala-
nses to Hunyadi had of been negative. In Moldavia, whicl7 until 1448, held both major gateways
. Sea, he was seemingly even less popular. The rulers tried as muc17 a possible to avoid dose ties
-~ magnate and actual ruler of Podolia, Di(e)dri(c)h Buczacki had a greater influence over Suceava
_adi (see lftimi, 'La polttique de Jean Hunyadi', pp. 36@-380). In fact, Bogdan 11, after initial hesitations,
ost loyal to Hunyadi of all these late medieval rulers. Bogdan !l's rule was both unstable and short.
361
Alexandru :::;1mon
1. John Hunyadi's Danubian and Pontic Interests and the Moldavian Question after 1448
In August 1451. Casimir IV requested 50.000 Turkish aspers a year (asides probably Moldavia's n <
Polish census) for the recognition of Bogdan's [rfe-longl temporarily rule (Dlugosz (1887), pp. 91, 100). The
stood for some 1.5<Xl ducats, 75% of the tJibute the Moldavian ruler (by then back in oontrol over Cetatea AJba)
to pay to the sultan after 1455 (Oocumente turce§ti, no. 1, p. 2). The Ottoman impact on Poland and Mo
via had been great prior to 1453. Both in 1450 and 1451, Polish financial demands from Bogdan II had
calculated in aspers (F. Babinger, 'Zur Frage der osmanischen Goldpragungen im 15. Jahrhundert unter
rad II. und Mehmed II.', SOF, XV (1956), pp. 551).553; $evket Pamuk, 'Money in the Ottoman Empire. 1
1914', in An Economic and Social His/01y of U1e Ottoman Empiro 1300-1914, edited by H. lnalcik (Camb ·
1994), pp. 951-956; Oberlander-Tiirnoveanu, 'Notes', pp. 377-385). A incident can therefore be of interest.'
The value of the goods lost by the Senarega following the Moldavian 'conquest' of llice in spring 1455,
estimated at 10.000 Venetian ducats or 14.000 Turkish aspers. This leads to a ratio of 1:1.4, more than
times below the usual exchange rate, a rather unlikely situation. On the other hand, the natural possibility
ses that, in Moldavia and in the Crimea, exchange rates were more favorable for the asper, offering an im
tant advantage to the increasingly stronger northern position of Ottoman trade and politics (Acte, 111, pp. 32-
John Hunyadi, Bogdan II and the Question of Elias l's and Stephen ll's Heritage
Five years earlier, Bogdan II however had no major access to Pantie trade. Since 1450, the (Maida'
castellan of Cetatea Alba milttarily supported Alexander ll's dairns. Due to the strong strong posttion of the
Genoese commune, this would have been impossible wtthout her support (Dlugosz (1887), pp. 73-78, 91);
tradttionally pro-Hungarian/ Latin Lower Country, not only south-eastern Moldavia, may have also not sup
Bogdan. He had to take his illegitimate son, Stephen (his mothers family was influential in the Lower Co
as co-ruler. Stephen was first reoorded as such in Bogdan's treaty with Hunyadi (February 1450), not in hi
er attempt of December 1449 to win Polish goodwill; Documente mo/dovene,u, II, nos. 219-220, pp. 7
Cetatea Alba remained loyal to Alexander after Bogdan's fall (mid October 1451), when Peter A
mediately claimed the throne for himself and broke his arrangement with Alexanders camp. By then,
tellan of Neam\ too was certainly on Alexanders side (0/ugosz (1887), pp. 100-101; Rezachevici, Cron
criticii, I, p. 515), and remained loyal to him until Peter Aron was dethroned (for the first time) wtthin halfa
Alexander ll's strong Pantie stands played an important part in Hunyadi's decision to officially accept hi
ruler (prior to February 1453) because of John's Byzantine plan (Oocumente moldovene§ti, 11, nos. 22 ·
pp. 759-765; Sphrantzes (1966), pp. 102-104; Alexander also had to marry one of Elisabeth Szilagyi's ni
Cetatea Alba's (constant apparently) loyalty to Elias I' son is intriguing. According to the arrange ·
between Elias I and Stephen II (1435-1436), Cetatea Alba (like basically the entire proper Lower Coun
mained under Elias· authority. Stephen II had to make due with 'South-Central' Moldavia and Chilia (Oocu
moldovene§ti, 11, nos. 163-166, pp. 601-610; no. 192, p. 683). Still, apparently by 1438, due also to Elias'
decisions between Venice and Genoa, Rome and Byzantium, Stephen, a favorite of Murad II since 143
taken control over Cetatea Alba (Simon, 'Imperial Gifts', pp. 178-181). But, in the mid and late 1440', in pa
after Stephen ll's execution (1447), who, in 1442, had dethroned Elias I, with the exception of anti-unio ·
thodox centers, the Lower Country (except probably for 1451).1451) and namely Cetatea Alba (sout
Moldavia), namely, apparently formed an enduring stronghold for Erias I' branch of the Moldavian dinastyi
The Lower Country's pro-Latin orientation (Stephen tried to counteract also by settling and protecting
sttes, like his father Alexander I before him in the North) and the Stephen's Genoese conflicts, namely after
(following which he lost Cetatea Alba for at least a year) played a major role in this geographical distrib
'allegiances'. To this, it should be added that Stephen II was also a favorite of the conciliarist Polish party
Casimir IV, already during Wadislaw I (lll)'s time (Documente moldovene§ti, II, no. 213, p. 727; 0/ugosz n
pp. 154,295). Prior namely the early 1460', Polish-Genoese relations were often tense, though Pera and
usually avoided to increase hostilties (e.g. Acte, 111, pp. 22-23; Belgrano, Documenti, no. 132, p. 211; this
explains why Genoese supported Elias' camp, inspne of tts Polish fies). Yet, Poland's pro-Ottoman po1·.
came dominant in the region, namely after Moldavia turned into a Polish-Ottoman condominium. In 1462,
the pro-Ottoman impact of the Walachian-Moldavian conflict for Ch ilia and to Tartar threats, Caffa accept
simirs protecfion (Cadice, II, Appendix, nos. 14-15, pp. 468-471; Hurrnuzaki, 11-2, nos. 521-523, pp. 6
ottoman Targets and Moldavian Interests in the Black Sea Area after the Fall of Constantinople
The changing Genoese tide had already affected Alexander II. In the first haWof 1454, he once again
throne (tt would be interesting to see whether this event coincided with the expulsion of unionist m
Jochim, probably in March, replaced with anti-unionist Theoctist; Codex, 11, Appendix, no. 11, p. 479). Ma
ded by Hunyadi who came close to the Moldavian border less than 3 weeks (MOL, DL 24959; January
362
I ne vaptatn ana me vuµt:r uc1
xanders official return to the throne, he reclaimed power in early 1455. He lost it less than two months
e fled to Cetatea Alba, where he died (August), virtually a captive of the castellan who joined Peter Aron's
ronica de ta Putna ff [The Chronicle of Putna II], in Cronicife, p. 61; Rezachevici, Cronotog,a cribdi, I, pp.
). The Genoese played along, but, at the same time, oontacts between Caffa and Hunyadi intensified.
ile Alexander II was a fugitive in or near Cetatea Alba, the Moldavians, wnh the oonsent of the local Ge-
mmune, took llioe from the Senarega brothers (May 1455). Caffa looked for Peter Aron's support. At
seemed to aid them. In fact, he probably suooessfully negotiated a deal with Cetatea Alba. In early Sep-
only days after Alexanders death, the news that Peter Aron, lord of both (by then) Moldavia [Valachia
'and Cetatea Alba, fortified llioe and did not want to return n (Cadice, I, no. 120, p. 308; no. 151, p. 366;
pp. 32-36). By that time, Peter had offered his allegiance to Mehmed, who aooepted n by early October.
' I stood first in Peters ooundl since July (Documente turce§ti, I, no. 1, p. 2; DRH, A, II, no. 48, p. 68)
r Aron was by no means a weak ruler. He also tried to reform the Moldavian monetary system (see
olimas, 'Umnele cronologice ale reformei monetare a lui Petru Aron' [The Chronological Limits of Peter
onetary Reform], BSNR, LXX-LXXIV (1976-1980), pp. 321-330). The Genoese, albeit their major ro-
ldavian trade and, at times, even society ($1. Andreescu, 'A Genoese Scion among the Moldavian
·, A!RCRU, Ill (2001), pp. 119-122), seemingly approved his plan, as well as his Ottoman dealings or
ssion of !lice (they did not just look past them), while endorsing from Caffa to Genoa crusader plans
eady N. lorga, Studii istorice asupra Chi/iei §i Ceta/ii Albe [Historical Studies on Chilia and Cetatea Al-
charest 1899), pp. 118-120). Peter moreover, probably at the same time, in October 1455, tried to win
fidence of Casimir IV (endeavor made easy by Mehmed's aooeptance of Peters offer) and at least
i's neutralny (who in early September, hesitated whether to attack in Walachia or in Moldavia). Appa-
e ruler suooeeded in both respects, for nenher Polish nor Hungarian troops attacked him afteiwards.
une 29, 1456, by his oath of allegiance to Casimir IV, Peter Aron took on the obligation of recovering the
ken from Moldavia (including Chilia) and aooepted any potential royal ruling on Cetatea Alba, disputed
him and lady Marena, Elias I' widow (Documente mo/dovene§ti, II, no. 230, pp. 779-787). Three weeks
e 'Moldavian Diet' had approved Moldavia's Ottoman tribute-paying vassality. However, beth in June
, during Mehmed !l's campaign, Peter Aron did not make any move against Chilia. Otherwise, as the
fleet attempted to enter the Danube Mounds (see Raguza, no. 342, p. 592), Chilia would have proba-
. Peter Aron probably awatted the outoome of the Hungarian-Ottoman oonflict and of the Walachian
unyadi was defeated, he oould always attack Chilia. If Mehmed lost, then he oould have (and probably
ve if Hunyadi had not died) also taken oontrol over Chili a, because of the Walachian oourse of events.
·Paradoxes North-West of the Black Sea in the Mid and Late 1450'
basically one great exception (in 1444) Moldavian-Genoese disputes (1440'-1460') usually irrupted at
n Moldavia took on a pro-Ottoman stand, while the otherwise prudent Genoese, favored the cross
s of the mid 1450' or of the early and late 1460'). Genoese politics appeared more anti-Ottoman than
avian ones, as long as there was no Hungarian-Moldavian entente (for the oontext $. Papaoostea's
4a Mer Noire, ca1Tefour des grendes routes inlercontinentafes, 1204-1453 (Bucharest 2006), pp. 205-
is had posed great problems to Hunyadi prior to 1456, for the dominus of Cetatea Alba (distinct from
ian ruler), was still viewed in 1458 as one of the four Ponticforces (Cadice, I, no, 377, p. 855).
n Ill and ~ad Ill became the most famous Walachian 'crusa-ders' (in particular the first one, for the
ea peculiar status). In 1456-1457, they turned out to be the most disloyal and most pro-Ottoman of
i creatures' (Matthias' polrrics are eloquent in this respect). Yet, these were matters of suivival and
was a versatile and ruthless master of puppets (for a 'preview: Al. Simon, 'Antonio Bonfini's Va/a-
u/us: Matthias Coivinus, Transylvania and Stephen the Great', in Between Worlds, I, pp. 207-226).
,in 1456, the context hardly favored anti-Ottoman stands. But something still seemed different.
h Union and Crusade in Suceava and Caffa in the Summer of 1456
September 1455, Ragusa informed Buda that Mehmed prepared the Pantie fleet for an attack on
regional interests via the Danube Mounds. Hunyadi's Walachian expedition of late September-
r prevented the application of the plan and led lo a truce between him and \Madislaw and may
the secret aooeptance of the Church Union by Peter Aron, who had just acknowledged the suze-
Mehmed and Casimir. The plan was resumed in March 1456 (DRH, D, I, nos. 327-328, pp. 446-
a, nos. 334-337, pp. 528-586; no. 340, p. 589, no. 342, p. 592; Wadding, XII, pp. 259, 365; Docu-
qu, I, nos. 1-2, pp. 1-3; Documente moldovene§ti, II, no. 228, p. 775). Almost unexpectedly, it failed.
alachians had not aided the Hungarian ganison of Chilia (e.g. M. Cazacu, P.$. Nasturel, 'Une de-
navale des Ottomans devant Constantinople et la bataille de Chilia (1448)', in Between Worlds, II,
1) and if the Moldavians had supported the Ottomans, in spite of the pro-Ottoman decision (early
363
Alexandru Simon
June) of the 'Diet' presided over by anti-unionist metropolitan Theoctist (Documente moldovene§/i
pp. 797-808), the plan would have most likely worked. At Belgrade, Mehmed was able use on~
feet. Peter Aron could have profited the most from this. On August 12, 19 days after Belgrade, he
sub nos/re katho/ice fidei honore, the Saxons of Bra,ov to trade freely in Moldavia (DRH, D, I, no. 337
Due to the events of 1475, in particular, or 1484, whict1 led to the temporary, respectively pe
toman conquest of Chilia and Cetatea Alba, with (variable) support from the local population (see Si
Limits', pp. 241-244), the Ottoman Pantie-Danubian failure of 1456 would have, at least, been sm
Genoese had supported Mehmed II. Even if they (in particular the Bank of San Giorgio) serious
Hunyadi's real power, the Genoese did not support this Ottoman maritime endeavor (Varna was
memory). Vv11ether this was the product of the Genoese instinct for self-preservation, as Mehmed I
would have been too great to bear tts consequences, or the result of a genuine Genoese desire to
the limits of their own safety, the crusaders rr is difficult to determine. The Caffese messages of 1454-
vor however namely the second possibility (see Cadice, I, no. 183, p. 434; no. 234, p, 535; no. 241
In 1456, John won where few expected him to do so, received aid from apparently rather unlik~y
ters and lost where, in theory, he should have won. Vv11en the battle of Belgrade was over, Walachia
Ottoman control. Peter Aron drew closer to Hunyadi, prudently nonetheless. But, if we are to fully
ciscan sources who state that he expelled all anti-unionists from Moldavia, he was not so prudent. At
Theoctist I, very present until then in Peter Aron's council, disappeared from it at the end of summer1
1457, he anointed Stephen Ill ruler of Moldavia. In 1462, he influenced Stephen to expel all Francisca
Moldavia (Analecta Monumentamm Hunga,iae Historicomm Uterariomm Maximum lnedffa, edited by,
T6ldy (Pest 1862), no. 11, p. 247; Codex, II, Appendix, nos. 11-12, pp. 479-480; Wadding, XII, p. 365;
11, no. 66, p. 98; no. 73, p. 106; no. 84, p. 120; no. 89, p. 127). For Peter Aron too, Hunyadi had died too.
A Moldavian Enthronement after the Deaths of John and Ladislas Hunyadi
In spring 1457, the Hungarian srruation had turned completely against the Hunyadis. The Ott
had fully regrouped. Stephen, aided by Vlad and his family in the Lower Country, dethroned Peter
action supported by a (loyal) Ottoman vassal, Vlad (who had, openly most likely, accepted Church un·
in Transylvania), and tribute payer, against another Ottoman vassal and tribute payer, Peter Aron (as
unionist Moldavian party had claimed victory after 1453, he had secretly accepted Church Union and
to change sides), would have been possible only with Ottoman approval (rr would be interesting to see
the letter sent by Peter Aron to the Ecumenical Patriarchate, after he lost his throne, still exists and is
and if so, to know when rr was issued exactly; lorga, Studii istorice, p. 120, note 3). Peter Aron's worst
become true. Less than two weeks, before he lost the throne, he had asked the brothers Buczaki to ir
king to restore peace between him and the Turks as well (Documente moldovene§li, 11, no. 234, pp. 808,8:
Except for the mid 1460', Stephen Ill preserved until the mid 1470' a predominantly pro-Ottoman a,',
Genoese polITical course (Al. Simon, The Arms of the Cross: The Christian Policies of Stephen the G . ;
Matthias Corvinus, in Between Worlds, I, pp. 77-79). The son of the most loyal to Hunyadi of the all rulera
to necessities), Stephen proved to be the most disloyal of all 'Hunyadi creatures'. Yet he was only in ( ,
medium) part a real 'creature'. Even enraged Matthias had to (indirectly) accept that in his letter to the''.
elite (1468), while claiming that Hunyadi had done as IT had pleased him in Walachia and Moldavia ·
no. 149, pp. 211-212). Eventually, it was still easierforThur6czy and Bonfini to portrait Hunyadi's succe
Vv11ether already prior to Alexander H's acceptance as ruler by Hunyadi or only after his fall Steph
'most illeg·1timate' of all Moldavian rulers until then, spent probably time in Transylvania (here he learnt
nan, if he did not know IT from the Lower Country, and also probably accepted Church Union as a Hunya
tender). If he fled to Transylvania (not to Walachia), immediately after Bogdan H's execution (October 145
like Vlad Ill (due to the provisions the Ottoman-Hungarian 'peace' of November), was probably expel!
Transylvania, following Alexander's acceptance as ruler by Hunyadi in winter 1452-1453. It is possible
returned to Transylvania from Walachia (still, a chronicle, deemed unreliable, apparently places him in
toman Empire in the 1450'; $/efan eel Mare §i Sfiint in contex/ul epocii sale §i al posteritiifii [Stephen the
and Holy in the Context of his Age and of his Legacy] (Kishinev 2004), edITor Demir Dragnev, p. 141, note
At any rate, until his enthronement, Stephen moves seemed to have been often linked to those of VI
summer 1456, in Walachia, he met with Moldavian chancellor, Mihul (on Krakow's pay roll until his death
late 1480', on his way to Mehmed II with Moldavia's tribute (a thorough analysis: Maleon, 'Stephen the .
and John Hunyadi', pp. 381-387). Stephen Ill and Mihul attempted a scheme which backfired so badly, on
bably both of them, that after Stephen Ill took the throne, Mihul fled to Poland and never returned to Mold.
in sprre of Stephen's repeated calls and promises and even though basically all other fugitives of 1457•
safely returned to Moldavia (Index, no. 4485, p. 508; Hunnuzaki, 11-2, no. 234, p. 264; no. 258, p. 288). .
knew that he lived in times when the rise of Christian saints, Greek or Latin, was quite often not Christian at
364
2.
Walachian Borders
1of Cetatea Alba and the Part of the surrounding Fortifications

C./.2. Wa/ac/Jian Borders
Silver Denar issued by Peter Aron
366
La po/itique de Jean Hunyadi en Mo/davie
Sorin lftimi
Academie Roumaine,
Centre d'Histoire et Civilisation Europeenne
Jassy
nude de Jean (loan/ lancu, Janos) Hunyadi a l'egard de la Moldavie a porte l'empreinte
alite polono-hongroise dans cette zone geographique. On ne saurait pas dire quelle
urait revetu cette relation si au tr6ne de Suceava avail accede un prince regnant puis-
vec un long regne, tel Alexandre I" le Bon (Alexandru eel Bun). Celle periode a mal-
sement ete l'une des plus instables et des plus sanglantes de l'histoire de la Moldavie,
·, e de combats incessants pour le tr6ne entre les descendants (taus Ires jeunes) dudit
. Les changements brusques et frequents de situation ont determine Hunyadi a adop-
-.- politique tres flexible et inventive pour pouvoir promouvoir ses interets dans la region.
Introduction
'u moment de la mart du roi Albert (Albrecht) de Habsbourg, survenue en 1439, ii y

n equilibre etabli sur le principe du statu quo territorial. Les magnats hongrois offiirent la
ne de Hongrie au jeune roi polonais V'vladislas (V\Aadyslaw, Ulaszl6) Ill Jagellon, afin de
'];la Pologne au combat anti-ottoman. Hunyadi ajoue un role important dans la prise de
'ecision, qui envisageait au fond la realisation d'une union personnelle entre les deux
es, telle celle du temps de Louis I" d'Anjou le Grand (Nagy Lajos). Par cette union per-
lie, Jean Hunyadi souhaitait attirer la Moldavie, vassale traditionnelle de la Pologne,
ans de politique etrangere de la Hongrie, done a l'effort militaire anti-ottoman 1 .
adislas I" (Ill) accepta cette proposition, etant couronne roi le 8 mars 1440. La qualite
des deux royaumes remit en discussion les pretentions de la Hongrie de suzerainete
Moldavie. Lars de son couronnement, le jeune roi avait promis a la Diete de ramener
.l'.autorite de la Hongrie, Galicie, la Podolie et la Moldavie. La noblesse polonaise avail
'dant contrecarre cette initiative royale, mais deux ans apres la discussion autour de
;question revint a l'actualite. Hunyadi ressuscita les pretentions hongroises de suze-
Je sur la Moldavie dans le contexte des projets de renforcement du front anti-ottoman 2 .
· vant les confrontations contre les Ottomans, la Pologne avail ete entra1nee dans une
interteure tres couteuse contre les provinces de l'ouest de la Hongrie et contre les
ourg. Ceux-ci appuyaient Elisabeth, la veuve d'Albert, dans son intention de garder le
our son fils qui venait de naitre, Ladislas (Laszlo) V le Posthume. Ce n'est que deux
res (1442) que le jeune roi polonais reussit a imposer son autorite, grace au soutien de
di, devenu vo'ivode de la Transylvanie (1441). L'accord entre V'vladislas Ill et Elisabeth
,mentait le statu quo, la Moldavie devant rester sous !'influence exclusive de la Pologne
?). Celle periode coincide avec le regne commun des fils d'Alexandre I", Elias (Ilia~) et
',Veniamin Ciobanu, Tilrile Romane §i Polonia. Secole/e XIV-XVI [Les Pays Roumains et la Pologne.
'f;,,/J' siiacles], Bucarest, 1985, p. 51; les delegues hongrois envoyes a Cracovie (Krakow, Krakau)
terent que les problemes sensibles entre Jes royaumes, telle la domination de la Russie Rouge et
Podolie, la suzerainete sur la Mo!davie, soient soumis a !'arbitrage d'une commission mixte.
loan Ursu, Reia/iile Moidovei cu Polonia panil la !;tefan eel Mare [Les relations de la Moldavie
la Pologne jusqu'a Etienne le Grand], Piatra Neamt, 1900, p. 60; Nicolae Grigora,;, Din istoria dip/a-
.moldovene§ti 1432-1457[De l'histoire de la diplomatie moldave. 1432-1457], Jassy, 1948, p. 102.
Sorin lftimi
Etienne ($tefan) II (1436-1442), le premier ayant la primaute. Seul Elias accepta de

son hommage personnel devant \Madislas, a Lvov (Lw6w, Lemberg), en septembre 14
Accapare par Jes problemes de Hongrie, \Madislas perdit le contr61e en Lituanie ,
gnait son frere cadet, Casimir (Kazimierz). Sous la pression de la noblesse lituanieni\
contente de l"'aventure" de Hongrie, la Utuanie se proclama Grand Duc/Je, independan1
couronne polonaise. Elias, prince regnant de la Moldavie, prefera dans cette situation
avec le nouvel etat dirige par le grand due Casimir, afin de l'attirer de son cote dans la ·
contre son frere, Etienne. C'est Dietrich Buczacki, chatelain de Camenitza (Kamenice)
v6t de la Podolie qui l'influent;a dans cette decision. Pardeux engagements ecrits, le vo
Elias et le due Casimir promettaient, en 1442, de s'entraider, tout en excluant la Polog
Hongrie et le Khanat des Tatars de la lisle des adversaires. Celle alliance ne servit a
Elias qui, peu de temps apres, fut renverse du triine par son frere, Etienne 4.
Etienne II (1442-1447)
Jean (Jan) Dlugosz ecrivait sur Etienne II qu'i/ etait un vrai /Jomme, constant et
coup plus sage et plus ric/Je en actions qu'l/ia§. Le prince moldave fit de son mieux poufi
surer la bienveillance du voivode de la Transylvanie, Jean Hunyadi. C'etait, semble-t-il,
le succes de la campagne militaire des annees 1443-1444, qui avail renforce la po
intemationale de la Hongrie. II ne faut pas oublier qu'aucun corps militaire moldave n'
participe aux batailles des Balkans contre Jes ottomans de 1442-1444, mais seulemeg·
mercenaires mold aves, dans l'anmee polonaise et dans celle de Jean Hunyadi5 . . ·is
Le fail que Hunyadi consentit a la conclusion d'une relation directe avec Etienne II
penser a une modification de son attitude concessive, qu'il avail manifestee au debut e
Jes pretentions des magnats polonais en acceptant la suzerainete exclusive de la Pd
sur la Moldavie. On a dit que Jean Hunyadi avail propose a \Madislas 1•r (Ill) de n'acce
senment de fidelite du prince regnant de la Moldavie qu'en qualite de roi de Hongrie.
En aoOt 1444, la Diete polonaise reagit energiquement, demandant au roi de ne p
cepter une pareille demande. Etienne etait vassal de Pologne et non de la Hongrie.
Gorka tenait Etienne pour le representant des interets /Jongrois, que Casimir avail ete o
de tolerer en raison, d'une part, de sa propre position - assez instable a ce moment-la
d'autre part, du soutien don! Etienne jouissait de la part des magnats de la Pologne Mineu
Le rapprochement entre Etienne II et Jean Hunyadi rendait possible la presence
corps expeditionnaire moldave (a ciite des militaires valaques) a la campagne qui abouti
la defaite de Varna (1444). Rien ne prouve cependant la realisation de cette esperance.
3
I. Ursu, Rela/iile Mo/dovei, p. 61; N. Grigora~. Din is/aria dip/oma/iei, p. 112; Elias avail r· ..
la plus haute alliance dynastique dans Fespace polono-lituanien, par son mariage avec Marie_
sreur cadette de la reine Sofia (Sonka). Cette derniere etait la mere de Wladislas Ill et prate
d'Elias, qu'il avail connu des 1420, a Vilnius. L'age plus jeune d'Elias avatt, semble-t-il, ernpeche a
moment-la un mariage entre eux (voir Constantin Rezachevici, Crono/ogia cdtica a domni/or din Jc
Romaneascil §i Moldova (a. 1324-1881) [La chronologie crrtique des princes de Valachie et Mal
(av. 1324-1881), I, Seco/eleXIV-XVl[XIV-XVI' siecles], Bucarest, 2001, p. 477).
4
Oocumente mo/dovene§li, II, pp. 716-717; V. Ciobanu, Tilri/e Romane §i Polonia, p.
avoir perdu le tr6ne, Elias se retira en Russie Rouge. A l'aide de son protecteur, Buczacki, il a mainf
sa dominaf,on sur le Pays de Sepenrt, au nord de la Moldavie. Les magnats polonais estirnerent
c'etart le bon moment de l'appuyer dans ses efforts de regagner le tr6ne et de separer en contrepart·
petrt territoire de la Moldavie, de lui ajouter la cttadelle de Hotin et de [es integrer a fa couronne
naise. Elias devait en €:change recevoir d'autres compensations territoriales, a l'intE!rieur du royaume:
5
Ifie Minea, Vlad Dracut §i vremea sa [Vlad le Diable et son temps] (extrait de Ci, IV, 1928), Ja
1928, p. 79; N. Grigora§, Din istorla dip/oma/iei, p. 115; C. Rezachevici, Crono/ogia crilicil, I, p. 488.
'V. Ciobanu, Tiln/e Romane §i Polonia, p. 52-53 (et note 88).
368
La polilique de Jean Hunyadi en Mo/davie
art inattendue de Wadislas dans la bataille de Varna donna gain de cause a la

.dans la dispute pour la suzerainete sur la Moldavie. L'interregne de la couronne
e prit fin en 1447, lors_que le grand due de Lituanie, Casimir (IV), accepta _la couronne
·e. C'etait la fin de l'urnon polono-lItuarnenne, qui avail pratIquement cesse en 1440.
·imir IV allait changer le cours de la politique etrangere du royaume, toumant le dos a
e aire byzantine et a la mer Noire et abandonnant les alliances anti-ottomanes. II se
par contre, interese par la mer Baltique. Dans ces conditions, les pretendants au tr6ne
allaient compter surtout sur l'appui des grands magnats de Podolie, notamment sur
Buczacki, qui deviendrait un veritable arbitre des disputes pour le tr6ne de Suceava.
s ce contexte, le demier regne d'Etienne fut reconnu par les etats voisins. En 1444 ii
une alliance avec la Liluanie, dans les memes termes qu'Elias. En ete de la meme an-
·• regence de la couronne accepta a son tour cette nouvelle situation, a condition
nne reconnOt la suzerainete de la Pologne sur la Moldavie, ce qu'il est d'ailleurs arrive.
1443 a 1445 Etienne II associa au tr6ne son frere cadet, Pierre (Petru) Ill. En avril
ierre se souleva contre lui, essayant de le chasser du tr6ne. Malgre !'aide re9ue de
·1vanie, ii fut vaincu. Le 29 mai 1495, dans une lettre adressee aux marchands de
Etienne soulignait qu'il contr6lait la situation en Moldavie, qu'il souhaitail normaliser
'lions avec la ville de Bra~ov et demandait des nouvelles deHunyadi et de la situation
nsylvanie. Rien n'indique qu'apres sa defaite Pierre se serait refugie dans !'entourage
·n Hunyadi. II appara1t en Podolie, ou Dietrich Buczaki lui accorda sa protection'.
Pierre Ill (1447; 1448)
nt pret a reprendre la campagne anti-ottomane, Hunyadi entreprit quelques actions
lies et militaires destinees a lui assurer le succes. II avail besoin, a Targov~te et a
,,a, de princes regnants qui adherent a ses efforts anti-ottomans. Aussi intervint-il en
ie, a la fin de 1447, afin de chasser du tr6ne Vlad II le Diable (Dracu◊, qui avail ten-
a maintenir la paix avec les ottomans. Dans un document emis a Targovi~te, le 4 de-
.e 1447, Hunyadi prit meme le titre de voiitode de la Va/achie. Par ce changement, ii
au soutien valaque le prince regnant moldave, Roman II, dont !'orientation philo-polo-
l'empechail de participer a !'offensive anti-ottomane. Pierre Ill avail deja etait prince re-
associe a cote de Roman II (aoOt-decembre 1447). Les tensions entre eux l'avaient ce-
nt oblige a chercher refuge aupres de Hunyadi, comme l'affirme Gregoire (Grigore)
e. Hunyadi ignora les pretentions du roi polonais, se concentrant sur les possibilites de
\,er des forces des deux partis hongrois, qui ne le voyaient pas de bons yew<".
'intervention de Hunyadi en 1447-1448 dans les Pays Roumains d'outre-monts signifia
la mise en reuvre de la politique des alliances dynastiques. Selon D!ugosz, l'une des
de Hunyadi se maria a Pierre, probablement au debut de 1448. Selon la meme source,
les maries ii y avail une grande difference d'age, la sreur de Hunyadi (suror germana)
t environ 50 ans et le marie seulement 26 ans. Le caractere polilique de cette alliance
·moniale est done evident. Toujours selon Dlugosz, cette initiative aurait appartenu a
'adi, qui cherchait le moindre pretexte pour se meler dans les affaires de la Moldavie9 .
C. Rezachevici (Cronologia critica, I, p. 492, 494-495) sur le fail que le document de l'aliance con-
entre Etienne et la Lituanie, a Jassy, porte la date incorecte 6953 (1445) a place de 6952 (1444).
8
DRH, D, I, p. 394-395; Ureche (1958), pp. 84-85; O/ugosz (1711-1712), I, cols. 33-34 (cf. Francisc
«lnterven\ia lui lancu de Hunedoara in Tara Romaneasca ,;i Moldova in anii 1447-1448» [L'interven-
e Jean Hunyadi en Valachie et Moldavie. 1447-1448], Studii, XVI, 1963, 11, p. 1049-1050) accusait
Hunyadi d'avoir usurpe le tr6ne de la Valachie: terram Bassarabiae sibi usurpare mo/itur.
>' Nicolae lorga, Studii istorice asupra Chi/iei si Ceta/ii Albe [Eludes historiques sur Chilia et Cetatea
(Akkerman)], Bucarest, 1899, p. 101; $tefan Gorovei, Mw;atinii [Les Mu,;at], Bucarest, 1976, p. 53-
.ldem, «Alian\e dinastice ale domnilor Moldovei (secolele XIV-XVI)» [Alliances des princes de Mal-
369
Sorin lftimi
L'evaluation de Dlugosz relative a l'age de la mariee a ete consideree par Pall u

mec/Jante. Si Hunyadi etait vraiment ne en 1407 et ses freres dans les annees suiva'
devient alors peu probable que sa soeur etait de 10 ans son ainee. Une comparaison
ses deux autres soeurs, plus connues, pourrait offrir d'autres arguments au sujet de l'ag
a
celle qui s'est mariee Pierre. Toujours est-ii qu'une femme (et d'autant plus une mariee}
a celle epoque-la consideree vieilfe meme a l'age de 40 ans. C'est probablement en
de ces inadvertances chrono-logiques que C. Mure~anu estimait que dans le cas de l'ep
de Pierre Ill ii ne s'agit pas d'une soeur, mais p/utbt d'un parent plus eloigne de Hunyadi.
Selon le meme Dlugosz, pour reconquerir le tr6ne de la Moldavie, Hunyadi envoya
son beau-frere, Pierre, quelques-unes de ses troupes. Celle fois-ci, ii ne se permit'
d'intervenir personnellement et directement, comme ii l'avait fail en Valachie, pour cha
prince regnant. A noire avis, ii voulait menager les sensibilites du roi polonais, qui prete
etre le seul suzerain de la Moldavie et le seul arbitre entre Jes divers candidats au tr6ne11
L'accord conclu entre Hunyadi et Pierre s'est malheureusement perdu. La lettre de
de Zredna, ecrite d'Oradea (Nagyvarad, Grosswardein), le 15 janvier 1448, et actress~
legal papal Juan Carvajal, faisait entre autres reference a la conclusion de la paix av~
Moldavie, pour laquelle Hunyadi devait rester encore dens ces parages, et done manque'
pourparlers avec les Habsbourg. F. Pall remarquait qu'entre decembre 1447 et fevrier}
Hunyadi avail visite Jes villes de la frontiere est de Transylvanie: Bra~ov (Kronstadt, Br ·
Sf. Gheorghe (Sepsiszentgyorgy), Odorhei (Udvarhely), Bistrija (Bistriz). Celle pre
affimne le meme auteur, doit etre mise en relation avec la preparation de !'intervention a
en Moldavie, destinee a installer son beau-frere sur le tr6ne - action datant de fevrier 144
Johann Christian Engel est le premier a supposer que ce corps expeditionnaire, qu("
aide Pierre a reprendre le trone, e0t ete dirige par Csupor de Monoszl6 (voiVode Ciub<
part lui, le seul participant connu a celle campagne de fevrier 1448 est Ladislas (Latcu
Rau de Mori (Malmoviz, dans le Hajeg), qui vers la fin de sa vie prendra le nom de K~ ··
(Candea) qu'il transmellra a ses descendants. Chemin faisant de Bistrija vers Chilia (
se serait arrete au monastere de Neamt. C'est au moins ce qui suppose Adrian A Rusu
ses recherches. De retour chez lui, Latcu fit don a ce monastere du Nouveau Testame
slavon redige par le fameux miniaturisie Gavriil Uric. II etait relie en argent. Dans !'insert
qui consigne l'acte de donation le donateur prend le titre de parca/ab (chastellan) de Ha{eg
davie (XIV-XVI• siecles)], RIU, II, 1987, 2, p. 694; N. Grigora,;, Din is/aria diploma/iei, p. 128-129; F,
«lnterven\ia lui lancu de Hunedoara», p. 1049-1050; le marriage est atteste par ['intervention de Hun'
(1"' aoOt 1448) aupres de Casimir IV en faveur de Pierre II.
10
Voir Camil Mure,;an(u), /ancu de Hunedoara [Jean Hunyadi], Bucarest, 1968, p. 41-42; F.
«lnterven\ia lui lancu de Hunedoara», p. 1062; C. Mure,;anu offer des arguments relatils a l'anne,
naissance de Jean Hunyadi (1407), combattant les reperes plus anciens (1386-1388, 1390, 1392 (1
1396). L'hypothese a un point sensible. Vers 1409 (done deux ans apres), du meme mariage serait
enfant baptise! du mE!me nom, Jean, est difficile a admettre. Le surnom de Jean le cadet supposera·
difference plus grande entre Jes deux freres. Recemment C. Rezachevici (Cronologia critica, I, p, ,:
admet que le prince regnant moldave se serait marie a une soeur de Jean Hunyadi, devenant alnsf
beau-frere (voir aussi l'etude d'Enik6 Rusz-Fogarasi, «Die Frauen des Johannes Hunyadi oder die Fra
der Familie Hunyadi, die mtt Johannes Hunyadi in Verbindung gebracht werden k6nnen», dans Bel
Worlds, II, pp. 193-200, ou l'on voit qu'on ne conna1t pas une soeur de Jean Hunyadi qui puisse.
identifiee a l'epouse de Pierre 111, le prince regnant de la Moldavie.
11
O/ugosz(1711-1712), col. 34.
12
F. Pall, Pall, «lnterventia lui lancu de Hunedoara», p. 1063.
13
Voir J. Chr. von Engel.' Geschichle van Moidau und Walachey, II, Halle, 1804, p. 128; A A. R
«Datarea ferecaturii lui Latcu Cande de la manastirea Neamt» [La datation de la reliure donee par L
Cande au monastere de Neam\], Al/Al, XXll 2, 1985, p. 745; Idem, loan de Hunedoara §i romanii
vremea lui. S/udii[Jean Hunyadi et les Roumains de son temps. Eludes], Cluj-Napoca, 1999, p. 208•'
370
La polilique de Jean Hunyadi en Moldavia
ur Jes chroniqueurs moldaves des XV'-XVI' siecles, Pierre etait celui qui avail donne la
e de Chilia aux Hongrois. C'etait la consequence ou meme la condition de la restaura-
Pierre et ce fail s'est probablement concretise en fevrier 1448. On a deja parle de l'im-
de cet evenement, qui pennettait a Hunyadi, le dirigeant du combat anff-ottoman, de
r toute la /igne du Danube, de Belgrade a la mer Noire (F. Pall). C'etait un avantage
ique de premiere importance pour la campagne qu'il etait en train d'organiser dans le
uDanube. En installant une gamison hongroise dans la cite de Chilia, Hunyadi accom-
aussi le reve de Sigismond (Sigismund, Zsigmond) de Luxembourg de controler Jes
chures du Danube, le commerce avec !'Orient en temps de paix. L'obtention de Chilia
it aussi un rapprochement de la Valachie, don\ le commerce passait toujours par cette
. Chilia devait etre gouvernee par Hunyadi, et Jes Valaques pouvaient se servir du port14.
cession de Chilia a profondement mecontente Casimir IV. On a deja vu que l'interet
e de la Pologne pour ce port de transit s'est accru vers le milieu du XVe siecle, en
de !'apparition d'une nouvelle voie du commerce lipovean (habitant d'origine russe du
e la Dobroudja) vers la mer Noire, con,;:ue comme alternative a l'ancien chemin com-
vers Cetatea Alba. Aussi la couronne polonaise ne pouvait-elle accepter de perdre le
15
le sur Chilia, surtout en faveur de la Hongrie, son ancienne rivale dans la region .
asimir decida de preparer une expedition militaire en Moldavie, afin de chasser Pierre
ne et d'y installer Alexilndrel (II). Une autre raison etatt le fail que le Pierre avatt donne
Sigismond, pretendant au trone de la Lttuanie. Hunyadi intervint aupres du roi polonais
. eur de son beau-frere. Dans sa lettre datee du 2 aout 1448, Hunyadi montratt que:
'(jfvant fa volonte de Oieu, apres la mart du voi"vode Roman, Alexandre, autre hf:n"tier du
orvode Elias. avec des droits indeniables sur le pays de Moldavie, on devrail trouver Jes
'oyens pour que le vorvode Pierre puisse entrer en possession de ses droits, sans nuire a
utre. Vo/re Majeste ne doit toulefois penser que je mettrai la parentele avant la Justice.
omme je manque de temps, devant m·occuper des traites de paix, je supplie Vo/re
cei!ence d'accuei!lir le di/ Pierre dans le pays de Moldavia jusqu'a mon re/our el de ne pas
a
.echainer dans ce pays des expediuons et des pillages. Si j'apprends mon re/our que Pie,re
e travajffe pas juste, j'arreterai de le soutenir et if sera man ennemi.
ans sa reponse, Casimir montrait qu'il etait leur roi et prince, qu'il avail pleins drotts sur la
avie et ne pouvait pas y renoncer. Meme s'il se montra plus conciliant, par l'ordre du 4
ii fit rassembler l'armee en Galicie. Cependant, ii n'affranchit pas la frontiere mold ave 16_
utre le desir de Casimir de maintenir les bonnes relations avec Hunyadi, qu'il avatt tacite-
soutenu contre la reine Elisabeth et ses partisans, l'annulation des expeditions proje-
contre la Moldavie etatt due a plusieurs facteurs. On peut mentionner, par exemple, la
lte de couvrir les frais d'une campagne militaire etrangere ou !'opposition des magnats
Russie Rouge, Buczacki en tete. Selon Dlugosz, le roi polonais envoya en Moldavie une
Dans Cronicile: Lelopise/u/ de la Pu/na I [et]// [La chronique de Putna], p. 48, 61; Traducerea
ascii a Letopise/ului de la Pulna [La traduction roumaine de la chronique de Putna], p. 70 (a
ate Ch1i!ia ungurenilor [<ii> a donne la fortresse de Chilia aux Hongrois]); Cronica moldo-rusii
onique moldo-ruse], p. 161; Cronica moldo-po!ona [La chronique moldo-polone] (p. 177) a tort
e que Alexandre[ a da/ Chi!ia rege/ui Ungariei. ca sii-1 apere de turci, nu scrie carui rege [a
Chilia au roi d'Hongrie afin d'etre protege de Tures, mais one dit pas a quel roi]; N. Grigorae,
omaneascii a Moldovei, p. 135; F. Pall, «lnterven\ia lui lancu de Hunedoara», p. 1064.
5
P. P. Panarrescu, «Legatunle moldo-polone in sec. XV ei problema Chiliei» [Les relations moldo-
·ses aux XV' siecle et la question de Chilia], RSL, Ill, 1958, p. 95 .
6
. Codex, 11, p. 33-34, 40-42; A D. Xenopol, ls/aria romilni!or din Dacia Traianil [L'histoire des
ains de la Dacie de Trajan] (edrre par Nicolae Stoicescu, Maria Simionescu), II, Bucarest, 1986,
1; N. Grigorae, Tara Romaneascii a Moldovei, p. 138; A[lexandru]. D[imitrie]. Xenopol remarquait
:-une note !'importance particuliE!re de ce document, puisqu'il confirme toutes les informations
·eures, extraites des documents d'une epoque aussi confuse.
371
Sorin lftimi
ambassade destinee a convaincre le prince regnant moldave de preter sennent de vass"

et d'extrader le due Michel, pretendant au trone de la Lituanie, afin de conclure la paix17 • };
Ne pouvant pas compter sur un appui militaire immediat de la part de Hunyadi, qui Pt€
rail la campagne anti-ottomane dans (e sud du Danube, Pierre se vii obliger acceptf a
nouvel engagement envers Casimir. A Hotin (22 aoOt), Pierre promettait solennellerni;'
Casimir de devenir son vassal, selon la tradition de ses antecesseurs, le jour et l'heun/
blis par le roi. II reconnais-sait le roi de la Po/ogne pour seul suzerain, excluant la possib,
de repeter un tel sennent devant un autre suzerain. Et on ne viendra pas au secours•d
autre prince regnant sans son accord Celui vise etait, evidemment, Jean Hunyadi18 . c>
Pierre s'engageait a ne ceder aucun territoire moldave sans avoir le consenternen(r
Casimir, et de recuperer en plus ce qu'il avail cede - allusion a la cession de Chilia.':~
devait ramener dans la sphere d'influence de la couronne polonaise. Pierre n'eut proba
ment pas !'occasion de recuperer Chilia pendant son bref regne. On retrouvera la claused·
les traites de la Pologne avec Pierre Aron Quin 1456) et Etienne le Grand (mars 1462) 19 • A
Malgre son engagement du mois d'aoQt, Pierre envoya un corps d'annee au secou/i?·-
Hunyadi lors de la campagne achevee par la defaite de Kossovopolje. Les sources de l'ags'
complis byzantines et ottomanes, offrent de nombreux details sur la participation d'un .ext
d'annee valaque a cette campagne militaire. On ne dit rien d'une participation moldave. 3(/f
La seule exception est la lettre de Pasquale de Sorgo, commen;ant de Raguse/ Dubro'''
au service du despote Georges (£lurad) Brankovi6. Celle lettre constitue une source histo;rlf
extremement importante, etant redigee par un temoin ocuiaire du camp de Jean Huny~c/t
Subotica (sur la riviere Morava), le 11 septembre 1448, deux mois avant cette bataille20 . ·trii:
[Au troisieme paragraphe de sa lettre ii montre que dans l'armee de Hunyadi ii y avail] 3ooolti
cavaliers mo/daves choisis parmi /es meil/eurs et tres bien armes (Item ex Meldonia equites;,:J£1is
tria milia ex optima ordine dilecti atque armis egregie muniti) et 4000 archers valaques;Jl
conduits par le voiVode meme de la Valachie. [Au sixieme paragraphe ii mentionne] /es!:/+'
boyards vaillants et magnifiques de Mo/davie, Va/achie et Transylvanie (ex Meldonia, ':!?i.
Flacciaque et Transilvania plerique perstrenui et magnifici principes). it
Pasquale de Sorgo etait une presence reelle dans cette armee, ce qui nous autori{~
croire que ces chiffres sont tout a fail exacts. Selon cette meme source, l'annee de Huny,(
comptait 72000 soldats (34000 cavaliers et 15000 fantassins). Les sources ottomanes,\'('.
byzantines) ne mentionnent pas les Moldaves en particulier comme participants la bat~jj a
du 17-19 octobre 1448, mais partent de Roumains en general, notamment de Valaques. :-c~i
17
18
N. Grigora§, Din iston'a diploma/iei, p. 138 voir aussi Ureche (1958), p. 84-85. <?I
Documente moidovene§ti, 11, nos. 215-216, p. 733-740; deux documents ant ete ecrits, un ~p,
Pierre, un pour les boyars, qui etait les garants de !'engagement de Pierre (voir Ureche (1958), p. 85)l'J:
19
FPall, «Stapanirea lui lancu de Hunedoara asupra Chiliei §i problema ajutorarii Bizan\ului» [Legg,,
vernernent de Hunyadi sur Chilia et la question de l'aide pour Byzance], Studli, XVIII, 1965, 3, p. 620;;,,.
P. Panattescu,
0
«Legaturile moldo-polone», p. 104-105; V. Ciobanu, Tildie Romane §i Polonia, p. 54-5!5,f
' La lettre etatt conservee a la Bibliotheque Alessandrina, de Roma, Archigymnasio SapienUae, ,·<
DOD, R. 15 (une copie du XVIII' siecle a la Bibliotheque des Franciscains de Dubrovnik; A Decei, Oas/;:;
lui /ancu Huniade inainte de biltiliia de la Kosovo (1448). Scn'soarea /ui Pasquale de Sorgo [L'arrneelil/
Jean Hunyadi avant la bataille de Kossovopolje. La lettre de Pasquale de Sorgo], RIR, XVI, 1946, 4;?,.
40-50 (avec la traduction de la lettre en latin). Une premiere elude sur cette source chez de N. lorga, <\If
nouveau sur la campagne turque de Jean Hunyadi en 1448», RHSEE, Ill, 1926, 1-3, p. 13-27. Pasqu~,,
de Sorgo avatt ete charge par Brankovi6 a se faire le mediateur de la paix entre Jean Hunyadi et le sulfi,;
Murad II. Etant donne que les armies chretiennes s'etaient mises a piller la Serbie, Sorgo regut la mis~i~;:
d'informer le sultan sur !a composition de l'armee et Jes intentions de Hunyadi; on a estime que ce fai-
contribue beaucoup a la defaite de Hunyadi. Le Senat de Raguse interdtt par la suite ataus les citoy.~lj;.
de Dubrovnik qui etaient au service de princes etrang8res d'aller en mission dans d'autres pays. <t"
\:;ft
372
La politique de Jean Hunyadi en Moldavie
ion Decei, on ne saurait pas preciser qui a ete le chef des 3000 cavaliers moldaves,
e De Sorgo n'a pas fail mention de la presence du prince regnant, comme ii l'a fail
cas de la Valachie. II affirme seulement qu'a ce moment (fevrier-octobre 1448) 21 :
a la politique hongroise ce qui, vu /'alliance matrimoniale
rre, etait] totalement asservi
entionnee, ne doit pas surprendre. Avant de completement disparaitre de l'histoire,
a
rre a prouve de la sorte une fois de plus son attachement Hunyadi et la cause a
(etfenne, en envoyant un contingent d'armee dans Jes plaines de Kosovo.
remarquer un autre episode de cette bataille, qui rappelle une tradition ccnsignee par
e dans o samil de cuvinte. Hunyadi est tombe du cheval, etant sauve par le kneze
is Teodor (comme Etienne le Grand par l'ecuyer Purice a 9cheia en 1486), qui lui offrit
eval. II fut recompense avec le domaine Bretelin de Hunedoara (Vajdahunyad)".
n a ecrit que la defaite subie par l'armee dirigee par Jean Hunyadi a Kossovopolje
re 1448) a fail diminuer son influence politique en Moldavie, affaiblissant done aussi
ition de Pierre Ill. Les sources historiques ne disent cependant rien sur la fin de ce
regnant. On le mentionne une derniere fois a Suceava, du 3 au 1o octobre 144823 .
ya en ce sens plusieurs hypotheses, mais aucune ccnfirmee par les sources. Xenopol
·salt que, pour une raison quelconque, Hunyadi l'avait detr6ne par le biais du general
r, cefui-meme qui devait le proteger centre /es attaques ennemies. Dans son ouvrage
nesse, Mu§afinii, 91. S. Gorovei affirmait que Pierre s'etait retire en Transylvanie ou en
rie, oil if trouva assez vile sa mart, probablement par tristesse. V. Ciobanu supposait
prince regnant avail ete assassine vers la fin de 1448 par les boyards philo-polonais 24 •
ezachevici attirait !'attention sur l'acte de donation emis par Pierre le 5 octobre 1448, en
r.du monastere de Probota, necropole de la famille princiere. Apres !'analyse de cette
, ii supposait que Pierre, probablement grievement malade, a /'intuition de la mart. II fail
donation pour le sa/ut des ames de taus ses ancetres mo/daves ayant travai/le pour le
de ta Moldavie, les moines devant toujours veil/er au satut demon ame, sous la menace
tenible malediction. L'auteur ccnclut qu'il s'agit d'une veritable stipulation testamentaire,
e que Pierre Ill a probab/ement rendu son demier soupir autourdu 19 octobre 14411-5.
notre avis, une autre hypothese est tout aussi possible. Le recueillement a la necropole
s aieux, suivi par la donation mentionnee, representerait le geste d'un vo'ivode engage
'e expedition militaire lointaine qui pouvait lui etre fatale. On ne doit pas exclure !'intention
;erre Ill de participer personnellement a cette expedition. II aurait pu y trouver sa mort.
ndant du moment que le 1O octobre ii etait enccre a Suceava, ii lui etait physiquement
sible de parccurir un chemin aussi long pour rejoindre les armees chretiennes.
n ne doit pas oublier que les 3000 moldaves avaient rejoin! Hunyadi deux mois avant la
I.e. Le seccurs porte a Hunyadi transgressait !'engagement envers Casimir IV. Pierre Ill
par ce fail risque de perdre son tr6ne, meme s'il n'etait pas present sur le champ de
.le. Sa donation en faveur du couvent Probota peut done s'enrichir de nouvelles valences.
Le vo'ivode Ciubar(1448)
Derivan! de la chronique de Putna, les chroniques moldaves du xi/ siecle attribuent a ce

6nnage un regne de deux mois, apres le regne de Pierre. On retrouve aussi !'information
1
A. Oecei, «Oastea lui lancu Huniade», p. 50.
Hurmuzaki, 11-2, p. 269.
· DRH, A, I, p. 404-410, 414-415; D, I, p. 401-402.
'Vair $1. Gorovei, Mu§atinii, Kishinev, 1991'_ p. 51; AD. Xenopol, lstoria romanilor, II, p. 142; V.
~u, Tilrile Romane §i Polonia, p. 56; C. Rezachevici, Cronologia criticil, I, p. 507.
.·' C. Rezachevici, Cronologia cnlicil, I, p. 508.
373
Sorin lflimi
dans la chronique attribuee a Ureche, reprise de /a c/Jronique moldave. Le vorvocte Ci

ete un personnage historique reel, don! le sumom a ete enregistre sous la forme rou
des le XV" siecle. Les sources contemporaines n'offrent pas d'autres details biographiq
legende «populaire» sur /e voiVode Ciubar qu'ont mange /es rats est une creation ulte
probablement culte, sans aucun rapport avec le personnage historique reel. C. Reza
signalait la ressemblance avec une legende historique polonaise, beaucoup plus conn
le Kneze Popiel qu'ont mange !es rats, cette fin etant consideree comme une punition di
Engel !'avail des 1804 identifie a Csupor de Monoszlo, le commandant du corps q(i
installer Pierre sur le tr6ne, en fevrier 1448. II provenait d'une famille noble originai
Croatie. Apres la mart de Pierre, ii s'occupa de !'administration du pays pendant deux ·
jusqu'a !'installation d'un nouveau prince legitime. Pendant ce laps de temps ii n'a pas r
mais a gouveme le pays au nom de Hunyadi, l'aidant a depasser le moment de crise g
par la disparition intempestive de Pierre. Selan le langage de l'epoque, on pouvait l'ap
(iitorul (le remplai;:ant, le lieu-tenanO du tr6ne de la Moldavie. Puisqu'il etait un comman
militaire, les chroniques lui donnerent aussi le qualificatif, impropre, de vorvode27 . i
Bogdan II (1449-1451)
Dans ce contexte, c'est le vorvode Alexandre!, le fils mineur du defunt vo'fvode Elia·
les Polonais installerent sur le trone de la Moldavie. II fut cependant detr6ne par Bog
avec l'appui de Hunyadi. Le 12 octobre 1449, apres la bataille de Tama~ani, celui-ci re
une nouvelle tentative d'installation d'Alexandre/ sur le tr6ne, qui serait ainsi oblige a s
gier en Pologne. Ces confrontations entre les divers pretendants mettent en evidence ia
petition qui existait entre la Po/ogne et la Hongrie pour imposer leur influence sur la Maida
Peu de temps apres son avenement, Bogdan essaya de normaliser les relation
la Pologne. II mappel en ce sens a son bien aime parent et ami, Dietrich Buczacki,
de Camenitza et de Podolie. Par l'acte ecrit a Suceava, le 2 decembre 1449, ii lui sq/
de se faire son mediateur aupres de Casimir IV et Jes boyards du Consei/ po/onais 29 .
26
Lelopise/ul de la Putna I, p. 48; Letopise/ul de la Putna ii, p. 61; Traducerea romaneasca
pise/ului de la Putna, p. 70; Cronica moldo-rusa, p. 161; Cronica moldo-polona, 178; Ureche (1
85 (ii signalait que dans Letopisetul eel lesesc, c'est a dire la chronique de Martin Kromer, fi
certain vo'fvode Etienne que les chroniques moldaves ne mentionnent pas); la «fiche» du pers
chez C. Rezachevici, Crono/ogia criuca, pp. 508-510; voir aussi Alexandru Papadopol-Callimah, «
voda in istoria Moldovei ~i in drama d-nului Vasile Alecsandri Despot Vada» [Ciubar voda" dans !'hi_·
de la Moldavie et dans le drama de M. Vasile Alecsandri Despot Vada], CL, XVI, 1882, 8, p. 29~
M. Gaster, «Ciubar voda miincat de Guzgani» [Ciubar Vada mangee par !es rats], RIAF, I, 1883,t
185-191. Le demier ouvrage part de !'analyse d'une legende contenue dans un poeme en versf
par Stamati dans Paves/ea Pove,tiior (Jassy, 1843). Le voTvode Ciubar y figure comme arriere p
du voNode Papura. En realite celui-ci allait regner deux siecles plus tard, s'identifiant a Etienne, le
Vasile Lupu. Le chatiment divin s'est abattu sur le vcrvode Ciubar a cause du fail qu'il lisait traps
les livres de sorcelleries (ainsi considSres par l'Eglise). On poursurt le motif de la souris comme exe
d'unepunition
2
divine, tant dans l'espace germanique que dans differentes traditions antiques. :
J. Chr. van Engel, Geschichte von Mo/dau und Walachey, p. 128; voir aussi F. Pall, «lnte_.,
lui lancu de Hunedoara», p. 1063-1064 (et la note 1), qui suppose que Nicolas (Miklos) Csupor, v ·
de la Transylvanie (1467-1472), que Matthias (Malia, Matyas) Corvinus a recompense pour ses
dans !'expedition de Moldavie (1467) aurait conlribue, par ccntamination et ccnfusion, a /'in
u/tSrieure de la ffgure Snigmatique du volvode Ciub8r.
28
Vasile Piirvan, «Alexandre! Vada §i Bogdan Vada. 9apte ani din istoria Moldovei. 1449-
[Alexandrel et Bogdan. Sept ans de l'histoire de Moldavie. 1449-1455], dans Idem, 5/udii de
medieval§ §i moderna [Eludes d'histoire medievale et moderne] (edite par Lucian Nastase), Bu
1990, pp. 65-128.
9
Documente mo/dovene,ti, 11, no. 219, pp. 746-749.
374
La po/itique de Jean Hunyadi en Moldavia
ogdan II rec;ut la promesse du prev6t de ne proteger aucun de ses ennemis, ni le voi'-

;4/exandre, le fits de Ifie§, ni Madame Marica, sa mere, ni une autre personne de leur
rage. Quant a lui, ii s'engageait d'envoyer tous les ans a son protecteur un cadeau en
5 etoffes de grand prix et des vins de qualite. Une clause speciale assurait a Bogdan le
e chercher refuge, au besoin, en Podolie. Les termes en etaient clairement precises.
'ii nous anive de quitter noire Pays, a/ors que nous ayons le droit de chercher abri sur
rs terres, avec nos tresors et nos chevaux, et que Jews cites et /eurs vii/es s'ouvrent a
us pour nous lager (et pour nous !aisser partir a tout moment) avec taus nos tresors,
5 chevaux, avec toute notre fortune.
e fail que Bogdan a conclu son premier traite avec Buczacki et non avec Hunyadi est
'rete par Rezachievici comme un argument pour l'avenement de Bogdan au tr6ne avec
i de Waldislas II de Valachie, et non de Hunyadi. Ce traite n'a servi a rien a Bogdan.
' ir insistail a preparer une campagne destinee a installer sur le tr6ne son cousin mineur,
ndrel. L'intervention polonaise eut lieu en janvier-mars 1449, se soldant par !'occupation
partie meridionale du pays, avec les fortresses de Hotin, Suceava et Neam\'0.
ogdan II conclut un accord similaire avec Hunyadi (le 11 fevrier 1450, a Roman)31 •
ogdan] promettait a noire bien aime pere [de rester a vie a ses cotes] avec ses
, mmandants, ses armees et son ban conseil [ ... ] Que notre Pays et le Sien soient unis
(.J et que nous ne cherchions nu/le part meilleur pere que noire Ires a1ine pere Hunyad
'imos, le grand gouvemeur.
'\
Ces formules semblent annuler les engagements du traite conclu avec Buczacki, qui
it probablement avere inefficace. Le Bogdan renonc;ait a tout effort de devenir vassal
ide la Pologne. Le traite avec Hunyadi contient aussi la clause du droit de refuge, a la
·.· nee que cette fois-ci elle est une formule symetrique suggeree, semble-t-il, par le
erneur lui-meme .
.. si noire parent est dans le besoin, que noire Pays lui soil ouvert, avec toutes ses
ttunes, ses boyards et ses armees, qu'il puisse entrer et sortir a vo/onte avec ses boyards
t ses fortunes. [Reciproquement] que nous ayons la pemiission d'entrer dans le Pays de
tre parent Hunyad Janos, avec toutes nos fortunes et tout notre argent, et de sortir
ibrement et avo!onte avec taus nos serviteurs.
On cite en temoins tous les boyards du conseil, notamment la fidelite de man bien aime
voi'vode Etienne [Ill le Grand], age de 1Oans. Sa presence pouvait expliquer la preten-
e Mathias Corvinus d'obliger Etienne a se reconnaitre vassal du Royaume de Hongrie.
· . ette definition symetrique du droit de refuge n'etait pas purement fomnelle: les histortens
.d'accord que, vu les circonstances histortques concretes, une telle garantie etail neces-
'des deux cotes. Pour Hunyadi, en raison de ses relations !endues avec la plupart des
's hongrois et compte tenu de !'experience desagreable de sa captivite chez Brankovic.
ta Bogdan, le fail qu'il pouvait compter sur la Transylvanie explique la presence prolon-
.~e sa famille dans la vallee du Trotu~, a Borze~ti, chemin principal de refuge de l'autre
.des montagnes - bien qu'a d'autres occasions on se soil montre assez reserve au sujet
''.tradition historique relative aux liens d'Etienne le Grand avec cette region 32 .
C. Rezachevici, Cronologia criticil, I, p. 515.

Documente moldovene§ti, II, no. 220, p. 749-752.
Voir S. lftimi, «$tefan eel Mare ei Borze,tii. Dincolo de legenda» [Etienne le Grand et Borzeeti. Au
e la legende], dans $lefan 500, p. 21-38; quelques siecles plus lard, le vo'ivode Georges Etienne
_mis dans la meme situation, possedant des domaines auteur de Ca§in et beneficiant du soutien de
nsylvanie.
375
Sorin lftirni
Bogdan n'a laisse aucun document qui confirme les privileges commerciaux octroy'
Bra 9ov, bien qu'un tel document ail certainement existe, compte tenu de ses bonnes relat
avec Hunyadi. En plus, la formule du traite selon laquelle man Pays sera ouvert a to
emissaires, tous /es marchands et tous /es bons gens semble promettre qu'un tel pri
commercial serait bient6t octroye. On dispose en echange d'une lettre datant de mars
redigee a Jassy, par laquelle ii intervenait aupres du Magistere de Bra 9ov en faveur de
de Nyoytod et de son frere Dominic. Bien qu'accuses de barrer le chemin des marcha
de /es pilfer, ce qui faisait grand dommage a /'Eta/, le voYvode garantissait pour leur honnel
car ifs sont nos amis fide/es. La formule assez confuse qui acheve la lettre ressemble ~
sorte de promesse de sa part de renouveler les privileges des marchands de Bra 9ov33 .
L'hommage prete par Bogdan a Hunyadi enfiamma la situation. La Pologne se se

ecartee des embouchures du Danube et n'etait pas prete a perdre son influence dan
region. Aussi le conseil de couronne convoque par Casimir IV decida-t-il de l'organisa·
d'une expedition en Moldavie, destinee a !rancher definitivement la question, etant do
/'importante position strategique et commerciale de ce pays. On a meme envisag
dissolution du pays et sa reorganisation sous la forme de province polonaise. La solutio
finalement la reinstallation de Alexandre!, le descendant legitime de la dynastie moldave
Casimir preparait une nouvelle campagne en Moldavie Guin), ce qui poussa Bog
renouveler son serment de vassalite envers Hunyadi (5 juillet 1450). Ce serment co
quelques formules differentes du premier, qui ant l'air d'anticiper une situation dramatiq
[II s'engageatt a etre] a/a fois son ff/set son serviteur sa vie durant, [et promettait] d'etre ffde/e
a a
/ui et la Couronne Hongroise [... ] de ne chercher autre pare et meilleur Seigneur que Lui.
La clause du refuge offer! reciproquement (aussi longtemps que ce sera necessaire.

presente aussi dans ce document. Elle etait accompagnee de !'obligation des deux parti'
s'offrir tout l'appui militaire necessaire a recuperer leur position, en Hongrie ou en Moldav(
... et le moment amVe pour retrouver notre domaine, que nous puissions le faire librement, et
avec le soutien que nous donnera notre bien aime pere et Seigneur, le voi'vode Jean,
que nous rentrions en possession de notre domaine. Et au moment o/J notre Seigneur, le_-_-:
voi'vode Jean, voudra al/er recup&rer Son Pays, le Royaume de Hongrie, que nous puissions<
/'accompagner, avec notre vie et nos annees ... et rester pres de Jui avec nos atmee5.
La clause, qui garantissait a Bogdan et a sa famille le droit de se refugier sur le territoi

la Hongrie, est la principale piece autourde laquelle s'est constituee l'hypothese relative a
prentissage d'Etienne Ill aupres de Hunyadi. On a meme parle d'une participation d'Etie
aux campagnes de Jean Hunyadi, bien que son jeune age contredise une pareille hypothe
a
Une nouvelle clause apparait a fin: Et que nous ne soyons jamais de noire vie obli
reconquerir Chilia par la force des armes, contre la volonte de noire pare et Seigneur,
voiVode. On a considere que ii voulait s'assurer une fois de plus la suprematie hongroise
embouchures du Danube, au cas ou les rapports entre Bogdan et la Pologne s'amelioreraie
L'armee royale polonaise entra cependant en Moldavie pour chasser Bogdan du t
La confrontation de Crasna, du 5-6 septembre 1450, soldee par la victoire de Bogd
a
obligea Casimir abandonner pour le moment la cause d'Alexandrel et accepter l'homm a
de Bogdan. Les divergences etaient don en train de s'aplaner. Cependant le prince reg
moldave n'eut pas eu le temps de prouver ses qualites de diplomate, etant assassine
octobre 1451, par un nouveau pretendant au tr6ne de la Moldavie: Pierre Aron (1451-1452
33
Documente mo/dovene§ti, II, no. 221, p. 752-755.
34
Cf. V. Ciobanu, Tilri/e Romane §i Polonia, p. 56.
35
Documente mo/dovene§U, II, no. 222, p. 755-758; V. Ciobanu, Tilrile Romane §i Polonia, p. 56.
376
La politique de Jean Hunyadi en Moldavie
Le voYvode Alexandre! (1452-1454)
xandrel eta it le fils cadet de Elias ler et cousin en ligne matemelle du roi Casimir IV. II
candidat que les Polonais soutenaient en octobre 1449 et que Bogdan II chassa de
ie a l'aide de Hunyadi. Dans la dite lettre adressee a Casimir, Hunyadi avail deja
l.l les droits legitimes d'Alexiindrel au tr6ne. Ace moment Jean Hunyadi avail repousse
olution en raison du jeune age du candidat, qui aurait necessite la constitution d'une
. Le gouvemeur d'Hongrie voulait un prince adulte, capable de diriger une armee et
ompagner dans ses campagnes anti-ottomanes. La seule solution etait alors Bogdan.
ble par sa nature et incapable de garder rancune, Jean Hunyadi accepta l'avenement
"ndrel au tr6ne a l'iige de la majolite, qui etait a cette epoque a 15 ans. II prouvait par
'ii etait capable de mettre la justice au-dessus de la consanguinite. Quant a Alexandre!,
Jui aussi evolue, se faisant entourer d'un groupe de boyards qui pretendaient appuyer
litique equilibree entre la Pologne et la Hongrie. II accepta de sceller le serment de vas-
nvers Hunyadi. Son rapprochement de Hunyadi des le debut de ce regne surprend,
e Je renouvellement des privileges commerciaux des habitants de Bra§ov, par l'acte du
36
t 1452, l'eOt deja annonce. Le traite avec Hunyadi fut conclu le 16 fevlier 1453 .
1exandrel faisait savoir que) nous avons fait la paix eterne!le et chr€tienne avec notre pere,
vo;vode Jean, le suppieant du Roi Viadislav [Lad is las VJ, le Maitre et le Seigneur de tout le
yaume de Hongrie. [Alexandre! montrait que] j'ai promis de Jui etre ffls ffde/e jusqu'a ma
rl et de /ui obBiren tout et de ne faire rien sans Son ordre.
e autre clause se prete a differentes interpretations a cause d'une erreur de traduction.

les editions anciennes du document, elle a ete traduite par: et votre epouse sera a
ma reine (loan Bogdan, Nicolae Densu§ianu, Vasile Parvan). Cela supposait done une
tion particuliere, personnelle, envers Elisabeth (Erzsebet) Szilagy, la femme de Hunyadi.
issait au fond d'un eventuel mariage du vo'ivode Alexandre!: je prendrai sa niece en
e pour etre ma femme jusqu'a ma mort. Alexandre II avail a ce moment 15 ans. On ne
~ si ce manage s'est vraiment realise avant la mort du jeune prince (survenue le 26 aoOt
On a juste remarque l'emploi d'un terme grec pour le mot r1iece, terme qui designe une
. llaterale (de frere, sc:eur ou cousin): fT05Y A/llence1a3'.
minence du danger ottoman pourrait expliquer le rapprochement dans Jes relations de
avie avec l'Honglie. Apres avoir conquis Constantinople, Mahomet II emit des preten-
e suzerainete sur Jes etats qui avaient gravite autourde Byzance. On a montre qu'entre
ao0t 1453, au temps du regne d'Alexandrel, Mehmed II envoya un ultimatum a la
vie, reclamant le payement du tribut. Les moyens diplomatiques furent accompagnes
ieurs attaques de la fiotte ottomane et d'incursions terrestres en Moldavie38 .
serment que Alexandre! avail prete a Hunyadi inquieta la Pologne. Elle envoya une
ade en Moldavie pour solliciter l'hommage personnel du prince. Par l'acte redige a
23 novembre 1453), Alexandre! promettait solennellement aux emissaires de se pre-
personnellement pour preter serment de vassalite au roi au moment ou celui-ci allait vo-
en Russie Mineure, a Camenitza, Sniatin (Snyatin), ou, plus loin, a Colomee (Kolomeea),
reserve qu'il soil prevenu 1O semaines a l'avance. II sollicitait aussi a se faire accompa-
entre la frontiere de la Moldavie et le lieu designe a cette fin, par quatre grands boyards
Oocumente mo!dovene§ti, II, nos. 223-224, p. 759-765.

9t. S. Gorovei, «Aliante dinastice», p. 695, note 63.
Vair Idem, «Moldova in Casa PEJcii. Pe marginea izvoarelor privind primul secol de relatii moldo-
e» [La Moldavie dans la Maison de la Paix. En marge des sources concernant le premier siE!cle
lations moldo-ottomaines], Al/A/, XVII, 1980, p. 632.
377
Sorin lftimi
et conseillers de la Couronne que nous a/Ions agreer. C'etait le debut des negociations
nees areglementer les rapports moldo-ottomans dans le nouveau contexte historique3s_
L'engagement envers la couronne polonaise fut repris au printemps de 1454, a Ban
presence de plusieurs nobles de Russie Mineure (enumeres par leur nom) et de boyard
mettant a se mettre au service du roi et de la couronne polonaise. II promettait aussi qu'e
d'attaque des Tatars el d'autres ennemis, nous lui porterons seccurs avec nos vies eti
nos forces. Et au cas ou le prince serait menace par un peril quelconque, ii ne c/Jerc/Jera
lieu, mais se rendra tout droit au Pays du Roi, et sa Majeste le Roi et taus ses boyarcJsi
rant con/re taus ses ennemis, sans exception. Cette formulation assez vague concerna
demment les Ottomans, mais le secours polonais tellement espere n'arriva pas 4°.
Petru Aron (1455-1457)
La politique energique de Hunyadi en Valachie et en Moldavie ne lui apporta past

sympathies dans ces lieux, surtout a cause du caractere autoritaire des actions du fais
voiVodes. Matthias, pour justifier ses pretentions de suzerainete sur la Moldavie, rn
dans une lettre d'avril 1468 que son pere, lorsqu'il etait gouvemeur de la Hongrie, avail ch
plusieurs voYvodes ason gre et sans que quelqu'un sy soil oppose. On a meme affiITTJe°
s'etait servi des tensions intervenues entre Alexandre! et Pierre Aron pour s'assurer que;
attaque pour la recuperation de Chilia en faveur de la Pologne ne serait envisagee.
[$imanschi a montre que Pierre Aron] avail des rapports tendus avec Jean Hunyadi, qui, des'l
14 septembre 1455, en ecrivant aJean de Capistrano, envisageailfa possibi!ite d'une expediao
m17itaire en Moldavie, situee sur la meme position d'adversite envers Jui que la Valachie.
Apres son intervention dans le sud, ou Hunyadi avail chasse un prince regnant
s'alignait pas a ses projets, Pierre Aron pouvait attendre une mesure similaire contre lui.,
reintegration de la Moldavie dans le front anti-ottoman etait a exclure dans ce contexte41;"
Par le biais du meme logothete Mihul, Pierre Aron continua les negociations avec fa'.
demarrees sous Alexandre!, et accepta de payer le tribut en echange de la paix uuin j
Ce renversement de la situation signifiait la perte de !'influence de Hunyadi tant en Mo
qu'aux embouchures du Danube. C'est ce qui explique /'absence des Moldaves du
chretien lors de la grande confrontation de Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar), de juillel
1456. II est tout aussi vrai que les princes de la Moldavie et de la Valachie n'ont pas
non plus le camp ottoman - situation qui allait se repeter lors du siege de Vienne de 168,
En guise de conclusions
La Moldavie n'etait pas situee sur la llgne de confrontation entre chretiens et musul
telle la Valachie. L'activite de Hunyadi s'y fit mains ressentir. Sa qualite de vassale du roi
nais l'assura une certaine protection et une alternative historique dont la Valachie fut pri
Apres la disparition du grand croise, benie par la croix de Belgrade du saint Jean cJ
Capistrano, /es choses al/aient changer. Le centre de poids et de la resistance chretienne s
dep/acera en Moldavie d'Elienne le Grand.
39
Oocumente mo/dovene§li, 11, no. 225, p. 765-769. ,.,;
0
' Oocumente mo/dovene§li, II, no. 226, p. 769-771. ·"
41
Leon 9imanschi, «inchinaraa de la Vaslui (5 <iunie> 1456)» [La soumission de Vaslui
<Juin> 1456)], Al/Al, XVIII, 1981, p. 68-69; voir aussi DRH, D, I, no. 327, p. 446
42
Teodor G. Bulat, «Contribu\ia romaneasca la opera de crucial a lui Ion Hunyadi» [La contri
roumaine a !'oeuvre de croise de Jean Hunyadi], RI, XII, 1926, 4-6, p. 67 (p. 67-68, pour la Moldavief
378
Stephen the Great and John Hunyadi:
Opinions of Historiography
Bogdan-Petru Maleon
"Alexandru-loan Cuza" University
la~i
oldavia's attitude towards the Christian powers, Poland and Hungary, on the one hand,
he Ottoman Empire, on the other, during the 1450', must be viewed within the larger po-
context of Central and South-Eastern Europe. The major issue for the Christian side
the failure of the anti-Ottoman crusade, for which Moldavia was a pcint of support. In spite
crusader success of Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar), the fall of the imperial city,
_ell as the collapse of Serbia and Bulgaria forced the principality east of the Carpathians
ept the new realities and reconsider its position towards the empire of the sultans. At
rne time, while the number of Greek rite sovereigns who had not accepted the Ottoman
r dramatically lessened, the Moldavian princes, who paid tribute to the Ottoman Empire,
in return, largely preserved their political freedom, attempted to assume the role of defen-
of the rightful faith, in accor-dance with their place in the medieval pyramid of power.
***
· ithin the framework of the anti-Ottoman efforts of the Hungarian realm, its governor,
Hunyadi, through his vigorous actions, tried to impose the kingdom's own political
'pies to Walachia and Moldavia. As for Moldavia, the endemic political instability caused
e fights for power amongst the successors of Alexander I the Right (Alexandru I eel
favored external interventions for irnposin~ favorable rulers on the trone of Suceava.
fter February 23, but prior to April 5, 1448 , John Hunyadi sent an expeditionary group
oldavia. Peter (Petru) II was thus restored to power. In return, he entrusted the harbour
2
ilia to the governor's personal control . Later that same year, 3000 Moldavians joined
3
adi's army on the battlefield of Kossovopolje . A year later, after Peter ll's fall, Bogdan
ming probably from Walachia, defeated, with Hunyadi's consent, Alexander (Alexandre!)
ama~ani on the Siret river (12'h of October, 1449) and seized power in Moldavia4 .
n the 11" of February 1450, Bogdan promised to render military aid and council to the
rnor of Hungary, in return for protection against his enemies. At the same time, he offered
'adi shelter in case of need. In return, he demanded the same from Hunyadi, in case he
is throne5. Later, on July 5, he swore to Hunyadi not to try to retake Chilia by the sword'.
uring the fights for power between Alexander II and Peter Ill Aron, following the murder
dan II, Hunyadi kept abeyance, while the two tried to gain his support. On February 16,
Francisc Pall, 'lnteivenVa lui lancu de Hunedoara in Tara Romaneasca ~i Moldova in anii 1447-
\[John Hunyadi's Intervention in Wallachia and Moldavia. 1447-1448], Studii, XVI (1963), 5, p.
; Camil Mure§an, lancu de Hunedoara [John Hunyadi] (Bucharest 1968'), pp. 143-144.
F. Pall, 'Stiipanirea lui lancu de Hunedoara asupra Chiliei §i problema ajutoriirii Bizan\ului' [John
adi's Rule over Chilia and the Problem of Aiding Byzantium], Studii, XVIII (1965), 3, pp. 620-621.
Idem, 'lnterven\ia lui lancu de Hunedoara', p. 1065.
,Constantin Rezachevici, Cronologia criticii a domnilordin Tara Romiineascii §i Moldova (a. 132+
).[fhe Critical Chronology of the Rulers of Walachia and Moldavia (b. 1324-1881 ), I. Seco/e/e XIV-
14'"-16'' Centuries] (Bucharest 2001), pp. 512-513.
Documente mo/dovene§ti, 11, no. 220, pp. 749-752.
Ibid., no. 222, pp. 755-758.
Bogdan-Petru Maleon
1453, Alexander II chose Hunyadi's protection, assured him of his support, and promiseij,
marry on of his nieces'. When he returned for the last time to the throne, Peter Ill Aron gran'
a privilege to the citizens of Brasov (Kronstadt, Brass6), which did not improve his relation•<·
8
Hunyadi (2"' of June, 1455 ). At same time, due to his unstable domestic postion, Peter Ai<
accepted to cooperate with the pro-Polish Moldavian party, naturally opposed to Hunyadi9•• ,
1
On the 1' of October, Peter Aron acknowledged, as a defensive act, Polish suzerainty,
Still, the act of Hotin, mediated by chancelor Michael (Mihul), must not necessarily be reg
ded as a retort to Hungarian hostility, but placed in the logical succession of similar de ·
His reluctance towards Hungary could have well been the result of the fact the his rival h'
received aid from Transylvania and not the consequence of foreign policy strategy develo · ·
by Moldavia, which was part of a relational system that excluded any egalitarian perspectiv'
A year later, the decision of Vaslui, by which Moldavia agreed to pay tribute to the Pel'
was said to symbolize the abandonment of the idea of defending the country on the base'·
internal military resources and of joining Hunyadi's anti-Ottoman combat, in order to main ''
the power of the boyars and to perpetuate subjection toward the Jage/lonian crown 11 . In fa'
this decision established a status of normality between Moldavia and the Ottoman Empire:('
butes were a form of peace redemption, used also by Byzantine emperors). This persp . · ·-
is supported also by Mehmed !l's charter from June 9, 1456, through which he granted.'
merchants from his counties, from Cetatea Alba (Akkerman) the right to trade in the emgft
and which stated that he had come to peace with the prince of Moldavia (Bogdan iii beyij. ;4!:
***
}i~:
The insecure political climate gave way to interventions of the neighboring Christia~(~
wers (Poland and Hungary), in favour of the various contenders to the throne. These interyf
lions were often of violent nature. Still, in spite of modem thinking, they must not be viewect'F
severe violations of nonmality, but as common medieval contemporary practices in the qu:'
for power, even if they usually encroached upon Christian faith. From this point of view•0 '·
must also analyze the murder of Bogdan II and the evolution of his son, Stephen (the Grea,ff
The entire Romanian historiography agrees on the idea that the young princely sci?o1
was in Reuseni in the night, when his father was killed (October 15, 1451). What happeq::
with him after the assassination is still uncertain and a matter of debate between historiaff
$imanschi rejected the idea of Stephen's withdrawal toward Moldavia's Lower Cou[1
(Tara de Jos), as the popular tradition claimed. He viewed it as the result of a contaminatioQ'[
<(;•
7
Documentemoldovene§ti, 11, no. 224, pp. 762-764.
8
9
Ibid., no. 227, pp. 771-772.
In order to underline the idea that VV!adislaw (Vladislav) II of Walachia's relations to Hunyadi
"*
vC
tense, a letter sent by Bra§OV to VV!adislaw (November 1454), was brought forth (Leon $imanschi, Oum'..~
Agache, 'lnscaunarea lui $tefan eel Mare: preliminarii §i consecin\e (1450-1468)' [Stephen the Great's ______
thronment: Preliminaries and Consequences. 1450-1468], in Romania §i civiliza/ia occidental§ (Rom~Ql-
and Western Civilization), edited by Kurt W. Treptow (la§i 1997), pp. 204-205). However, the naming(:
examgle
1
of an episode related to an imprisoned Szekler is irrelevant (DRH, D, I, n9. 325, pp. 443-444)f
Documente moldovene§ti, 11, no. 228, pp. 773-777; $imanschi-Agache, 'lnscaunarea', p. 203l!y
11
12
$imanschi-Agache, ')nscaunarea lui $tefan eel Mare', pp. 206-207. oit!i
13
Documente turce§ti, I, no. 2, p. 2. O''.ff
$imanschi supposed that Stephen was born probably in 1438. Thus, in 1451 he was almost 13(;.,
cumpana a copilariei lui $tefan eel Mare: Reuseni, 15 octombrie 1451' [A Crossroad in the Childhoo,J{:
Stephen the Great: Reuseni, October 15, 1451], Al/Al, XIX (1982), p. 197). A recent hypothesis sugges,,
that Stephen was born in the winter of 1441-1442 and was only 9-10 in 1451. This idea is backed up b\\,'.'.
idea that he intervened in Moldavia in April 1457 and not earlier for, aside from the unfavorable cont_,·.
his intimates were waiting for him to come of age, that is to tum 15 (Andrei E,anu, 'O ipoteza: Cand,.:
nascut $tefan eel Mare?' [A Hypothesis: When was Stephen the Great born?], in $tefan 500, pp. 13-16)1-f
380
Stephen the Great and John Hunyadi
ans. Stephen had been born and spent his childhood 14

in Southern Moldavia, from where
ceived significant support during his fights of 1457 . l;,imanschi's alternative version is
sought shelter in Suceava, the main residence of Moldavia's rulers during that time.
order to accept such a hypothesis, one must first analyze a charter, dated Suceava,
r 17, 1451, and issued in the name of the deceased ruler, by which Peter Dumea was
15
med several properties . Obviously, the issuing by the princely chancery of such a
in Bogdan's name, after his death, is doubtful. It has be argued that the document
16
'rafted prior to the assassination was still issued because of the unexpected murder ,
use the one benefitting from it was among the direct supporters of Bogdan /l's rule".
imanschi did not reject the hypothesis that the lack of data on Bogdan ll's fate allowed
ument to be issued. By this he contradicts his previous statement that, after the mur-
tephen quickly headed for Suceava. Meanwhile, Peter Aron might have quickly strayed
18
the princely throne, where there were enough forces to assure his punishment . Still,
0 the short distance between Reuseni and Suceava, it is hard to believe that Stephen
have reached Suceava unhindered and that Peter Aron did not take any action against
r two days. It is likewise difficult to establish the identity of the forces ready to resist
urderer and who then quickly surrendered in front of the enemy of young Stephen.
hile reviewing the circumstances of October 1451, is furthermore hard to imagine that
19
body, who had the courage and support to kill an acting ruler under the eyes of his
els, like Peter Ill Aron, would have trembled in front of a boy, such as Bogdan ll's son.
'hschi's scenario also implies that, as a first in the history of usurpations, after the ruler
8ead, his rival deliberately left the capital city in the hands of the supporters of the late
llowing them also to regroup. Moreover, by his alleged course of action, Peter Aron
also losing out on the opportunity of quickly receiving the blessing of the metropolite of
avia, seated in Suceava, and of thus becoming the legitimate ruler of the country.
n the other hand, Peter's situation was uncertain from the beginning, due to his pact
20
• lexander 11 . Now, Peter Aron wanted to break the pact and retain power for himself.
21
allowing years (1451-1457) were marked by the ensuing conflict between the two .
hese facts seem to strongly support the idea of Stephen arriving safely to Suceava. In
, it is impossible to accept that the lack of certain news about the ruler better justifies
mission, after two days, of Petru Durnea's privilege". If the son of Bogdan 11 reached
·· va, with news of his fathers murder, the confusion regarding the latter's fate amongst
vian officials there is unexplainable. Therefore, even if the beneficiary would have put
re on the officials, the issuing of a charter, in the name of the late ruler, in his favour
to accept". Consequently, the charter granted to Durnea was the result of the lack of
n the events of Reuseni which makes it highly improbable that Stephen quickly left for
va. Though it is impossible to tell whether or not he actually was in Reuseni, it is quite
that Stephen was not the one who brought news of his fathers death to Suceava.
$imanschi, 'O cumpana a copilariei lui $le/an eel Mare', p. 185.

DRH, A, I, no. 15, pp. 16-17.
Nicolae Grigora,, Tara Romiineascii a Mo/dovei de la intemeierea statului piinii la $tefan eel Mare
_1457) [Moldavia from the Founding of State up to Stephen the Great] (laei 1978), pp. 180-181.
<•$imanschi, 'O cumpana a copiliiriei lui $le/an eel Mare', p. 184.
Ibid., p. 196.
The author himself proved that Bogdan had several foes and thus Peter Aron could have easily
some accomplices (Ibid., pp. 193-194).
Rezachevici, Crono/ogia cn/icii, I, pp. 524-525.
Ibid., pp. 522-534.
$imanschi, 'O cumpiina a copilariei lui $tefan eel Mare', p. 196.
Ibid., p. 184.
381
Bogdan-Petru Maleon
***
At the time of the Moldavian upheaval of October 1451, Vlad Ill the Impaler, the fo;~
ruler of Walachia was in Suceava. After a short reign (autumn 144824 ), he had fled soutbY
the Danube to the Turk and then headed for Moldavia. From here he hoped to gain the sd'
25
port of Hunyadi . It is known that after the assassination of Bogdan II, Vlad left for Trans'
vania. Most historians supposed that Vlad and Stephen crossed the mountains togetbe
This 'joint-flight' gave room to various speculations and fantasies. They were, paradoxically.ry'
the result of a major discoveries of new sources, compared to the time when Ursu had co'
cisely argued that after Reuseni, Stephen saved himself and wandered in a foreign count ·
Stoicescu took as a major probability the fact that Bogdan's son may have accomparii;
Vlad to Transylvania. He further claimed that the son of John Hunyadi's ally could have th'
facilitated the rapprochement between Vlad and Hunyadi 27 . It is quite difficult to tell haw5
young man (of 18, according to the same author) could have achieved that. He was mark'
by his father's death and, in particular, he lacked the necessary experience for such deli<#it
diplomatic matters, in which Stephen had also to face other rivals to his Moldavian thronej:r
N. Grigora 9 did not reject the possibility that Stephen found refuge near Wadislaw Ii~'
Walachia. Yet he quickly accepted the idea that Stephen left for Transylvania, for Vlad[(
In this respect, he tried to make use of his assumption that Stephen's father had spent l/l
time between 1443 and 1449 in Hunyadi's services, where he had been involved in se'-'.{'·
of Hunyadi's campaigns". Stephen would have followed his father's steps, living at Hunya~t
court. Here he would have grown accustomed to state affairs, military art and the culture of.(fi
age. The time spent there would have moreover turned him into a real Renaissance man29 :f!i
Grigora9's main argument in favour of his statement derives from an interpretation 6:t(
fragment in the Cronica breviter scrip/a. According to it, during his clash of Baia (Banya) \'(\;
Matthias (Malia, Matyas) Corvinus, Stephen was captured by his enemies, together with ,.·
subjects, but still saved himself by negotiating his ransom (December 15, 1467). Grigora 9 sl.l;
posed that the capturers were Hungarians. Thus, Stephen should have spoken Hungaria~;k
0
order to free himself' . The fragment's translations differ as form, but are similar in content.-~
of them speak of several difficult negotiations, which eventually ended successfully31 . An'f'Ngy
the source is too vague to constitute a decisive argument for such a hypothetical structure. ,~,
Other historians accept the Transylvanian scenario, without any analysis of the sources;Q"
of historiography. Boldur, for instance, concisely portraited the time prior to Stephen's rise;f
power and claimed that he came to Hunyadi's court and then left for Walachia, for Vlad32 .f~.
24
Aided by the Ottomans, he ruled for some two months (most likely September-November), du~J~
Hunyadi's failed Kossovopoije campaign ($tefan Andreesa.i, Vlad Tepe§ (Dracula). intre /egenda §i ade~.
istoric [Vlad the Empaler (Dracula): Between Legend and the Historical Truth] (Bucharest 1998'), '
41). For Constantin A. Stoide, Din nou despre istoria Tarii Romane,;ti din anii 1447-1450' [Once
the History ofWalachia. 1447-1450], Al/Al, XIV (1977), p. 549), his rule lasted until late 1449/ early
only then Hunyadi could have been able to restore Wadislav II to the throne and not soon after his
25
Andreescu, Vlad Tepe§, pp. 50-51.
26
l[oan]. Ursu, $tefan eel Mare [Stephen the Great] (Bucharest 1925), pp. 8-9.
27
Nicolae Stoicescu, Vlad Tepe§ [Vlad the Impaler] (Bucharest 1979), p. 21.
28
29
N. Grigora,;, Moldova Jui $tefan eel Mare [Stephen the Great's Moldavia] (la,;i 1982), p. 26.
Ibid., p. 28.
30
Ibid., p. 29.
31
Ion Constantin Chitimia, Cronica Jui §tefan eel Mare (versiunea germana a Jui Scl,ed,,n
the Great's Chronicle: The German Version of Schedel] (Bucharest 1942), p. 61; Cronici/e, pp.
32
Alexandru V[asile]. Boldur, $tefan eel Mare voievod al Mo/dovei (1457-1504). Studiu de
sociala §i poli/ica, [Stephen the Great, Voivode of Moldavia (1457-1504). A Study of Social and
History], edited by Catalina and Marius Chelcu (la,;i 2004'), p. 3.
382
Step/Jen the Great and John Hunyadi
In spite of the lack of the data, real analysis was made and some reasonable suppositions
offered, while avoiding groundless speculations. Rezachevici went beyond stating that,
Reuseni, Stephen found refuge abroad. Less tempted to believe that the prince took re-
in Walachia, he was ready to accept the idea that Stephen arrived at Hunyadi's court,
33
're he also met the latter's son, Mathias . In one of his latest works, he took for a rule the
that Stephen stood by Vlad's side until February-March 1452. Nevertheless, in regard to
34
place of stay,_ he oscillated between the Bra~ov_ area and Hunedoara (Vajdahunyad) .
.For $imansch1 and Agache, between the assass1nat1on of Reusern and his enthronement,
phen spent a few years in Transylvania, where, in accordance with the arrangement of
· John Hunyadi might have given him shelter'. In order to clarify the details of Stephen's
, ':;,imanschi had already claimed that Stephen had left Suceava soon after October, 17" ,
6
ther with his mother and her brother, Vlaicu, and several boyars. He headed for the Barsa
37
d (Burzenland) and Bra~ov, where his father used to have many friends and relations .
The main argument brought up in favour of the hypothesis is that this route of refuge was
also by the son of Vlad II the Devil (Dracul), by Vlad Ill the Impaler. Vlad Ill is known to
e left Moldavia for Transylvania, prior to February 6, 1452, when his arrival was a matter
38 39
ncern in Buda . Shortly after (prior to March 30), Vlad returned to Moldavia . In spite of
40
h facts and details, $imanschi argued that the two princes were wandering together .
Based on the document from March 30, Gorovei and Szekely stated that it is hard to think
41
, within the context, Stephen would have stayed beside Vlad for long whJ/e . Yet, they
not speak of Stephen's fate after Vlad's return to Moldavia. They then list the opinions ac-
ding to which Stephen acquired his military and diplomatic skills in Hunyadi's company.
'Despite the lack of data on the fate of Bogdan ll's son between October 1451 and June
, historians did not hesitate on supposing that Hunyadi helped Stephen in gaining power.
anschi and Agache suggested that an intervention in Moldavia had been planned since
phen's Transyvanian stay, that, in autumn 1455, when John Hunyadi saw the possibility of
ifitary expedition in Moldavia, the only contender to the throne who could have been taken
consideration by the royal captain was Bogan /l's son42 . They thought that his claim had
33
C. Rezachevici, 'Familia lui $tefan eel Mare. imprejurarile ocuparii tronului' [Stephen the Great's
ily: The Circumstances of his Enthronement], RA, LIX (XLIV) (1982), 2, pp. 118-119.
34
Idem, Vlad Tepe,;--Cronologie. Bibliografie' [Vlad the Impaler: Chronology, Bibliography], Rd/, XXIX
76), 11, pp.1777, 1782; Idem, Crono/ogia criticii, I, p. 536 .
30
., $imanschi-Agache, 'inscaunarea lui $tefan eel Mare', p. 212.
36
$imanschi, 'O cumpana a copilariei lui $tefan eel Mare', p. 185.
37
Ibid., p. 185 (and note 18). He also discussed a letter dated <March 25, 1450>, by which Bogdan
efended two merchants accused of robbery in front of the authorities of Bra~ov (Oocumente moldo-
e'j,ti, 11, no. 221, pp. 752-755).
8
The document reveals the fact that Hunyadi asked the citizens of Bra~ov not to give help and
r to Vlad, but to hold him, until he was sent under escort to Moldavia. After Hungary had made
with the Ottoman Empire, Buda and Adrianople had recognized Wladislaw ll's rule. Therefore,
ernor Hunyadi could not permit anybody to rise against Wladislaw (DRH, D, I, no. 308, pp. 423-424).
39
DRH, D, I, no. 309, p. 425.
40
'inchinarea de la Vaslui (5 <iunie> 1456)' [fhe Submission ofVaslui (5"' <of June> 1456)], Al/A/,
Ill (1981), p. 619, note 29. The main arguments for asserting this idea were that Vlad and Stephen
e together in the summer of 1456 in Walachia and that a Moldavian was seated in the Walachian
cely council (1457-1459). Though Stephen's presence in Walachia in 1456 is certain, it is logically
ossible that he constantly accompanied Vlad. This would have meant also returning to Moldavia.
41
$tefan Sorin Gorovei, Maria-Magdalena Szekely, Princeps omni laude maior. 0 istorie a /ui $1efan
Mare [A History of Stephen the Great] (The Holy Monastery Putna 2005), p. 14.
42
$imanschi-Agache, 'inscaunarea lui $tefan eel Mare', p. 212. They discussed also the letter by
nyadi to John Capestran (Giovanni da Capestrano) on September 14, 1455. The letter only reveals
·383
Bogdan-Petru Maleon
been made public and concluded that his leaving, together with Vlad, for Walachia in spri{,
1456, was a nonna/ consequence of this state of facts. The allegedly long planed Moldavia·
was belated by t/Je events in t/Je summer in 1456 and especially by Jo/Jn Hunyadi's death'):,
Andreescu viewed the possibility that Vlad's Walachian enthronement was only the fi~
step in Hunyadi's grander plan to retake control over both Romanian principalities just a
an 'intermediate hypothesis'. He was also moderate in his analysis of the presumed seccti'
phase of Hunyadi's incompleted plan: the Moldavian enthronement of Bogdan ll's son44 • /
There are no evidences that Vlad returned from Transylvania to Moldavia between 145
and 1456. In return, it is certain that the increasingly tense Ottoman-Hungarian relations 1·0
to Hunyadi's change of attitude towards Wladislaw II, widening thus Vlad Ill's road to pow.{
With a small troop of soldiers, he seized the throne, following a rapid intervention, which too
45
place after April 15 and prior to July 3, 1456 , when Hunyadi entrusted him with the defen
of southern Transylvania. Vlad the Impaler's new task proves that his enthronement ha·
been supported by Hunyadi who prepared himself to defend Belgrade from the Turk46 • ·
Most historians believe that Stephen stood at Vlad's side when he won the Walachiai
throne47. It is now certain that Stephen was in Walachia, in June 1456. Otherwise his meeti1f
in Walachia, which he later recalled, with chancelor Michael (Mihul), who was on his way'
Mehmed ll's camp, bringing him Moldavia's first Ottoman tribute, could not have take place~i
During the late 1440' and mid 1450', John Hunyadi played an essential role in the
of power between Alexander I the Right's successors. Although apparently Hunyadi did 1{
fijf
give him a direct military support when he gained the throne, Bogdan II had a special reJ~'
lion with the governor of Hungary. Because in their arrangements, they mutually promisY-
shelter in case of need, it was assumed that Bogdan ll's heir found refuge in Transylvania;5;
Several researchers, who dealt with the matter, thought that Stephen Ill fled together VI]'
Vlad Ill, leaving Suceava shortly after the murder of Reuseni. A review of the issue basedq'
the sources renders the scenario hard to accept. Still, one cannot dismiss the hypothesis tef'
Stephen lived for a while near Bra§OV, where he could have met with Vlad the Impaler. H ···
ever, their potential meeting was shortlived. Vlad had to return to Moldavia in early 1452. :10
Even though one can suppose that Bogdan ll's son came to Transylvania, he could ha.\f
hardly lived in Hunyadi's entourage. Furthermore, there is no real evidence on a campafg''.
planned by Hunyadi to replace Peter Aron with Stephen. Finally, as the sources do not spe
of it, it seems that no great importance was given to the claim of the future Stephen the Grea~
In spite of the fact that historians took this possibility rather seldom into account, it)f
also plausible that Stephen fled from the beginning to Walachia, which is also the only ai;~.
in which we know for sure that he lived during his exile. Though it is certain that Stephen . ":
in Walachia in 1456 it is impossible to prove how he arrived here. The a/louring idea of Ht;,.
arriving here together with Vlad proves groundless in terms of the contemporary sources/i
'',tf
the possibility of Hunyadi intervening in Moldavia, but does neither clearly express Hunyadi's
intentions nor a specific plan of action (DRH, D, I, no. 227, p. 446).
43
$imanschi-Agache, 'inscaunarea lui :;;tefan eel Mare', p. 213.
:: Andreescu, Vlad Tepe§, p. 71.
Ibid., pp. 54-55, 62-66.
46
Gustav GOndisch, 'Cu privire la relaiJile lui Vlad Tepee cu Transilvania Tn anii
Vlad the Empaler's Relations to Transylvania. 1456-1458], Studii, XVI (1963), 3, pp. 683-684.
47
N. Grigorae, "inceputurile domniei lui :;;tefan eel Mare (1457-1459)' [The Beginnings of
the Great's Rule (1457-1459)], SC$!, VIII (1957), 1, pp. 44-46; Rezachevici, Cronologia critica, I, p.
Gorovei-Szekely, 0 istorie a /ui $tefan eel Mare, p. 15.
48
Gorovei-Szekely, 0 istorie a lui $tefan eel Mare, p. 15.
384
Step/Jen tile Great and Jo/Jn Hunyadi
Two other aspects speak in favour of Stephen living in exile south of the Carpathians.
an had found help in Walachia in 1449. Stephen later showed a constant interest for
eighboring state. Consequently, it can be suggested that the prince awaited his chance
gain his father's leagacy south and not west of the mountains. Vlad the Impaler success-
alachian action of 1456 provided Bogdan ll's son with that most desired opportunity.
The present research did not aim at closing the complex file on the darkest time in the
f the great ruler. Its main aim was to reject fantasist hypothesis and to correct some inac-
cies in interpreting the existing sources. It also aimed at rebringing into attention the idea
385
Late Medieval Diplomacy in Times of War:
elations between Transylvania, the Hungarian Kingdom and Walachia
(1438-1456)
Daniela Monica Mitea

Cluj-Napoca
The period spanned between the Ottoman campaigns in Transylvania (1437-1438) and
lash of Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehevar) was marked by the constant crescendo of the
ry threat posed by the Turk north of the Lower Danube, namely upon Walachia, but also
e Voivodate of Transylvania and the Hungarian Kingdom. At all stages of his cursus
rum, since he became ban of Severin (Sz6reny) in 1438, John Hunyadi tried to respond
is increasing menace by diplomatic and military means 1. In this train of events, containing
· eds of political impact raised around the fall of Byzantium (1453), the means of direct
ere doubled by devices of diplomacy, organized or less consistent, more or less efficient
· embraced negotiation with espionage, as an intelligence system, involved in the collection
anagement of useful information was developing on both sides of the Carpathians2 .
'fhe political, diplomatic and military nature of the news, not always from reliable quarters,
· almost constantly subjected to secrecy. We can only hypothesize, in terms of peculiar
ts, what was the truly content of all those intimations. The most important novelties on
ry deployments of the enemy were delivered viva voce by envoys. Almost all pieces of
· pondence, even those who had an extra political and economic aim, made reference to
eed for secrecy and strengthened the reliability of the information, by expressions like a//
ovelty you had written us on the Turks, we correctly understood', all he will say, believe
because those are my very words 4 or the present letters to give back to the relater.
1 For an overview of these aspects, for instance: Mihail P. Dan, Un stegar al luptei anfiotomane: lancu
unedoara [A Standard Bearer of anti Ottoman Fight: John Hunyadi], (Bucharest 1974), pp. 27-29;
_oan-Aurel Pop, 'Transilvania in seoolul al XIV-lea si in prima jumatate a secolului al XV-lea (cca.
1456)' [Transylvania in the 14~ Century and in the First Half of 15~ Century], in lstoria Transilvaniei
cry of Transylvania], I, Pana la 1541 [Prior to 1541], edited by 1.-A. Pop and Thomas Nagler (Cluj-
2003), pp. 279-280; Pal Engel, Regatul Sfiintului $tefan. lstoria Ungariei medievale 895-1526
Realm of Saint Stephen. History of Medieval Hungary], edited by Adrian Andrei Rusu, loan Dragan
Napoca 2006), pp. 305-307, 310-313 (the translated edition follows the Hungarian version of the
.). A tinted analysis upon John Hunyadi's military efforts against the Turk was offered by Lajos
es, Hunyadi, (Budapest 1952), pp. 110-146. For the same efforts, closely connected with Romanian
tries, see the work of Cami! Muresan, lancu de Hunedoara [John Hunyadi] (Bucharest 1968'), pp.
, 139-144.
E.g. Mihai Axante, Cerce/are, infonnafii spionaj [Inquiry, Information, Espionage] (Bucharest 2005),
10. Diplomacy was defined as the peaceful conduct of relations amongst political entities, a way
···. enting the warfare (Keith Hamilton, Richard Langhorne, The Practice of Diplomacy: Its Evolution,
· and Administration (London-New York 1995), pp. 1-3, 22-24). For Hunyadi's diplomacy in those
: Francisc Pall, 'Stapanirea lui lancu de Hunedoara asupra Chiliei si problema ajutorarii Bizanjului'
Hunyadi's Rule over Chilia and the Problem of Aiding Byzantium], in Romiinii §i cruciada tiirzie
,3nians and the Later Crusades], edited by lonuj Costea, (Cluj-Napoca 2003), pp. 197-205.
DRH, D, I, no. 296, pp. 406-407.
} For instance: Ibid., no. 261, pp. 362-363; no. 277, p. 387; no. 291, p. 401.
***
For the study of both diplomacy and intelligence in those peculiar times of warfare, it
necessary to reaffirm the well-known fact that information always meant power. Consequen
the need to control and guard all political, military or economical authority and prepondera
6
generated the imperative of inquiry . In terms of the regional age of Hunyadi, this was rraf
related to the crusade, to the social or commercial changes involved by it. The genuine v
of information was given by their authenticity, novelty, accuracy, usefulness and suitability.
The classical methods of acquiring information, which would have been in use in the
7
1400', were observation, direct comprehension, active inquiries or negotiations . The first
basically defined Hungarian-Walachian relations, intermediated by the Transylvanian Sa~
cities of Bra~ov (Kronstadt, Brass6) and Sibiu (Hermannstadt, Szeben), as a large number:
domestics, ordinary envoys were sent both south and north mainly in order to solve political
economical issues, not to gather information. Still, though quite seldom, for all parties invcil\l
in regional politics, we encounter some special envoys, procurators, even deputations lea
a 'diplomatic' figure. Their presence was (usually) closely linked to the initiation of Hunga ·
Ottoman peace negotiations (e.g. those announced on December 17, 1449) and/ or with
conclusion of the ensuing peace treaty, like on November 20, 1451, in Adrianople {Edirne)
It was a very 'human' diplomacy, based on habitual knowledge. The information w
general of oral nature, thus exposed to various forms of distortion. A semantical analys··
the correspondence may offer a first and partial image of this peculiar diplomatic dimensio
Envoys (nuncil) and deputations were the real guarantees that all Christian states
preoccupied with the inner need of security and peace, mainly coram the Ottoman expan
as a part of the so-called ius inter genies, affirming the idea of interdependence of all regi
political bodies 10_ Yet the Turkish-Ottoman idea of pax was different from the Christian
It claimed a firm and durable peace with the non-Muslims was not possible, unless the
11
Muslim "partners" were completely conquered and subjected to the laws of lslam .
In this particular conflict of interests, in the mid 1400, the states agreed to preserve
inviolability or immunity of envoys, empowered with safe-conducts and letters of credeH
even in warfare cases. It was a continuation of Greek, Roman and Byzantine customs, ··
led a century later to Grotius' statement that the envoys must be considered, by fiction, b ·
really the persons who sent them and also, by fiction, they must be counted aside the
2
territory they entered' . The right of deputation was a constant natural part of the diplo
common law of the age, which allowed the envoys to proceed on their other (secret) mis
(aside the one for which they had written and oral instructions in view of more or less o
negotiations) 13 , that of collecting information from the places to which they had been sent.
5
DRH, D, I, no. 310, pp. 426-427.
6
Spionaj §i contraspionaj [Espionage and Counter-espionage], edited by Manuela Georges (
Napoca 2001), pp. 7-8.
7
For an useful outline of procedures and techniques: Axante, Cerce/are, pp. 8-9.
8
In this respect: DRH, D, I, no. 299, pp. 409-41 O; no. 305, pp. 418-421.
9
Almost all the correspondence between 1438 and 1456 was edited in DRH, D, I.
10
Hugo Grotius, Oespre dreptul razboiului §i al pacii [On the Law of War and Peace], translat
Geor~e Dumitriu (Bucharest 1968), pp. 26-27, 40-41. ·:•.
Mihai Maxim, Tarile Romane §i inalta Poarta. Cad111/ juridic al re/a/ii/or romano-otomane in.
Mediu [Romanian Countries and the Ottoman Porte. Juridical Frame of Romanian-Ottoman Relati
(Bucharest 1993), p. 201. :
12
Grotius, Despre dreptul, p. 56. On late medieval Romanian diplomacy and diplomats: Mircea M.
Dip/oma/ia. §coli §i institu/ii [Diplomacy. Schools and Institutions] (Bucharest 19752), pp. 403-412. .•:
13
Ion M. Anghel, Oreptul diplomatic. Re/a/iile, privi/egiile §i imunita/ife diploma/ice [Diplomatic Law
lations, Privileges and Diplomatic Immunities] (Bucharest 1975), pp. 21-26, 49; Mali\a, Diploma/ia, p.
388
Late Medieval Diplomacy
The perhaps essential feature in the evolution of this form of mediated communication
es from the 'official traces' left by the novelties that spread through Transylvania and
chia, as the growing Ottoman pressure called for more expediency and efficiency in the
smission of information. For in stance, in 1449 (July, 10). Hunyadi thanked the officials of
city of Bra 9ov for the news on the Turk, who was rumored to attempt a secret crossing of
Danube. In emergency cases, the information, gathered from Walachian direct or indirect
rces, had to be brought by the Saxons to the governor in ve/oci cursu equi. In 1449, the
at was real and a rise to arms was declared. Otherwise, it would be difficult to explain why
14
citizens of Bra 9ov were imposed to be so prompti prepared for any case of warfare .
The informational flow was, on occasion, quite fast, though Walachia had no public office
the transportation of correspondence and envoys, but only a service for the transmission
velties, for the sole use of the ruler and of the state apparatus. Over the whole 15~ century,
1achian rulers provided for this office by their domestics as it appeared in the exemption
the horses for remount [olac in Romanian], granted to some villages belonging to great
s. According to later Walachian sources, horses for remount were as valuable means for
15
smission of information and were often the object of trans-Carpathian thefts 16_
In Transylvania, the transmission of Walachian information was at times directly led by

st
central power. On the 31 of January 1439, king Albert of Habsburg ordered that all the
· Is, nobles, Szeklers and Saxons in the Seat of Sebe 9 (Muhlbach, Szaszsebes) should
bstruct or harass the Transylvanians captured by the Ottomans and taken to Walachia
were now returning to the realm. The local authorities had to herald the royal order in
ughs and other public places, everywhere will be needed. The former slaves were not only
I objects, but also potential carriers of valuable data on Ottoman military intentions".
·we can also further distinguish between the public and secret relevance of the political
economical data gathered, on all sides, by this 'intelligence system'. After he concluded
e with Wladislaw (Vladislav) II of Walachia, John Hunyadi gave the order (November 15,
) that his decision to grant commercial freedoms to all merchants involved in the trade
een Walachia and Bra 9ov should be announced in public places. They were to be left in
18
and suffer no embargo. The access to southern data was therefore facilitated .
In all cases of intelligence needs, even in terms of a (temporary) status quo, the political
nee had to be preserved in favor of the Christians, as Hunyadi's himself pointed out in
·· tier written, from Hunedoara (Vajdhunyad) to John Capestran (September 14, 1455).
egretted that he had not been able to meet the monk in Szeged, but he had been in a
t hurry to reach Bra 9ov from where he had to enter Walachia or Moldavia. He had not
able to write of these secret matters of great importance, but he desired to arrive <in front
is royal majesty and discuss the entire matter very soon". Hunyadi shared his plans with
stran in view of a better and more coherent anti-Ottoman political and military dynamic.
· es, Hunyadi could not leave matters open to chance and neglect any potential threat.
DRH, D, I, no. 296, pp. 406-407.

Nicolae Stoicescu, Curleni §i slujitori. Contribu/ii la is/aria armatei romiine [Courtiers and Servants.
utions to the History of Romanian Army] (Bucharest 1975), p. 358.
DRH, D, I, no. 324, pp. 442-443.
DRH, D, I, no. 257, pp. 357-358. For the context: Engel, Regatul, pp. 301-303
DRH, D, I, no. 328, pp. 447-448. For the reign of'Madislaw 11:Constantin Rezachevici, Crono/ogia
a domnilor fiirii Romiine§li §i Mo/dovei (a. 1324-1881), I, Secolele XIV-XV/ [The Critic Chronology
Rulers of Walachia and Moldavia (1324-1881). I. 141h-16" Centuries] (Bucharest 2001), pp. 98-100.
9
DRH, D, I, no. 327, pp. 446-447.
389
Though of vital importance, the control of information was instant and suffered, at tirn
great delay. Information was thus sent out as it had arrived. Afterwards, the authorities had
officially rectify previous orders and messages. Prior to 1461/1462, Vlad Ill Tepe§ (the Imp ·
wrote to a Rucar (Ruckersdorf, Rukkor) customs official that the novelty in the matter of Turk
was not anything about it, and that the Saxons could fearlessly send their envoys to Walachia
Even if Walachia had direct contact to the Ottoman border, such nevertheless fiaws appear'
Retroactive control of the information was thus also of great value. On December 23, 14 ·
for instance, Hunyadi had charged the citizens of Bra~ov to send some envoys in Walacti
to surely know all other news on the Ottomans. They had to confirm the information broughf
a certain Walachian Radu Kakewcz 21 .He was in particular interested to know why Wladisl
did not want to preserve that peace with him. Hunyadi (rightfully) suspected an Ottoman doi
In return, in times of crisis in particular, the flow of information was also expedient a
accurate. On October 31, 1448, in a letter to the officials of the city of Bra~ov, Wladisl
declined the invitation to come to Transylvania, made by vice-voivode Nicholas (Miklos
Ocna Sibiului (Salzburg, Vizakna). Last Tuesday (feria tercia proxime preterita), less than
days after the battle of Kossovopolje (18th-19/20tli of October) had ended, Wladislaw II
received new from an Ottoman civilian that Hunyadi had fought Murad II for 3 days and
got almost the best out of him. Wladislaw could not leave Walachia for fear that the Otto
would <immediately> destroy our and your states (statim nos et vos destruere possent)22.
However it was easier to collect and receive information in times of (apparent) pe ·
On May 15, 1454, Oswald Wenzel, the judge of Sibiu, delivered valuable data (obtained
his trustworthy spy who had returned 4 days ago from Walachia) on movements of the pa
to the city of Vienna (Wien, Bees). He had received encouraging news that Ottoman mere
frequented the fairs in the same number as Romanians. It could be therefore hoped (or rat
feared) that the Turk was to preserve the peace. Wenzel assured Vienna that Sibiu was',
buckler and the anchorage of the Hungarian Kingdom and entire Christendom and prom is
fresh news, more certain [... ] for the peculiar reanimation of the spirits23 . Such 'good n '
were intended to keep up the Christian moral severely damaged by the events of 1453.
On the other hand, under the cover of medieval feelings as well as phrases of fear,
can notice that information circulated rather freely. The flow of information was assure
Walachian, Ottoman, Saxon or Hungarian envoys, spies (professional or not) or mere
witnesses. This fiow entered an (almost) organized frame of intelligence for the ruler's us
According as your envoys saw with their own eyes, we already face the Turks. The ph'
in Hunyadi's letter sent to the Saxons of the Seven Seats, from Cuvin (Keve), on thee{
the battle of Belgrade (July 3, 1456) proves that this 'system' was functional and that it
allowed Hunyadi to take the necessary precautions before the final clash. They sire!
from the Banate, over Transylvania, to Walachia where Vlad Ill had recently won the thro
20
DRH, D, I, no. 335, p. 454. For an ove(View: Rezachevici, Cronologia, pp. 101-105, 115-11
21
Hunnuzaki, XV-1, no. 73, p. 42; DRH, D, I, no. 329, pp. 449-450. According to the docu
last editor, the person responsible for bringing the Ottoman news was named Kafrwcz (Gavru\).
22
DRH, D, I, no. 293, pp. 402-403. For the date: DIR, lntroducere [Introduction], I, (Bucharest 1,
Appendix II, p. 504. For an entire discussion on Vladislav, Dan's son and partial edition of the docu
loan Bogdan, 'Vladislav Dan premergatorul lui Tepe,;;" f'Tepe,' Precursor, Vladislav Dan'], in Idem,
Tepe§ §i nara(iunile gennane §i ruse§li asupra lui [Vlad Tepe, and the Gennan and Russian Chr
on Him], (Bucharest 1896), pp. 62-69 (67-69 in particular). The Walachian controversy around the ba
Kossovopolje and the ruler(s) of Walachia at the time: $tefan Andreescu, 'Une information neglige
la participation de la Valachie ii la bataille de Kossovo', RESEE, VI (1968), 1, pp. 85-92; Matei Ca~
'La Valachie et la bataille de Kossovo', RESEE, IX (1971), 1, pp. 131-139.
23
DRH, D, I, no. 323, pp. 440-442; Ub., V, no. 2911, pp. 446-447. ,
" DRH, D, I, no. 333, p. 455. An ovel\liew of the siege of Belgrade: Mure,an, /ancu, pp. 191'2
390
The written data in official letters reveals the initial spread of the news and their historical
e, as well as their impact in tractu temporis. Some data survived in the recurrent memory
hancery records. This also indicates the influences of foreign events on domestic affairs.
Hunyadi's Walachian campaign of 1447 (November 23-December 16) contra nefandum
th
II Oracul (the Devil) was recorded in a document from the 24 of February 1449, for the
paign had led to the suspension and postponement of a trial from the 9lli of November
25
7 to the 131li of January 1448 . Rewards for military actions assured the historic survival of
events. The campaign against lawless Vlad had also been recorded on February 1, 1448,
"n Ladislas (Laszlo) Bathory was rewarded with estates for his trusted services rendered
26
unyadi during the campaign . Even the main document illustrating the campaign, issued
unyadi, entitled voivode ofWalachia from God's grace (December 4, 1447, Targovi§te),
in fact a grant of rewards for his loyal men, given their multimodis fidelitatibus 27 .
Aside from these examples, it is rather clear that the channels through which the data was
rnunicated and the speed with which information reached the recipient strongly depended
the importance (personal and common) of the novelty. Obviously, news on the Ottoman
at was more likely to travel more quickly from the Lower Danube line to the Saxon cities
then to Transylvanian and Hungarian authorities than any other news. In these cases, the
matic and military feed-back was consequently more appropriate, though it would worth
ying what news traveled faster: news on Ottoman victories or news of Ottoman defeats.
***
.bn the Walachian level, ordinary envoys (nunciJ) were chosen in the first place among
ervants and domestics of the ruler. In terms of Ottoman affairs, the main aim of their
sylvanian missions was to transmit information on the actions of the Turk. This was, for
nee, also the case of boyars Spanopul and Michael (Mihail), of the domestic Radul (c.
7-1446) or of the domestic Sin (1441 ). These envoys were all sent to Bra§OV, with letters
28
commendation (to be more accurate: letters of credence ) by Vlad Dracul of Walachia.
Unfortunately, these letters are too brief in order to allow anything but speculations. In
case, the main feature of these letters derives from the emphasis place on the envoys'
bility, as the~ were living leffers (a// he will say to you, believe him, because those are
9
very> words ). Due namely to the same very tense Ottoman context and the changing
y of Walachian rulers, which called for a stronger defense of the throne, the envoys had
ably, according also to the general traits of late medieval diplomacy, the task to spy in
30
sylvania . The need for secrecy (with the involvement/ approval of the other party) was
_fore great. The best proof for it the well-known abovementioned formula, the actual
to be returned to the relater, which applied to both political and economical matters31 .
5
DRH, D, I, no. 294, p. 404; F. Pall, 'lnterven\ia lui lancu de Hunedoara in Tara Romiineasca ei
vain anii 1447-1448' [John Hunyadi's Intervention in Walachia and Moldavia. 1447-1448], in
Romiimi, pp. 164-170. Mureean, lancu, pp. 140-141; Rezachevici, Cronologia, pp. 92-94, 96-97.
DRH, D, I, no. 287, pp. 396-397.
DRH, D, I, no. 286, pp. 394-396. Pall, 'lnterven\ia', pp. 182-185 (a re-edition, with critic annotations
comprehensive abstract, of the document issued on 4th of December 1447).
The letters of credence were granted to nuncii by their main sender in order to give them authority
smit information and to negotiate. In this way, Walachian rulers remised a part of their potestas in
ributions of envoys (see in this respect: Hamilton-Langhorne, The Practice of Diplomacy, p. 26.
DRH, D, I, no. 229, pp. 328-329; no. 231, p. 329; no. 234, pp. 331-332; no. 261, pp. 362-363.
ncept of living letters was coined by Hamilton-Langhorne, The Practice of Diplomacy, p. 24.
E.g. Ian Arthurson, "Espionage and Intelligence from the Wars of the Roses lo the Reformation",
ham Medieval Studies (Nottingham), XXXV, (1991), pp. 134-154 (135); Engel, Regatu/, pp. 301-
1ee even the old work of Kurt Riess, Spionajul total [Total Espionage] (Bucharest 1950), p. 84.
: DRH, D, I, no. 252, pp. 349-350; no. 257, pp. 357-358; no. 328, pp. 447-448.
391
Other envoys were selected amidst orthodox monks, mainly from the Vodi\a and Tis
monasteries. They had probably rendered diplomatic services already in the time of Sigisrn
32
(Zsigmond) of Luxemburg . On September 20, 1444, on the road to Varna, Hunyadi confi
all previous privileges and donations granted to these monasteries, led by priest Ghera~
He offered to protect them for the service and their right faithfulness, with which they serve
rightful and faithful. Furthermore, they were permitted to preserve their belief and their la'
These services were very likely also of diplomatic nature. In Transylvania and Wala
as well as in Hungary proper, Greek rite monks too were often used as envoys and interp
34
for Latin and Slavic languages . At the same time, such practices and also Hunyadi's d
of 1444 are linked to the post-Florentine, sprit which marked the mid 1400' and influen
35
to a certain extent, regional foreign affairs • For example, this was the case of the transc ·
(confirmation) of the privilege granted for the Franciscan order in Walachia (8th of Feb
1431 ), drafted by the chapter of Oradea (Nagyvarad, Grosswardein), on July 9, 144836 _
Hungarian and Transylvanian high-ranking officials too were sent to negotiate. Accor
to the document issued by Nicholas Ujlaki and John Hunyadi, on the 16th of October 1
the Transylvanian voivodes themselves were to act as special procurators37 in Walachi
more deputations of our lord, the king and of other high Hungarian authorities. These a
were closely related to problems posed by Vlad Dracul's mint in Transylvania and the Ti]
The ruler of Walachia, as vassal of the late king Sigismund, had been entrusted with the···
Ottoman defense of southern Transylvania. In return, Vlad II had been granted the mint3;
These kind of delicate matters posed great challenges to local diplomats. The prob,
were increased by Ottoman military actions. In spring 1442, Mezid Bey, beg of Vidin, atta
Transylvania40 , which brought diplomatic communications to a halt. Boyar Nan and chan
Stephen (9tefan) wrote to the city of Bra~ov on April 22, denying that they had met wi
32
See D.M. Mitea, •~ad Dracul's Economical and Political Relations with Sigismund of Luxem
Tran;;yivania and Hungary. Revaluation and Meanings', in Between Worlds, Ill (in print).
DRH, D, I, no. 276, pp. 384-387.
34
For more details on Romanian clerics with diplomatic charges" D. Mitea, 'Rela\iile Tran ·
cu Tara Romaneasca, reflectate in Socotelile Sibiului (anul 1507 §i inceputul lui 1508)' [fransyl
Walachian Relations Reflected in the Account Books of Sibiu (1507-Early 1508)], in Trans
th
(seco/e!e XI/I-XVII). Studii istorice [Transylvania (13 -17~ Centuries). Historical Studies] (=BIi,
edited by Susana Andea (Cluj-Napoca 2005), pp. 241-243. '-
35 With regard to the peculiar aspects posed by these matters, see Viorel Achim, 'La fe ·.
roumaine du royaume de Hongrie entre orthodoxie et catholicisme. Le cas du Banat', Colloq
(1994), 2, pp. 17-28; lulian-Mihai Damian, 'lnspira\ia, contextul §i aplicarea decretului regal privile
Ruthenorum (1443) in Transilvania ,;i Banat' [The Inspiration, the Context and the Application
Royal Decree privi/egium Ruthenorum (1443) in Transylvania and Banat], A$D, I (2005), pp. 89-1
36
DRH, 0, I, no. 290, pp. 399-400.
37
The procurator was a special superior diplomatic medieval official in relation to the simple
(nuncios). The sovereign power delegated p!ena poles/as to him. He thus had the right to ccn
truces and treaties, look for allies, deliver and receive official papers (Hamilton-Langhorne, The PracU
Diplomacy, p. 27). Still, the terminological border between the two categories is difficult to establisti·
can name them only by their prerogatives.
38
Hwmuzaki, XV-1, no. 43, pp. 27-28; DRH, D, I, no. 266, pp. 336-368.
39
ls/aria polilicii exleme romane§li in dale [The Chronological History of Romanian Foreign P
edited by Ion Calafeteanu (Bucharest 2003), p. 25; For more details on the question of Vlad ll's
Sighi§oara (Schal>burg, Segesvar) and Bra,;ov: llie Minea, Vlad Dracut §i vremea sa [Vlad Dracul a
TimeJ (la§i 1928), pp. 61-64 (excerpt from Cl IV); Mitea, 'Vlad Dracul's economical and political relati
0
Nicolae lorga, 'Carpa\ii in luptele d'1ntre romiini §i unguri' [The Carpathians in the Combats
Romanians and Hungarians], in Idem, Studii asupra evului mediu romanesc [Studies on the Rom
Middle Ages], edited by!;,erban Papacostea, (Bucharest 1984), p.176; Mure,;an, lancu, pp. 75-78.
392
.s embassy, led by Anthony (Anton, Antal), as long as they had been, in Sibiu, alon~side
lord Vlad (we didn't see your deputation with our eyes, nor hear them with our ears' ).
Transylvanian stays of acting Walachian voivodes were quite common, namely in times
risis. On August 7, 1448, Anthony of Arpatac (Arndorf, Arpatak), maybe the same envoy
442, was sent by Hunyadi as representative to the Saxon authorities. Hunyadi asked them
befitting credit and reverence to Wladislaw II who was then staying in Transylvania42.
As in Vlad ll's case, Wladislaw ll's stay was connected with the (frequent) questions of
ary aid for Walachia and shelter in case of need for his ruler. Sometime between October
December 1445, Vlad, after informing Bra~ov of the crusader conquest of Giurgiu, asked
Saxons for more military support. The message delivered by his envoy, Dragomir, had to
trusted, because these are my words". Probably, perhaps because it was news on an anti-
man victory, Vlad's message was double-checked by the Saxons. Hungarian authorities
most likely the same thing, if time permitted i~ as in 1449 (July 10), when Hunyadi assured
city of Bra~ov that he correctly understood all the novelties sent to him previously".
one of Hunyadi's most important diplomatic figures of the time was Stoica Gisdavi645
46
sdavich, Ghizdave\; the Handsome in Bulgarian and Serbian) . Stoica first appeared in
uments (June 12, 1444) as the noble man and the chosen envoy sent by Wladislaw I (Ill)
dyslaw, Ulaszl6) to negotiate the ten years peace treaty with Murad II in Adrianople. The
n highly appreciated Stoica and thus wrote to the king that your envoy Stoica, like any
r devoted, will negotiate in your name, so we can have trust in him like in your own
on. He swore, in Stoica's presence, to keep good and durable peace, w1/hout any cheat
47
artfulness for ten years space . This led to the controversial peace of Szeged (-Oradea).
August 4, 1444, also in Szeged, Wladislaw and Hunyadi broke their Ottoman oaths. In
t, of cardinal Cesarini, papal legate, they swore to attack the Turk starting with September".
49
A (more lasting) temporary peace (pacis trewga ) was concluded, for 3 years, only in
1 (November 20), in Adrianople. The parties agreed on Walachia's Ottoman tribute and
that none of them could impose a ruler in Walachia, unless that person had been legally
41
DRH, D, I, no. 267, pp. 368-369; Ub., V, no. 2434, pp. 96-97 (only an abstract of the document).
42
DRH, D, I, no. 291, p. 401; Ub., V, no. 2653, pp. 259-260 (entire document, without translation).
43
DRH, D, I, no. 277, p. 387. For the context, see also Gustav GGndisch, 'SiebenbGrgen in der
enabwehr 1396-1526', RRH, XIII (1974), 3, pp. 426-435.
4
:,' DRH, D, I, no. 296, pp. 406-407; Ub., V, no. 2682, p. 279.
45
In Pall's perspective ('Stapanirea' pp. 195-196), Stoica was possibly of Serbian descent, while,
rding td Adrian Andrei Rusu (loan de Hunedoara §i romiinii din vremea sa. Studii [John Hunyadi
the Romanians of his Time. Studies] (Cluj-Napoca 1999), p. 229), Stoica had his origins in the
iira§ (Fogaras) area.
46
Petru$. Nasturel ('Stoica Ghizdave\ (1444-1453) §i Dumitru Ghizdave\ (1475-1485): omonime
.inrudire?' [Stoica Ghizdave\ (1444-1453) and Dumitru Ghizdave\ (1475-1485): Homonyms or
anguinity?], AG, I (IV) (1994), 3-4, pp. 223-224) discusses whether or not Dumitru (Dimitrie) was
's son. On Dumitru, mentioned as ban of Mehedin\i (23'' of April 1486), see also the work of $tefan
escu, Biinia in Tara Romiineascii [The Banate in Walachia] (Bucharest 1965), pp. 56-57.
47
See DRH, D, I, no. 273, pp. 377-379. For a perspective on the treaty, in the ccntext of Walachian-
an relations: Tahsin Gemil, Romiinii §i otomanii in secolele XIV-XVI [Romanians and Ottomans.
16° Centuries] (Bucharest 1991), pp. 117,120. Tahsin Gemil noticed that, in this ccntext, the most
rtant diplomatic concession made by Murad II towards Wladislaw I (and Hunyadi in this case) was
cknowledgement of a Hungarian-Ottoman condominium Goint-suzerainty) over Vlad ll's Walachia.
48
Hwmuzaki, 11-2, no. 584, pp. 694-696; F. Pall, 'Autour de la croisade de Varna. La Question de
ix de Szeged et sa rupture', BSHAR, XX (1941), 2, pp. 144-158; Idem, 'Stapanirea', p. 196; see P.
I, 'Janos Hunyadi and the Peace of Szeged (1444)', AOASH, XLVII (1994), pp. 241-257.
49
DRH, D, I, no. 308, pp. 423-424; Ub., V, no. 2767, pp. 337-338. The exact translation of trewga
is truce of the peace, hence, a temporary state of peace.
393
elected by the 'Walachian estates'. The treaty also stipulated important aspects of med(
diplomatic interstate relations, such as the inviolability of envoys and of the merchants50 <f
We do not know whether or not Stoica was involved to any de,Rree in the signing of
treaty, though his knowledge of Greek, Latin and Slavic languages and his diplomatics
would have qualified him for it. In any case, for his achievements, John Hunyadi granted ·
in May 1447, an estate named Dumbravi\a (Schnakendorf, Szunyogszek), possibly in the
52
near Codlea (Schwarzberg, Feketehalom), in the Barsa County (Burzenland) . Betweens
1453 (on April 11, Stoica Gizadve\' s domestic was secretly transporting weapons to Chilia,1
th
Bra 9ov, Targovi9te, Braila) and possibly spring 1454 (as a notice from the 30 of April, on.t
arms transports from Bra 9ov to Chilia, via Baila seems to indicate), Stoica was appcintecl
John Hunyadi castellan of Chilia. He had to maintain good relations to \Madislaw II, bee,/
Hunyadi had reached, for the time being, a pclitical arrangement with the Walachian nuler53• y
After Hunyadi's death, Stoica may have entered the service of Vlad Ill. This could h
been facilitated by his place origin, apparently the Fagara 9 Duchy, where a noble (boyar)
54
to been loyal to both the king of Hungary and the ruler of Walachia . A boyar Stoica, de
of arms and man of confidence, was sent by Vlad Ill to Bra 9ov as his envoy (prior to 145
with a message which read: everything he will say, trust him, for they were my true word
With a very likely mixed background, in terms of local and ethnical origins, Stoica
probably most of the envoys used in regional relations, was a typical frontier figure.
seemingly moved with great ease between Hungary, Walachia and the Ottoman Em
gaining the favor of rulers, he could also be viewed as a 'double agent'. In fact, it way w .
that he was closer to the 'modern' status of a diplomat, rather than to that of a 'medieval'··
though his status relied on basically medieval facts. It has already been noticed that the lirr,
powers of the 'nuncius' sometimes made him useful to more than one employer, esp
when there was no particular sense of nationality and the envoy could and did pick up
56
messages along his route . A procurator in particular could have had a clear conscien
his assumed 'double identity'. Stoica was most likely a procurator with full diplomatic
granted by his sender, which made possible his actions of 1444, 1453-1454 or 1456-145
Regardless of uncertainties and hypothesis, Stoica was a quite rare diplomatic figure in_
institutional sense. Though necessary and almost daily activities, negotiating, communica
and spying were not yet fitted into a well developed diplomatic pattern, as these activi
could be entrusted to virtually all social categories, from monks, lower nobles and domes_!
th
to boyars, great nobles or merchants. In the 15 century, diplomacy was (in general) noti
profession. "Diplomats', either simple envoys or procurators, had also other occupations ·
50
Acte, Ill, pp. 23-27; DRH, D, I, no. 305, pp. 418-421.
51
Niisturel, 'Stoica Ghizdavet', p. 223.
52
Rusu, loan de Hunedoara, 'pp. 228-230,
53
Hunnuzaki, XV-1, nos. 66-67, pp. 38-39; DRH, D, I, no. 318, pp. 435-436; no. 320, pp. 436-4_
no. 322, pp. 439-440. Pall, 'Stiipanirea', p. 194. On the strategic importance of Braila: C.C. Giure
lstoricul ora§ului Braila. Din cele mai vechi timpuri panii astiizi [The History of the City of Braila: Fr
Ancient Times to Present-Day] (Bucharest 1968), pp. 62-64. }
54
See in this respect Antal Lukacs, fara Fagiira§ului in Evul Mediu (secolele XIII-XVI) [The L~
of FaJiiira~ in the Middle Ages (13th-16th Centuries)] (Bucharest 1999), pp. 184-194.
DRH, D, I, no. 332, p. 452; no. 334, pp, 453-454.
56
Hamilton-Langhorne, The Practice of Diplomacy, pp. 25-27 (quotes from p. 25),
57
See Adam Watson, Diplomacy. The Dialogue between States, (London-New York 1984), p,
More data on the principles of 15th century Western European diplomacy (with special focus on
diplomatic agents, practice, privileges or immunities}, can be found in the synthesis of Garett Matlin
Renaissance Diplomacy, (New York 1988), pp, 15-46. Though the time span of our attention (14,
1456) suits, from a chronological perspective, Renaissance times, it is our opinion that it is difficul
view the Walachian political relations of the time as largely shaped by Renaissance sprit or trademarkS:
394
These facts reflected on the 'structure' of an embassy, on that of company of both ordinary
• ys and special procurators. Though large deputations were rarely mentioned, it is quite
•man sense to assume that, in accordance to his rank and the character of his mission,
messenger had his tail. The tail posed further namely financial problems and usually
for a reducing of the tail, which had to fed, provided with horses and, at times, also with
ey5'. In Transylvania, the deputations and the spies sent to Walachia, in particular, had
e financed namely by the cities of Bra 9ov and Sibiu. This royal task proved to be often a
en. On February 24, 1433, these cities had already complained to king Sigismund of the
niary difficulties the faced because of such tasks, to which, according to their complaint,
59
cities of Bistri\a (Bistriz, Besztrece) and Cluj (Klausenburg, Kolozsvar) did not contribute .
• During the period of our attention, the known information indicate only one large deputation
th
t from Sibiu, after the 24 of September 1453 by the Seven Saxon Seats to Walachia. The
ructions (memor/a/e ad partes Transa/pinensis 60 ) received by the deputations were very
ailed for that time, emphasizing names and places, a clear sign for the importance of the
utation. The matters to be discussed with the Walachian authorities were the economical
transhumant irregularities caused by the Romanians, the murders and crimes they had
61
milted in the Fagara9 area against Saxons after the open conflict between Hunyadi and
adislaw II over the possession of Amla 9 (Omlas) and Fagara 9 had irrupted in early 1452.
deputation had been instructed to tell the lord voivode, of all these problems in the hope of
hing his ear and goodwill and thus receiving his support for the settlement of the matters.
***
One of the most common and tempting questions posed by the diplomatic relations, by
practices and the "agents' involved by them, between Hungary (including Transylvania)
Walachia is that of their 'Renaissance character' in the time of John Hunyadi. From a
ral European chronological perspective this seems to have been the case. Likewise, if
look at the rise of Hunyadi and the 'social mobility' in Hungary, the context favors such a
pective62 . Nevertheless, actual diplomatic actions reveal a typical late medieval diplomacy.
Permanent embassies and representatives are the main features of modern diplomacy.
ey are absent from the 'Carpathian context'. The envoys (legati; especially nunci1) were in
'neral mere 'part-time' diplomatic agents from various backgrounds. Few could be listed as
· urators, with extended prerogatives. Large deputations may be viewed as predecessors of
bassies. Still, they were few in number and their activity was restricted over a rather short
e span. Information management was direct and personal. The viva voce messages stand
.the overwhelming category of diplomatic messages. Extensive written reports and letters
a rarity. Even the spies are seldom mentioned as such in documents. Both for Hungary
namely for Walachia, the arguments in favor of a Renaissance diplomacy are too fragile.
In return, in spite of these 'modern shortcomings', regional diplomatic relations were very
nse. The dynamics of these relations and the constant quest for information are probably
58
Some late information on this matter can be found in Wadislaw !l's letter of 1508 (January, 10). He
de to all envoys sent to Walachia or Moldavia, to force the Saxons to any pecuniary contributions or
al seJVices. The envoys had to manage on their own (oratoribus in ipsorum expensis expedire: DJAN-
j, ~-0.B., P.0.B., no. 403; Hunnuzaki, XV-1, no. 328, p. 179; Mitea, 'Relajiile', pp. 224-225).
Hunnuzak,, 1-2, no. 486, pp. 584-585.
60
DRH, D, I, no. 306, pp. 421-422.
61
Ibid., no. 321, pp. 437-438.
62
In such matters, see Joseph Held, Hunyadi: Myth and Reality (Boulder 1985); Eugen Denize, A.
., acs, 'Rela\iile lui lancu de Hunedoara cu Poggio Bracciolini' [The Relations between John Hunyadi
d Poggio Bracciolini], RIU, Ill (1988), 1, pp. 145-156, and Martyn Rady, Nobility, Land and SeNice in
d1eval Hungary (New-York 2000), pp. 151-154.
395
the best arguments in favor of the Renaissance aspects (not contents) of trans-Carpat
diplomacy. The frequency of diplomatic contacts and the pressuring Ottoman context Pia
in favor of a Renaissance style development of the relations. The 'domestic structure' of
diplomatic apparatus however prevented, at least retarded, a real development in this resp·
This was not only a local feature, but can also be found on the general continental level 63 .
The transition from (late) medieval to (early) modern (Renaissance) diplomacy conti
in the first half of the 16th century. As the number of written espionage or official diplom
reports multiplied also in the matters of the eastern parts of the continent and as the mad
written diplomatic stage was set, trans-Carpathian diplomatic relations distanced them 1r·
the medieval legacy. This allowed the appearance of the first extensive consuetudina'd'. wr(
Romanian theory on diplomacy, authored at the court of Neagoe Basarab of Walachia 4 • "·
63
For more details: Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy, passim.
64
See Dan loan Mure9an, 'Et Theodose dans tout cela? (Sur !'Elaboration des Enseignements
Neagoe Basarab)', in inchinare fui Petre$. Nasture/ fa 80 de ani [Festschrilt for Petre $. Nasturel on'
so" Birthday], edited by Paul Cemovodeanu, lonel Candea, Gheorghe Lazar (Braila 2003), pp. 299-32
396
II.
The Battles
th
Turkish Riders of the 15 Century
C./1. The Battles
,J
~ ~---,1
,.
I ,f"~
·,'
<
The Battle of Varna:

Illustration from Martin Bielski's 1564 edition of his Polski Kronika
The Battle of Baia:

Illustration from the 1488 printed Version of Thur6czy's Chronicle
398
1.
Faces of Warfare
Wladislaw I (Ill) in the 1488 printed Edition of Thur6czy's Chronicle

C./I.1. Faces of Warfare
An Early Modern Image of Skanderbeg
Murad ll's Tugra
400
John Hunyadi as a Military Leader
Ferenc Sebok
University of Szeged
th
'This lecture sets out to analyse the contribution of John Hunyadi to 15 century stra-
thinking and military practice as refiected in his campaigns against the Ottomans, with
ecial eye on the siege and relief of Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar) in July 1456.
***
th
Historiography in the 19 century tended to view the medieval military leaders as un-
ed in the field of strategy. As a legacy of the Enlightenment, some historians even consi-
d the whole of the Middle Ages as a dark age, where everything was irrational. Military
hes were led by warriors, who were trained in men-to-men combat, but were unable to
perly organise campaigns, respectively to conceive strategy to win set-piece battles.
In the second half of the 1900', this view, however, went through a step-by-step change.
initiative came from Western European historiography. French and English military histo-
s analysing the events of the Hundred Years' War carne to the conclusion, that medieval
ary leaders were in general no less capable strategists and tacticians, than their modern
terparts. They were well-versed in mobilising relatively huge numbers of soldiers, as well
ing able to take up new methods of warfare, drawing conclusions of former clashes 1.
Therefore, our task is to apply this new way of approach to the deeds and achievements
hn (loan/ lancu/ Janos) Hunyadi, a Romanian-born member of the lesser nobility in
ieval Hungary, who rose to the highest rank of the kingdom in 1446, when he became
nt of the realm, and whose historical relevance has been well-known in Hungary for a
time, and Romanian historiography has also begun re-thinking of his role in common
garian-Romanian pasf. In my opinion his historical achievement can well depict the inter-
ndence of our two peoples, to the idea of which I should like to dedicate my lecture.
***
· Hunyadi began his career at Sigismund (Zsigmond) of Luxemburg's court as a page.

rding to some contemporary rumours, he may have been an illegitimate son of the
, but this cannot be verified, or refuted either. His later rise to fame and power triggered off
types of speculation. What we know for sure, that the king was quick to recognise the
ies of the young boy, who accompanied the travels of his ruler to many parts of Europe.
He spent some time in Italy keeping a close eye on the latest developments in military
nology, ways of fighting in battles, siege technology. He took part in some of Sigismund's
paigns too against the Hussites in Bohemia, where further useful conclusions could be
3
n from the way of fighting of Bohemian infantry, the use of carts as moving artillery •
1
Philippe Contamine, La Guerre au moyen age (Paris 1980); Michael Prestwich, Annies and
are in the Middle Ages (New Haven-London 1996); Medieval Warfare, edited by Maurice Keen
ord 1999); Andrew Ayton, Philip Preston, The Battle ofCrecy, 1346 (Woodbridge 2005).
2
Radu Lupescu, 'Hunyadi Janos alakja a magyar es a roman tortenetirasban' [The Figure of John
yadi in Hungarian and Romanian Historiography], Sz, CXXXIX (2005), 2, pp. 385-420.
3
Pal Engel, 'Hunyadi palyakezdese' [The Beginning of Hunyadi's Career], in Nobilimea, pp. 91-109.
Ferenc Sebok
After Sigismund's death in 1437, Hunyadi's rise was fast, an almost unprecedent
one, on the basis of which we can come to the conclusion, that his capabilities must ha.
been exceptional. During the rule of king Albert he managed to win several smaller s
clashes against Turkish raiding parties, after which he rose to the status of 'banus', whi
meant that he was responsible for the defence southeastern parts of Hungary proper.
In 1440 Wladislaw (W!adys!aw, Ulaszl6) Ill Jagiello of Poland came to the throne
Hungary. Hunyadi took up sides with the new king instead of the baby son of king Al
who had died the former year. The background motif of his decision was that he had realiz
that the new king would be willing to defend the realm against the Ottomans, perhaps WJ
the help of Poland, too. John Hunyadi and his close friend, Nicholas (Miklos) Ujlaki defeat
the protagonists of the former king's son at the battle of Bataszek in January 1440.
\Madyslaw I (Ill) appointed John H~nyadi and Nicholas Ujlaki, a powerful Hungar
baron, to be voivodes of Transylvania. Ujlaki was only nominally a voivode and he mai
stayed in Hungary proper, while John Hunyadi took his new task very seriously, and set a
organising the defence of the Voivodate of Transylvania against the Ottoman raids. Aft
same time, he became one of the most powerful magnates of Hungary, as the voivode
Transylvania concentrated enormous military and financial resources at his disposa14.
***
In 1442 the Ottomans started an incursion into the Maros (Mure§) valley. In the first
at Marosszentimre (Santimbru), they were victorious, but Hunyadi managed to escape,
lised his reserves in a few days. In a second battle, near Hermannstadt (Szeben, Sibiu
dealt a heavy blow at the over-confident enemy, employing a typical medieval stratagem
exchanged armour with one of his soldiers. When the Ottomans overpowered this wa
they thought they were victorious again. But when John Hunyadi struck at them with his fr"
troops, it was enough to force the Ottoman troops to retreat leaving all their plunder behind.['
Hunyadi's next encounter with the Ottomans was perhaps his greatest achieveme ··
the category of field battles. He entered Walachia in 1443 and met a numerically sup
Ottoman army along the river lalomi\a. In this battle he brilliantly coordinated the mov
infantry, heavy cavalry and moveable field artillery carried on carts in 'Hussite style'. At
decisive moment of the battle his infantry and mobilised artillery outflanked the Ottorn
Surprised by his move, they fled from the battlefield leaving the Christian forces victorio
The battle of lalomi\a marked a turning point in the history of Ottoman-Christian wa ,
It became clear, that the Ottoman armies could be defeated in a set-piece battle. Euro ·
common opinion turned again towards the idea of a crusade against Islam in Europe.
leader of this great crusade could have be none other, than the victorious John Hunyadi
The idea was put into practice in the autumn and winter of 1443. King Wladislaw I
led his troops into Serbia and Bulgaria with the intent of capturing Drinopolis and fof:
the Ottomans to give up their European territories. Hunyadi, who crushed several Otto·
armies, which tried to block his way into the Balkans, in fact led the military movements
At the height of the campaign, in which some 30000 soldiers, including Walachian_
cavalry, participated, John Hunyadi re-conquered Sofia. Hunyadi intended to break thr
the passes of the Balkan Mountains, but the army was short of food after a long cam
and winter weather prevented further military operations. He had to retreat, but on his
he again broke into pieces those Turkish armies, which attempted to prevent his withdra
4
Elem er Malyusz, Az errielyi magyar tarsadalom a kozepkorban [Hungarian Society in T ransy
in the Middle Ages] (Budapest 1988), pp. 4-13. '
5
For the events of 1442-1443, see Tamas Palosfalvi, Nil<apo/y/6/ Mohacsig 1396-1526
Nico~olis to Mohacs 1396-1526] (Budapest 2005), pp. 66-72.
Ibid., pp. 73-81.
402
John Hunyadi as a Military Leader
The campaign was, nevertheless, a big success. Murad II offered a favourable peace
ty. Entire Serbia was to be liberated and the sultan was to pay reparations. He even
red Wladislaw Ottoman auxiliary troops against his enemies. The king could not simply
down this peace offer. Talks led to the infamous 'peace of Szeged', an incorrect term
ct The peace treaty was in fact closed in Oradea (Grosswardein, Nagyvarad), but it was
zegec that Wladislaw vowed to keep the treaty (hence the name 'peace of Szeged').
However, the papal legate, cardinal Cesarini, was quick to convince Wladislaw that an
made to heathens was invalid, so he could go on with war preparations against them.
ill-fated Varna campaign started in the autumn of 1444. In the following disastrous battle,
king, as well as the papal legate died, while Hunyadi escaped with great difficulties'.
***
In 1446 Hunyadi was elected regent of Hungary. Despite the defeat at Varna, he was on
top of his popularity. He set about organising his next offensive campaign against the
man Empire immediately after coming to power. He took the strategic initiative in 1448.
The plan was to join his forces with Albanian lord George (£lurad) Castriota Skanderbeg.
yadi crossed the border with considerable forces, even though Serbian despot George
kovic had decided not to risk his fate against the Turk and remained 'neutral'. Hunyadi's
ps got as far as Kosovopolje, where in October they unsuccessfully fought a two-day
e. During his flight, Hunyadi was captured by Brankovic, who threatened to hand him
to Murad, but after great threats from the Hungarian barons he decided to set him free.
f-lunyadi's popularity began to decline, though he remained governor of Hungary for 5
years. He could not think of an offensive against the Turi<'. Instead, he concentrated his
'ining forces on the realm's defence. In 1453, the new sultan Mehmed II took Byzantium,
ing consternation in entire Christdendom. After conquering the remainders of Serbia
-1455), the Ottoman sultan saw the time ripe for the conquest of Hungary proper.
he first step in this direction would have been the capture of Belgrade, a fortress of great
ic importance, for it lays at the confluence of the rivers Danube and Sava. The one in
I of Belgrade was at a convenient point to launch an offensive against Buda (Olen).
***
1456, Mehmed II mobilised an army of at least 70000 warriors with about 300 guns,
g them 12 heavy artillery pieces capable of destroying towers and bastions. Hunyadi
thened the garrison of Belgrade with 5000 Hungarian, Czech and Polish mercenaries
his brother-in-law, Michael (Mihaly) Szilagyi. The fortress consisted of two parts, the
,of Belgrade surrounded by walls, towers and bastions, the other part being the castle
connected to the former by only one gate. Because of its location, the fortress could
attacked from the south. From the other sides it was defended by the rivers and by
eep rocks. The fortress also contained a small port, where river warships could anchor.
unyadi realised that the defenders had a chance only if the fortress could be relieved by
army, which he tried to organise with the help of Franciscan monk, John Capestran
· nni di Capestrano), who had come to Hungary to preach against heathens and heretics,
·sec a crusader army. John Hunyadi had about 10000 trained soldiers at his disposal,
hn Capestran raised an army of about 30000 crusaders, who were mainly peasants
nsfolk unfit for war. But there was no question about their commitment to the war.
th
e sultan began the bombardment of the fortress on July 2. By the 14 all the bastions
ers were in ruins. It seemed that a general attack was imminent Hunyadi could wait
alosfalvi, Nikapoly/6/ Mohacsig, pp. 84-96.

bid., pp, 98-106.
403
Ferenc Sebek
no longer with his relief operation. On that morning, his army carried by several hundred s
boats, which had been turned into makeshift warships by his carpenters, broke through
blockade of Ottoman warships on the Danube. At the decisive moment the defenders ···
broke out of the castle on boats. The Ottoman fieet, attacked from two sides, came clos
disaster. John Hunyadi thus managed to get fresh troops into the hard-pressed fortress.
Undaunted by this misfortune, Mehmed II kept bombarding the fortress with his h •
th
artillery until the evening of the 20 , when the Ottoman troops were grouped for a night a
The fighting went on until the small hours next day. The Ottomans broke into the town
over many hours of bitter struggle, tried to take the castle, but were eventually driven out.
The turning point ensued, when Hunyadi, together with his one thousand heavy cav
attacked the Ottomans pinned down in hand-to-hand fighting. The cavalry swept them 0
the town. However, the siege was still not levied. The sultan still planned a new attack.
The stalemate was decided by the intervention of the crusaders, stationed on the left
of Sava. Five archers from the castle broke out and began harassing the nearby Ottorn
who attacked them in force. The crusaders crossed the river without orders and went t6.
lieve them. The ensuing struggle evolved into a general battle. The sultan deployed more'.'
more forces against the untrained crusaders, which left the Ottoman guns quite undefend
Hunyadi grasped the opportunity. He broke out from the castle with his troops, who "
lured the guns, turned some of them against their former owners, and made the rest us
The Ottomans attacked their former guns, now 'Christian', several times, but it was to no
The fighting went on during the night as well. On the morning of the 23"', the Otto
broke down. They fied from the battlefield during the next night leaving all their guns and
behind. The Christians won, victory for which credit can be give to Hunyadi's shrewd sf·
not to lock himself up in Belgrade, but to combine passive defence with active relief acti ··
***
The victory had a long lasting effect, although the Ottomans continued their conqu
the Balkan Peninsula (of Serbia and Bosnia), In return, did not risk another frontal atta
the Hungarian Kingdom for another 65 years. This fact underlines the achievement of
Hunyadi, the most successful anti-Ottoman Christian military leader in the 15th century
""
9
For the siege and relief of Belgrade: Joseph Held, Peasants in Arms, 1437-1438 and 1
Hunyadi-Rak6czi, pp. 81-101; Istvan Petrovics, 'A Delvidek es a tor6k veszely: a nandorfehervari
es el6zmenyei' [Southern Hungary and the Turkish Threat: The Victory of Belgrade and its
dentst Bacsorszag, XXXVII (2006), 2, pp. 11-19; Palosfalvi, Nikapoly/6/ Mo/Jacsig, pp. 108-117
1
Ferenc Szakaly, 'The Phases of Turco-Hungarian Warfare before the Battle of Mohacs
1526', AOASH, XXXIII (1979), pp. 67-78. .
404
Les batai//es de Sibiu (22 mars 1442) et
de la riviere de lalomifa (2 septembre 1442).
Essai de reconstitution d'apres /es sources de /'epoque
Emanuel Constantin Antoche

Giinel, ll,iksel
otre demarche vise avant tout de faire decouvrir aux historiens militaires occidentaux
aussi aux specialistes dans l'histoire des croisades, un episode mains connu du conflit
qui avail oppose le royaume de Hongrie aux Ottomans a la charniere du XI/ siecle: la
de la riviere de lalomi\a1 remportee par le vo'ievode de Transylvanie Jean Hunyadi
-1446; mai-octobre 1448) sur l'armee ottomane commandee par Chehabeddin Pacha,
/erbey de Roumelie 2. nous avons considere necessaire d'ajouter aussi une courte
e tactique et strategique de la bataille de Sibiu (Szeben, Hermannstadt), cette premiere
e de Hunyadi, de la meme annee, don! les consequences a la fois politiques et militaires
isent irremediablement vers les evenements qui se deroulent, quelques mois plus lard,
des Carpates dans la Valachie voisine, En meme temps, nous continuons d'attirer
ention sur la necessite d'etudier davantage l'art de la guerre en Europe Centrale et
le a cette epoque, domaine souvent ignore dans leurs travaux de recherche.
****
'1,s! tout a fail evident que nous ne pouvons pas aborder l'histoire des expeditions de
di dans la Valachie ou dans la Peninsule Balkanique sans disposer de quelques notions
anisation tactique de l'arrnee ottomane, ce redoutable instrument de conquete qui, des la
3
.e decennie du XII/ siecle mena92it les frontieres meridionales du royaume de Hongrie .
. C. Antoche, «La bataille de la riviere de lalomi\a (2 septembre 1442), une victoire majeure de
iente face aux armees ottomanes», NHB, IX, 1999, p. 59-88.
on sobriquet etait Hadim [l'Eunuque]. II est ainsi nomme dans la Chronique Anonyme (Tev/Jrih-i
an, dans Cronici turce§ti, I, p. 182). Dans autres chroniques ottomanes ii apparait aussi sous
de Kula-Sahin [Faucon noitj (Asikpa§azade, Tev/Jrih /Jl-i Osman, Idris Bidlisi, Hes/ Bihist [Les
adis], Kodja Husein, Beda'I UI-Veka'I [Les evenements merveilleuses], dans Cronici turce§ti, I,
70, 182). Chalcocondylas (Chalcocondyle) (Chalcocondil (1958), p. 155) lui dit Saba/in. Quant
i ((1936-1941), Ill, p. 119), ii ecrit: quod cum basseo quodam Turcorum clarissimo, cui Sciabadin
a
ernt, gestum est. Nous renvoyons aussi l'etude d'llie Minea, «Vlad Dracul §i vremea sa [Vlad
cul (le Diable) et son temps]», Cl, IV, 1928, p. 187.
our un apergu general aux XIV'-XV' siecle: Herbert Adams Gibbons, The Foundation of the
Empire. A History of the Osman/is up to the Death of Bayezid (1300-1403), Oxford, 1916, p. 75-
2
es Oman, A History of the Art of War in the Middle Ages, 11, New York, 1924 , p. 340-344; Necati
at, TOrklerinin (Osman/Jlar) Teess0s ve lstila Devirlerinde Ham G0demi Usulleri [Les tactiques
des Tures occidentaux (les Ottomans) a l'epoque de leur etablissement et propagation],
1936; Histoire Universe/le des Annees, (dir. Jacques Boudet), II, Paris, 1966, p. 10-23; !'article
arry sur l'armee ottomane («Barud», El, I, 1975, p. 1087-1101; Stanford J. Shaw, History of the
Empire and Modem Turkey, I, Empire of Gazis. The Rise and Decline of the Ottoman Empire
8, Cambridge, 1976, p. 25-26, 45-46; Robert E. Dupuy, Trevor H. Dupuy, The Encyclopedia
History, from 3.500 BC to the Present, New York, 1977, p. 408-409; Gyula Ki!ldy-Nagy, «The
ries of the Ottoman military Organisation», AOASH, XXXI, 1977, 2, p. 147-183; Muzaffer Erendil,
Emanuel Constantin Antoche - G0nee leiksel
Le croissant, ordre de bataille privilegie des Ottomans consistait dans l'emploi, s~i
/lanes, de grosses masses de cavalerie qui se rabattaient comme les machoires d'une
sur l'armee adverse en essayant de la destabiliser et de l'envelopper en lui inftigeant le
de pertes. A la base de cette impressionnante force de manreuvre se trouvait la cav
4
des provinces (les si;oahis d'ou le fran9ais spahis) soutenue par d'autres categorie
troupes montees qui evoluaient a la legere, les aklndj)" ou les Tatars de Crimee (a part
5
1475). MaTtres de l'embuscade et de l'esquive (fuga simulata), ces cavaliers ,\qui ••

armes a l'orientale se repliaient pour revenir a la charge, precedes par des volees de fle
jusqu'a l'ouverture d'une breche dans les rangs adverses. C'etait la tactique du pe '
mouvement, tres dangereuse pour les formations lourdes et statiques. Mais le point fo
croissant etait justement son centre vers lequel on essayait d'attirer ou de canaliser I'
de l'ennemi, dispositif defensif qui decidait souvent de l'issue du combat comme la a
de Nicopolis (25 septembre 1396)". lei se trouvaient concentrees les troupes d'elite, kapy
(la garde imperiale, /'armee de la Porte) ou les Kapl kullari: (/es esclaves de la Porte) do
fameux corps des yenitcheri (yaya, djema'at, et sekban) subdivise en 135 compagnies den
mees orta ou bolOk, !'ensemble sous les ordres du puissant agha qui dependait direct ·
du sultan. lls etaient environ 6.000 sous le regne de Mehmed II Fatih (1444-1446, 145H
«Emergence of the Ottoman State. An Outline of the Period between 1299-1453», RIHM, XLVI, 19
31-59; Aydin Tanen, Osmanft Kara ve Deniz Kuwetleri [Les armees terrestres et maritimes ottoma
Ankara 1981; Histoire de /'Empire ottoman, (dir. Robert Mantran), Paris, 1989, p. 130 (Nicoara Beldi
Frederic Hitzel, L'empire ottoman, XV'-XVl/f siecles, Paris, 2001, p. 100-109. Pour l'organi
l'arrnee et l'arrnement au debut du regne de Mehmed II voir aussi le traite de Lampo Birago dans A
Pertusi, «Le not1zle sulle organizzazione administrativa e militare dei Turchi nella Strategicon ad
Turcos di Lampo Birago (c. 1453-1455)», dans Studi su/ media evo cristiano offerti a Raffaello Marg
Studi istorici, Rome, 1974, p. 669-700; on peut consulter avec profit, la bibliographie du Turkologi
Anzeiger. Turko/ogy Annua (Vienne), I-XXIV, 1975-2003, nubrique «Heer- und Kriegswesen».
4
j
Pour le probleme du timiir et la cavalerie provinciale des sipiihis: N. Beldiceanu, Le Timar;
/'Eta/ ottoman (debut XIV'-debut XVf), Weisbaden, 1980; Idem, Christiane Villain-Gandossi, «Geer
arrnure pour homme et cheval», Turcica, XII, 1980, p. 169-173; N. Gen9, «The Administrative Funct;
the Timarli Sipahis during the Ottoman Classical Age», RIHM, LXVII, 1988, p. 29-44; Halil lnalcik, Im
Otoman. Epoca c/asicii (1300-1600) [Le Empire ottoman. L'age classique (1300-1600)], Bucarest,1
p. 98-99, 208-222,
5
L'organisation et les evolutions tactiques du corps d'akindji'furent etudiees notamment pad
Beldiceanu-Steinherr, ,,En marge d'un acte concemant le pengyek et les aqmgm REI, XXXVll,,t
1, p. 28-32, Gy. Kaldy-Nagy, iffhe first centuries», p. 170-171; voir ainsi «Aq1ng1» dans Mihnea Be1f
Gilles Veinstein, L'Empire ottoman et /es pays roumains 1544-1545. Elude et documents, Paris, J
p. 308-309 (avec bibliographie). Nous renvoyons aussi aux memoires de Georges de Hongrie,"
surfes moeurs, /es coutumes et/a perfidie des Tures (ed. Joel Schnapp), Toulouse, 2003, p. 58-61{
6
Stephen T. Christensen, «The Heathen Order of Battle», dans Violence and the Absolutist
(dir. S.T. Christensen), Copenhague, 1990, avec une analyse de la fuga simulate, p. 110-114,
basee sur les memoires dujanissaire d'origine serbe Konstantin Mihailovic d'Ostrovitza. Pour Ni
voir le temoignage du marechal Boucicaut dans Le Livre des Fails du ban Messire Jehan Le Ma
di/ Bouciquaut, Mareschal de France et Gouverneur de Gennes (ed. critique Denis Lalande), I,
Geneve, 1985, p. 104-105 et !'analyse d'E.C. Antoche dans "Les expeditions de Nicopolis (1396)
Varna (1444): une comparaison», MT, IV, 2000, 1-2, p. 55-58. A Nicopolis, le dispositif central
par les troupes kapi' lwlu fut protege par un champ de pieux afin d'entraver les evolutions
cavalerle lourde des croises. Cependant, nous ne pouvons pas etre d'accord avec les propos de
Delbr0ck qui en comparant les batailles de Nicopolis et d'Azincourt avail remarque au sujet du
de pieux: ft does not seem impossible that the English actually copied that from the janissaires)
all, English knights did take part in this battle and were witnesses of the Turkish success. For th
the battle is more similar to Crecy than to Agincourt (History of the Art of War, Ill, Medieval W.
Lincoln, 1990, p. 478). N'oublions pas que les archers anglais munis du redoutable /ongbowutili
champ de pieux, bien auparavant, aux batailles de Crecy (1346) et de Poitiers (1356).
406
Les baltai/es de Sibiu et de la riviere de la/omi/a
2.ooo a l'epoque de SOleyman ler KanOnr (1520-1566}'. Panni les autres 8

branches armees
apl kullarl, mentionnons surtout le corps d'artillerie (les top9u/ar) et les six divisions de
alerie (Kapikulu savarilen) dont la plus renommee etait celle de sipahf oghlan (/es fits de
ii) qui chevauchait toujours a la droite du sultan. La principale fonction tactique de cette
9
e montee etait de defendre les flancs des janissaires . Notons aussi l'infanterie legere,
azab), fantassins qui evoluaient munis d'arcs a fleches. Sur le champ de bataille, les azab
upaient une position centrale devant l'artillerie et les janissaires, mais aussi sur les flancs
ant la cavalerie provinciale de Roumelie et d' Anatolie, afin de renforcer son dispositif et
erser une pluie de fleches sur l'ennemi si celui-ci s'attaquait aux ailes du croissant10 .
Les cavaliers ottomans excellaient dans le combat rapproche contre les troupes montees
aussi contre l'infanterie, en maniant le sabre oriental avec une deconcertante dexterite.
e quelques siecles plus lard, un officier prussien, Georg Wilhelm von Valentini (1775-
) qui prit part a la guerre russo-turque de 1806-1812, ecrivait a ce sujet :
11
7 La question de la date de la fondation du corps de janissaires et de ce qui l'entoure pendant la

nde moitie du XIV' siecle demeure difficile a resoudre. Vair ace sujet, JAB. Palmer, «The Origins of
saries», BJRL, XXXV, 1953, p, 448-481; Ir. Beldiceanu-Steinherr, Recherche sur /es actes des
s Osman, Otkhan et Murad I, Munich, 1967, p. 203-207; De meme l'ouvrage fonda mental de
I Hakki Uzuncarl;ih, Osman/I Dev/eti Te§kilatmdan Kapukulu Ocaklan, I, Acemi Oca!}1 ve Yeniqeri
,, Ankara, 1988 , ainsi que Gerhard Schweitzer, Die Janitscharen Geheime Macht des Tarl<en
, Salzburg, 1979, et Godfrey Goodwin, The Janissaries, Landres, 2006,
lntroduite des la premiere moitie du XV' siecle, l'artillerie de siege et de campagne connaitra
urement un developpement important au sein des arm8es ottomanes, H. lnalcik, «Osmanhlarda
silahlan,, Belleten, XXI, 83, 1957, p, 508-512; Djurdijca Petrovic, «Firearms in the Balkans on the
f and After the Ottoman Conquests» dans War Technology and Society in the Middle-East, (dir, VJ,
, Malcom E. Yapp), Oxford, 1975, p, 174-186; Gabor Agoston, «Ottoman artillery and European mili-
nology in the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries», AOASH, XLVII, 1994, p, 15-48; The Encyc/o-
of Military History, p, 403.
9
Pour la structure, !'organisation et le role de Kap'i kullari; LH. Uzuncar~11i, Osman/I Devleti, II
beci, Topqu, Top Arabac1/an, Humbarac,, Lii!}1mc1 Ocaklan ve Kapukulu Suvarileri (ed. 1944); Ozer
en9, «The Qualifications and Functions of Ottoman Central Soldiers», RIHM, LXVII, 1988, p, 45-76;
· lcik, lmperiul Otoman, p. 172-178.
0
' Histoire de /'Empire Ottoman, p. 130. Cette infanterie recrutee dans les rangs des Tures etait aussi
oyee a des reconnaissances, comme garnison dans !es forteresses ou comme equipages dans la
e de guerre. Les soldats portaient sur la tete un bonnet rouge (par opposition au blanc des
aires), Sur la disposition habituelle des troupes sur le terrain: IH Uzuncai.111, «Azab», IA, 11, p, 82-
em, Osman/, Devleti, II, p, 255-264, et le schema de St Christensen, «The Heathen Order», p, 97.
'G.W van Valentini, Traite surla guerre con/re /es Tures (edition Louis Blesson), Berlin, 1830, p,
. Sur l'armee ottomane, cf. aussi, les propos d'un auteur fran<;ais oub!i8, Armand de Juchereau de
I-Denys, colonel au Corps Royal d'Etat-Major, Revolutions de Constantinople en 1807 et 1808,
'dees d'observations genera/es sur l'Etat actuel de /'Empire ottoman, Paris, 1819, p, 96-98: Leur
rie, composee de chevaux fort.s, vigoureux et infatigables et d'hommes bien armes et sans cesse
es, ne cedait pas par le courage a nos brillants et va/eureux chevaliers des temps de la feodalite et
rpassaient en discipline .... Une forte reserve composee de troupes d'6lite se tenait toujours prete a
r Jes accidents et a soutenir !es co,ps qui etaient ou paraissaient accables par des forces
eures. Les Tures ant toujours fail usage de l'ordre profond dans toutes leurs manoeuvres d'attaque
defense, et c'est dans /'emploi sagement combine de divers groupes de cavalerie et d'infanterie,
e melaient et s'appuyaient mutuellement, suivant /es circonstances et /es /ocalites, qui consistait le
'te principal de la tactique de leurs generaux. Les evolutions sur trois rangs et en ligne /eur ant
urs ete inconnues. L'assiette de feurs camps etait toujours bien choisie; Jes divers corps etaient
•s dans un ordre parfait; la plus grande tranquil/ite et proprete y regnaient sans cesse. Des
chements construits avec soin Jes mettaient a f'abri de toutes su,prises et lorsque /'occupation
.aire d'une position ne leur donnait pas le temps de s'y re/rancher, /es chariots de bagages etaient
urs disposes de maniflre a opposer a l'ennemi des obstacles diffici/es a vaincre. Les Turcs ont ete
remiers a faire usage de pontons portes sur des haquets pour la constructions des pants.
407
Emanuel Constantin Antoche - Gunee leiksel
... la superiorite des Tures dans /'usage de cette anne (du sabre) repose au/ant surla qualitei-·
du materiel que sur la maniere, pour ainsi dire, nationale de s'en servir. Dans le poing d'un'l_ij:
vigoureux paysan europeen, la lame turque, rapportee de fil d'acier fin, se brisera peut-i!trei}
com me du verre au premier coup. Dans la main du Turc au contraire qui faille pfutot qu'i/ n/::;_,
hache avec la courbure, ce sabre tranche casque, cuirasse, et toutes Jes annes de'.-,::
/'adversaire et separe en un moment la tete OU /es membres du corps. Aussi est-ii raremennl
question de bfessures Jegeres dans un engagement de cava/erie avec /es Ottomans. ¥
Durant les premieres decennies du XI/ siecle, les expeditions ottomanes contre les pre\''•
ces frontalieres hongroises se succederent a un rythme vertigineux (1419, 1420, 1423, 1l
12
1428, 1431, 1432, 1436, 1438) • Nomme voTevode de Transylvanie (mars 1441), Hunyadi ·•
prit qu'il fallait forger une armee disciplinee, entrainee, capable non seulement de mener d
guerre defensive et limitee mais d'attaquer et de vaincre l'adversaire sur son propre territoirii}
Le noyau de ses troupes fut constitue par les familiares, les cnezes roumains de Traii§
vanie, du Maramure~. et du Banat. lls participerent a toutes ses expeditions et Hunyadi ne · ••
qua jamais de les recompenser selon leurs merites et leur devouement". Comme la maj~"
partie de la cavalerie hongroise, celle des familiares combattait d'habitude a la legere dans, , ·
formations destinees a de multiples fonctions tactiques. Durant les batailles, elle devait pro(·
les ailes du dispositif de combat contre les evolutions des akindji" ou des spahis, ou manceu'·
a son tour pour envelopper les forces ennemies. On l'utilisait aussi dans les operations d~
connaissance, d'accrochage et de poursuite. Durant les marches, elle formait l'avant-gardel!"
riere-jlarde et les flancs-gardes de l'armee. Outre les Hongrois et cnezes, la cavalerie leg~
(equites levis armaturae, hippobalistae) etait constituee des Serbes, des Croates ou de~l"
tachements envoyes par les princes de Valachie et Moldavie 14• Les cavaliers etaient arme~f
'',,;'
12
Pour les attaques ottomanes contre la Hongrie aux XIV'-XV' siecles, en general: Gustav Gunf
«Die Turkeneinfale in Siebenburgen bis zur Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts», JGOE, 11, 1937, p. 39~1
Sergiu losipescu, «lnvazii otomane in teritoriile carpato-danubiano-pontice (sec. XIV-XVI)» [Les inva~f'
ottomanes dans [es territoires carpatho-dannubienne-pontiques], SMMIM, XIII, 1980, p. 151-178;;('
Ha\egan, Pavel Chinezul [Kinizsij, Timieoara 1994, p. 18-40. Pour la defense du royaume a cette epgq\
Jan Dabrowski, W/adyslaw I Jagiel/onczik na Wegtzech (1440-1444) [Le roi Ladislas I Jagiello en Hor\!/"
(1440-1444)], Varsovie, 1922, p. 98-101; Geza Palffy, «The Origins and Development of the Bp(
Defence System against the Ottoman Empire in Hungary (up to the early Eighteenth Century) d,f
Ottomans, Hungarians, and Habsburgs in Central Europe. The Military Confines in the Era of Ottom
Conquest, (dir. Geza David, Pal Fodor), Leiden, 2000, p. 3-1 0; Pal Engel, The Realm of St. Stephe,n"'
History of medieval Hungary, 895-1526, Landres, 2001, p. 237-238; Matei Cazacu, Dracula, Paris, Z:·
p. 51-53; Ence qui conceme le systeme militaire: J6zsef Deer, «Zsigmond kiraly honvedelmi politi~f
[Lathpolitique militaire du roi Sigismond], HK, XXXVII, 1936, p. 1-57; Joseph Held, «Military Reform in_9ii
15 -century Hungary», EEQ, XI, 1977, 2, p. 129-139, Bela K. Kiraly, «Society and War from Mougl
Knights to the Standing Armies of Absolute Kings: Hungary and the West»,dans From Hunyadi to Rak:,
War and Society in Late Medieval and Early Modem Hungary, (dir. Janos M. Bak, B. K. Kiraly), New\'.§,'
1982 p- 23-58; Elemer Malyusz, Kaiser Sigismund in Ungam (1387-1437), Budapest, 1990, p. 144-1;,<
1
Teodor G. Bulat, «Contribu\ia romiineasca la opera de crucial a lui loan Huniad» [La contrib,,.;.
roumaine a !'oeuvre de croise de Jean Hunyadij, RI, XII, 1926, 4-6, p. 57-68; :;itefan Pascu, «Rolul
din Transilvania in lupta antiotomanii a lui lancu de Hunedoara» [Le role des knezes de Transylv~:
en::
dans la Jutte anli-ottomaine de Jean Hunyadi], SC$C, VIII, 1957, p. 25-67; Idem, Voievodatul Transilviip.
[Le Voivodate de Transylvanie], 111, Cluj-Napoca, 1986, p. 351-573; Adrian Andrei Rusu, «Cnezi ro ";
din Transilvania in epoca lui lancu de Hunedoara: cande:;;tii din Rau de Mori» [Cnezes roumains de:,;;·
sylvanie a l'epoque de lancu de Hunedoara. La famille Ciindea de Rau de Mori (Malomviz)], Rd/, XX?<.:,
1984, 6, p. 556-568; Daniel Barbu, «Pelerinage a Rome et croisade. Contribution a l'histoire religieuse,;_,,_
Roumains dans la premiere moitie du XV' siecle», RRH, XXXIII, 1994, 1-2, p. 27-42; loan Dragan,/\/_,'••.
mea romiineasca din Transilvania intre anii 1440-1514 [La noblesse roumaine de Transylvania. 1 ·
1514J,4 Bucarest, 2000. Pour la noblesse roumaine du Banal, I. Hajegan, Pavel Chinezul, p.
Mihail P. Dan, «Armata §i arta militara a lui lancu de Hunedoara pe baza cronicilor cor1tennoo1
[L'armee et l'art militaire de Jean Hunyadi en base des chroniques contemporaines]», SC$C,
408
Les battailes de Sibiu et de la riviere de lalomi/a
es (ensis fafcatus), de lances, d'arcs, d'arbaletes (balfistae) et d'armes a feu manuelles: bom-
e manua/es, ou pixides manua/es, scfopetae (italien, schioppo, schiopetto), fistufae 15 . La
ence d'archers, d'arbaletriers et scfopetari au sein de la cavalerie legere permettait a celle-
engager le combat a distance ou de quitter ses montures pour evoluer comme infanterie 16_
La cavalerie lourde ou cuirassee (equites gravis armaturae, cataphracti equites, bitaxides)
· souvent disposee sur plusieurs lignes de profondeur dans le deuxieme ou troisieme eche-
de combat Sa position pouvait varier en fonction du dispositif de bataille. On la pla,;ait sur
ancs ou au centre, mais toujours couverte par un ou plusieurs rideaux de cavalerie legere
'infanterie (piquiers, archers, arbaletriers). Elle jouait le role de reserve tactique, sa force de
etant utilisee pour contre-attaquer, pour retablir une situation critique ou pour remporter a
oment donne la decision lorsque le dispositif ennemi presentait des breches lors d'un re-
pement des forces ou d'une deroute. Arme decisive, redoutee par les Ottomans lorsqu'ils
nt obliges de l'affronter en corps a corps, la cavalerie lourde chargeait en rangs serres a la
iere occidentale. L'armement defensif se composait de la cotte de mailles, de l'armure, du
ue et du bouclier, les chevaux etant proteges quanta eux par des cuirasses contre les fle-
et coups de l'adversaire. Comme armes offensives, les cavaliers etaient munis de la lance
tus) et de l'epee a double ou a triple tranchant (gladius trifidus) ". La cavalerie lourde rassem-
les bannieres episcopales et des grands magnats hongrois fideles au roi, celles de la petite
yenne noblesse, une partie de la chevalerie amenee par Vladislas (Wladyslaw, Ulaszl6), I"
lion de Pologne et certains detachements de mercenaires polonais et !cheques18_ ,
L'experience que Hunyadi acquit en tan! que mercenaire a la solde de Visconti et les cam-
19
es auxquelles ii participa en Boheme contre les Hussites influencerent d'une maniere
isive sa pensee en matiere de recrutement et de tactique. II engagea dans son armee de
breux mercenaires tcheques dont la plupart etaient d'anciens Hussites qui apporterent avec
· leur armement et leurs methodes de combat L'art de la guerre des heretiques'0 inftuen,;a
. Nous renvoyons aussi a !'annexe d'une lettre envoyee le 28 janvier ou 8 avril 1476 de Heilsberg par
s eveque de Brunsberg (Ermeland) au Grand Maitre de l'Ordre Teutonique. Elle fut decouverte par
a dans les archives de Konigsberg et publiee dans son lstoria lui ,')tefan eel Mare [L'histoire d'Etienne
rand] (edition Mihai Berza), Bucarest, 1966, p. 280 (Apparatus terrestris Serenissimi domini regis
arie, Bohemie, etc., contra Turcus [... ] Item ex Transsilvania sunt Walachi duo milia, qui faudantur ultra
es alias contra Turcas; qui sunt de hered1/ate genitons dommini regis, et qui semper pugnaverunt
genitore domini regis, et etiam cum Maiestate Sua et suorum [ ...] Item Waywoda Moldaviensis in
exercitu equites duodecim milia et pedites viginti milia, et certas bombardas saus in bona copia. Item
oda Minoris Walachiae habet equites octo milia et pedites triginta milia, qui semper steterunt, et
stant, in confinibus cum Turco, et iam sunt centum anni postquam Turci contra ilfam patriam
er pugnaverunt, et adhuc eis minime nocuerunt, et non aliud quam Danubius mediat eos... ).
15
II parait que pixida et sclopeta correspondent aux rucnice et hakovnice hussites (M.P. Dan,
ala», p. 91).
16
Ibidem, p. 85.
17
Ibidem, p. 83-85; Istvan Szendrei, Magyar hadtortenelmi emlekek [Souvenirs d'histoire militaire
raise], Budapest, 1896, p. 227-228.
18
A magyar nemzet hadtiirtenelmi [L'histoire militaire du peuple hongrois], X-1, J6zsef Banlaky.
yadi Janos, Budapest, 1936, p. 201; Rudolf Urbanek, Vladislav Vamecik. Skutecnost i legenda
islas de Varne. Le regne et la legende], Prague, 1937, p. 31-33, 96-97, 135-136; Lajos Kiss, «A rig6
ei hadjarat» [La campagne de Kossovopolje] (IV), HK, VIII, 1895, 4, p. 455.
19
> Florian B8nffi, «Hunyadi Janos italiai tart6zkodasa» [L'experience italienne de Jean Hunyadi],
,XXXIX, 1934, p. 261-272; Lajos Elekes, «Armiia Guniad1», AHASH, I, 1951, 1, p. 25; Idem, Hunyadi,
· apest, 1952, p. 26; J. Held, Hunyadi: legend and reality, York, 1985, p. 11-12; AA Rusu, loan de
edoara §i romanii din vremea sa. Studii critice [Jean Hunyadi et les Rournains de son temps. Eludes
ues] Cluj-Napoca, 1999, p. 57-65; M.P. Dan, «Armata», p. 94.
20
· En ce qui concerne l'art militaire hussite: Wacslaw 1/vladiwoj Tomek, Jan Zizka, Prague, 1879;
, DeJinivalek husitskYeh /1419-1436), Prague, 1898; Ernest Denis, Huss et la guerre des Hussites,
·s, 1878; R. Urbanek, Jan Zizka, Prague, 1925; Josef Pekar, Ziika ajel10 doba, 1-11, Prague, 1927-1933;
409
Emanuel Constantin Antoche - Gune,; l,;iksel
sans doute les evolutions tactiques ulterieures des armees hongroises si nous nous rapportc;'
aux travaux de T6th et Wertner qui demeurent encore essentiels dans l'etude de eel aspect
l'histoire de l'art militaire. Les forteresses de chariots roulants gamis d'armes a feu et de trait;
presenterent un complement et un soutien indispensable pour l'infanterie qui, renforcee de
maniere, pouvait repousser avec succes les assauts des fantassins et des cavaliers ottomans
Hunyadi fit construire ses propres chariots de combat et de transport dans un atelier cf
existait a Bra,;ov (Kronstadt; Brass6 ). Cette hypothese est confirmee par les deux lettres q
envoya le 19 mars et le 23 juin 1443 de Media,; (Mediasch, Medgyes) aux gouverneurs
Bra,;ov !ors des preparatifs pour la campagne qu'il envisagea d'effectuer centre les Ottorna
dans les mois a venir2 . 1//ius Bohemi, mentionne dans la deuxieme lettre fut identifie par D
2
23
avec Jenik de Me6hov , a na Uherste u Meyta, ancien chef dans la disposition des chariot
et qui en compaanie d'Uhersko participa avec ses unites de merce naires tcheques a la
2
pagne de 1443 5'. Mais d'autres detachements provenant de Boheme ou des regions de.
Haute Hongrie (l'actuelle Slovaquie) prirent part a la croisade de Varna, a la seconde ba
de Kossovopolje (1448) ou a la defense de Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar) en 145626,
Outre les Tcheques, Jean Hunyadi engagea dans ses troupes d'infanterie des mercen
hongrois, polonais et allemands. En fonction de son armement, cette infanterie se divisaif
Hans Kuffner, Husftske v obrazec/J, Prague, 1932; Jan Durdik, Husftske vojenstvi, Prague, 1954; Chrisk"
V\lllars, Die bohmische Zitadel/e, Vienne-Munich-Molden, 1965, avec un bon appareil critique, p. 43
Frantisek Smahel, Jan Zizka z Trocnova, Prague, 1969. L'ensemble de la bibliographie chez E.C. Ant
L'apparition et /'evolution de /'art militaire hussite dans /es principautes de Moldavie et de Va/ac/Jie
XVtf siec/es) (these pour le dipl6me de EHESS), Paris, 2002 Uanvier), p. 56-74.
21
Zoltan T6th, «A Huszita eredetu szekervar» [Les fortreresses hussrres de chariots], HK, XVII,
2, p. 265-311; Idem, «A huszita szekervar a magyar hadviselesben (1-11) [Les fortreresses hussit
chariots dans l'art militaire hongroise]», HK, t. XIX, 1918, 1, 2, p. 1-32, 159-185; M6r Wertner, «M
hadjaratok a XV-ik szazad masodik feleben» [Les campagnes hongroises dans la deuxieme moitie du
siecle], HK, XIII, 1912, p. 193-214; J.V. Polisensky, «Bohemia, the Turk and the Christian Commonw
(1462-1620)», BSL, XIV, 1953, p. 85. R. Urbanek, Zizka, p. 37 (note 36), ,J. Banlaky, Hunyadi, p. 29.
Elekes, «Anniia» p. 52; Idem, Hunyadi, p. 100-104, 122-123; nous cite Jes cunus falcatus, mentio
par Th. Ebendorfer dans Chronicon Austriacum. Selan M.P. Dan, «Anmata», p. 88-89 (note 124), ii s'~
sait sans doute de chariots dont Jes combattants etaient munis de faux, probablement des fauchards. ·I
22
Les deux lettres furent decouvertes dans Jes archives de Bra,;ov et publiees dans Hunnuzaki, ·
1, p. 28-29. Scitote quad nos die nuperime intimato, duce Deo, gressus nostros exercitua/es ab
removebimus. II demande ensuite, currus thaboriorum, simul cum bombardis, pixidibus, machi
cunctis ingeniis [... ] alioquin totam disposicionem totumque negocium, quod Deus aver/at confunde.
[...] Scrip/a in Meggyes, feria tercia proxima ante festum Beati Benedicti abbalis, anno Domini, etc., ·
jo.(no. 44), ii demande: quadraginta /apides cum omnibus /apicidiis ibi existentibus; usque duodecem ·
scu/pere faciatis et fabricare[ ... ] quadraginta puscas [... ]; cum appromptuacione curuum thaborium, i.
demonstracionem illius Bohemi, debitam festinanciam adhibeatis. Scriptum in Meggyes, in
Nativitatis Beati /o/Jannis Baptiste, anno, etc., XL mo tercio (no. 46, p. 29).
23
M.P. Dan, Cehi, slovaci si romani in veacurile XIII-XVI [T cheques, Slovaques et Roumains
Xlll'-XVI' siecles], Sibiu, 1944, p. 124 (note 129).
24
Kronika a pohnuti kfest'anouv znamenitem proti Turkuom pohanum r. 1443», publi8e p
Jirecek, «Valecnici cesti XV-ho stoleti», Casopis Ceskeho Musea (Prague), 1859, p. 158. Cf., aussi
Huber, «Die Kriege zwischen Ungarn und den Turken 1440-1443», AOG, LXVIII, 1886, p. 197-200,
2
Josef Mactlrek («Husitstvi a rumunske zeme» [L'hussitisme dans les Pays Roumains], da
da/y nase zeme Europe a Udstvu (dir. V. Mathesius), Prague, 1939, p. 86) affirme que 1/ius B
pourrait etre un des Tcheques engages par Hunyadi en 1437 durant les luttes centre Jes Ottoma
Serbie. Le vo'ievode l'aurait repris ii sa solde quelques mois avant !'expedition de 1443.
26
Pour la participation des Tcheques aux campagnes de Hunyadi: K. Krofta, My a Mad'ari v bo
Turky, Prague, 1934; R. Urbanek, «Cesi a valki turecke» [Tcheques dans les guerres turques] dans C
nase zeme Europe a Udstvu, p. 117-123; Idem, V/adisav, p. 31; M.P. Dan, «The Multinational Pe
Anmy of lancu of Hunedoara» dans Pages of the History of the Roumanian Anny, (dir. Al. Gh.
Bucarest, 1985, p. 71; Idem, Cehi, s/ovaci §i romani, p. 120-135; Idem, «Armata», p. 71-72.
410
Les battailes de Sibiu et de la riviere de lalomita
nterie lourde (mi/ites gravis annaturae, loricat1) munie d'epees, de sabres, de casques, de
ucliers et de cuirasses (/orica), et en infanterie legere (milites /evis armaturae) composee de
uiers (/Jastat1), d'archers, d'arbaletriers (sagittarii, bafistari1) et des scfopetarii qui combattaient
ec des armes a feu portatives. L'artillerie comprenait des pieces destinees aux sieges (bom
dae grossae, tourmenta murafie) mais aussi des canons moyens et petits, bombardae
rvae et fa/conetae, semblables aux /1oufnice et tarasnice des Hussites. Leur role etait d'as
rer la defense du tabor ou de soutenir tactiquement les unites d'infanterie avant que celles-ci
engagent l'ennemi au combat corps a corps. L'armee de Jean Hunyadi se procurait les
'· es et les munitions necessaires dans les villes de la Haute Hongrie, dans les vi lies de
pron (Odenburg), Bardejov (Bartfeled, Barfa), Kosice (Kaschau, Kassa), Trnava (Tyrnau,
gyszombat), Bratislava (Pressburg, Pozsony), Presov (Preschau, Eperjes), mais aussi dans
lies de Transylvanie, dans les villes de Cluj (Klausenburg, Kolozsvar), Bra~ov ou Sibiu 27 .
****
A l'automne de 1441, plus precisernent en septembre, Hunyadi decida d'entreprendre une
ion de represailles dans le territoire ottoman de Semendire (Smederevo, Szendr6), contre
(h)ak-bey, qui avail attaque et pille a plusieurs reprises les environs de Belgrade et la vallee
Sava en menai;:ant avec ses troupes la securite de la cite qui, en 1440, avail resiste au siege
8
ne arrnee conduite par le sultan Murad II (1421-1444, 1446-1451)2 . A la tete d'une armee
quelques milliers d'hommes, composee probablement de ses vassaux roumains, d'unites
partenant a la garnison de Belgrade et d'un detachement envoye par son compagnon
' olas (Miklos) Ujlaki, Hunyadi avarn,a durant trois jours a l'interieur du territoire ottoman.
L'avant-garde hongroise rencontra l'ennemi superieur en nombre, a Csaszrahalom.
poussee, elle se replia aussit6t, poursuivie par le gros des forces d'lshak bey. Mais les
' ments avances de la cavalerie ottomane, probablement des akiildjis, furent bient6t obliges
ntrer en contact avec le dispositif hongrois, pret a livrer bataille. Les cavaliers ottomans
querent mais furent repousses a leur tour avec des pertes par l'infanterie de Hunyadi et
la cavalerie legere situee sur les flancs. Ensuite, le vo'fvode de Transylvanie donna ordre
cavalerie lourde de charger en masse les troupes d'lshak-bey. La surprise fut totale
z l'ennemi qui ne s'attendait pas a une telle riposte de la part de l'armee hongroise .
29
Les vaincus furent poursuivis jusque sous les murs de Semendire. Plusieurs cnezes rou
·· ins, compagnons de Hunyadi, se distinguerent du rant les combats. Vladislas I" leur donna
30
terres en recompense dans les comitats de Hunedoara (Hunyad) et Alba (Feher) tandis
a Buda la nouvelle de la victoire fut re9ue avec beaucoup de joie et de soulagement dans
·pair que le rapport de forces se renverserait bient6t a l'avantage des armees du royaume.
27
Voir M.P. Dan, «Armata, p. 72, 86-87 avec sources et bibliographie. II parait que les mercenaires
'~ques amen8rent avec eux, de Boheme, des canons appartenant a leur artillerie de campagne: des
/nice et des tarasnice (Ibidem, p. 92-93).
28
L'attaque de Hunyadi eut lieu en tout cas avant le 8 octobre, date a laquelle fut redigee la charte
qui reconstitue le deroulement des evenements, document publie dans Hunnuzaki, 1-2, p. 435.
29
Thur6czy (1746), p. 248 (Fit igiturmagno cum impetu congressus, utriusque hostis; et multi, in
'primitiis, stemutur ab equis; clamor exoritur ingens, moribundum instat certanem, innumeri, parte
raque, cadunt interfecti. Isak ergo Wayuoda, Hungaros aut vincere, aut mori praeoptasse videns,
terga vert11; et in vefoci cursu sui eqw; versus castrum Zenderew, simul cum suis, qui supererant
m iniit vel1ementem). Pour la bataille cf., aussi Bonfini (1936-1941), 111, p. 104-105. Le deroulement
operations fut bien reconstitue par A. Huber, «Die Kriege», p. 167-169; J. Held, Hunyadi, p. 86; Cf.
si Jeno R6nai-Horvath, Magyar hadi kr6nika: A magyar nemzet ezereves kuzdelmeinek hadi t6rienete
ronique militaire hongroise. L'histoire militaire du peuple hongrois], I, Budapest, 1891, p. 253-254;
dor Nicolau, loan Huniade Corvin, Bucarest, 1925, p. 41, 138-139.
30
Hum1uzal<i, 1-2, p. 709; L. Elekes, Hunyadi, p. 120; $1. Pascu, «Rolul cnezilor», p. 46.
411
Emanuel Constantin Antoche - G0nee leiksel
a
Les Ottomans ne tarderent pas riposter. Au debut de mars 1442, Mezid, le bey de Vi
(Mezetum ducem spectate virtutis et prudentie, item rei be/lice laude non obscumm31 ) attaq
la T ransylvanie avec une annee estimee par les sources chretiennes a environ 80.000 ho
32
mes ! L'attaque se deroula par surprise . Les Tures traverserent le Danube a Niccpolis pQ
33
avancerent en Valachie en remontant le cours de l'Olt pour penetrer en Transylvanie par

34
defile de Turnu Ro~u (V6r6storony) . La facilite avec laquelle Mezid avail envahi le pays I
fit croire que l'ennemi serait trap faible et completement surpris pour s'y opposer. Le bey
Vidin decida de laisser une partie de ses troupes pour assieger la ville de Sibiu tandis quei
gros de l'armee devait effectuer des raids de pillage dans la vallee du Mure~. Les for
ottomanes incendierent les villages rencontres sur leur passage en prenant un riche butin
un nombre important de captifs parmi la population locale. Elles s'approcherent par le noi
est d'Alba-lulia (Weissenburg, Gyulafehervar), ville dans laquelle Jean Hunyadi etait arri
quelques jours plus 161 pour organiser la resistance contre l'envahisseur35 .
Hunyadi ordonna a son armee de se rassembler et de le rejoindre le plus vite possi
pour attaquer les Ottomans. Quelques maigres detachements de cavalerie et les troupes
l'eveque de Transylvanie Georges (Gyorgy) Varaskeszi Lepes se trouvaient deja a Al.
lulia. Nicolas Ujlaki etait attendu a son tour avec impatience car ii devait amener des renfo
Jean Hunyadi appela tous les hommes valides du pays a la mobilisation generale36 • .•
Le 18 mars 1442, Mezid bivouaquait dans le village Sintimbru (Szentimre) a moins de"
km au nord-est d'Alba-lulia. L'avant-garde composee de cavalerie etait disposee dans "
position plus avancee, aux environs du village de Baraban\ (Borband). Jean Hunyadi de'i"
de renouveler !'exploit de Belgrade. II sortit sa petite armee de la ville pour attaquer l'enn
Les cavaliers ottomans de l'avant--garde se replierent vers Sintimbru tandis que le b
Vidin disposa ses troupes pour la bataille, devant le village. Lorsque les forces de Hun
depasserent Baraban\ et par un mouvement tournant se placerent devant Sintimbrt(
cavalerie qui formait l'aile droite et ou combattaient Georges Varaskeszi Lepes et Si ·
Kamonyai (Symon de Kamonya) chargea soudainement le flanc gauche de Mezid, fo
aussi de cavaliers. La charge fut repoussee avec beaucoup de pertes pour les deux can)2
Ce fut le moment ou l'infanterie turque (probablement des azab) passa a la ccntre-atta ··
Son effort se dirigea aussi vers le flanc droit des Transylvains qui tout en combattant avec
rangs affaiblis se retirait petit a petit. L'avance des Ottomans coupa la retraite de l'annee
Alba-lulia. Menacees d'encerclement, les troupes d'Hunyadi forcerent le passage au
des forces ennemies qui lancerent une attaque generale sur toute la longueur du front. Au
sage de la riviere d'Ampoi, le detachement de Lepes, qui luttait maintenant en arriere--g
pour couvrir la retraite, subit de lourdes pertes. L'eveque tomba de cheval et fut mas
31
Bonfini (1936-1941), Ill, p. 107; Thur6czy (1746), p. 249. Le chroniqueur ottoman Idris Bidli
169, gualifie aussi Mezid d'Bmir renomme.
3
Pour les effectifs de l'armee ottomane, voir la lettre envoy8e le 3 fevrier 1443 de Constantr~;-
par Barthelemy de Yano, vicaire general de l'ordre franciscain en Orient, repr8sentant de la mission
-lique dans la capitals byzantine, publi8e par lorga: «Les aventures sarrazines des Franc;ais de Bourg"
au XV' siede», MHG, I, 1927, p. 39).Minea («Vlad», p. 181), affirme que l'effectifde l'armee ottomane
vait ii3316.000 hommes. Cf. J. Held (Hunyadi, p. 86), Mezid aurait dispose d'une armee de 17.000 spa
Thur6czy (1746), p. 249 (Wayvoda, Mezethbeg vocato, homine austero, resque bel/icas diri
docto, pertenam transalpinam, clandestina quadam emptione, Alpibus transitis ... ).
34
T. Nicolau, Huniade, p. 41; I. Minea, «Vlad», p. 181; J. Held, Hunyadi, p. 86.
35
Thur6czy(1746), p. 249; I. Minea, «Vlad», p. 181.
36
Thur6czy (1746), p. 249 (... Alter interim oras provinciae mira celeritate et cmento ense perlu
mi/item ex pagis oppidisque cogit, Scytulos anma capere iubet, pro communi salute paganos equ
urbanos omnes pub/ico edicto militare imperat).
412
Les battailes de Sibiu et de la riviere de la/omi/a
r plusieurs soldats ottomans. Blesse a son tour, Hunyadi s'enferma avec le reste de ses
upes dans la ville. II ne pouvait plus livrer de nouvelle bataille sans recevoir de renforts 37 .
. 11 parait qu'apres Sintimbru, Mezid eut la conviction d'avoir aneanti dans une seule bataille
te la puissance militaire que la Transylvanie pouvait lui opposer a ce moment-la. Dans l'im
ssibilite d'assieger Alba-lulia, ii decida de continuer les actions de pillage pour se retirer en
ite vers Sibiu. Cependant, sur ses arrieres, l'armee transylvaine reunissait enfin ses effectifs.
· s le lendemain de Sintimbru, les renforts tant attendus affluaient vers le lieu de rendez-vous:
troupes d'Ujlaki, les bannieres de la noblesse, les paysans hongrois et roumains de Cluj,
rda (Torda, Thorenburg), T1rnave (KOk0116), Hunedoara, les Szeklers et Saxons, ces demiers
us les ordres du juge royal Antoine Trautenberger. Hunyadi disposait d'environ 10-15.000
mbattants, une force largement suffisante pour se lancer aussit6t a la poursuite de Mezid38 .
Le 22 mars, quatre jours apres Sintimbru, une nouvelle bataille opposa les adversaires39 ,
40
isemblablement pres de Sibiu . Mezid fut informe que Hunyadi avan9aient vers la ville. II
ida de l'attaquer tout de suite. Pour empecher la jonction de l'armee transylvaine avec la
· de Sibiu, le bey de Vidin fut oblige de constituer son dispositif de combat probablement a
viron 2-3 kilometres a l'ouest de la ville, ayant derriere lui le village de Turni§or (Neppendorf,
37
Les sources principales demeurent Thur6czy ((1746), p. 249), et Bonfini ((1936-1941), Ill), p. 107-108
nous donnent des details sur la mart de L8pes ainsi que les chroniques turques cit8es auparavant (voir
!ekes, Hunyadi, p. 120; A. Huber, «Die Kriege», p. 169-171; T. Nicolau, Huniade, p. 42-43; avec des
mentaires d'ordre tactique). Voir 0. Szekely, «Hunyadi Janos elso torok hadjaratai (1441-1444)» [La
iere campagne turque de Hunyadij, HK, XX-XX!, 1919-1921, p. 8-9 N. lorga, Histoire des Roumains
e /a Romanite Otientale, IV, Les Chevaliers, Bucarest, 1937, p. 84: Hunyadi, blesse lui aussi dans le
·-bat, fit Biever, encore une fois d'apffis fa coutume roumaine, que nous trouverons tant de fois suivie en
tJavie bientot, par Etienne le Grand, ta belle eglise en style gothique qui se conserve jusqu'aujourd'hw).
n Rene Grousset, L'Empire du Levant. Histoire de la question d'Otient, Paris, 1979, p. 630, Hunyadi
a
a contre les Ottomans et /es ecrasa Saint-Emmerich /Szent-lmre). Vingt mi/le Tures resterent sur le
JP, de batail/e! Grousset confond ce combat avec celui de Sibiu qui se deroula quatre jours plus lard.
8
Histoire de la Transylvanie (sous la direction de Bela Kopeczi), Budapest, 1992, p. 224 (Laszlo
kai); I. Minea, «Vlad», p. 182;
39
N. lorga, «Les aventures», p. 39 (Barthelemy de Yano: Et fut au dimence de la Passion par/a grace
Dieu, /eque/z soil beyneis, qui Jes ennemis de la foy nous a mis en nos/re main). Cf. aussi: Leopold
pelweiser, Die Kiimpfe Ungams mil den Osmanen bis zur Sch/acht bei Mohacs /1526), Vienne-Leipzig,
5, p. 62; Thomas Nagler, «Sibienii in lupta antiotomana in timpul lui lancu de Hunedoara» [Les habi-
a
s de Sibiu dans le combat anti-ottoman l'epoque de Jean Hunyadij, Transilvania (Sibiu) IV, 1975, 4, p.
!iO;A. Huber, «Die Kriege», p. 171-172; T. Nicolau, Huniade, p. 44-45, 141; L. Elekes, «Armiia», p. 43-44.
40
: Idris Bidlisi (Cronici turce§ti, I, p. 169), ne mentionne pas le lieu du combat. Selan Thur6czy ((1746),
50), ii se deroula in quodam vico partium praedictarum. Plusieurs chartes de 1443, 1444 et 1453 le
lisent dans differentes endroits: Kapu (probablement Cop:,a) ou Vaskapu (le defile Poarta de Fier), cf. I.
a, «Vlad», p. 181-182 (note 2), qui nous donne une analyse detaillee des sources. Les chartes con-
t cette bataille avec celle de Sintimbru ou avec celles qui eurent lieu quelques mois plus lard, durant
et l'automne de 1442. Chalcocondyle (Chalcocondil (1958), p. 155) nous informe que Mezid fut tue par
ulet de canon au siE!ge de Sibiu et que l'armE!e turque fut vaincue lors de sa retraite vers la Valachie.
·n1a la chronique de 8onfini((1936-1941), 111, p. 108-109) elle nous decritla batallle de Sibiu. Ce recit reste
celui de Thur6czy la source principale concernant les E!venements militaires et politiques du mars
2 en Transylvanie. Les historiens aussi localisent diffE!remment cette bataille. A. Huber («Die Kriege»,
71-172), cite les sources mais ne se prononce pas. I. Minea (/oc.c;o: Kapu (probablement Cop:,a)!; N.
a
(Histoire, IV, p. 84: /a localite de Kapu, l'endroit dit Waskapu! La meme localisation dans SD, Ill, p.
. !;,t. Pascu («Rolul cnezilon> p. 46): entre Alba-lulia et Sibiu. T. Nicolau (Huniade, p. 44): dans une
rre proche de Sibiu. Selan L. Elekes, («Armiia», p. 43-44), L. Makkai (dans Histoire, p. 224), et M.P.
a
(Cehi, slovaci si romani, lac. cit.), la bataille eut lieu Sibiu. De meme J. Held (Hunyadi, p. 87) mais la
. ille est datee, le 23 mars! Cf. aussi I. Albescu, «Cu privire la stabilirea locului unde s-a dat lupta dintre
de Hunedoara :,i oastea turceasca, la 22 martie 1442», Transilvania, ns, V, 1976, 8, p. 37.
413
Emanuel Constantin Antoche - Gune, l,iksel
Kistorony). Dans la soiree de 21 mars, Hunyadi arriva avec son armee entre Cristian (Grossatl
Keresztenysziget) et :;;ura Mica (Kleinscheuern, Kicsur). Des espions qui se trouvaient dansJ
camp ottoman lui apporterent une nouvelle inquietante: conscient de la valeur militaire cl'
chef ennemi, Mezid decida de former un puissant detachement constitue par ses meilleur'
combattants ayant la mission de tuer Hunyadi _pendant la bataille41 . Le vo"i~vode de Transy
vanie changea d'armure et de cheval avec S1m1on Kamonya1, le heros de Sm!lmbru et lui do'
na une garde de cinq cents cavaliers cuirasses pour le proteger du danger qu'il courait42 . t'
Le lendemain, Hunyadi forma son dispositif de bataille. Au centre l'infanterie, couverte sh'
chaque flanc par deux groupements de cavalerie lourde qui devaient tenir le choc de l'attaqJ>
ottomane. Sur l'aile gauche se trouvait aussi Kamonyai avec sa garde. Le vo"ievode pensaJ
que l'ennemi pouvait diriger son effort principal dans cette direction. Pour cette raison, ii prit 1'
commandement de la reserve formee par la cavalerie legere qui se pla9c1 en embuscade daff°
la fore! de !;,ura Mica derriere le flanc menace. Quant a Mezid, ii pla9a au centre son infa~:
terie (probablement des azab), soutenue sur chaque aile par deux groupements de cavalel
(aklndjis et spahis), celui de droite ayant, para1t-il, la mission de tuer Jean Hunyadi. Derriere
dispositif se trouvait le camp ottoman avec les captifs et les prisonniers de guerre, gardes pa
quelques detachements de fantassins. Entre son camp et la ville de Sibiu, Mezid-bey dispb
un autre groupement de forces destine a bloquer la ville et sa garnison et a contr6Ier la muf
qui passait par le village de Cisnadie (Heltau, Nagydiszn6d) vers le defile de Turnu Ro§u43 l)£
La cavalerie de l'aile droite chargea vigoureusement le groupement de Kamonyai qui cou _,·.'
ses lances et avan9c1 au trot a son tour pour recevoir l'attaque ennemie. Le choc fut sanglant ef(
combat long et feroce car les Ottomans essayaient a tout prix de tuer le faux Hunyadi. lls retl':
siren! a en/oncer les lignes chretiennes. Kamonyai luttait a cote de ses hommes lorsqu'il tom"'
frappe a mart. Un cri de victoire traversa le camp adverse car sans commandant, l'anmee tra,tr
sylvaine devait commencer la retraite. Mais ce fut le moment ou le vo"ievode a la tete da sa.><
serve de cavalerie sortit du bois et chargea par surprise l'aille droite ottomane, deja eprouvee '"'
l'effort. L'effet de l'attaque se fit sentir immediatement Frappes dans leur flanc et enveloppes,t"
cavaliers ottomans prirent la fuite vers Sibiu. Hunyadi lan9c1 l'attaque generale sur toute sa lig'f
de combat Le reste de l'armee de Mezid lacha aussi pied vers son camp. Une bataille d' .,,
cerclement venait de commencer car, dans la panique qui se dessinait chez l'ennemi, la ga~l"
son de Sibiu reussit a effectuer une percee en force jusqu'au camp ottoman. Dans la derouteg~
se transforma finalement en une fuite generalisee, Mezid-bey et son fils essayerent de se sa ;:
avec une poignee de fideles. Encercles par la cavalerie transylvaine ils furent tues dans le co·:•
bat qui s'ensuivit (Mezetus cum filio, dum spem omnen in fuga collocat, intercipitur obtrunca~•
44
que; sociorum innumera multitudo ceditur ), tandis que les soldats ottomans rescapesl
desastre passerent le defile de Turnu Ro~u pour se refugier de l'autre cote des Carpates. Ji
%
*'*
Quelques semaines apres cette defaite, Murad II prit la decision d'ecarter du pouvoi_l'iL
prince de Valachie, Vlad II Dracut (le Diable) (1436-1442; 1443-1447), moult fame de vail/ance,'!J:
:l
i;;!f§
41
Thur6czy (1746), p. 250; Bonfini (1936-1941), 111, p. 108.
42
Thur6czy(1746), p. 250; Bonfini(1936-1941), Ill, p.108; J. Held, Hunyadi, p. 87. ,,;;
43
D'autres considerations sur le dispositif de l'armee ottomane: Paul Abrudan, «Date noi cu privir~}~
batalia din 22 martie 1442 dintre o,tile lui lancu de Hunedoara ,i Mezid-bey» [Nouvelles donnees surf
bataille du 22 mars 1442 entre les annees de Jean Hunyadi et Mezid-bey], Rd/, XXXII, 1979, 2, p. 322-32j"
!'attitude offensive de Mezid et l'esprit combatif de ses troupes: Idris Bidlisi (Cronici turce§li, I), p. 169-170:ilf,
44
Vair Thur6czy (1746), p. 250; Bonfini (1936-1941), Ill, p. 108-108. Ence qui concerne les pert~
de l'armee ottomane, les sources chretiennes exagerent comme d'habitude: Bonfini (1936-1941), IH;?Jj;
110 (E Turcis xx hominum milia cesa sunt, ex ungaris tria circiter desiderata!) N. lorga, «Les aventure~i"
p. 39 (Barthelemy de Yano: /es Hongres a /'aide de Dieu, /es assaillirent et en occirent XXXVI mile!). •0ii.>
:-;~l
414
Les battai/es de Sibiu et de la riviere de lalomi/a
45
agesse, /equel avoit son pays fort riche et bien peup/e d'hommes grans et puissans , pour
lier a sa place un gouvernement ottoman. A une date encore inconnue, vraisemblable
ten mai-juin 1442, le prince valaque fut invite avec deux de ses fils, Vlad, le futur Vlad Ill
§ (l'Empaleur) et son demi-frere Radu, futur Radu Ill eel Frumos (le Bel) a Andrinople
prouver sa fidelite et son attachement a la cause ottomane. Jusqu'a son retour ii confia
46
uvernement du pays a son fils aine, Mircea II age de 13-14 ans . Plusieurs sources
ntent ou se bornent a mentionner la visite de Vlad Dracul dans la capitale ottomane
i que Jes circonstances de son arrestation et de son emprisonnement Gallipoli . a47
a
itude du sultan l'egard du prince provoqua un vif mecontentement en Valachie :
48
, .. Mais taus ceulx qui venus estoient avec /edit seigneur de la Vallaquie pourl'acompaignier;
'°le Turcq /es fist conduire et guider jusques en /eur pays, au i/z raconterent la grant tra/1ison
faite par le Grant Turcq en la personne de /eur seigneur; don/ taus ses subgectz furent
genera/ement troublez. Car ifs concheureut et ymaginereut bien en eulx - mesmes que /edit
Turcq avail fail ce/le trahison esperant que, sans pasteur au gardien, ifs /es concquenuit
tegierement. Car /edit seigneur de la Va/laquie, n'avoit pour /ors que ung seul filz, eagie de
X//1 a XIV ans, lequel n'estoit mye habille pour conduire ung tel royau/me, especialement en
tempz de gue1Te ; dont Ires grand dol/eur estoit par tout le pays de Va/laquie
Barthelemy de Yano nous donne encore quelques eclaircissements: le sultan a envoye

seigneur turc en Valachie pour prendre la seignourie et gouvemer le pays pour /ui, avec XII
urcs49 . Dans ces circonstances politiques se situe, entre la fin du mois de mai et aoOt 1442,
50
rvention militaire du pretendent Basarab II, en Valachie , aide bien sOr par l'armee transyl-
e, ce que lui permit de prendre le pouvoir dans ce pays: /es Hongres avec /'aide de Dieu,
} 5 Les memoires du chevalier bourguignon Waleran de Wavrin, dans Anchiennes Cronicques

g/ete,re par Jehan de Wavrin seigneur de Fores/el, reeditees par N. lorga (Wavrin (1927), p. 61). II
!'edition Wavrin (1858-1863) qu'il remania en ajoutant aussi un apparat critique. Sur Jehan de Wavrin
· rement, Alain Marchandisse, «Jean de Wavrin, un chroniqueur entre Bourgogne et Angleterre,
. homologues bourguignons face a la guerre des Deux Roses», MA, CXII, 2006, 3-4, p. 507-527.
le regne de Vlad Dracul voir l'etude de I. Minea («Vlad»), l'ouvrage de M. Cazacu (Dracula, p. 56-
, · Constantin Rezachevici, Cronologia critica a domnilordin Tara Romaneasca §i Moldova. a. 1324-
1(sec. XIV-XVI) [La chronologie critique des princes de Valachie et Moldavie. a. 1324-1881, I, XIV'-
siecles], Bucarest, 2001, p. 92-94, 96-97. Le sobriquet Dracut (roumain) vient du Dragon, allusion a
e chevaleresque dit du Dragon (Societas draconistarum) du roi Sigismond (1408), dont Vlad etait
bre (M. Cazacu, Dracula, p. 20-21, 46). Le dragon devient desormais le symbole de l'aristocratie
mise. Pour l'histoire de l'ordre: Bela Baranyai, «Zsigmond kiraly ugynevezett Sarkany-rendje» [L'ordre
ine du Dragon du roi Sigismond], Sz, LIX-LX, 1925-1926, p. 574-580.
6
M. Cazacu, «Preclzari privind cronologia domnilor munteni din deceniul 5 al secolului al XV-lea»
·butions a la chronologie des princes de Valachie. Cinquieme decennie du XV' siecle], Studii, XXIII,
3, p. 607-608.
Ducas (1958), p. 262; N. lorga, «Les aventures», p. 39-40 (Barthelemy de Yano). Les chroniques
: Idris Bidlisi, Asikpa 9azade, Mehmed Nesri (Djihannuna. Tarih-i al-i Osman) dans Cronici turce§ti,
169,118, 121). Les annales serbes: Anca lancu, «~tiri despre romani in izvoarele istoriografice
i, secolele XV-XVII» [Informations sur les Roumains dans les sources historiographiques serbes.
VII' siecles], dans Studii istorice sud-est europene [Eludes historiques sud-est europeennes] (ed.
Stanescu), Bucarest, 1974, p. 20-21. Comme a bien observe I. Minea («Vlad», p. 184, notes 3-
source principale demeure Wavrin ((1927), p. 61-63). Les informations proviennent directement
d lorsque Waleran de Wavrin l'avait rencontre en 1445 dans sa campagne contre les Ottomans.
Wavrin (1927), p. 63.
N. lorga, «Les aventures», p. 40 (Barthelemy de Yano).
50
: II etait le fils de Dan 11, prince de Valachie qui regna avec interruptions de 1422 a 1431: Viorica
'ain «Lupta antiotomana la Dunarea de Jos in anii 1422-1427» [La lutte anti-ottomaine au Bas-
be. 1422-1427, Al/AC, XXVI, 1983-1984, p. 85-117; Mariela Chiper, «Dan al II-lea, damn pina la
a cea Mare. Tradi\ie 9i realitate» [Dan II, prince juqu'a la Grand Mer. Tradition et realite], Rd/, XL,
, 10, p. 967-981; C. Rezachevici, Cronologia, I, p. 87-90.
415
Emanuel Constantin Antoche - Gone,; l,;iksel
et ceulx dudit pais de Va/achie, ant te/lement resiste que toute ceste multitude de mescJ
este mise al'epee, sans nulz rezchapel'. Ce nouvel echec des Ottomans et sesi'
quences politiques marquerent le passage effectif de la Valachie dans le camp hongrcii'
Malgre les preparatifs pour le siege de la capitale byzantine qui debuterent le 23 av
Andrinople, on decida de reagir immediatement en envoyant une puissante armee contrEif
(nom par lequel les Ottomans designaient la Valachie) et Transylvanie. Selan Chaleoco
Murad voulut prendre lui-meme le commandement des troupes qui devaient punir Ba;
53
11 . Mais ii ecouta le conseil de l'eunuque Chehabeddin beylerbey de Roumelie, homrfi
/ui avail gagne beaucoup de guerres5', et considere comme un des meilleurs general(
mans. Comme ii fallait contre-attaquer dans les delais les plus courts, Chehabeddin den,'
au sultan Murad II de lui confier le commandement de cette expedition. Le sultan .•
otto·rn·· · .· •.· .a. ·
ordonna de mater la revolte des Valaques et d'envahir ensuite la Transylvanie55 .
La concentration de l'armee s'effectua au mois de juillet-debut ao0t, vraisemblablerr\'
Andrinople. Les effectifs dont disposait Chehabeddin s'elevaient selon !'estimation fabu1;
des sources a environ 80-100.000 combattants mais, ils ne depassaient vraisemblable,~
56
\'
1
pas 20-30.000 hommes de troupe. Thur6czi et surtout Antonio Bonfini57 ainsi que plus.~
chroniqueurs ottomans ont mentionne que le beylerbey disposait d'excellentes troy~
composees de fantassins et cavaliers rumeliotes (azab, aklndjis, spahis) ainsi qye:;1
effectifs amenes par six sandjak-beys renommes parmi /es emirs d'Anato!ie56 sans oua
quelques unites de janissaires qui prirent part aussi a cette campagne59 . "'/,)
Les Ottomans traverserent le Danube, probablement dans les deux premieres senj~t
d'ao0t 1442. Le lieu de passage nous est indique par Thur6czy: Bassa [... ] cum gentff·§'{!/
60
castrum Kysnycapol, Oanubium nautarum officio traiiciens • II s'agit de la forteresse de;,~
Nicopolis (Turnu) qui se trouvait sur la rive valaque du fieuve. Cependant, l'itineraire des rot<
51
N. lorga, «Les aventures», p. 40 (Barthelemy de Yano). La ccntribution valaque est signaleel
dans les chroniques ottomanes (Idris Bidlisi, Sa'adeddin: Cronic/ turce§li, I, p. 169, 312). $tefan And(•~
(Vlad Tepe§ (Dracula). lntre /egendii §i adeviir istoric [Vlad l'Empaleur (Dracula). Entre la legende··!"
verite historique], Bucarest, 1976, p. 32-33) soutient a son tour que Basarab occupa le tr6ne durant l'e\~
1442. En tenant ccmpte du farr que la bataille principale avec les forces ottomanes qui riposterent?
changement du pouvoir eut lieu le 2 septembre sur la riviere d'lalomiJa, ceci signifre que la campa1
ottomane oommen98 probablement dans la demi8re semaine de juillet ou dans Jes deux premier~,
maines d'aoOt. Done, Basarab II ne pouvait occuper le tr6ne de qu'entre fin mai -fin juillet/debut aoot);1
ce que C. Rezachevici (Cronologia, I, p. 94) oublie de prendre en consideration dans son analyse.
52
·i
Sphrantzes (1966), p. 335-337; M[ylada]. Paulova, «L'empire byzantin et les Tcheques avan
chute de Constantinople», BSL, XIV, 1953, p. 184; Francisc Pall, «Le condizioni e gli echi intemazi61
della lotta antiottomana del 1442-1443, condotta da Giovanni di Hunedoara», RESEE, 111, 1965, 3;4
438; Ivan Djuric, Le crepuscule de Byzance, Paris, 1996, p. 338. ·
53
Chafcocondil (1958), p. 155.
54
Ibidem, p. 155; sur Chehabeddin, voir plus haut, note 2 de la presente etude. ••
55
Thur6czy(1746), p. 251. .•·
La charte du privilege accorde a Hunyadi et a Ujlaki (1453) par Ladislas V (Hwmuzaki, 11-2, p. 30;:
56
evalue les effectifs ottomans a 80.000 ccmbattants! Meme chiffre dans la charte du Vladislav I~ de 1.~
(apud, I. Minea, «Vlad», p. 183, note 2), dans la chronique de Thur6czy ((1746), p. 251), et celle de Bon
((1936-1941), 111, p. 110: Octogin/a milia /June exercitum fuiss). Dans Wavrin (1927), p. 63. l'anmee com
100.000 hommes. Barthelemy de Yano estimait les troupes de Chehabeddin a 140.000 ccmbattants! ·
57
Thur6czy (1746), p. 251; Bonfini (1936-1941), 111, p. 110.
58
Orujd bin Adil, (Tevarih-i al-i Osman [Les chroniques de la dynastie ottomane], Asikpa,;aw
Idris Bidlisi, Sa'adeddin, Kodja Husein, dans Croniciturce§li, I, p. 88,169,118,121, 149-150
59
Orujd bin Adil, dans Cronici turce§li, I. p. 149 (2000 janissaires); Cha/cocondil (1958), p. 155,
156 ~4000). Bonfini (1936-1941 ), 111, p. 110 (mifilibus peditatum, quem ianizaron,m appellant).
0
Thur6czy (1746), p. 251; Bonfini (1936-1941), 111, p. 110: in Danubii ripa consedit, ad parv,
Nicopolim traiiciendas copias curavit.
416
Les battai/es de Sibiu et de la riviere de lalomi/a
anes et le lieu de la bataille generate qui les opposa aux troupes d'Hunyadi ont suscite
coup de controverses parmi les historiens. La raison principale fut, bien sur, ce passage
chronique de Thur6czy, repris par Bonfini qui indique une eventuelle localisation de
61
ontement: Cum autem ad locum, qui Waskapu dicitur, extitit ventum . En hongrois
62
:kapu signifie la Porte de Fer (roum. Poarta de Fier) . Geographiquement, ii s'agit du
le qui se trouve dans le sud-ouest de la Transylvanie et separe les montagnes de Ha\eg
· carpates Meridionaux, en ouvrant l'acces vers le pays de Ha\eg (Hatszeg, Hotzing), la
'e de Mure§ (Maros) et la ville d'Alba-lulia. Les recherches concernant la localisation de la
me n'ont d'ailleurs aucune liaison directe avec son deroulement, correctement analyse
certains auteurs qui se sont trompes en echange sur l'endroit ou elle a eu lieu. Dans les
rces medievales, le tenme porte de fer avail un sens plus large. On pouvait designer ainsi
pcrte quel defile ou col de montagne. Cependant, les annales serbes nous informent que
63
ataille eut lieu sur la riviere de la lalomi\a, en Valachie . Une analyse detaillee de toutes
sources hongroises, ottomanes, byzantines et serbes peut nous conduire la conclusion
64
a
ante: Chehabeddin ne quitta pas le territoire valaque pour avancer en Transylvanie .
61 Thur6czy (1746), p. 251; Bonfini (1936-1941), 111, p. 110: In sequen/i die, cum ad locum, quem Vas-
um dicunt.
62
A. Huber, «Die Kriege», p. 175.
63
Cf. I. Minea, «Vlad», p. 188 (note 5).
64
Selon Thur6czy, !es Tures passerent le Danube aTurnu dans une zone qui se trouvalt au milieu de
ontiere fluviale de la Valachie. Cet endroit trahit !'intention de Chehabeddin de traverser ce pays par le
tre et de marcher ensuite sur la Transylvanie par la route la plus directe qui surr la vallee d'Oltjusqu'au
de Turnu-Ro,u. Pour executer les ordres donnes par le sultan, le beylerbey devait avant tout con-
rir Targovi~e et vaincre aussi la resistance des Valaques. Done, le premier objectif des Ottomans etait
pation de la Valachie. Si la bataille avait eu lieu a Poarta de Fer en Transylvanie, l'anmee du bey/er-
r aurarr du obliquer vers le nord-ouest dans la direction opposee de Targovi,te et traverser l'Oltenie jus-
·a Severin. Ensuite elle aurarr ete obligee de fianchir les Carpates Meridionales par le couloir Timi;-Cema,
ne dangereuse car les Valaques auraient pu y tendre des embuscades. II aurait fallu apres obliquer a nou-
u vers l'est pour traverser Poarta de Fier entre les montagnes de HaIeg et les Carpates Meridionales.
route paraissarr longue, pleine de perils pour une telle anmee. Une fois entree dans la zone de mon-
ne, ses lignes de communication auraient pu etre facilement interceptE!es par Jes Valaques. Prise entre
t ennemi et les forces de Hunyadi, le sort de l'anmee ottomane paraissait regle d'avance. Chalcocondyle,
., cit., nous dit que Cheh§beddin avait envahi la Transylvania avec toute son armee mais dans son ex-
se, le chroniqueur byzantin manque de clarte. Cependant, selon les chroniques ottomanes, Barthelemy
Yano (N. lorga, «Les aventures», p. 40), et les Anchiennes Cronicques d'Engleterre (Wavrin (1927), p.
64), le beylerbey n'avarn;a pas de l'autre cote des Carpates. II reste a citer les chartes hongroises. Celle
17 avril 1443 (apud, I. Minea, «Vlad», p. 183, note 2): Demum ut p/ura brevi conprehendamus sermone,
nit vicemperator Turcorum, qui bassa communiter nuncupatur, muftis paganis pni1cipibus et octoginta
ilium digesti numeri suffultus exercitu, hunc antefatarum pa,tium Transalpinarum crudelius pre dam
gentem supranotatus noster wayvoda animosius be/lo agreditar. Fit ex concursu mutuo pugna hincinde
spenima, oritur cedes, franguntur acies constansque Jeta/e prelium ad vesperum usque perdurat ubi
ndem altissimi coaperante dextera finalis be/Ii eventus nostrorum prosperita/i accedit et max victi fugantur
ostes predatisque in predam dantur. Ad quorum c/adem magis uberem et pervia eis flumina non parum
ragabantur, nam fuga recentes precipiti non pauciores unda necantur, quam gladio. La bataille a eu
nc lieu dans partium Transalpinarum, dans une region bordee de riviE!res. D'autres indices nous sont
offerts par une charte datant de 1444 (apud, A. Huber, «Die Kriege», p. 174): primo (la premiere bataille,
celle de Sibiu) in iisdem pa,tibus Transsilvanis Mysu/beg (Mezid-bey) capitaneum ipsius potentiae Turcorum
cum aliis videlicet vaivodis, qui ipsas partes Transsi/vanas, secundo vero in partibus Transalpinae bassam,
viceimperatorem Turcorum, quum ipsas Transa/pinas cum maxima potentia subintrasset et debellasset, et
par le privilege de 1453 (Hurmuzaki, 11-2, p. 30-31): fractum et felicissimo be/lo strenuaque magnanimitate
dicti Joannis vaivodae et gentium ipsius Nicolai similiter vaivodae in partibus Transalpinis maximum
potentiae Turcorum undique coactum robur numero ut consimHiterfertur, 80 milia hominum, quae Turcorum
dominus sub conductu bassae, sui principalis vices gerentis [...] vastatis iam partibus Transalpinis fere
totis e vestigio in partes nostras Transsilvanienses similiter vastandas ingredi iusserit.... I. Minea («Vlad»,
417
Emanuel Constantin Antoche - G0nei, li,iksel
SERB IE
1. La campagne ottomane d'aout-septembre 1442 en Valachie

(l'avance de l'armee ottomane avant la bataille de la riviere de lalomi\a, le 2 septembre 1_.
Structures politiques: I. Vorvodat de Transylvania (province du Royaume de Hongrie); II. VoiVoda
Principaute de Valachie; Ill. vo·1vodaV Principaute de Moldavia.
Places et villes: 1. Oradea (Nagyvarad, Grosswardein); 2. Arad; 3. Timii,oara (Temesvar, Temeswar
Or.;ova (Orschowa); 5. Cluj (Kolozsvar, Klausenburg); 6. Santimbru (Szentimre)-la bataille de, 18 ma
Alba lulia (Gyulafehervar, Weissenburg); 8. Sibiu (Szeben, Hermannstadt)-la bataille de, 22 mars,$
Brai,ov (Brass6, Kronstadt), 10. Targovii,te; 11. Tumu, 12. Nicopolis; 13. Saia; 14. Suceava; 15. Kilia,
Rivieres: a. Tis(z)a; b. Somei, (Szamos); c. Murei, (Maras); d. Olt (Alt); e. Argei,; f. lalomi\a; g. Siret (Sze
h. Prut. ..
Une fois averti de !'invasion, Hunyadi conseilla aux Valaques de se replier vers les
tagnes a la frontiere transylvaine. II valait mieux aussi pour leurs troupes eviter dans cett~
p.188) affirme que la bataille eut lieu quelque part sur la lalomita dans la plaine de Baragan.'
Dan (Cehi, s/ovaci ~i romiini, p. 120, «Armata», p. 109), sur la riviere d'lalomi\a. Mais dans son Un steg
luptei antiotomane, lancu de Hunedoara (1407-1456) (Bucarest, 1974, p. 192), ii plaide pour la Porte de
en Transylvania! L. Makkai (dans Histoire, p. 224): pres de la 1iviere d'/alomi/a en Valachie. P. Hanak (d
Histoire de la Hongrie (sous la direction de Ervin Pamlenyi), Budapest, 1974, p. 122): Hunyadi franc ·
Ca,pates et at/aqua /'ennemi al'improviste. Pour N. lorga (Histoire, IV, p. 87), la bataille fut engagee le
de la vallee de la lalomita. Dans son Locul romiinilor in istoria unive,sa/a ([La place des Roumains
l'histoire universelle] (edition Radu Constantinescu), Bucarest, 1985, p. 211), ii la localise sur la vallee.
perieure de cette riviere. Les informations donnees par les annales serbes, la chronique de Thur6czy et
trois chartes hongroises nous permettent de localiser la bataille dans ce demier endroo. Un de ·
historians occidentaux qui mentionne cette bataille est l'ottomaniste britannique Colin Imber dans son «I
duction» a The Crusade of Varna, 1443-1445 (Ashgate, 2006, p. 14: Then in September, in the /alom?a
fey, he [John Hunyadij routed a second army under the governor-genera/ of Rumelia, $ihabeddin Pas
whom the Sultan had sent into Wallachia to avenge the earlier defeat [c'est-a-dire a Sibiu]).
418
Les battai/es de Sibiu et de fa riviere de /afomita
partie de la campagne tout engagement d'ampleur avec les forces ennemies65 . Quant a
rab ii ne regnait que depuis deux-trois mois. II ne disposa pas du temps necessaire pour ar-
r efficacement la defense du pays. On comprend que la concentration de sa petite armee
ntra des difficultes et qu'il ne put compter tout au plus que sur quelques milliers d'hommes.
.Les Ottomans avancerent vers Targovi~te. Selan Thur6czy et Bonfini, les villas et villages
66
~e trouvaient sur leur passage furent pilles et incendies . La capitale du pays fut probable
t conquise. Les annales serbes et les Anchiennes Cronicques d'Eng/eterre nous donnent
etail d'une grande importance. Lorsque ChehabeddTn arriva pres des Carpates ii separa
arrnee en trois corps. II garda aupres de lui les meilleures troupes, ce qui representait
isemblablement le groupement principal de ses forces. Un puissant detachement de
alerie re9ut la mission d'attaquer la Transylvania, tandis qu'un autre, /'une des portions
nvoia courre en la Grant Valaquie, qui est aval le courant de la Donoe67 . lls s'agit
isernblablement des provinces orientales de la Valachie: Prahova, Buzau et Braila.
La decision du beylerbey pourrait etre consideree comme une grave faute strategique. Le
d'avoir divise ses troupes aurait permis aux forces ennemies de pouvoir manceuvrer a l'aise
les lignes interieures 6ttomanes. Les chroniques turques nous relatent qu'apres le depart
deux corps d'armee, malgre les avertissements repetes de ses officiers, ChehabeddTn
rnen9a a rnener une vie de plaisir et de desordre car ii aimait le vin • 11 leur repondait que69 :
68
Le giaour va fuir a une distance de pfusieurs jaws, seufement a fa vue de man turban [bUrk]. Mon
sabre qui ne trebuche devant nen, repand du sang au lieu de fa pfuie. Me comparez-vous a Me-
, zid~bey ? Pourquoi avez-vous peur de ce miserable giaour lorsque vous etes sous ma protection?
L'armee de Hunyadi etait concentree a Sibiu, pres du defile de Turnu Ro~u. II disposait
nviron 15.000 hommes, auxquels ii faut ajouter les Valaques de Basarab II qui etaient en
· d'operer leur jonction avec les forces transylvaines70 . Si, au mois de mars, ii avail ete sur-
par l'attaque et n'avait pas eu le temps necessaire pour rassembler ses troupes, cette fois-
son armee se trouvait sur pied de guerre. On remarquait la presence des fami/iares, des
chements de Sicules et de la cavalerie cuirassee du vo"ievodat, constituee des nobles hon-
is et des bannieres episcopales71 . Vu les manoeuvres executees par les chariots de l'armee
'ialomi\a, nous nous permettons d'avancer l'hypothese d'une eventuelle participation a cette
mpagne de mercenaires !cheques meme si elle n'est pas confirmee par les sources.
La premiere bataille fut livree contra le corps de troupe envoye par ChehabeddTn pour atta
er la Transylvania. II semble que les Ottomans ne pouvaient franchir les montagnes que par
65
Bontini (1936-1941), Ill, p. 110 (/oannes contra Va/achorum utremque bene sperere iubet mandat,
in tutiore se /oea recipiant, profano furori nequaquam obslent, si vires non suppetant; se hosll forll animo
ursurum esse recipit; neque robur neque numerum refonnidaturum [...] Si que plus equo ad sua castra
nfuiere preecipif).
6
Thur6czy (1746), p. 251; Bonfini(1936-1941), 111, p. 110; N. lorga, «Les aventures», p. 40.
67
Wavrin (1927), p. 64. Pour les annales serbes cf. I. Minea, «Vlad», p. 187.
68
Asikpa'jazade, foe. cit. De meme Kodja Husein, foe. cit, et Sa'adeddin, foe. cit.
69
Croniciturce§ti, I, p. 312-313.
70
. Thur6czy (1746), p. 251; Bonfini (1936-1941), Ill, p. 110; Corvinus nequaquam animo constematus
um quindecim milibus tantum hominum Turcis occurit et ea quidem mente, ut man· quam cedere ma/ii).
elon de Yano (N. lorga, «Les aventures», p. 40), les Valaques s'assembferent en feurs montaignes, et/es
ungres et /es Poufenoys avecq eutx, contre /es Tures, et fa fut commenchie cest crueffe bataiffe. Dans
ne lettre (2 janvier 1443), la Venise inforrnait le due de Bourgogne, Philippe le Bon, sur les combats de
unyadi. Son arrnee etait composee des troupes hongroises, transylvaines et valaques (voir 0. Szekely,
unyadi», p. 27, note 3; cf. aussi Notes, 111, p. 105). La contribution des Valaques a cette victoire fut men-
·onnee aussi par Wavrin (1927, p. 64), Idris Bidlisi (Cronici turce§ti, I, p. 171) et Kodja Husein (foe. cit.).
71
Bonfini (1936-1941), Ill, p. 110 (Hunyadi nunciatur, ipse quoque in provincia de/ectum habet, Ires
circiterfegiones cogit, in cataphrecto spem omnem ponit equilatu).
419
Emanuel Constantin Antoche - G0ne 9 19iksel
le defile de Tumu Ro~u ou le couloir Rucar (Ruckersdorf, Rukkor)-Bran (T6rzburg, T6rcsv'

Nous ignorons l'endroit ou les forces ottomanes furent aneanties. llie Minea affirme que ce
bataille fut celle de Vaskapu (Porte de Ferj et que les Valaques poursuivirent les resca
en leur inftigeant de lourdes pertes72_ Apres cette victoire, l'armee de Jean Hunyadi penetra
Valachie et avan9a en marche forcee pour affronter le detachement du beylerbey rumeliot.
para!! que le franchissement des Carpates s'effectua par le meme defile que les Ottoma
avait emprunte pour envahir le Vofevodat de Transylvanie.
Les sources narratives et les documents d'archive dont nous disposons actuellement
nous permettent pas de localiser avec exactitude l'endroit ou se deroula cette seconde bata·
avec les troupes de Chehabeddfn. Dans une precedente recherche nous avons opte pour
zone situee sur le cours superieur de la lalomi\a entre Targovi~te (NNE de la ville), le cou
Rucar-Bran et le col de Predeal. Cependant, ii ne faut pas ignorer l'hypothese d'I
Minea, qui pense ci,ue l'affrontement eut lieu sur le cours inferieur de la riviere dans
3
plaine de Baragan , non loin du Danube, ce fleuve etant d'ailleurs mentionne dans de
sources concernant la bataille. Barthelemy de Yano ecrit qu'une grant partie des fuians
noyerent en la Dune, si que peu en retourna qui portassent la nouvelle au Turc74 • Noto
aussi un fragment de la Cronica Zancaruola, publie par Nicolae lorga75 :
.. .questo el dito Vaivoda di Hongari, se messe in ponto chon zircha chavali XXVm et anmandose ·•
def segnio de/a Santa Croce, loro and6 a trovar Ii diti Turchy. Et questo f6 adi ij de setembrio. E
prinzipia la dita bataia da ora di terzia, e dura infina note. E f6 una durjsima bataia, per modo che,
con lo autorio dell honypotente Dio, Ii christiany romaxe vensentori; et fono rechovradi tuta fa_
preda, et oltra di si6 el f6 morto et schonfito p/uy de 70m. Turchy. Et fo tanta la quantita di morti .!
chef Danubio tuto choreva sangue.
De toute maniere la bataille se deroula dans une zone de plaine qui permit aux caval
des deux camps de manceuvrer a l'aise. Hunyadi ne reussit pas a surprendre tactiquement
adversaire quoi qu'en dise Chalcocondyle ni a attaquer son camp par surprise a l'aube.
76
jour, version des combats enregistree par les Anchiennes Cronicques d'Engleterre??_P1us im ·
tantes nous semble les informations fournies par Idris Bitlisi et les Chroniques anonyrn'
Chehabeddfn fut oblige d'engager la bataille avec seulement une partie de ses effectifs'
le corps d'armee parti pour piller le territoire valaque n'etait pas encore revenu au camp78 •
Le recit le plus detaille nous est offert par Bonfini 79 . La bataille de la lalomita commen
dimanche de 2 septembre a la troisieme heure du jour80 . Le front de l'armee 'chretienne ·
72
1. Minea, «Vlad», p.188.
73
74
1. Minea, «Vlad», foe. cit.; E.C. Antoche, «La bataille», p. 70.
N. lorga, «Les aventures», p. 40 (Barthelemy de Yano).
75
SD, Ill, p. XVII-XVIII.
76
Chalcocondi/(1958), p.155.
77
Wavrin (1927), p. 64.
78
Idris Bidlisi, Joe. cit.; Chroniques anonymes, foe. cit.
79
Bonfini (1936-1941), Ill, p. 122-125. Historten officiel ii la oour de Mathias, l'humaniste auratt vraise
blement oonnu des veterans ayant participe ii la bataille de lalomija. Meme s'il s'inspira largement de la
nique de Thur6czy, les infonnatlons qui lui provenaient d'ailleurs mE!ritent toute notre confiance. Remm
ricarum Decades demeure encore une source de premiere importance pour l'hlstoire de ['Europe Centra,I~
Ortentale aux XIV"-XV" siecies. Pour reoonstttuer la bataille, plusieurs histortens on! utilise cette version: A
gyarnemzet tortenete [L'histoire du peuple hongrois], sous la direciion de Sandor Szilagyi, IV, Vilmos Frak
A Hunyadiak es a Jagellok kora (1440-1526) [Les epoques des Hunyadis et Jagellons], Budapest, 1896;
25-26; N. lorga, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, I, Gotha, 1905, p. 425; L. Elekes, «Anmiia», p. 51,
T. Nioolau, Huniade, p. 143-144; notons aussi les analyses d'J. Banlaky, Hunyadi, p. 61-64; M.P. D
«Anmata», p. 100-101, ainsi que les propos des histortens lures: N. Tacan, Bali, p. 25; A Tanen, Kuwelle
176; et I.H. Uzurn;arsrh, Bilyilk Osman// Tarihi[La grande histoire ottomane], I, Ankara, 1944, p. 419-422.
420
Les battailes de Sibiu et de la riviere de lalomi/a
pose en formation de cuneus: deux carres de cavalerie cuirassee (cataphracto1um equitum)

tre fesquels Hunyadi pla,:a l'infanterie lourde soutenue a l'arriere par l'infanterie legere. II pa-
t qu'une de ses intentions tactiques etait d'enfoncer le centre ennemi. Chaque flanc de son
positif etait compose de trois detachements de cavalerie: a !'avant, des cavaliers legers
exiflarii equites) soutenus par un carre de cataphractaires derriere lequel ii disposa en reserve
core une unite de cavalerie legere. Bonfini nous dit que chaque aile fut entouree de chariots:
runque etiam comu longo carrorum ambitu circumvallasse, quos omni munitionis genere
81
ne compleverat garnis de fantassins (essedarit) armes d'arcs, d'arbaletes et des canons .
A notre avis, les chariots ne pouvaient couvrir completement les flancs car dans un pareil
positif tactique, la cavalerie ne disposait pas du champ de manoeuvre necessaire a l'execu-
n d'une charge ou d'un mouvement de repli. II para!t que chaque groupement de voitures
rnait une longue colonne qui s'etendait vers l'arriere du dispositif de l'armee chretienne en
82
tegeant ainsi les ailes contre toute tentative de debordement de la part des Ottomans . Le
it de Bonfini, strictement militaire, ne mentionne pas la composition ethnique des unites qui
rticiperent a la bataille. La presence des troupes valaques a la bataille de la riviere de lalorni\a
83
t pourtant attestee par plusieurs sources contemporaines aux evenements de 1442 .
Pour a/fronter le cuneus, Chehabeddin pla,:a les troupes du centre dans un dispositif de
· eau avec l'ouverture vers l'ennemi: au milieu la cavalerie des spahis suivie dans le deuxieme
helon par les janissaires et les azab qui formaient la base et les bras du ciseau. Chaque
nc de l'armee turque etait compose de deux groupements de cavalerie, probablement
akindjis et spahis84 . Au debut de la bataille, la cavalerie ottomane du centre chargea les
ites des cataphractaires hongrois mais prise entre les carres du cuneus forme par les
85
valiers chretiens (A forficibus cataphractorum cuneus ... ), elle fut culbutee et obligee de
replier, semble-t-il, sur la premiere ligne de l'infanterie. Hunyadi profita de cette retraite et
donna aux cataphractaires de contre-attaquer le centre ennemi. Dans leur elan, les cava-
rs lourdement armes enfoncerent la premiere ligne de l'infanterie turque mais furent bien-
86
arretes par les janissaires et les unites de cavalerie qui reprirent le combat .
80
Bonlini(1936-1941), 111, p.123.
81
Ibidem (Corvinum in utroque comu duo quadrata cataphractorum equftum agmina, quos hippobalistae
uebantur, collocasse memoran~ ante hos vexillariorum quoque alas equitum, qui a laterum fronte
arent, extendisse; in media autem quadrata duo cataphractomm agmina equitum statuisse et inter hos
hortes gravis armature a tergo hastatis sagittariisque munitas interiecisse; utnmque etiam comu tango
nvrum ambitu ci,vumvallasse, quos omni munitionis genere plane compfeverat. Mox progredi in hostem
inibus edicit, cum ad duum stadium infe,val/um appropinquassent, pugne signum dare iubit, nihi/o secius
ciunt coflatis utn"nque signis concunitur. Corvinus prospecta hostium multitudine primam aciem in cuneum
igit, quo faci/ius hastes dividat, contra illi for/ices obtendunt, relation confirmee par la Orujd bin Adil, foe.
Hunyadi plal"' devant Chehilbeddin, l'infanterie inlide/e, am,ee et couvette de cottes de mail/es.).
82
Antoche, «La bataille», p. 72; cf. aussi les propos de T. Nicolau, Huniade, p. 144. 0. Szekely
, unyadi», p. 22-23), ii ne croit pas a !'utilisation des chariots durant cette bataille a cause du terrain
tagneux. Pour lui, comme pour J. Held (Hunyadi, p. 88-89), l'affrontement eut lieu a Vaskapu.
83
Meme Bonfini ((1936-1941), 111, p. 123) nous dit que Hunyadi avail besoin des Valaques pour
ere les Ottomans. Le terme hippobaliste ne designe pas seulement les arbaletriers a cheval. II peut
hifier auss1 archers a cheval ou cavalerie legere. Nous supposons que les Valaques de Basarab II
✓ ristuaen la reserve de cavalerie legere qui formait le dernier echelon sur Jes flancs.
84
Bonfini (1936-1941), Ill, p. 123; M.P. Dan, «Armata», p. 100.
85
Bonfini, lac. cit. (Tanta utrinque ferocia et clamore congrediuntur, ut nihil usquam 17orribilius sit auditum
· versatHi equitatu freti falcatis ensibus in Christianos seviunt, infestis concunvnt hasNs et ex equis multi
que deturbantur. A forficibus cataphractonun cuneus concidi non poterat, quia annis obducN haud
ledebantur. Instant igitur et infestam intersecant aciem. In media et in utroque latere pari impertu
1Catur: cadunt utn"nque multi, sed proscissa a cuneo Turcomm acies magna subinde cede agitari cepiQ.
85
J. Banlaky, Hunyadi, p. 62; M.P. Dan, «Armata», p. 101.
421
Emanuel Constantin Antoche - Gune,; l,;iksel
2. La bataille de lalomi\a (2 septembre 1442)

(Jere phase)
L'armee ottomane: I. Akindjiis+spahis; II. Spahis; Ill. Janissaires +azabs

L'armee de Jean Hunyadi: 1. Cavalerie lourde (cataphractaires); 2. lnfanterie lourde; 3. lnfanterie lege
Vexiliarii equites; 5. Cavalerie legere (probablement les Valaques); 6. Colonnes de chariots.
Plus tard, sur Jes fiancs, dans le choc qui opposa la cavalerie ottomane a celle des vex·
equites, l'affrontement tourna a l'avantage des Tures. Les vexillarii prtrent la fuite pour tro
refuge derrtere Jes cataphractaires qui, une fois entres en contact avec l'adversaire, reus ·
a retablir la situation, grace a leur armement superteur (de longues lances pointues, con,
sarissis, sabres de cavalerie a triple tranchant, oblongis trifidisque gladiis)". La cavalerie El_
mie eut du mal a se degager et subit des pertes durant !'engagement qui se deroulait a l'a.
tage des cataphractaires. Cependant, au centre, un combat feroce opposa Jes janissaires
cavaliers lourds hongrois. Les janissaires coupaient avec leurs cimete1ws Jes jarrets des
vaux en jetant parterre Jes cavaliers chretiens qui embarrasses par leurs armures _ne pouv ···
plus se relever pour se battre. Beaucoup de janissaires furent tues dans la melee sauvage
soutenus par une partie de la reserve de spahis ils mirent en peril les cataphractaires qui s,
87
Bonfini(1936-1941), 111, p.123-124.
422
Les battailes de Sibiu et de la riviere de lalamita
88
erges par le grand nombre d'adversaires se trouverent menaces d'etre aneantis . Hunyadi
t oblige d'envoyer l'infanterie lourde au secours de ses cavaliers. La poussee des fantassins
nna a nouveau !'initiative au camp chretien. Ce fut un des moments critiques de la bataille.
'◄ H1..nyadi
i □
I
2. La bataille de lalomi\a (2 septembre 1442)

(11° phase)
Pour retablir la situation au centre et sur les flancs, Chehabeddin envoya au combat les
rnieres reserves dont ii disposait encore. Le voievode de Transylvanie repliqua a son tour:
rdonna aux colonnes de chariots de se diriger lentement en avant pour tenter de contourner
flancs ennemis. La description de Bonfini nous permet de suivre le deroulement de cette
89
nceuvre tactique qui destabilisa le dispositif ottoman :
88 Banfini (1936-1941), Ill, p. 124 (Nutanllbus adhuc rebus in media acie prelium atrox plane canseritur,
tariane caharles cum valida equitatu quadretum cataphractarum agmen, quad in media callacatum
e diximus, mu/tis vexillationum tunnis circumveniunt, pedites veterani facto maxima impetu equorum
lites falcata ense subcidunt. Ex his cecidere multi humique parrectis capita amputantur, abteruntur
Ira cahorles, dum cataphractarum ruinam maliuntur. Cedes his usque adea magna patratur, ut cruaris
ageret, dum abstinatis animis et debacchante hinc et hinc bellica furore cerlatur. Pretarianarum pars
ima ceditur, ex equitibus quoque multi appetiere).
89
Ibidem, p. 125.
423
Emanuel Constantin Antoche - GGne:; l:;iksel
Contra vero Corvinus prospecto hostis astu suos aliquantisper patitur obduci, max carrorom
agmina promoveri precipit et, ut clam Tureas omnis circumveniant, essedariis imperat, deinde
pugnam cum haste redintegrat. Fe,vet ubique pre!ium et, quamvis ingens passim Turcorum
cedes ageretur, pre nimia ta men turba pert1i1aciter ubique certatur. Turci autem, ut a dextro comu
se a carris circumveniri et a tergo ignitis missifibus crepitantibusque machinis peti respexere,
ancipites facti se remissius agunt et, dum a /ergo sibi liment, a fronte prelium detrectant. Contra
elato clamore Ungan; ut observantem ante ocu/os victoriam capesserent, dum instauratis ipsi
animis a fronte mu/lo vehementius instant, socios, qui a cunibus pugnabant, hortantur, ut propius
hastes circumval/ent. Hie Turci confuso ordine inclinantur et, ne circumveniantur, retro fugam
rapiunt. Quicunque intra canvrum septa et oppositam aciem deprehensi sun!, as intemecionem
omnes cesi, qui autem in sinistro comu dimicabant, horum exemplo constemati terga vetfunt;
pa/antes cunc/i fugiunt, instat a /ergo adauclis pre victoria viribus ungan,s. Basseus desperatis
rebus una cum quibusdam pretorianis cohortibus, quibus se stipaverat, se in fugam convetfit.
La fuite de Chehabeddin fut vivement critiquee dans Jes chroniques ottomanes car le
tre lure encercle continua de combattre. Jusqu'aux demiers instants d'une vaillante resistan
plusieurs officiers parmi lesquels figurait le sanc/jak-bey Osman Celebi ne cesserent d'exho '
leurs hommes. lls tomberent presque tous, sabre en main, pour la gloire de l'empire90• ,/i•
La victoire de l'armee transylvaine fut decidee par trois facteurs d'ordre tactique:
I. L'emploi des reseNes. ']1f:

Leur entree au combat s'effectua successivement dans les moments critiques de l'affroq('
ment ou dans la derniere phase de la bataille pour forcer !'initiative au centre et obtenir ainsf
decision finale. ifj:
II. La solidite defensive et /'elasticite manoouvriere des flancs. "+'f
Les troupes montees furent placees sur plusieurs echelons de profondeur ayant au milt
la cavalerie lourde. Les colonnes de chariots renforcerent davantage ce dispositif interdisanta'C
Ottomans toute manceuvre de debordement par Jes ailes ou sur les arrieres de l'armee de ~
nyadi. C'est ce que Jui craignait peut-etre le plus, connaissant la souplesse manceuvriere def
cavalerie adverse. \
Ill. L 'attaque des chariots sur /es flancs ottomans: :?.
Comme nous l'avons souligne ailleurs, les Hussites n'utiliserent le chariot qu'en defensive,,~
se servant de lui comme d'un bouclier pour faire echouer les charges de la cavalerie ennemie/[
repliquaient toujours par des contre-attaques violentes menees par leurs troupes de cavalfii
ou d'infanterie. S'il faut-en croire Bonfini, cela signifie que Jean Hunyadi fut, semble-t-il, le 8\
mier commandant militaire - le seul dans le stade actuel des recherches - a avoir donne a'
chariots une fonction tactique offensive91 . La disposition des vehicules en colonne leur avait ,,.:
mis d'avancer plus facilement vers les ailes ennemies et de tenter cette manceuvre d'envel
pement qui desorganisa et mit en fuite la cavalerie placee au ftanc droit de l'armee ottomane1
90
Idris Bidlisi, /oc. cit. (Tinnutas beizade Osman-bey); Sa'adeddin, foe. cit. (Umurbeizade Os,t/,°{f
Ce/ebi, le sandjak-bey de Ghennian); Kodja Husein, foe. cit. (Umwbeioglu Osman Ce/eb1). Not§jj
enfin une autre erreur de R. Grousset (L'empire, p. 630): En cette meme annee 1442 Hunyadi ane~g,
encore a Vasag (?) une deuxieme annee ottomane dont ii fit prisonnier le chef, Chihiib ad-Din pachal£
91
E.C. Antoche, «La bataille» p. 74-75; Idem, L'apparition et /'evolution, p. 227-228, ainsi que{·~:
propos de M.P. Dan, «Armata», p. 101-102, 106. :;:,;
92
L'historien lure A. Taneri (Kuwelleri, p. 176) pense que cette manceuvre du tabor provoqu~::;:
choc psychologique au sein des forces ottomanes en entrainant leur d8b8cle. De toute manien~i~~
s'agissait de la premiere bataille dans laquelle Jean Hunyadi utilisa les chariots contre les arm~f
ottomanes. L'ensemble du probleme a ete etudie par E.G. Antoche, «Du tabor de Jan Zizka et de Jo,~:
Hunyadi au liibur qengi des armees ottomanes. L'art militaire hussite dans !'Europe Orienta le, le Pr
et le Moyen Orient (Xlf-XVlle siecles)», Turcica, XXXVI, 2004, p. 183-226.
424
Les battai/es de Sibiu et de la ,Mere de lafomi/a
Un mouvement tactique aussi difficile ne pouvait etre realise que par des mercenaires
eques, leurs conducteurs de chariots etant d'une remarquable habilete dans ce genre d'ope-
ions. Des decennies apres lalomi\a, Mathias avait toujours besoin de conducteurs !cheques
. de son armee
·ur les chariots . 93 .
94
Les Anchiennes Cronicques d'Engleterre ainsi que Laonikos Chalcocondyle nous infor-
ent qu'apres cette victoire, l'armee chretienne attendit sur place le retour au camp du de-
• hement ottoman parti pour piller le territoire valaque, detachement qui fut disperse a son
95
ur. Un im-mense butin fut ramasse par les vainqueurs :
Si en at de mars Lil m. sans ceulx qui furent pns et mis en fw!e : de leurs pavf1lons et tentes y
demoura environ Vm chameaux et chevaux sans nombre et grant partie des fuians se noye-
rent en fa Dune, si que peu en retouma qui portassent la nouvelle au Turc.
ne partie des rescapes qui s'egarerent dans les forets, les clairieres et les plaines de la
96
alachie perirent de faim ou furent tues par les gens du pays .
...
C'etait pour la premiere fois, qu'une importante armee ottomane essuyait un desas-
e aussi complet en Europe. Cette defaite affecta profondement Murad II qui, habille de noir,
97
but et ne mangea rien durant trois jours . lalomi\a sauva la principaute de Valachie de la
nsformation en pacha-lik tandis qu'a Constantinople Jes armees ottomanes abandon-
erent le siege des le 6 aoilt presque un mois avant la bataille de 2 septembre. Craignant
e mobilisation generale des chretiens (a laque/le Jean VIII n eta,r pas etranger) (Djuric), Murad
avail souhaite conclure une entente provisoire avec l'empereur98 pendant que ses armees
mbattaient de l'autre cote du Danube. L'effet psychologique de la victoire de Hunyadi fut con-
99
erable en Europe et l'espoir de chasser la presence ottomane du continent semblait de-
nir meme pour les diplomates les plus sceptiques une entreprise de plus en plus envisa-
93
M.P. Dan, Cehi, s/ovaci,i romani, p. 218; E. Denis, Huss, p. 230.
94
Chalcocondil (1958), p. 155; cf. Wavrin (1927), p. 64, cette derniere bataille fut plutot livree contre le
·tachement ottoman qui avail attaque la Transylvanie (Quant /es Val/aques eurent concqws lesdis
ergues des Sarrazins, ifs conc/urent d'eu/z vestir des habillements des Turcqz occis: si envoyerent
vers la Valaquie et la Transylvanie aulcunes espies, pour scavoir la revenue des courreurs sarrazins.
s~uelz fut raporte que ceulz quy envoiez avoient este vers la Transilvane, revenoienQ.
5
N. lorga, «Les aventures», p. 40 (Barthelemy de Yano), Selan Gaspar Schlick, juriste d'Eger et
ancelier de l'empereur Frederic 111, ii y eut environ 9.000 Tures tues (Piccolomini, I, p. 42-44), parmi
quels quinze beys et sandjak-beys: Firuzbeioglu Mehmed bey, Dudar Mizakoglu, lakub-bey etc.;
rnjd bin Adil, foe. cit. cf. aussi Bonfini(1936-1941), Ill, p.125.
95
\: Bonfini (1936-1941), 111, p. 125 (Turcus castris exutus, quicunque superfuit, fuge pemicitate cum
uce tune evasit; a/Ii vero qui diversi in fugam effusi per memora, per saltus et agros divagabantur, aut
'edia Valachornm manibus, in quas inciderant, confecti sun{).
97
• N. lorga, «Les aventures», p. 40 (Barthelemy de Yano: Et, quant ii [Murad] /a sceut a peine que ii
'issit hors du sens et que, de grand do/eur, ii n'ait rendu /'esprit; mais se vesti de noir, et, par f'espasse
Ill jours, ne beu ne mangea, ne par/a, fors seulement ce mot-cy souvent replique: <(Le temps est venu
e Dieu aura oste le glaive de nostre main», en jettant par grant ayr son bonnet contre terre).
98
· I. Djuric, Le crepuscule, p. 339-340. Certains specialistes ont souvent affirme que la victoire
Hunyadi a lalomija obligea Murad II a lever le siege de Constantinople, M. Paulova, «L'empire», p. 184;
• Pall, «Le condizioni», p. 438; N. lorga, Geschichte, I, p. 430. II para1t que le sultan ne voulut pas
quer de combattre en meme temps sur deux fronts. Ce n'8tait pas le moment propice pour assi8ger
ca~itale byzantine tandis qu'une grande partie de son armee se trouvait engag8e en Valachie .
9
.· C. Imber, «Introduction», p. 14; de meme Nicolas Valin dans Histoire de /'Empire ottoman, p. 75.
425
Emanuel Constantin Antoche - Gone§ l§iksel
geable. lalomi\a marqua un tournant decisif dans Jes sporadiques intentions de croisa
projetees en 1439 au Concile de Florence 1°0 . A l'automne de 1443, une anmee croisee fo
d'environ 25.000-30.000 combattants sous le commandement de Hunyadi avan\'8 a travers I
Balkans vers Andrinople (Edime), decidee a en decoudre avec Jes forces de Murad. C'etait a
si pour la premiere fois depuis la debacle de Nicopolis (1396) que le royaume de Hongrie et
allies catholiques passait a !'offensive dans l'espoir de sauver Byzance de la conquete ottoman
100
Recueil de voyages et de documents pour servir a/'histoire de la geographie. Oepuis le X!lf ju
la fin du xvrsiede, XII, Bertrandon de la Broquiere, Voyage d'Outremer, edite par Charles Schefer, P •
1892, p. 265-266; voir aussi F. Pall, «Le condizioni», p. 435, I. Djuric, Le crepuscule, p. 290-317 (avec ·
graphie).
Note sur !es cartes
Les cartes ant ete publiees pour la premiere fois, avec beaucoup des fautes editoriales (concemant not
ment les noms et tennes turques et roumains), dans l'etude d' E. C. Antoche, «La bataille de la rivier
lalomi\a (2 septembre 1442), une victoire majeure de la Chretiente face aux armees ottomanes», NHB,
1999, p. 59-88. La nouvelle edition reprend les elements principaux des cartes et corrige les fautes de 1
426
Bertoldo d'Este e la guerra di Morea (1463-1479):
un tentativo di rivincita contra ii turco
Michela Dal Borgo

Archivio di Stato
Venezia
L'epocale conquista di Costantinopoli da parte dell'infedele Maometto II (1453) riaccese

1 mondo cristiano ii desiderio di una rapida riscossa, di una nuova prova di forza da concre-
1
arsi attraverso una vigorosa azione unitaria da configurarsi come novella crociata . Gli ac-
rati appelli di Costantino XII, ultimo imperatore dei Romei, non ebbero adeguata e pronta
' pasta: Venezia solo nel febbraio 1453 decise l'invio di dodici galee, non solo per timor di
io, per ii meglio def/a cristianita, per /'onore def/a Repubblica ma anche per ii vantaggio dei
> ercadant,: ma solo nel maggio ii Capitano Generate da mar Jacopo Loredan ricevette preci-
2
direttive per l'intervento, riuscendo comunque a giungere solo a Negroponte • Tardi, troppo
rdi. A parte la morte per decapitazione dell'allora Bailo a Costantinopoli Girolamo Minotto,
stiziato con ii figlio ed altri sette veneziani, e quella, per altre vicende, di altri 50 nobili pre-
nti, la caduta della citta cost6 a Venezia la ben piu grave perdita di beni mercantili valutabili
orno ai 250000 ducati, se dobbiamo dar fede al sempre ben informato Marin Sanuto3 •
•••
Ciononostante, di fronte alle insistenze dei Papi Nicolo V, Callisto Ill e soprattutto del se-
ese Pio II, al secolo Enea Silvio Piccolomini, la Serenissima tese ad assumere un atteggia-
ento di malcelata perplessita, preferendo intraprendere diplomaticamente buoni rapporti di
mmercio con ii nuovo dominatore - Maometto aveva lasciato ad essi lo sfruttamento delle
iniere di allume e rame, la produzione di sapone e la riscossione delle relative imposte di
azio4 - e vigilando, nel contempo, sulla propria posizione nello scacchiere politico in Italia e,
i riftesso, in Europa. I parametri su cui riftettere non mancavano, ed erano di varia natura.
Dopa la morte del doge Francesco Foscari (2 gennaio 1457) non si ebbe suo degno suc-
essore, mentre gli Ottomani poterono contare su di un sultana ben diverso da Murad II,
niversalmente riconosciuto giusto, moderato ed amante della pace, sostituito dal giovane e
iu bellicoso figlio Maometto II che non ebbe a/tro dJ/ecto che /'exercitio de /'arme et de ag-
.randir l'imperio suo5 . Commercialmente si dovevano fronteggiare non solo i genovesi ma so-
rattutto gli emergenti mercanti fiorentini, desiderosi di procacciarsi privilegi di traffico mai
1
Per un rapido sommario delle vicende del periodo sempre utile la Crono/ogia veneziana de/
0 (a cura di Raimondo Morozzo della Rocca, Maria Francesca Tiepolo), in Storia de/la civil/a veneziana,
II, La civil/a veneziana de/ Quattrocento, Firenze, 1957, pp. 214-241.
2
Franz Babinger, Le vicende veneziane nel/a lotta contro i Turchi durante ii seco/o XV, in Sloria
el/a civHta veneziana, 111, pp. 51-73 (in particolare p. 66).
3
/bidem.
4
Gaetano Cozzi, Dalla caduta di Costantinopo/i all'annessione dell'isola di Cipro /1454-1490), in G.
ozzi, Michael Knapton, La repubblica di Venezia ne//'eta modema. Dalla guerra di Chioggia al 1517, I,
O!ino, 1986, pp. 49-63 (in particolare p. 51); F. Babinger (Le vicende veneziane, pp. 66-67), riprendendo le
servazioni di Roberto Cessi (Sloria de/la Repubb/ica di Venezia, I, Milano, 1944, p. 400), denuncia nella
litica veneziana un evidente marc!Jio d'ambiguit8 e, nei propri interessi un vigi/e n·serbo, per non essere
tem?,estivamente coinvofto in penColose responsabl1it8 o per essere sorpreso dagli awenimenti.
Cit. in G. Cozzi, Dalla caduta di Costantinopo/i, p. 50.
Michela Dal Bargo
prima richiesti od ottenuti. E vi era pure la non infondata preoccupazione di un prevenu

contrattacco turco, che si sarebbe di certo rivolto alla conquista dei territori cristiani piu vicin
6
owero a quelli in possesso e sotto ii controllo della Serenissima . Per queste ragioni Vene
alla dieta di Mantova, si espresse prudentemente per una azione europea collettiva ed
7 8
taria , che desse la quasi certezza di una rapida vittoria , come ben espresso dalle par
della Signoria nel 1459: che 'I se habia sperar de vincere et non de esser vincti, et pate
9
sostenere la longeza de la guerra in caxo che si presto la non se potesse tinire .
Nondimeno, e gia prima della proclamazione della crociata, nell'ottobre 1463 la Sereniss
ma fu giocoforza costretta ad intraprendere un'azione bellica contra l'impero ottomano,
canto autonomo, dall'agosto dello stesso anno. Preceduta da schermaglie oltraggiose e lesi
dell'onore di entrambe le parti, non comunque sufficienti a spiegare lo scoppio del conflitto
l'intervento veneziano si rese ineluttabile dopa la conquista turca di Argo, in Morea, ii 3 ap
1463, non una scorreria in aper/a campagna, ma l'occupazione - in piena pace-d'una im{)()
11
/ante cit/a e la successiva invasione de Ila Bosnia, debolmente difesa da re Stefano (Stepa
Tomasevic. La preoccupazione che la situazione potesse degenerare e che eventuali tratta
tive per risolvere diplomaticamente la vertenza si potessero protrarre all'infinito, facendo ii gi
dei Turchi, ebbero ii soprawento sul proverbiale 'pacifrsmo' veneziano nelle questioni levantin'
A trascinare ii partito della guerra furono anche le accorate, quanta meditate, parole·
Vettore Cappello 12, fino al dioembre 1462 valente Capitano Generale da mare pertanto p
fondo conoscitore della realta e degli equilibri dei territori prospicienti ii Mar Egeo. Davanti
Senato lui dichiar6 assolutamente inadeguata un'azione diplomatica, che anzi avrebbe potu
essere, e non a torto, interpretata dal sultana come una dimostrazione di debolezza, e ii cui ·
cessario protrarsi avrebbe fatalmente condotto alla perdita di Morea e Negroponte. Le vie c ·
merciali dovevano poi essere difese ad oltranza, considerata la piu che favorevole situazio
contingente, grazie alle mude verso Francia, Spagna, lnghilterra, come pure quelle verso Sin,
Egitto, Algeria, Marocco, in parte a compensazione della cessata muda di Costantinopoli 13 . ;'I
Sempre ii Cappello suggeri di stringere alleanza con ii Papa e l'Ungheria, attaccando cosjJI
nemico non solo via terra e mare ma pure cingendolo in una mossa a tenaglia da nord a sudl
Si poleva, inoltre, provocare una sollevazione delle popolazioni del Peloponneso, forti anche de'
la promessa di 20000 uomini da parte dei capi Greco-Albanesi per la riconquista della Morea'}
come era stato appena comunicato dall'allora Capitano Genera le da mar Alvise Loredan 15 • >
***
16
La guerra fu dichiarata ufficialmente ii 28 luglio , malgrado Venezia si ritrovasse senza aj.'
leati e nel contempo impegnata in un conflitto contra gli Arciducali per ragioni di dazi e viabilitij
che, per fortuna ma a costo di un impegnativo impiego di uomini e capitali, si concludera posit ➔
6
G. Cozzi, Dalla caduta di Costantinopoli, p. 50.
7
F. Babinger, Le vicende veneziane, p. 68.
8
G. Cozzi, op. cit., pp. 49-50.
9
ASVe, S.S., Deliberazioni, reg. 20, c. 192' (cit. in G. Cozzi, op. cit., p. 50).
10
Come ben osservato in Giuseppe Gullino, Le frontiere navali, in Storia di Venezia, IV, II Rimi
scimento. Po/itica e cu/tura (a cura di Alberto Tenenti, Ugo Tucci), Roma, 1996, pp. 13-111 (in parti
lare p. 62). Le radici profonde def conflitto son □ state ben analizzate e sviscerate da Robert S. Lopez
II principio de/la guerra veneto-turca net 1463, in NAV, s. V, LXIV, 1934 (29-30), pp. 45-131.
11
R. Lopez, // principio de/la guerra, p. 52
12
Cfr. la ''voce" a cura di L. Giannasi, Cappello Ve/lore, in DBI, XVIII, 1975, pp. 822-827.
13
G. Cozzi, op. cit., p. 54.
14
Sanudo, XXIII, col. 1172; cf. R. Lopez, op. cit., p. 53, e Appendice I, no. 10.
15
Cf. la ''voce" a cura di G. Gullino, Loredan A/vise, in DBI, LXV, 2005, pp. 738-742.
16
F. Babinger, op.cit., p. 69 sqq. (/128 /uglio la Repubblica dic/Jiar6 guerra al/a Po,ta, ed i 16 annidi
fliffi col tenace ed astuto Gran Turco erosero al midollo ii benessere ed ii prestigio veneziano net Levante).
428
Bertoldo d'Este e la guerra di Morea
ente con la resa di Trieste nel novembre 1463". Centro i Turchi si gioc6 la carta della sor-
sa e della velocita, come suggerito dal Cappello, convincente fautore di una 'guerra-lampo'.
Quale teatro per ii contrattacco fu scelta la Morea, da poco sottomessa e dunque ancora
fferente al nuovo dominio, ma pure fondamentale per la sicurezza della navigazione nello
io e in particolare quel/a dire/ta verso /'Egitto e /'Asia minore, e se ii Doge vi fosse state pa-
ne avrebbe potuto reputarsi signor de tuta la Grecia, come affermera due anni dope ii prov-
18
itore lacopo Barbarigo . Capo supremo delle operazioni fu designate Alvise Loredan, a
19
fu concessa totale liberta di iniziativa , ed immediatamente fornito di una truppa di 4-5000
20
i , tra cui 500 balestrieri corazzati e 150 armigeri. Ai primi di agosto ii Loredan gia sbarcava
odone e a Nauplia (Napoli di Romania), piu che favorevolmente accolto dalla popolazione
eca. Malgrado i tempi ristretti, /a preparazione de/la campagna fu accurata e la spedizione av-
nne con dovizia di mezzi, che risultarono addirittura superiori a quel/i inizialmente previstr 1•
· E ci6 forse anche grazie all'apporto entusiasta del giovane, non ancora trentenne,
22
'rtoldo d'Este , figlio del fedele condottiero Taddeo23 ed imparentato con la casa Ducale di
ena e Ferrara. Dope aver partecipato alla guerra, Ira 1448-1453, contro Francesco Sforza,
24
sempre in operazioni di secondo piano data la giovane eta , nel maggio 1463 Bertoldo
a Venezia, per festeggiare la nomina del doge Cristofaro Moro. E proprio in questa occa-
ne ii Marchese d'Este si era particolarmente distinto, a capo della sua comp~nia ed in rap-
sentanza della cilia di Padova, vincendo un torneo e pareggiando nell'altro2 . Sebbene sin
26
anno 1455 fosse Bartolomeo Colleoni ii Capitano Generale delle truppe veneziane- e lo
sso non avesse fatto mistero di essere interessato a partecipare all'impresa, ma forse e pro-
bile che /'offer/a def Col!eoni non fosse stata avanzata troppo seriamente; in questo periodo
sua posizione in Italia era per lui piu importante de/la possibilita di gloria militare in qualunque
27
parte -saggiamente ii Senato, alla fine di maggio, gli preferi ii piu giovane Bertoldo d'Este.
Le motivazioni della decisione appaiono molteplici ed ancor oggi non del tulle chiare. Tutti
i storici che si sono occupati di questa guerra di Morea sono concordi nell'affermare che un
··· ndottiero del peso e del valore del Colleoni mal avrebbe sopportato di essere subordinate al
mando supremo conferito, come peraltro era nella prassi della Serenissima, al pur valente
redan. Ma oltre a quesl'innegabile spiegazione, un'ulteriore ragione deve essere considera-
: Bertoldo era leale, coraggioso ma non ancora celebre e l'impresa prevedeva piu incertezze
pericoli che le possibilita di grandi onori e di un ricco bottino. Nondimeno l'Estense si sareb-
battuto anche con l'intento di mettersi in mostra28 ed eventuali, ma inappropriati o troppo
daci impeti giovanili sarebbero stati ben temprati dalla saggezza e dall'esperienza del ma-
. re Loredan. lnsomma una buona accoppiata per una felice e rapida riuscita dell'impresa.
17
G. Gullino, Le frontiere navali, pp. 62-63; cf. anche la nota 49.
18
Ibidem, p. 55.
19
La commissio al Loredan e in ASVe, S.S., Deliberazioni, reg. 21, cc. 138'-139' (e' citata, in
aduzione e regesto, da R. Lopez, II principio de/la guerra, Appendice, I, no. 2, pp. 106-107.
20
Le truppe furno di 4000 fanti (cf. R. Lopez, op. cit., p. 53) o di 5000 (G. Gullino, op. cit., p. 63).
21
G. Gullino, op. cit., p. 63.
22
Cf. l'esauriente saggio di Franco Rossi, Taddeo e Bertoldo d'Este condottieri al servizio de/la Re-
ubblica di Venezia, in "Terra d'Este. Rivista di storia e cultura" (Este), I, 1991, pp. 35-63 (in particolare pp.
63 con approfondite "Fonti e bibliografia", pp. 61-62).
,l Cf. la ''voce" a cura di F. Rossi, Este, d'Taddeo, in DBI, XLIII, 1993, pp. 439-446.
24
Alla morte di Taddeo (1448), l'appena quattordicenne Bertoldo, ormai ben awezzo alle arrni,
on ebbe esitazioni ad assumere ii comando della compagnia paterna, composta anche da ben 1200
valli, con la quale si distinse nella difesa di Brescia, nella conquista di Soncino e Romanengo
1452l e nella sfortunata impresa di 012inovi (1453). Cf. F. Rossi, Taddeo e Bertoldo d'Este, pp. 55-57.
2
F. Rossi, op. cit., p. 57.
26
Cf. la "voce" a cura di Michael E. Mallet, Col/eoni Bartolomeo, in DBI, XXVII, 1982, pp. 9-19.
27
Ibidem, p. 14.
28
F. Rossi, op. cit., p. 58.
429
Michela Dal Bargo
Bertoldo, alla fine di maggio designate gubemator gentium trans mare in Peloponnes
ottenuta la concessione dal Consiglio di Dieci di prelevare 100 corazze dall'armeria di Stat
30
ricevuta la commissione del Senato ii 25 luglio - troppo tardi dunque per tentare una pcsi
controffensiva a salvataggio del regno di Bosnia - si imbarc6 alla volta di Modone ii 27 lug
con una fiotta composta di 23 navi, 5 galeazze, B maiani" come riportato da Marin Sanut
portando con se, oltre alla propria, una compagnia di schioppettieri ed alcuni tra i piu val
32
contestabili di fanteria . Raggiunta la meta 1'1 agosto, e poco dopo Alvise Loredan, dope a·
abilmente aggirato un'imboscata da parte di infiltrati turchi oltre le linee veneziane, Berto
d'Este si dedic6 al/'organizzazione de/le proprie forze, notevoli per numero - 30. 000 tra r.
e cavalieri a detta dell'Anonimo veronese, 11.000 fanti e 11.000 cavalli stando al/a Crona
3
Veniera, mo/ti di meno secondo afire fontP ma purtroppo scarsamente affidabili.
II mese di agosto fu un succedersi di successi militari, grazie anche all'appoggio della
polazione civile che si era ribellata in massa. Dal quartiere generale di Nauplia, Bertoldo vede
onnai spianata la via alle proprie truppe: in soli cinque giomi Argo fu riconquistata, senza diff(
Ila e senza gravi perdite, ii 24 a,posto conquistato ii castello di San Basilio, alla fine di agost?;
3
mai ¾ della Morea era ripresa , i Turchi costretti a rifugiarsi in poche, ma ben armate, forte···
Parallelamente alle azioni belliche, da Venezia ci si prodigava (agosto-settembre 1
nella ricerca diplomatica di alleanze strategiche quanto indispensabili. Si apgc:,ggi6 cone°'•
mente l'idea di crociata di Pio II, del quale, Ira l'altro, ii doge Cristofaro Moro35 era pers ··
amico; si allettarono, con compensi in denaro e/o con l'invio di truppe, Giorgio Castriota,
Scanderbeg, ii duca Stefano di San Sava, ii Voivoda della Xenia, la Banessa di Croazia, ii
voda Giovanni di Bosnia36 e finalmente, ii 12 settembre, a Petrovaradino, si concluse ii ··•
di alleanza offensiva con Mattia CoJVino (Malia, Matyas) d'Ungheria, figlio di Giovanni Huny
l'unico veramente interessato a fronteggiare e respingere gli Ottomani, e che nel corso di
piu di due mesi riusci a strappare al sultana Maometto II gran parte dei territori della Bosrij
II primo settembre 1463 le fanterie veneziane, arricchite dalle bande degli inso
ricongiunsero con la flotta del Loredan - che nel frattempo aveva efficacemente tenuto s·
controllo i movimenti della flotta turca e protetto le rotte commerciali, i porti e le isole piu ini
38
!anti -di fronte all'istmo di Corinto . La prima azione fu la ricostruzione dell'Examilion, ii ni
di difesa dell'intero istmo, lungo all'incirca sei miglia, che era stato raso al suolo dagli infedel.i
Dopo una sentita cerimonia di inaugurazione dei lavori - costruito un a/tare a meta de/1'/stmo
tu ce/ebrata una messa e piantato quel/o stendardo d'oro con /'immagine di San Marco, la q,
ce e ii motto In hoc signo vinces, che benedetto nella Cattedrale a Venezia era stato portato.
29
ASVe, Consiglio di Dieci, Misll, reg. 16, c. 92' (1 luglio1463; cit. in R. Lopez, II principio
guerra, Appendice I, no. 8, p. 111).
30
ASVe, S. S., Deliberazioni, reg. 21, c. 170' (cit. in R. Lopez, op. cit., Appendice I, no. 13, p. 11_5
31
F. Rossi, Taddeo e Bertoldo d'Este, p. 58.
32
Ibidem (Con se, o/tra al/a propria compagnia, aveva portato a/cuni Ira i piu famosi contestabili d1_
teria veneziani de/ tempo, Bettino da Ca/cinate, Giovanni Grande de/la Massa, Giovanni del/'Atella,
numerosa compagnia di schioppettieri al comando di Giovanni Ortiga, e le genii d'anne di Guido Benz
33
Ibidem, p. 58.
34
II Senato aveva raccomandato che danni et violentie non siano infieride ai subditi et amid
(De/iberazioni, reg. 21, c. 176'; 14 agosto1463) e di non porre le citta a saccheggio (R. Lopez, op.cit, p.
35
Andrea Da Mosto, / Dogi di Venezia nel/a vita pubblica e privata, Milano, 1966, pp. 200-22 . ,
36
R. Lopez, op. cit., pp. 77-78.
37
Ibidem, p. 79.
38
Ibidem, p. 80.
39
F. Rossi, Taddeo e Bertoldo d'Este, p. 59.
430
area daffo stesso Marchese d'Este40 - l'opera inizi6 alacremente, con Bertoldo e ii Loredan
rrnati di badile, a dare ii buon esempio, e forti della collaborazione di circa 30.000 uomini 41 •
Dopa soli 15 giorni, ii manufatto - seppur non solido perche non fu possibile usare calcina,
on disponibile nelle vicinanze - si presentava come un muro a secco largo quattro piedi, alto
ickfuanto una lanci8--{Joronato da centotrentasei torri per le guardie /'una in vista dell'altra,
,feso da un fossato da ambo le par/142 • Ora i due comandanti, in azione congiunta, avrebbero
otuto dedicarsi all'attacco di Carinio, ultimo baluardo turco nel Peloponnese. Ma la conquista
ella massiccia fortezza di Acrocorinto, issata su impervi dirupi, che godeva fama di quasi im-
prendibilita, caduta solo nel 1458, dopa un assedio di tre mesi ed innumerevoli bombardamenti,
non era impresa da poco43 • Mezzi e tempi non erano a favore dei veneziani, ben piu carenti di
rtiglierie malgrado lo sforzo produttivo dell'Arsenale, e allertati dell'arrivo imminente di truppe
·tirate dal sultana dal fronte bosniaco e affidate a David Pascia, govematore della Rumelia .
A questi problemi si debbono aggiungere quelli di Bertoldo. Per preparare l'impegnativa
pedizione, anticipare le paghe alla soldatesca, elargire donativi di incitamento, lui era stato co-
stretto a vendere parte delle sue proprieta nel padovano e in territorio estense, ed aveva sem-
.. re piu difficolta ad ottenere la concessione di prestiti. La Morea non era ricche di citta da sac-
heggiare. II Senato aveva gia espressamente vietato ogni forrna di violenza contra la popola-
. ne civile 45 • Temendo di dilapidare anzitempo ii proprio patrimonio (che purtroppo si rivelera
ndata dopa la sua morte}, Bertoldo aveva buone ragioni per preferire, ad un lungo assedio per
me, un decisive assalto46 . Carinio, saldamente in mano Turca, resisteva. La sua espugnazio-
e (e un conseguente saccheggio) non avrebbe contrawenuto agli ordini della Serenissima47 •
Non aspettando i rinforzi ed i rifomimenti promessi, l'attacco fu deciso per ii 20 ottobre, due
re prima dell'alba48 . II condottiero aveva lungamente arringato le truppe e per tutta la bat-
glia, che si protrasse sino a sera, egli continue ad incitarli con le parolee con l'esempio49 . Ma
nche un soldato pu6 avere un attimo di imprudenza, un giovanile motto di incoscienza. Nell'
ria rovente per ii caldo e la fatica del combattimento, Bertoldo si tolse l'elmo di protezione ed
n sasso - chi fu a lanciarlo e ancora leggenda50 - lo colpi violentemente alla tempia.
40
R. Lopez, /I principio de/fa guerra, p. 80 e le note 143-144.
41
Ibidem, p. 81 e nota 145 (Lavoravano tutti quanti: i mercenari ftaliani, i nuovi rinfo1Zi, gli equipaggi
gli orrlini dei rispettivi sopraccomiti, gli ausi/iari Greci e Albanesi, i manovali def paese. Tre giomi dopa
'inaugurazione quattromila Turchi che s'erano accampati davanti a Carinio assa/irono i /avoratori, ma,
,espinti, fa notte seguente se la svignarono al/a chetiche/la al di la del/'is/mo prima che fosse chiuso ii
passaggio. Un nuovo attacco compiuto da duemila fanti e cavalieri 01/omani non ebbe miglior successo,
anzi fm/16 al Loredano 360 prigionieri Ira uomini, donne e bambini; e ii lavoro riprese con Jena immutata).
42
Ibidem, p. 81.
43
Ibidem, p. 82.
44
R. Lopez, op. cit., pp. 74-77; G. Gullino, Le frontiere navali, p. 63.
45
Cfr. nota 32; raccomandazione poi ribadita ii 12 settembre 1463 (ASVe, S. S., De/iberazioni, reg.
21, c. 185'; Volemo perogni modo essere benignissimi, et havemo to/lo talimpresa per/'honorde Dio e
per /iberar que/li de la crude/ oppressione e tirania de infedeli non percha da nostri recevano a/cuna
offesa [... ] Questa delibera/ione nostra notificallla a tuti e per espresso a tuti commandate, che da ogni
violentia robaria e torto verso tuti i homini de que/la provincia che a nui non fossero sponte sua inimici e
retinen/i, se abstengano. Et in spetie commettetelo al magnifico Bertoldo, al quale nui anco scrivemo
circa ci6 che cum effecto faqa che tuti solda/i se riguarrlano da le rapine anci cum ogni dolceqa et umanita
se portano peraconzo de le cosse nos/re; cf. R. Lopez, op. cit., Appendice I, no. 18, pp. 119-120).
46
F. Rossi, Taddeo e Bertoldo d'Este, p. 59; R. Lopez, op. cit., pp. 96-97.
47
R. Lopez, op. cit., p. 97.
48
Ibidem, p. 95 e nota 199.
49
Ibidem, p. 97.
50
R. Lopez, /I principio de/la guerra, p. 97, nota 211 (Anche ii Cantacusino asserisce che ii sasso
fu lanciato da una donna, senza dubbio per reminescenze Bibliche (Abime/ech) e Greche (Pirro) e
non per informazione storica. E anche ii Bembo ereso meno attendibile dal tono apo/ogetico).
431
Michela Dal Borgo
Fu costretto, non senza insistenze, ad abbandonare ii campo, quasi agonizzante, ea ri

51
rare nella sua tenda : fu come se, senza la sua presenza, sull'intero esercito fosse scesa
gelida nebbia interiore, l'incapacita di continuare l'azione. Le compagnie, ormai allo sban
furono facilmente disperse nella notte da una sortita del presidio nemico52 . Lo stesso Lored
forse anche personalmente sconvolto ed addolorato, non seppe reagire ed invece di mante
re le posizioni - poiche non tutto era perduto - preferi togliere l'assedio, ritornare all'Examili
comunicare al Senato la propria intenzione di abbandonare la guerra per le difficolta troppo g
vi che incontrava (27 ottobre) e, senza aspettare la risposta da Venezia, riprendere ii viaggio di
tomo, mentre la fanteria si ritirava dentro i bastioni di Napoli di Romania53 . II moribondo Berto! •
imbarcato su di una galea, giunse a Negroponte e ivi mori ii 4 novembre54 . Per la Serenissi
la speranza di una rapida vittoria - e addirittura di una vittoria! - era ormai tramontata.
***
Alla fine del 1463 i Turchi si erano rimposses-sati di Argo, costretti i veneziani a Nau
e Macione. Ma gia dal 2 dicembre, Venezia iniziera dei serrati negoziati per persuadere Ui
55
Hassan , Khan turcomanno di Persia, ad attaccare i turchi da est, come gia in precede
nel 1460-61, in sintonia con l'operato di Vlad Ill Tepe§ (l'lmpalatore) a sud del Danubio56 . D'
canto la Repubblica era ancora impegnata nella gia citata guerra contra gli lmperiali e co
impresa de Trieste fese ruinarquel/a de Corintho (Domenico Malipiero)57. L'anno 1464 com
se la partecipazione di Venezia a quel tentative di crociata, promossa da Pio II, che vide le'
lee, condotte dal canuto doge Cristoforo Moro, fare rapidissimo ritomo, da Ancona in patria, ·
51
R. Lopez, II principio de/la guerra, p. 98, nota 212 (di la egli avrebbe continua/a a rincuora
combattenti, non tomando sul campo malgrado la ferita solo per le affettuose insistenze deg/i alt
52
fbidem, p. 98, nota 214.
53
Ibidem, p, 99, e Appendice I, no. 31, p. 128; ii 4 dicembre ii Senato scrisse al Loredan di
disp/icentissimamente intexo el /evar nostro e de le zente et anmada nostra da/ luogo def exe
habandonando quel/a impresa, la qua/ al honor stato et reputatione nostra, et de tan/a momenta e
quanta se intende. Tegnimo haverete data opera che le zente nos/re da terra se habi potuto re~,"
/uoghi nostri da quel/e parte con segurta e per bone conservatione de quelli in ogni caso, et offen ·
de/ inimico dove sera sta de bisogno. Vui veramente cum l'annada nostra a vui commessa credem_
haverete reducto et sereve conferito a quel/i luoghi, ve havera parso piu ben honor et comodo def
nostro, comunicando di aver conferito le cariche di Capitano in Golfo ad Angelo Pesaro e di Capi
Generale da mar al Cavaliere e procuratore Orsato Giustinian (originale in ASVe, S.S., Deliberazioni{(
21, c. 210', trascrizione integrale della deliberazione in Ibidem, Appendice I, no. 32, p. 129). L'operat?.
Loredan non fu, comunque, oggetto di inquisizione da parte della Repubblica (cf. Ibidem, p. 103). }
54
Ibidem, p. 99 e nota 217 (La salma di Bertoldo fu trasportata a Venezia, dove ebbe onoia
so/enni al/a presenza def Doge e def Senato (in quell'occasione fu pronunciato ii discorso di Bern?
Bembo, suo amico d'infanzia); poi fu tras/ato ad Este, dove l'orazione funebre fu fella da Ludo_
Carbone. II suo sepolcro, opera di Fal/aguasta di Bologna, fu distrutto per malinteso spirito di lib
net 1797: onde non abbiamo pill nu/la che ci ricordi la sua effigie, essendo disperso un n"fratto elf:
fece Giacomo Bel/in,); l'orazione funebre del Bembo, da un manoscritto conservato alla BNM, .
Lat. Xl-139 (=4432) e integralmente riportata in R. Lopez, op. cit., Appendice 11, no. 2, pp. 130-131'
55
Giovanni Maria Angiolello, Breve narratione de/la vita et fa/ti de/ signor Ussun Cassano, in'..•
Battista Ramusio, Delle Navigazioni et Viaggi, II, Venezia, 1559, pp. 66-78, opera definita dal Babin
fonte occidenta/e piu impoltante per la storia de/le guerre che si svo/sero a que/ tempo Ira Maomett~L
Uzun Hasan (Angiolel/o (degli Angiolelli) Giovanni Maria, ''voce" nel DBI, Ill, 1961, pp. 275-278). . '.".
56
Andrei Niculescu, La diplomazia veneziana e ii principe Stefan eel Mare di Moldavia (1457-1.5
durante la guerra contra i Turchi det 1463-1479, in Italia e Romania. Due popo/i e due storie a conn
(secc. XIV-XVIII), a cura di Sante Graciotti, Firenze, 1998, pp. 97-139 (in particolare p. 102); l'aut
severo - e non a torto - con l'ambigua politica diplomatica tenuta dalla Serenissima nei confronti
allea\ Uzun Hassanein particolare con Stefano ii Grande, principe di Moldavia dal 1457 al 1504.
5
Cit. in G. Cozzi, Dalla caduta di Costantinopo/i, p. 54.
432
58
e di Pio ii 15 agosto . In Levante, affidate le truppe al sangui@no Sigismondo Malatesta e la
59 6
ad Andrea Dandolo , personalita dagli opposti caratteri , Venezia ebbe oomunque la
na che neppure da parte turca vi fu la capacita--o la volonta?--0i infli~gere ii colpo finale 61 .
6
con alterne vicende, la guerra si trascin6 per altri 16 logoranti anni . Qualche successo si
solo dall'aprile 1466, all'elezione guale Capitano generale da Mar di Vettore Cappello, co-
63
• di oonsueto investito di pieni poteri . Dopo la presa di lmbro, Taso e Samotracia, seppur per
ve periodo addirittura di Atene (5 settembre 1464), la riconquista si ferm6 a Patrasso dove -
po l'uccisione e successivo impalamento del proweditore Giacomo Barbarigo-l'inutile occu-
ione della citta non permise la presa della rocca. La soonfitta cost6 al Cappello una veloce
isonorante ritirata a Negroponte, ove mori, addirittura occupado da dolor(marzo 1467}".
Gravissima e scioccante fu la perdita di Negroponte, stazio commerciale di primaria im-
rtanza, per alcuni superiore a Costantinopoli per presti~io e minuficienza, la cui perdita ve-
5
a considerata pari pericolo per tutto' I resto def Levante , caduta dopo mesi di assedio ii 12
lio 1470, vanamente attendendo un qualche aiuto dalla vicina flotta, vilmente capitanata da
67
16 Canal66 , come ben espresso in questo coevo lamento di anonimo :
o capitano def/a nostra annatal Che stavi a fare che non soccorrivi?I Non avesti pieta def/a
Brigata?/ De' Turchi la possanza non credivi?/Orguarda un poco e a/za la tua fronte/ E vedi
come sta el tuo Negroponte!.
correva correre ai ripari, prima che si rivelassero profetiche - a posteriori - le parole di

menico Malipiero: se dubitava che seguitando 'I Turco la vittoria, se perdesse tutto 'I stado
68
] Adesso, par ben che sia abassada la grandezza veneziana, et estinta la nostra superbia .
69
Gli appelli al Khan di Persia Uzun Hassan non caddero, nell'aprile 1472, inascoltati . Ma
alcune spettaoolari vittorie -da lasciar pensare, ad un certo momenta, che l'lmpero stesso
70
aometto II stesse per cedere - Uzun subi una disfatta a Baskent (Othukbeli) sull'Eufrate
agosto 1473); ma preziosa oontinuera ad essere la sua intermediazione presso Stefano di
ldavia che, nell'ambito della coalizione promossa da Venezia, infliggera, ii 10 gennaio 1475
aslui, una de/le piu grandi sconfitte subite dai Turchi dopa la presa di Costantinopot/',
ritandogli dalla Serenissima ii titolo di fortissimus rei cristiane at/eta (1476)72_
58
G. Gullino, Le frontiere, p. 64 sqq.
59
Cir. la ''voce" a cura di G. Gullino, Dando/a Andrea, in DBI, XXII, 1986, pp. 440-441.
60
Sulle incomprensioni, caratteriali e militari, tra Malatesta e Dandolo, cf. Idem, Le frontiere, p. 66.
61
Ibidem.
62
Sulle vicende complessive della guerra: G. Gullino, Le frontiere navali, pp. 66-69. Sulle contempo-
vicende politico-militari in Italia: G. Cozzi, Dalla caduta di Costantinopoli, pp 56-57. Sui molteplici
tivi da parte turca di raggiungere un accordo di pace: Maria Pia Pedani, In name def Gran Signore.
fottomani a Venezia dalla caduta di Costanlinopoli al/a guerra di Candia, Venezia, 1994, pp. 101-106.
63
Cfr. nota 12.
64
G. Gullino, Le frontiere navali, p. 67.
65
Cit. in G. Cozzi, op. cit., p. 58; cf. anche G. Gullino, op. cit., pp. 69-71.
66
Cf. la "voce" a cura di A. Ventura, Canal Nico/6, in OB/, XVII, 1974, pp 662-668.
67
Antonio Medin, Ludovico Frati, Lamenti storici dei secoli XIV-XVI, II, Bologna, 1888, p. 261; cit.
Giuliano Lucchetta, L'Oriente mediterraneo nef/a cultura di Venezia tra ii Quattro e Cinquecento, in
aria def/a cultura veneta, 111-2, Dal primo Quattrocento al Concilio di Trento, Vicenza, 1980, p. 383.
68
Cit. in G. Cozzi, op. cit., p. 58.
69
Cf. A. Niculescu, La diplomazia veneziana, pp.102-104; G. Gullino, op. cit., pp. 71-76.
° 7
71
Cf. A. Niculescu, op. cit., p. 103.
Ibidem, p. 105.
72
Cit. in Ibidem, p. 107; sui rapporti tra Stefano ii Grandee Venezia cf. anche loan-Aurel Pop, Dalla
iata a/la pace: documenli veneziani n'guardanti i rapporfi Ira le potenze cdstiane e l'lmpero Ottomano
''nizio def XVI secolo, in L'ltalia e /'Europa centro-odentale attraverso i secoli (a cura di Cristian Luca,
ianluca Masi, Andrea Piccardi), Braila-Venezia, 2004, pp. 93-98.
433
Michela Dal Bargo
Le trattative per una pace si erano spesso arenate di fronte alle eccessive pretese lurch
alle conseguenti resistenze veneziane, tanto che alla fine degli anni '70 i due contendenti a
vano quasi perso ii sense e le radici profonde del conflitto del 1463. Finalmente, nel 1478
73
deciso di inviare a Maometto ii cretese Giovanni Dario e ii segretario Alvise Manenti, es '
di lingua e costumi ottomani nonche finissimi diplomatici. Al Dario la Repubblica diede pieni
teri decisionali per accogliere qualsiasi proposta del sultano e porre definitiva fine alla guerra
***
Le condizioni imposte a Venezia per la pace, firmata ad Istanbul ii 25 gennaio 147974

ratificata a Venezia ii 25 aprile, furono molto dure; sia dal punto di vista territoriale, con la ce·
sione di Scutari, Croia, Lemno, Negroponte, Argos e ii Braccio di Maina in Peloponnese, sia ct
punto di vista finanziario, con ii pagamento immediate di 100.000 ducati d'oro a titolo di inde
nizzo e ii versamento annuo di altri 10.000 ducati per poler continuare a commerciare nei te
tori dell'impero ottomano. In cambio solo la possibilita di rieleggere ii proprio Bailo, ambasc/
tore, a Costantinopoli e ii protettorato sul Ducato di Nasso. Solenne fu l'arrivo a Venezia d
ambasciatore turco, Kahya Lutfi bey, ii 16 aprile75 , come descritto da Domenico Malipiero't
e
A' 16 zonto un ambassador def Turco con 20 persone: ghe e sta manda contra 40
zenti/homeni con i piati: e '/ Dose co 'l Coffegio e sta su le fines/re de fa sa/a de gran Consegio.
E' sta fatto un proc/ama, che a/cun in fa Tem, non aroissa de chiamarlo Ambassador def Turco,
ma Ambassador def Signor, sotto pena def/a vita. L'ha abudo audienza a' 18 e ha presenta al
Dose un fazzuo/ sotif, digando che' I si Signor s'ha cinto con esso, e che anca Jui fazza 'I
medemo in segno de stretta e fenna amicizia: dise, che re vegnudo per tuor el zuramento
def/a pace, la qua/ a '25 def ditto mese, zomo solenne de s"i'in Marco, esta zurada e pubb/icada
in so presenzia; e do zomi avanti, 8 sta vestio de do veste d'oro e la famegia vestia d'aftri
vestimenti; et e sta mena in gran Consegio,
Di fatto, con questo trattato, Venezia fu definitivamente estromessa dall'Egeo e dovette a

tare l'assoluta supremazia marittima degli Ottomani sull'antica Romania: a Valona, all'ingr
so del Gelfo di Venezia, sventolava ormai la bandiera della mezzaluna".
Per la Repubblica del Leone questa guerra di Morea, e la prima importante crisi politi
- territoriale in Levante, cui faranno seguito quelle del 1499-1503, 1570-1573, 1644-1669,
un decline inarrestabile sino alla sua definitiva scomparsa, come State, nel maggio 1797.
73
Sul personaggio; F. Babinger, Johannes Darius (1414-1494), Sachwafter Venedigs im Morgen/a
und sein griechischerUmkreis, in SBAV\,'. V, 1961, pp. 71-106; M. F. Tiepolo, Appunti su Giovanni Dario,,
Proceedings of the 4" /ntemauonal Conference on Cretan Studies. 1971, Atene, 1981, pp. 501-508.
74
Originale in ASVe, Documenti Turchi, b. 1, nn. 2, 20/c-d (cf. anche ASVe, Commemoriafi, r
XVI, nos. 126-127 (traduzione e testo greco); Miscellanea Atti Diplomatici e Privati, b. 45, nos. 1321 (o
ginale in greco e traduzione italiana), 1324 (Uber graecus), cc. 1'-2'); cit. in RPcardo]. Predelli, / libri Co
memora/i de/la Repubb/ica di Venezia. Regesu, V, Venezia, 1901, p. 230; la trascrizione in Franz Miklosi
Joseph Muller, Acta et diplomata greca medii aevi sacra et profana, Ill, Acta et diplomata graeca ""
Graecas lta/asque il!ustrantia e tabulariis Abconitano Florentino Me!itensi Taurinensi Veneta Vindob
nensi5,; Vienna, 1865, no. 12, pp. 295-298).
7
Gia annunciata da Maometto II con sua lettera del 29 gennaio (ASVe, Documenti Turchi, b.
nn. 3 e 3 bis (in greco e in volgare); Commemoriali, reg. XVI, c. 138'·'; I !ibri, V, p. 229).
76
Crr. in M.P. Pedani, lnviati ottomani, p. 106; l'autrice sottolinea che, solo da questo evento, ii sultana'
fino ad af/ora indicato sofamente come 17 Turco, si cominci6 a chiamare ed identificare come Signor o_
Gran Signor.
77
S[amuele]. Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, IV, Venezia, 1855, pp. 382-384; Colin Imber,
The Ottoman Empire 1300-1481, Istanbul, 1990, pp. 208-221, 233-241; Nicolas Valin, L'ascension de
Ottomanes (1451-1512), in Histoire de !'Empire ottoman (a cura di Robert Mantran), Parigi, 1989, pp.
100-101. ..
434
2.
Belgrade
The Central Part of the Giant Fresco depicting the Siege of Belgrade in
the Church of Immaculate Conception of Virgin Mary in Olomouc
(1468)
C.l/.2. Belgrade
The Fortress of Smederevo
436
Belgrade:
A Cartographic View
Laszlo Grof
Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society
Oxford
Belgrade, also known as Nandorfehervar. Nandoralba, Alba Graeca, Gtiechisch Weissen-

rgh, or by its Latin name Singidunum from the Classical period, had been gateway to the
arpathian basin and to Europe from the south and thus of major strategic importance for the
ilitary, a fact also recognized by cartographers. However- sadly, there always is a however
cartographic evidence from the time of the battle of Belgrade in 1456 is rather scarce.
rinted maps did not exist and thus, we are still in the manuscript period of mapmaking.
***
Ptolemaic maps were based on data from the much-copied text of Claudius Ptolemaeus's
ages/ (2nd century AD) and, of course, reflect the classical period of Rome. He named the
at the confluence of the lster[Danube] and Sava Taururum, giving 45 and 44½ as its co-
inates. Medieval mappa mundis, with east and Asia at the top and Jerusalem at the centre
their universe, were more concerned with strong statements of faith rather than geogra-
ic accuracy. Therefore we are very fortunate indeed to have a map which survives from
mid-15th century that shows the area of Ottoman expansion on the Balkan-peninsula.
It is bound into Mariano di Jacopo Taccola's De rebus militatibus/ De machinis, finished
1440 and copied in Northern Italy around 1470 by Paolo Santini da Duccio. The manu-
'ript in all probability originated from king Matthias (Malia, Matyas) Corvinus' library and was
en from the royal court at Buda to Istanbul by the Ottomans. Since 1688, it is housed in
Bibliotheque Nationale de France. The map shows the area between Belgrade (beo grad)
'.ci, Constantinople (chonstantinopol)]. In all likelihood, it was made for a major military Balkan
mpaign, possibly Hunyadi's long expedition of 1443-1444. Constantinople is clearly still in
·stian hands, so the map was made prior to 1453. Belgrade is placed on the western edge
he map on the banks of the Danube (Denubio) and is also still a Christian stronghold.
·: For Suleyman the Magnificent's great offensive of 1521 another manuscript plan of Bel-
e was prepared for the siege of the fortress. Produced in colour and with clear attention
.etail, the map is a bird's-eye view of Belgrade at the confluence of the Sava and Danube.
We also have some useful contemporary descriptions of Belgrade. One is from French
eller, Bertranclon de la Broquiere, who in the autumn of 1432 described Nandoralba as:
... a fort capable of accommodating five or six thousand horses with their mounts. Beside its
walls on the one side is the Sava river aniving from Bosnia, and the other side the castle
and the Danube into which the Sava flows. Within the vertex, or angle framed by the two
rivers, is the town itself. Around its walls the ground is somewhat higher, except the one
from dry land, where ii is quite flat and can be reached a wit/Jou/ any difficulty right up to the
first ditch. On this side a village, as wide as the flight of an an-ow, encircle the town from the
Sava to the Danube rivers. Due to its location, this exceptionally strong fort is encircled by a
ditch and a double wall, which follow the contours of the land. It has five bulwarks, three of
them dominate the high ground and two beside the river, which also are well fortified. The
small harbour, capable of sheltering about 15-20 galleons, is defended by two towers
between which a strong chain easily block access to it.
Laszlo Grof
An eye-witness account of the battle of Belgrade, drawn up by Giovanni de Tagliaco

one of the most loyal supporters of John Capestran (Giovanni da Capestrano) states that,
The fort of Nandora/ba is made up of three parts: 1/Je first encircles a large square, where
most of the nobility's houses stood and from here a road fed to the town and another
through the gate to the two inner forts. The second fort although smaller than the first, is well
separated by deep ditches and it is much strengthened by towers and balllements. One
gate and a drawbridge give accesess here from the first fort. The thi,r/ fort, which is the
smallest but the strongest of the three, can be reached from the second fort. Here is the "be
brave" tower which is called Nebojsza, also the royal residence. From here, through a back
gate the town and the Danube can be reached.
***
The first printed map to name Belgrade comes from Hartman Schedel's well-known 1J
Cronicarum published in the year 1493. Here no symbol was used. Only the name Belg
appeared in large letters in the area bordered by the Drava, Sava and Danube rivers.
Lazarus' map (Lazar the Clerk) was published at lngolstadt (1528). The magnificent
was a major cartographic achievement. It had taken many years to survey the Carpathian
sin. We know from the correspondence of Ziegler, Lazarus' surveying companion, that t
had been working on the map at the time when shepherds and peasants were rioting (col
et pas/ores tumultuabantur), that is in spring 1514. Here we have a beautiful illustratio.
the fort and city of Belgrade, though it is not named as such, despite the four different na ·
of Kriechisch weyssnburgk, Alba Graeca, Nonderalba and Taururum, the latin name of Zinj
not Belgrade. The use of Taurunum instead of Singidunum for the ancient fort (now Belgra..
had been based on Ptolomy's assertion and was repeated by early modern cartographe
A map attributed to the Italian cartographer Vavassore dates too from the early 1500'.
it is clearly later than 1521, as Belgrade (belgrado) is already shown under the crescent
Johannes Honterus (1498-1549), the famous Saxon reformer, teacher and cartogra
of Bra§OV (Kronstadt, Brass6), published his Rudimentorum Cosmographie in 1548, to
he attached a map covering the area of Hungary and the Balkans. Belgrade (bellograd
shown above the Danube (Danubius, Hyster) at the confluence with the Sava (Savus).
Wolfgang Lazius (1514-1565), the Austrian court historian, travelled the Transdanu
area of Hungary as a military surgeon. In 1556, he produced a map entitled Regni Hungan
which shows Belgrade with an elaborate settlement and fortification symbol at the conflueri
of the Sava and Danube, named Griechischweissenburg, Nandoralba and further to the ri
Taurunum. An especially beautiful engraving of Belgrade can also be found on the Orla
edition of Antonio Salamanca's (c. 1500-1562) Austria e Ungaria published in 1560. ··
Abraham Ortelius (1527-1598) in his Thea/rum Orbis Terrarum, first published in 15.
included maps of Hungary by Lazius (on which Belgrade is marked Griechisch-weissenb(J
Nandor alba, and again Taurunum) and Johannes Sambucus (1531-1584) who, like L ·
was court historian at Vienna. A friend of Ortelius through their common interest in numis
tics and classical history, it is somewhat surprising that Sambucus simply named it Belg
without giving its classical Latin name. Rigomezo is another 'surprise'. It should be in Se
and not in the Timi§ (Ternes) Banal. From 1590 onwards, Ortelius published a set of m
showing the classical world in the Theatrum's Parergon edition, amongst them Pannonilf
11/yrici, on which again the Roman fort at the confluence of the two rivers is named Taurunu
Gerhard Mercator (1512-1594), arguably the greatest cartographer of the 1500', was
first to call a collection of maps bound in a volume Atlas. His Atlas sive Cosmographi
Meditaciones was published in three separate parts in 1585, 1589 and 1595, and in a sing
combined volume again in 1595. Belgrade on the map of Hungary is named as Griechis.
Weissenburg, Belgrado vel Nandoralba. Later, John Speed (1552-1629), the tailor cum m
publisher of Elizabethan England, was a great entrepreneur. He blatantly 'borrowed'
438
Belgrade: A Cartographic View
aps of others, saying, / have put my sickle_ in other men's corn, but embellished them with
wn views and costumes worn by the nobility, gentry and towns-people, which made them
mensely popular. First published in 1627 in an atlas entitled The Most Famous Parts of
e World, Speed used Mercator's map of Hungary with exactly the same nomenclature.
***
We have seen that, until now, no mention has been made to historic events in relation to
elgrade on any of the maps so far discussed. It was Gerard de Jode (1509-1591 ), another
mous map-maker of Antwerp, who in 1594 first included historical data regarding Belgrade
n his map of Hungaria, stating, erroneously, that Belgradum Taurunum olim, Griechisch-
eissenburg had been captured by Suleyman I in 1520 (Ab Solimanno capta ao 1520).
Johann Hoffmann (1629-1698) published his Nova et Exacta Totius Regni Hungariae
e/ineatio A: 1664 Sculpt., that is a map of Hungary. The crescent moon engraved on his
ap signifies settlements in Ottoman hands, including Belgrade (Belgradum olim Taurunum
u/go Grices weissenburg a Solimanno expugnatum 1520), which is illustrated by a walled
ill-fort at the confluence of the Danube and the Sava. On the left bank of the Danube there is
battle-scene between Christians and Muslims on Pustha /oca deserta and where a single
orseman can be seen galloping away. A sailing-galleon guards Belgrade on the Danube.
map published by Hoffmann, about a decade later, with the title of Ungam, SiebenbOrgen,
allachey, und Angrentzende TOrkische Lander, biss nacher Constantinope/ is framed by
ight town-plans and sixteen town-views, a beautiful view of Belgrade amongst them.
It was Jacob von Sandrart (1630-1708) who, on his Neue Landtafel van Ungam (1664),
pecifically mentioned Hunyadi defeating Mehmed II (Allthier erlitte Mahumet Ill. Turk. Kayser
· cgrosse Niderlag van /ohann Huniad A. 1456). At Belgrade, (Griechisch Weissenburg, Alba
aeca, Be/gradum oder Taurunum, Hung. Nandor alba), 1440 and 1456 refer to previous
es, while 1521 Aug. 29 is the actual date when the city had been captured by the Turk
The similarity between Hoffmann's and Sandrart's maps is striking. It is self-evident that
omeone (possibly Hoffmann) had been using the other's map as source. The 'borrowing'
f data' (with, or without due acknowledgement) was in fact a common feature of map pu-
lishing in the period. Nearly twenty years later Jacob Bruynel (fl. 1662-1691) on his map of
ungary featured the same information Hie prope Be/gradum magna clode Mahometes 2
urc. Imp. & a lohane Huniade affectus 1456 but the date given for Belgrade's fall [Be/gradum
in TaurrunO Vu/go Griecs Waissenburg a Solimanno expugnatum 1520] is erroneous.
Henry Abraham Chatelain (1684-1743), the Amsterdam map-maker and publisher, is
ted most for his 7-volume Atlas Historique, in which work the map of Hungary under the
le of Nouvelle Carte de la Hongrie ... can be found in the second volume (1708). Clearly a
torical map of the country, it shows the dates of main military events of the Ottoman wars
· the body of the map itself, while a short list at the bottom right lists them in alphabetical
rder and with grid references. Under Belgrade, only the first date of 1521 is correct. Though
e battle of 1456 is prominently featured with crossed swords, it is placed incorrectly.
The great Italian military engineer and cartographer, Luigi Ferdinando Marsigli (1658-
730), together with the young Austrian Johann Christoph MOiier (1673-1721), arguably the
st cartographer of that time, mapped the Danube from Vienna to its lower reaches. It was
. blished in 1726 as part of his six-volume Danubius Pannonico-Mysicus and again in 1741
t The Hague as a separate large folio atlas in eighteen sections (Section XII covered the
yer at Belgrade). Marsigli knew the area well. He had taken part in the anti-Ottoman military
mpaigns and had been involved in setting out the new border between the Austrian and
ttoman Empires following the Karlowitz (Karl6ca, Sremski Karlovci) peace-treaty of 1699.
e detailed plan of the city and fortress of Belgrade reflects the hand of an experienced topo-
rapher and the name Nandor Feirvar, rather than Nandor Alba, detailed local knowledge.
439
Laszlo Grof
The name nandor has its origins in onoyundur, one of the names given to the so-ca1r ·
Danube-Bulgarians, who lived near the lower reaches of the Danube river. Miksa Hell (172
1792) illustrated this well on his map Tabula ... Ungariae Ve/eris Ex Historia Anonymi Bela'
... , published in 1772, which he based on Gesta Hungarorum written by the anonymous chr
nicler of king Bela Ill at the end of the 12'" century, when he shows it as Alba Bulgaria.
***
Matthaus Seutter the Eider's map (1678-1757), Hungaria Seraphico Observans se'
Provinciae Fratrum MinorD, showed the religious houses of the Franciscan Order in Hunga <
and the Balkans. It identified the place at Nandor Alba where lohanno de Capistrano, tiJ ·
aged Franciscan monk, after recruiting his own motley crusading army, joined John Hunyad
in the relief of Belgrade in the summer of 1456 and thus made possible that famous ···
in memory of which church-bells still ring out every midday throughout Christendom.
References and Sauces
Printed Works
Laza111s Secretarius, edited by Lajos Stegena (Budapest 1982).

The Map Book, edited by Peter Barber, (London, 2005.
The History of Cartography, edited by John Brian Harley, David Woodward, II (Chicago-London
Too/ey's Dictionary of Mapmakers, edited by Valerie Scott, I-IV (Riverside 2004).
Andras Antal Deak, A Duna fo!fedezese [Discovery of the Danube] (Esztergom (Gran) 2004).
Laszlo Grof., Cartographica Hungarica (Budapest 1988).
Nicolae Gudea, Die Nordgrenze der Romischen Provinz Obennoesien (Mainz 2001).
Gyorgy Kisari Balla, Karls111hei terkepek a torok haboruk korab6! [Maps at Karlsruhe from the
of the Turkish Wars] (Budapest 2000).
Lajos Kiss, Fo/drajzi nevek etimo/6giai sz6tara [Etimological Dictionary of Place-names] (Budapest,
Arpad Papp-Vary, Magyarorszag tortenete terkepeken [History of Hungary on Maps] (Budapest
Katalin Plihal, Jozsef Hapak, Maps of Europe 1520-2001 (Budapest 2003).
Tibor Szathmary, Descriptio Hunga1iae (Fusignano 1987).
Lajos Szantai, Atlas Hungaricus, 1-11 (Budapest 1996).
Periodicals
Cartographica Hungarica, I-IX (Budapest, 1992-2005)

The Map Collector, I-LXXIV (Tring, UK, 1977-1996)
Manuscripts
Bela Szalai Magyar varak, varosok, fa/vak metszeteken [Hungarian Fortresses, Towns,
Engravings] (Budapest, 2006) [subsequently printed and published as a 3-volume """"u,1ue1
Electronic Sources
http://crowland.uw.huflmages/csata/nandorfehervar.html
http://hu.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kapisztran Szent Janos
Photographs
Orszagos Szechenyi Konyvtar Terkeptara [The Map Collection of the Szechenyi National Library],
pest
The author's own collection of cartographic photographs
440
The Battle of Belgrade in Venetian Sources
loan-Aurel Pop
Cluj-Napoca
In the 1400', the medieval ideals of chivalry and of Christianity were gradually replaced
the political and military interests of various states. Venice was one of the first European
litical units to embrace such pragmatic principles, perfectly expressed in the well-known
mula: Siamo Veneziani e poi Cristiani. Up to a certain point, the remaining Christian
narchies of Central and Eastern Europe and Venice had similar interests with regard to
1
e Ottoman Empire: stop its advance and limit its control over the eastern Mediterranean .
The Long Campaign (1443-1444) of John Hunyadi, voivode of Transylvania, provided
Western Christian powers with the opportunity to define their position in what concerned
anti-Ottoman struggle. Among those who supported the anti-Ottoman efforts at that time
find, naturally, the Holy See (which ended up proclaiming a new crusade once every four
rs), Alphonse (Alfonso) I (V), king of Aragon, Naples, and Sicily, Venice, and duke Philip
he Good's Burgundy. Except for the latter leader, still animated by the ideals of Christian
2
ivalry, all the other actors were pursuing rather selfish interests, nicely dressed in rhetoric •
***
As a rule, Venice conducted an anti-Ottoman policy, while showing considerable caution

realism, seeking to further its trading interests and maintain freedom of navigation in the
· e Levant. To anger the Turk at a time when victory was not certain was a risky gamble,
d, over the long term, the recovery of the Christian powers from the Balkans, Venice's rival
d potential enemies, could have been less advantageous than a pax ottomana tolerant
'th regard to Venetian merchants. Consequently, the doges and the Senate had refused to
mmit themselves to uncertain wars, fought by isolated forces or fragile Christian alliances.
For instance, in 1443-1444 Venice did not keep its promise to send a fieet to the east
th
ly after the disaster of Varna (10 of November 1444) did Venice join some Hungarian
blemen, papal legate Giuliano Cesarini, the duke of Burgundy, and Alphonse of Aragon
d Naples in support of a new expedition meant to repel the Turk. An important role in
3
~aking the 10 years-long peace with the Turks (in the summer of 1444) was played by the
~netian ambassador Reguardati and the papal legate Cesarini. Even so, the republic had
ly a modest contribution to the campaign, and eventually concluded a peace with the
ttomans (1446). Prior to this, Hunyadi, supported by Vlad II Dracul (the Devil), prince of
alachia, by the Burgundian-papal fieet and the Venetian cardinal Francesco Condulmer,
· d resumed the anti-Ottoman offensive along the Danube (1445), but with little success.
1
E.g. Ovidiu Cristea, 'Siamo Veneziani e poi Christiani: Some Remarks Concerning the Venetian
itude towards the Crusade', AIRCRU, Ill (2001 ), pp. 105-116, and the studies in Da/l'Adriatico al Mar
ro: Veneziani e Romeni, tracciati di storie comuni, edited by Grigore Arbore-Popescu (Rome 2003).
2
Camil Mureeanu, /ancu de Hunedoara [John Hunyad~ (Bucharest 19682); Adrian Andrei Rusu,
de Hunedoara §i romiinii din vremea sa. Studii [John Hunyadi and the Romanians of his Time.
dies] (Cluj-Napoca 1999); lulian-Mihai Damian, 'La Depositeria de/la Croclata (1463-1490) e i
sidi dei pontefici romani a Mattia Cotvino', AIRCRU, VIII (2006), pp. 135-152.
3
Pal Engel, 'Janos Hunyadi and the peace of Szeged (1444),' AOASH, XLVII (1994), 3-4, p. 255.
loan-Aurel Pop
The city of the doges knew very well that, following the death of king Wladisl
(W!adislaw, Ulaszlo) I (Ill) at Varna (1444), the position of Hunyadi in Hungary was rath
fragile (a situation which lasted until his appointment as governor, in 1446). Consequent
on that occasion the galleons coming from the Lagoon refused to join those sent by
pope and by Burgundy'. Still, in the completely new political context of 1447, John's intenti
to organize a wide anti-Ottoman front, with forces from the Danube region, the Balkans, a
Western Europe, had some success with Doge Francesco Foscari. He was the first Weste
leader to be contacted in this respect by Hunyadi, in late 1446, but the answer (received
January 1447) was disappointing: the Christian forces had failed to achieve the expect
successes, and for the time being Venice believed it had done enough for the crusade.
The other messages sent by John to Venice (the mission of count Vu/chus) during th
same year led to similar results. Venice, at war with Francesco Sforza and with the pap
debt still unpaid, claimed that it was unable to offer any assistance (the 1447 treaty betwe
John and Alphonse also failed to provide concrete assistance). In 1448, another Hungari
envoy, Nicholas Laszocki, a deacon from Krakow (Krakow), was dispatched twice to Veni
and Rome. He returned with the doge's and the senate's praise for the governor of Hun
and explanations for their failure to intervene (Venice's wars against Sforza and Alphon
The lack of allies and sufficient forces led to John Hunyadi's defeat at Kossovopolje, in 1
The Republic maintained and expressed (chiefiy indirectly) the same reservations ·
regard to the anti-Ottoman struggle until around the fall of Constantinople. Then, fearing
closure of the straits connecting the Mediterranean and the Black Sea, Venice decided
become more actively involved. Its involvement was indeed crucial, because at that ti
Venice had the largest fieet in the Christian world. In fact, during the siege of Constantin
(May 1453), the only things the Ottomans feared were the Venetian fleet and John's gro
forces. A document dated 28 January 1453 shows that the Republic sent its envoy Map
Franco to lohannem, supremum capitaneum in Ungaria 5 . Even so, despite the new attit
of Venice-now the most active Western supporter of Byzantium-, who broke the pea
1446, the great city fell taking with it the symbol of an entire civilization.
In 1454 and 1455, John Hunyadi and his king, Ladislas (Laszlo) V the Posthuma
once again demanded Venetian help. At that time, Venice was trying to adapt to the n
context by negotiating another peace treaty with the sultan (1454). Consequently, the sen
gave the traditional answer: Venice will fight, but only as part of a strong Christian coalitio_n.
Evidence in this respect is a document issued by the Venetian leadership on 15 Febru
1454, which details the answer to be given to venerabilis utrique iuris doctori, domino Albe
archidiacono Transilvano, oratori serenissimi regis Hungarie ac il/ustri domini /ohan
supremi capitanei ipsius regni ac aliorum baronum Hungarie ac spectabilis militi domino ill
de Gradibus, oratori il/ustri domini despoti Servie, who had just presented and explained
the Senate, though credential letters and other writs, the situation in the area and the extre.
willingness of the Hungarian Crown and of the aforementioned lords to drive the Turks ou
Greece, provided that the fieet of the Republic was there to assist, especially since sup
had also been promised by the pope, by the king of Aragon, and by other powers6 .
The instructions on how to respond are clear. To praise what the aforementioned I
had done for the glory of the Almighty and of the Christian faith, and then to explain
4
See the chapter concerning John Hunyadi in Eugen Denize, Tilrile Romane §i Venefia. Rel
politice (1441-1541). De la lancu de Hunedoara la Petru Rare§ [The Romanian Countries and Veni
Political Relations: From John Hunyadi to Peter (Petru) Rare§] (Bucharest 1995).
5
ASVe, S.S., De/iberazioni, reg. 20, c. 6'.
6
ASVe, S.S., Deliberazioni, reg. 20, c. 56'.
442
The Battle of Belgrade
nice could take no action until the other Christian powers, chiefly the pope, Calixtus Ill,
the Roman emperor, Frederic (Friedrich) Ill, decided to finally make a move.
Hunyadi continued to militate for a coalition (contacting the Holy See, through legate
an de Carvajal or Genoa), but to no avail. He received promises. The pope proclaimed a
wcrusade. In 1456, when it became clear that Mehmed II, the conqueror of Byzantium, was
ised to attack Hungary at Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar), John was, nevertheless,
. mpletely deprived of any official military and political support from the Western states.
***
The battle of Belgrade is seen as the last real crusade, fought by Christians from the East
d the West, most of them common folk, driven (including their commander, Hunyadi), by
desire to save Christendom and their preservation of traditional values. Although Venice,
und by its peace treaty of 1454 with the Turk, did not intervene, it paid close attention to the
folding events. In 1453, it had been the first Western power to hear of the fall of Byzantium,
d it had brought word of it to the rest of the Catholic world. In 1456, it was among the first
estern states to hear about the victory of Belgrade, and was happy to spread the news.
On August 5, 1456, Venice required that an envoy (unus nuncius nosier) be sent with cre-
ntials ad reverendissimum dominum cardinalem Sancti Angeli, legatum in Hungaria. Juan
· rvajal was to be told that his recent message of July 25 had helped the senate understand,
·n sine animi nostri singulari molestia et displacentia, the grave danger that had threatened
e Kingdom of Hungary because of the pressure put by the Ottoman power and of their
imosity towards the Christians. A response to the Spanish cardinal was also drawn up7.
On August 12, 1456 the Senate sent a letter to cardinal de Sant' Angelo, apostolic legate
Hungary, confinming the arrival of a courier with news from reverendissimam dominationem
stram. The answer had been delayed by the plague que in hac urbe nostra presenti anno
uit, and therefore the Senate now wished to give a detailed answer to the high prelate's
ssage. The letter also indicates that the Venetian Republic had also received messages
8
m the Cardinal of Strigonium (Esztergom, Gran) and from the Bishop of Sibinico (Sibenik)
[fhe last letter included an original text from] the illustrious John, Count of Bistri/a [... ],
announcing his blessed victory over the Twkish emperor, who was driven away in shame,
his men scattered in all directions, after losing the ballistae, the siege engines, and all the
ships he had had on the Danube, some of them captured, the others set on fire.
The Venetian authorities believed that this had certainly been the work of Our Lord and
· that John Hunyadi's victory had pleased their souls and filled them with such joy that
rds are not even able to express it. Also included were the most sincere congratulations
reverendissima patemitate vestra (cardinal Juan Carvajal), and one clarification:
[fhe Republic] did not consider it necessary for the time being to reply to the fetter
reverendissime paternitatis vestre if not to say that it hoped to team more about the fruits
of this victory and about other and more fortunate successes of the Christians, obtained with
the help of the almighty God, so that the name of Christ, seamed and mocked by its
enemies, would bring about their destruction and fill their hearts with fear.
The same day, the Senate sent its secretary, Petro de Thornasiis, quanta celerius pates to
ungary, ad reverendissimum dominum cardinalem Sancti Angeli, to whom he was to present
usual credentials with the consecrated polite formulas and tell him about the troubles
7
ASVe, S.S., Deliberazioni, reg. 20, c. 98' (edited in AAV, XXIII, no. 6445, pp. 155-158).
8
ASVe, S.S., Defiberazioni, reg. 20, c. 98' (edited in AAV, XXIII, no. 6446, pp. 158-159).
443
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caused that year by the plague that had ravaged Venice. Also, he was to tell that the co1/ '
(tabalarium) mentioned above (the wording is the same as in the previous letter) had broug
9
news of the great victory from Belgrade . Then come rather similar fragments presenting,(
battle, giving thanks to God for the victory, and congratulating cardinal de Sant' Angelo. Tiji
time, however, the Venetian authorities mentioned one great and burning desire and hope:Ji
;j!
[They wanted that] after this glorious victory, things would proceed in such a manner as to ''I
inspire the Christian princes to take action, for they must undoubtedly feel more encouraged "I
and detennined to summon their men to anns, :;~
The Senate also indicated that it had sent this secretary to cardinal Carvajal precis~)
because it wanted these matters to be perfectly understood. The legate was insistent1t
asked to notify the Venetians on anything regarding the negotiations, so that they cou!!I
stimulate the other Christian leaders and potentates to take joint action and close morel
agreements, indicating that the Venetians were ready to defend the honor and the glory.l!J
the Christian faith and of the holy Church of Our Lord, like their fathers before them. . .. J
Petro de Thomasiis was also told to visit the cardinal archbishop of Esztergom, Deni!
(Denes) Szecsi, himself an apostolic legate. After the usual formalities, the legate was to~
told that the Senate had received the message sent by the archbishop through a courier.a~
28 July, a message that included the letter of the illustrious Count of Bistri/a announcing tqd
blessed news of his victory over the Turkish emperor. The secretary was to thank the ar-:Kj
bishop for his letter and tell him that the Venetians had helped his courier reach Rome wit!J
his other letter, addressed to the pope. Finally, he was ordered to notify the authorities up6~
the completion of his tasks and discretely inquire and draw up a report concerning the situati
in that country, the preparations being made there, what the people were saying and wnii'!
9~
decisions were being made, and anything else of potential interest to the Republic. ·-'~
Also on August 12, 1456, the senate sent a letter directly to illustri et magnifico domiij~
lohanni de Huniade, comiti Bistriciensi et Regni Hungarie capitaneo generali. After showiq~
how they had learned about the Christian victory (from a letter sent by the archbishop 9d
Esztergorn and from the letter sent by John himself), the high dignitaries indicated that they:\
were so overcome with joy and happiness that they could write nothing and say nothing, ·;/)
3
[that] all Christians owed an infinite debt of gratitude, first of all to the a/I-merciful God, who ',i
would never abandon His people and all those who have hope in Him and who is the source 'J
of all the good, [that] his excellency [John] deserved praise and eternal glory, because his
vi,tue, generosity, and wisdom [had made all that possible]. And we [the senators], who have
so much appreciation for your august person, whose supreme vittue and dedication and "'d/i
natural inclination to defend, save, and bring glory to Christianity have long been known to f;J
us ... , wish that you fare better and better, and pray with the utmost faith to the divine majesty
~ t~:~~~!;,:;:is~~~~~i~:;'0~7;::a~~ :;g ;f i~:s~i~iif:.ible unto the complete destruction ~I
'iiJ
They had long believed that the Christian Republic rested on the mighty shoulders of Johg;~
on his honor, glory, and victory, and that they all shared the sincere joy of the great victory. ,,,
A less enthusiastic letter of the Senate, dated September 20, 1456, ordered the sam~',
secretary Petro de Thomasiis to once again visit Cardinal de Sant' Angelo, in Buda or whe\;'
ever he may be, and do it quickly, for urgent Christian matters. At one point, the message say§",
that the Venetian dignitaries had learned about the various rumors concerning the demise of;.
the illustrious and magnanimous lord John, captain of the Christian armies, a thing that mostj
9
ASVe, S.S., Deliberazioni, reg. 20, c. 99' (edited in MV, XXIII, no. 6448, pp. 160-162).
444
The Battle of Belgrade
rtainly disturbed us deeply. When in Hungary, the secretary was to visit, if possible, the
ns of the illustrious lord John, offer condolences and speak about the pain nomine nostro
casu dicti patri sui, quem singulariter diligebamus. He was to assure the sons of the sup
rt of the doge and of the Senate in any matter concerning their honor or their interests 1°.
The victory of Belgrade is appears also in a letter dated October 23"', 1456, mentioning
venerable prepositus Posoniensi, the provost of Bratislava (Pressburg, Pozsony), Ladislas
s advisor and envoy, dispatched to Venice with a message from his king who demanded
netian support against the Turks". The Senate indicated that Ladislas be told about the
· eat joy caused by the glorious victory of Belgrade against the enemies of the Christian
'th, but also about its great sadness, because after the aforementioned victory and after
e messenger from Hungary left Venice for Rome, we were surprised to hear of the death
ilfustris domini lohannis Vayvode, followed by the dissolutio exercitus christianus.
Wishing to understand these matters [the senators said], we have recen/fy dispatched one of
our secretaries to the honorable Cardinal de Sant' Angelo, apostolic legate in that region, to
find out more about the tem1s and the conditions of these matters and thus make it possible
tor us to make more pertinent and better decisions. As a conclusion, we shall say that, as
true Christian believers, walking in the footsteps of our ancestors, for the honor and the glory
of Christianity, with our souls ready while we are stiff on this eartl1, we shall be prepared to
always do our duty alongside the other powers.
***
As we can see from these documents, in 1456 the Venetian interest in the preparations,
e events, and the consequences of the Belgrade crusade was very high, taking the form of
tense diplomatic activities. Venice used the Catholic hierarchy of the Holy See (Cardinal
an de Carvajal) and of Hungary (the archbishop of Esztergom and other local prelates),
own network of diplomats and envoys (Mapheo Franco, secretary Petro de Thomasiis),
eceived messenger sand couriers from Hungary (including a certain Albert, a Transylvanian
rchdeacon), Serbia, Albania, and exchanged letters with John Hunyadi himself. After
aving recently experienced one of the periodic plague outbreaks so common at the time,
enice saw the victory of Belgrade as a great achievement of the Christian world, and John
unyadi as a great military and political leader, worthy of praise and recognition.
Of course, behind the polite words lay much pragmatism and vested interests, com-
ined with the Venetian reluctance to become involved before the actual establishment by
he pope and the emperor of a great Christian coalition likely to ensure victory. Venice was
ught in its own web of international relations, it had treaties with the Porte, was not always
ertain of the cooperation of Albanian leader Skanderbeg (concerning his trading centers),
ared a renewed Hungarian expansion in Dalmatia and even the revival of the Christian
ates from the Balkans (likely to be more hostile than the Turk to the Venetian interests in the
rea). All these elements put serious restraints on the pan-Christian zeal of the Communitatis
enetiarum, which would later call itself, beginning with June 15 1483, the Serenissima.
However, beyond the cold calculations, we find impressive warmth in Thomasiis' mission
o find the sons of the late John and convey Venice's sympathy and support. Christendom's
hero is referred to as count of Bistri\a (Bistriz, Besztrece), as captain general of Hungary,
and in a few other ways, but in the last letter discussed here he is once again Voivode John,
the title he cherished, which he never gave up, and which had made his fame.
Belgrade was a landmark in the history of Central and Southeastern Europe, something
that Venice knew full well. After the victory, the Venetians expected to see a great political
10
ASVe, S.S., Deliberazioni, reg. 20, c. 101' (edited in MV, XXIII, no. 6451, pp.163-165).
11
ASVe, S.S., Deliberazioni, reg. 20, c. 106' (edited in MV, XXIII, no. 6461, pp. 169-170).
445
loan-Aurel Pop
and military mobilization of the European states, in order to press the advantage. It Ii
become obvious to the Republic that the time of crusading enthusiasm had passed and t
one needed strong political and military alliances. Unfortunately, the great general was
more! With him, the light of the world had perished-to quote the sad words of Giovanni
Capestrano-and Christian impetus was waning.
446
L'osservanza francescana, i valacchi e la battag/ia di Belgrado:
Fonti e ideologia de/la crociata dei minori
lulian Mihai Damian,

Universita degli Studi "Babe~-Bolyai" di Cluj-Napoca,
Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa
La figura di Giovanni da Capestrano e stata considerata fino ad oggi quasi esclusivamente

ii suo ruolo di riformatore della Chiesa e della societa del suo tempo, come quella del maes-
Bernardino da Siena, ma anche di altri rappresentanti della corrente precedente la riforrna
' olica che caratterizza ii secolo XV. Anche se tal punto di vista si giustifica ed occupa un
lo centrale nella rtcostruzione dell'attivita dovuta al suo piu irnportante biografo, ii redernpto-
ta Johannes Hofer, gli ultimi ultimi anni della sua attivita (1451-1456) si distaccano da questo
herna interpretativo, diventato troppo rtduttivo in rapporto al ruolo avuto da Capestrano prirna
Ila battaglia di Belgrado (Beograd, Nandorfehervar). Altri due elementi del trtnornio che hanno
ndizionato ii paradiogma ecclesiale nella prima meta del XV secolo, e cioe la continuazione del
esso di unificazione della Chiesa e la difesa della Cristianita contra le minacce degli infide/es
l'esterno o dell'interno del suo corpo politico si devono prendere in analisi insieme alla riforma
capite et membra delle istituzione della Crtstianita occidentale, che ha impegnato la miglior
1
rte delle forze riformatrtci della Chiesa Latina, tra cui anche quelle del Capestranese •
Le realta ecclesiali incontrate nel 1455 da Giovanni da Capestrano nel regno d'Ungheria e,
particolare, in Transilvania e nelle regioni sud-orientali del regno, erano notevolmente trasfor-
ate dall'applicazione del decreto d'unione di Firenze. Malgrado ci6, ii suo intervento nella Chie-
di rito orientale della regione e stato interpretato come un superamento ingiustificato del pro-
' ·o mandala, le sue azioni furono spesse volte interpretate come un rttomo ad un modello eccle-
iale pre-fiorentino, per ignoranza o non accettazione dei prowedirnenti conciliart. La sua parte-
'pazione e quella dei suoi confratelli alla preparazione del concilio d'unione ed all'applicazione
l'estensione dei suoi effetti, non permettono di accettare ultertormente una simile opinione. L'in-
rvento degli Osservanti sernbra, anzitutto appoggiarsi ad un modello di unita ecclesiale svilup-
to da loro stessi, proprto in quanta partecipanti attivi al Concilio, modello la cui persistenza nel
st-concilio e stata possibile proprto in rnancanza di una piena armonizzazione su piano dog-
atico, canonico e gerarchico tra le due Chiese, nell'intervallo 1439 (Firenze)-1456 (Belgrado)2,
Tra la passivita di Francesco d'Assisi manifestata durante la sua partecipazione al passa-
ium e l'assunzione di un ruolo attivo, se non addirtttura di commando, da parte di Capestrano
urante la crociata del 1456, si accumula un'intera tradizione francescana, basata su testi
giografici, omiletici o normativi, in cui l'ardore cavalleresco del Fondatore e ridimensionato
. alla fedelta e dall'obbedienza dovuta al papa, unico promotore e coordinatore della crociata,
1
J. Hofer, Johannes Kapistran. Ein Leben im Kampf die Reform der Kimhe, 1-11, Roma-Heidel-berg
964-19652; Mario Sensi, Le Osservanze francescane ne/1'/talia centrale (seco/i XIV-XV), Roma, 1985;
aniele Salvi, Giovanni da Capestrano inquisitore contro i fraticelli, in San Giovanni da Capestrano. Un
ilancio storiografico. A/ii de/ Convegno Storico lntemazionale. Capestrano, 15-16 maggio 1998, a cura di
dith Pasztor, L'Aquila, 1999, pp. 30-42.
2
Giovanni Grado Merlo, Coen:;i/ion et orlhodoxie: modalites de comunication et d'imposition d'un
message religieux hegemonique, in Faire croire. Modali/es de la diffusion et de la reception des messages
re/igieux du Xlf au XV' siecle, a cura di Andre Vauchez, Roma, 1981, pp. 101-118; I.M. Damian, The
Greek Rite Transylvanian Chumh in the 1450': Amhbishop John of Caffa and the Crusade in East-Central
Europe, in Between Worlds, II, pp. 145-156.
lulian Mihai Damian
:¥ii
ad iniziare dal secolo XIII. Nella trattatistica, in particolare nel suo Trac/a/us de auctoritate papi,)
Capestrano aderisce alla teoria della crociata, cosi come questa era stata sistematizza~
dall'Ostiense, indicando come uno degli attributi fondamentali della Santa Sede, in virtu de[~
sua centralita nell'ordine del mondo, ii diritto di proclamare la crociata non solo per la riconquis~
della Terra Santa quanta, in particolare, contra gli oppositori di questo ordine divino. L'unico limtkl
nei poteri del pontefioe consiste nella leggere divina e in quella naturale (boni mores /egis natu!
rae). Da questo punto di vista, un aspetto assoluttamente necessario per la comprensione del~
visione di Giovanni da Capestrano sul mondo cristiano medeivale e sulla necessita della su~
difesa consiste anche nel paragone con la tradizione medievale profetica ed escatologica3 . l
La crociata nel XV secolo: amministrazione, finanze e ideologie I
s:;2
Tra i pontificati di Eugenio IV e Sisto IV si assiste alla definitiva costituzione dell'asse&~
istituzionale del fenomeno crociato: la costituzione di casse separate per la crociata, la creazion\J
di un gruppo di cardinali preposti alla raccolta ed all'utilizzo dei fondi, l'istituzione della decima suG
clero, la concessione su larga scala delle indulgenze in cambio di subsidia finanziari, in paraleil~
all'utilizzo di eserciti forrnati da professionisti ed all'organizzazione di una fitta rete di predicato\jl
incaricati con la raccolta di uomini, fondi e mezzi materiali necessari alla crociata. In quesral
istituzione pontificia piu che in qualsiasi altra respira uno spirito nuovo che, giustamente, PU~
essere definite modemo. Molli storici hanno considerate ii fatidico anno 1453 oome uno dei mo-!
menti di svolta nella storia dell'umanita, illustrativi per un radicale cambiamento paradigmati&3')
La crociata tardiva, rilanciata con grade vigore nel post-concilio di Firenze costituisce uno d~l
terreni piu fertili per la verifica di questa teoria, in quanta luogo ideale d'inoontro Ira una visioQ~1
medievale sulla societa cristiana e le nuove strutture politiche, amministrative ed economichfi
estremamente moderne - unici rnezzi a disposizione di un'Europa cristiana divisa contrappos~I
alla monolitica superpotenza Ottomana di Maornetto 114. ;'lj
Nel caso delle crociate post-fiorentine del 1444 e del 1448, risulta di primo livello ii ruologlj
Giovanni Hunyadi, candidate ideale al ruolo di guida rnilitare delle operazioni terrestri. La s~al
e
azione eloquente per la rnaniera in cui la crociata era intesa negli ambienti degli umanisti, a cu~
ii Hunyadi, forrnato al crocevia di rnondi diversi, non poteva che aderire. Di fronte all'impossibili\a1
di organizzare una crociata con la partecipazione delle grandi potenze, che si trovavano in posii,j
zioni precarie e, pertanto, erano poco inclini ad appoggiare le operazioni contra ii lmpero Otto,]
rnano, una serie di umanisti oonsideravano opportune sostenere economicarnente i popoli dell'j
Europa centrale ed orientale, in quanta rniglior rnodo per garantire ii sucesso della crociata .
5
\1
In particolare, furono gli urnanisti conoscitori dell'Oriente a dirnostrarsi particolarmente atti~(i
nell'elaborazione di progetti di riconquista di Costantinopoli ad iniziare dal 1453. Una fonte essenii
ziale per la comprensione di come era concepita la crociata negli ultimi anni del pontificato di~
3
Paolo Evangelisti, Fidenzio da Padova e la letteratura crociato-missionaria minoritica: strategieli)
mode/Ii francescani per if dominio (XIII-XIV sec.) (Bologna, 1998), Idem, I pauperes Christi e i linguagg()
dominativi. I francescani come protagonisti de/la costnizione de/la testualitfl po/itica e de/l'organizzaziofi_~\]
def consenso net basso medioevo (Gilbert de Tamai, Paolino da Venezia, Francesco de Eiximenis), in Lfl]
propaganda polilica nel basso medioevo. Atti de/ XXXV/11 Convegno storico intemaziona/e. Todi, 1+17,•,c
ottobre 2001, Spoleto, 2002, pp. 315-392
4
:'1
Werner Brandmuller, Die Reak/ion Nikolaus' V. auf den Fall von Kons/antinopel, in RQ, XC, 1994(l
pp. 1-22; Benjamin Weber, La croisade impossible. Elude sur /es relations en/re Sixt IV et Mathias CoNin.>;
/1471-1484), in Hommage aAlain Duce/lier. Byzance et ses peripheries (monde grec, balkanique et musuh8
man), a aura di Bemard Doumerc, Christophe Picard, Tolosa, 2004, pp. 309-321; I.M. Damian, La deposilB',:
ria della crociata e i sussidi dei ponlefici romani a Mattia Corvino, in AIRCRU, VIII, 2006, pp. 135-152.
5
,)j
Francisc Pall, Ciriaco d'.4ncona e la crocia/a contra i Turchi, in BSHAR, XX, 1938, pp. 29-47; Nonnan 1,
Housley, The Late Cn1sades. 1274-1588. From Lyons to Alcazar, Oxford, 1992, pp. 93-94; Constantin ·
Marinescu, La politique orientale d'.41fons V d'.4ragon, roi de Naples, Barcelona, 1994, pp. 149-154.
448
Giovanni da Capestrano, i va/acchi e la battaglia di Belgrado
Nicolo V (1453/ 1454-1455) e lo Strategicon adversum Turcos, dedicato al papa, in gran parte in-
edito. II testo appartiene a Lampo (Lampugnino) Birago, umanista milanese e traduttore dal gre-
co. Va collegato all'attivita della commissione cardinalizia delegata a studiare le vie ed i mezzi di
risposta di fronte al pericolo ottomano. Le marginalia greche e latine della copia che fu consegna-
ta al cardinale Bessarione dimostrano che l'opera fu redatta nell'accademia bessarionea, presso
la quale l'autore trovo rifuggio dopa l'esilio da Milano. II progetto di Birago si dimostra particolar-
mente importante in quanta attesta la visione umanistica sulla crociata promossa dal suo autore,
ma condivisa anche dalla curia pontificia. Un secondo aspetto consiste nella capacita di mettere
6
in correllazione gli eserciti occidentali alle capacita belliche dei popoli dell'Europa orientale .
Come nel progetto di Hunyadi del 1448, agli albanesi, ma anche ai serbi ed ai rumeni, spet-
ta un ruolo importante durante le operazioni, in quanta ottimi militari, dalle cui righe anche ii sul-
tana recruta i migliori soldati. II loro coinvolgimento nelle operazioni e, quindi, essenziale, motivo
per cui egli raccoglie tutte quelle inforrnazioni che potrebbero risultare utili nell'analisi. Dei rumeni,
egli sa gia a questa data (siamo prima del 1455!), che sono romani d'origine e par1ano una
lingua molto simile all'italiano e, ancor piu significativo, che provengono dai colonisti portati da
un certo generale Flaccus: 8/achos sive ut nos dicimus Valacos conupto nomine: sed eo tam a
F/aco aliquo ut creditur Romani generis deducto quad et lingua eorum nostre haud dissona in
plerisque arguunt aiuntque. Ci troviamo di fronte alla stessa falsa etimologia del etnonimo me-
dievale dei rumeni ricordato, appena pochi anni dopo, da Piccolomini in De Europa (1458) e nei
7
Comentarii, che diventera, di Ii a poco, un topos della trattatistica storico-geografica sui rumeni .
Sotto ii pontificato, seppur breve, di Callisto Ill, la crociata diventa la priorita assoluta della
Santa Sede. In confronto ai progetti umanistici elaborati sotto Nicolo V, sotto l'austero papa ca-
talano l'ideologia della crociata ricupera una serie di elementi specifici alla spiritualita della re-
conquista iberica, senza poler pero trasformare radicalmente l'assetto della crociata post-fioren-
tina. Seppur indiferente di fronte all'umanesimo, la crociata del vecchio papa si basera appunto
sugli elementi centrali dell'ideologia della crociata degli umanisti: ii ricorso a eserciti professionsti
8
e la trasforrnazione della partecipazione in natura ad un contributo di natura finanziaria .
I. I valacchi nei sermoni dell'Osservanza francescana

9
Giacomo della Marca (1393-1476), figura di grande spessore del movimento dell'Osser-
vanza francescana, uomo di cultura, giurista e canonista, predicatore, missionario ed inquisi-
tore, piu volte commissario dell'Ordine e vicario della Bosnia, santificato nel 1726 da papa
Benedetto XIII, e un personaggio che le diverse tradizioni storiografiche stentano ad inquadrare
6
La copia e conservata presso la BNM (Codex bessalioneus, 437). Lo studio del testo da parte del
Agostino Pertusi (Caduta, 11, p. 112; Le notizie sulfa organizzazione amministrativa e militare dei turchi ne//o
Strategicon advesum Turchos di Lampo Birago, in Studi sul medioevo crisfiano offerti a R. Morghen per ii
90-o anniversario de/1'/sliluto Storico Italiano (1883-1973), 11, Roma 1974, p. 673) ha perrnesso l'identitica-
zione di almeno 27 elementi con carattere originale legate alla crociata contra gli turchi, ii che dimostra J'ac,.
cesso dell'autore a infonnazioni altrimenti inaccessibili agli altri, probabilmente in possesso del Bessarione.
7
BNM, Codex bessarioneus, 437 [=Codici Latini, Fondo Antico, Lat. Z. 437 (=1191)], ff. 34'-36'; vedi
Piocolomini-Europa (1551), pp. 391-393, ldem-Commentarii (1584), X, p. 447.
8
Kenneth M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant. 1204-1571, II, The Fifteenth Century (=MAPS,
CXXVII), Filadelfia, 1976, pp. 164-185.
9
I profili piu recenti per la sua figura (nelle fonti latine Jacobus de Monteprandone, Jacobus Picenus
oppure Jacobus de Marchia Anconitana, al secolo Domenico Gangali) sono quelli di Renato Lioi (BS, VI,
1965, coll. 396, e LMA, V, 1991, coll. 259-260. Per una presentazione complessiva della sua attivita in
Bosnia e Ungheria: Athanasius Malanie, De dup/ici activilate S. Jacobi de Marchia in regno el vicaria
francisca/i Bosnae, in AFH, Lill, 1960, pp. 111-127; Basilio Pandzic, Giacomo de/fa Marca vicario de/la
Vicaria di Bosnia (1435-1438), Gyorgy Galamb, San Giacomo de/fa Marca e gli eretici di Ungheria, in San
Giacomo de/fa Marca nel/'Europa de/ '400. Atti de/ Convegno intemazionale di studi. Monteprandone, 7-
10 settembre 1994, a cura di Silvano Bracci, Padova 1997, pp. 189-202, 211-220.
449
Julian Mihai Damian
in una visione unitaria: dall'alone di santita che lo awolge nelle opere agiografiche del
secolo dopa la morte 10 , alle tinte piu chiare o piu scure che le varie storiografie di eta corn,><,_·
sionale vollero attribuire alla sua attivita predicatoria, missionaria ed inquisitoriale svoltasi
solo in Italia ma anche in Bosnia, Ungheria e Transilvania ". In mancanza di uno studio
grafico completo risulta difficile quindi far piena luce sulle apparenti contraddizioni di questa
ra che, come ii maestro Bernardino da Siena ed ii compagno di studi ed attivita Capestrano,
evit6 ii confronto e la polemica durante la vita e non ammorbidi la durezza del proprio m,,ss~n .. :
gio neanche di fronte alla calliditas umanistica o all'irenismo neoplatonico dell'epoca 12 •
1. Un exemplum
13
II Cod. Vat. Lat. 7780 , opera autografa di Giacomo della Marca, proveniente dalla bibliote-
ca del santo di Monteprandone, conserva una serie di sermoni latini, opere proprie ed opere
predicatori piu antichi e contemporanei. Gran parte di questi sermoni, ad eccezione di
inclusi nell'edizione dei Sermones domenicales14 o in altre brevi raccolte, risultano ancora
Tra le altre importanti notizie di carattere biografico che ii codice contiene, legate agli ultimi anni
della predicazione del santo, pu6 sorprendere ritrovare una testimonianza molto personale,
insignita di carattere di esemplarita, tanto da affiancare le auctoritates bibliche 15 (f. 47', r. 33-38):
Item: dixit mihi quidam nobi/is Va/accus quad dum turci in Valachia interfecerunt multos, unus
christianus, percussus mortaliter, iacuit XI diebus in si/va. Et her/Jae natae sunt cooperientes
eum marcido [sic!] ab infra, et inde transiens sacerdos quidam, vocavit eum ut audiret eius
confessionem. Quia beata Virgo Maria non permittebat mori sine confessione. Videtis ergo
quantum placent Dea illi qui defendunt fidem sanctam et patriam suam [Mi ha raccontato un
nobile valacco che mentre i Turchi in Valacchia uccisero molte persone, un cristiano, ferito
mortalmente, giacque per undici giorni net bosco ed ormai le erbe gli crescevano sopra
coprendolo di marciume. E piu tardi, passando un sacerdote, lo chiam6 per ascoltare la sua
confessione. In quanta la beata Vergine Maria non gli permetteva morire senza confessarsi.
Vedete quanta piacciono a Dia coloro che difendono la santa fede e la propria patria!].
e
II contesto in cui l'exemplum si inserisce quello di un sermone intitolato De m1igr,I/fic:entia
et confusione Sacrae Fidei Christianae ed, in particolar modo, con esso si intende esemplificare
10
Antonio S. de Jacobiti, Poema inedito in ottava rima su s. Giacomo de/la Marca /1393/1476), a
cura di G. Mascia, Napoli 1970; La vita dis. Giacomo de/la Marca /1393-1476) secondo gli antichi codici
di fra Venanzio da Fabriano, a cura di Umberto Picciafuoco, Monteprandone 1997.
11
Perun duro, ma superficiale, giudizio sulla sua attivita, nella storiografia romena: $tefan Pascu,
Bobalna [Babolna], Bucarest 1957, pp. 90-94; loan Lupa§, Ro/ul episcopului Gheorghe Lepe§ din Alba
lu/ia §i al inchizitorului lacob de Marchia rn riiscoa/e/e /iiriine§ti din anii 1437-1438 [II ruolo del vescovo
Gyorgy Lepes di Alba lulia (Gyulafehervar, Weissenburg) e del inquistore Giaccomo della Marca nelle
rivolte popolari degli anni 1437-1438], in MA, IV, 1959, 1-2, pp. 116-118.
12
«Epistofa ad Machometem>J di papa Piccolomini, in Luca d'Ascia, // Carano e la tiara: l'epistola a
Maometto di Enea Silvio Piccolomini (papa Pio II), Bologna 2001.
13
La descrizione del codice e del suo contenuto si trova in Dionysius Lasi6, Sennones S. Jacobi de
Marchia in cod. Vat. lat. 7780 et 7642 asse,vati, in AFH, LXIII, 1970, pp. 476-565, mentre la sua impor-
tanza come fonte per la vita di Giacomo della Marca e messa in rilievo da Ottocar Bonmann, Fanti poco
note de/la vita di S. Giacomo de/la Marca, in PS, VII, 1970, pp. 99-100.
14
1-111 e suppl., a cura di Renato Lioi, Falconara Marittima 1978-1984.
15
Le parti del sermone erano scandite da quesllones (temi), principali o secondari; i passi biblici (auc-
toritates) costituivano i veri argomenti su di cui ii predicatore fondava ii proprio discorso, mentre alle exemp/a
spettava ii compito di illustrare e facililare la comprensione del testo. Per la struttura del sem1one: Thomas
M. Charland, Aries praedicandi. Contribution a l'histoire de la retorique au Mayen Age, Parigi--Ottawa 1936;
Carlo Delcomo, L'exemplum ne//a predicazione di Bernardino da Siena, in Bernardino predicatore nella
societa def suo tempo, Todi 9-12 ottobre 1975, Todi 1976, e l'importante raccolta Les exemp/a medievaux:
nouvel/es perspecllves, a cura di Jaoques Berlioz e Anne Marie Polo de Beaulieu, Parigi 1998.
450
Giovanni da Capestrano, i va/acchi e la battaglia di Be/grado
seconda questione principale: quantum ad suorum fidelium filiorum defensionem. II testo si

serisce dopo una serie di passi biblici (auctoritates), estratti con particolare insistenza (ben tre
assi) dal secondo libro dei Maccabei (lib. II, capitoli 11, 10 e 2) e dopo un altro passo biblico
irante ad illustrare i modelli comportamentali del vero miles Christi (Daniele, 10, 12-13). II nostro
sto e preceduto da un passo citato da Paolo Orosio (sulla vittoria miracolosa di Teodosio sui
oti - VII, 35: 17-20) e, poi, si scende dalla legenda verso realta pi0 concrete e vicine per
scoltatore, additando con questo exemplum ii problema aperto del momento, ossia la minac-
. ottomana. II sermone continua con ii ricordo, senz'altro ancora vivo nelle menti degli ascolta-
ri, della vittoria di Belgrado sugli eserciti di Maometto II (f. 47', r. 38-47', r. 1: Et nota de victoria
ungarorum contra turcos in castro be/ Grado) e la testimonianza raccolta da un civis veneziano
cui nome ci viene riportato da un prigioniero cristiano che partecipo alla battaglia di Belgrado
elle fila dell'esercito ottomano e che ne descrive ii grave stato di confusione e le grandi perdite
rovocate dalla vittoria cristiana (f. 47', r. 3-5: Et dixit mihi nobi/is civis Moyses Venetus quad
terogaverunt veneti quemdam captivum christianum qui annum stetit inter turcos et fuit in
/io dicta). Con questo quadro della confusione provocata alla secta Machometi dalla Vittoria
ristiana di Belgrado si conclude la seconda questione trattata, si apre la terza e ultima ques-
·one, che tratta delle cause della confusione doltrinale della fede cristiana (identificando ap-
unto nella setta islamica ii male peggiore) ed indicando quale rimedio alla grave divisione la
rociata di liberazione della Terra Santa e dei cristiani d'oriente (f. 47', r. 10-48', r. 9).
D'altro canto, lo stesso exemplum che parla del nobilis va/accus lo ritroviamo aggiunto in
Ice ad un'altro sermone del Cod. Vat. Lat. 7780, a dimostrazione del fatto che /'exemplum era
nsiderato dall'autore un'immagine forte e convincente per ii proprio pubblico 16 (f. 125',r. 32-34):
I/em exemplum in Ungaria: pre/iator contra turchos vulneratus 40 diebus in si/va, et erbe
crescentes super eum. Et clamavit sacerdotem transeuntem, et confessus expiravit, quia Virgo
conservavit eum. Dixit mihi Hie nobi/is va/acchus [Un altro esempio: in Ungheria un combattente
contra i turchi, rimase ferito per quaranta giorni nei boschi e le erbe cominciavano a crescergli
sopra. Chiam6 un sacerdote che passava e, confessatosi spir6, in quanta la Vergine lo aveva
conservato in vita. Mi disse che egli era un nobile valacco]
questo caso l'exemplum e funzionale all'intemo di un sermone intitolato De victoria be/Ii
temporalis et spirituafis (ff. 126'-130'), costruito intorno ad un passo del primo libro dei Maccabei
(3, 19: Non in multitudine exercitus victoria be/Ii, sed de caelo fortitudo est). II fine del sermone e
uello di rispondere a tre questiones principali: 1. quali sono le virtu per le quali concede Dio la
"iltoria spirituale e temporale; 2. cosa si richiede da parte dei combaltenti affinche ottengano la
ittoria; 3. se per avere la vittoria ognuno deve combattere per la sua patria fino alla morte. In
uesta ultima parte venivano inserite anche le auctoritates ed exempla aggiunte in calce al f.
)25', raccolte dai due libri dei Maccabei e Daniele, ripetendosi lo schema di argomentazione del
rmone precedente. In questo caso, molto di piu che nell'altro, l'autore delinea con maggior
hiarezza una serie di virtu cristiane e, addirittura, francescane (visto che ne compaiono obbe-
ienza e pauper/as) con le quali si vuole tratteggiare ii profilo ideale del "miles Christi.
, Autore e datazione
Ci sembra abbastanza probabile che in tutte e due le redazioni l'exemplum sia stato scritto
dalla stessa mano che, in piu, e quella che aggiunse ii breve passo da f. 1' che da al codice ii
carattere di autografo e datato ". Oltre gli importanti elementi intemi che questo passo offre per
16
Conviene dare anche la trasaizione di questo passo per le differenze che se ne riscontrano tra una
redazione e l'altra, pur rlcordando che di esso ha gia parlato ii Lasic (Sermones S. lacobi de Marchia p.
494). Lasic aveva anche inquadrato l'exemp/um all'intemo del sermone precedente, mentre lo stesso au-
tore del codice ci awisava che esso apparteneva al De victoria be/Ii tempera/is et spiritua/is (f. 125', r. 26).
17
BAV, Cod. Vat. Lat. 7780, f. 1' (Ego frater /acobus de Monteprandone ordinis minorum etate viginti
duorum annorom in nomine Domini ingressus sum in ordinem sancti Francisci de mense ju/H 1416. Et
451
'ii
lulian Mihai Damian -1
--------------------------------.......;:S,:i
:i
la datazione, ii fatto stesso che esso si trovi sul verso del primo foglio del codice, che e di natufi\j
diversa (si tratta di un foglio di pergamena, mentre quasi tutto ii resto del codice e cartaceo)/ll
che inizialmente non era numerato adempiendo al ruolo di foglio di guardia, ci sembrano1
elementi sufficienti per supporre che la datazione dei sermoni che ci interessano sia da situa~
prima del 1467, data alla quale ii codice era ormai quasi interamente completato e probabil-t
mente legato in una forma assai simile a quella che attualmente possiamo vedere. Nella stessii1
nota autografa al f. 1v si dovrebbe intravedere ii fatto che, dopa l'aggiunta, l'autore se ne se~
rava probabilmente dal codice che gli era servito precedentemente quale quademo di lavoro)~;j
lasciandolo alla biblioteca del convento di Monteprandone, ad uso degli altri frati della comuni~J
D'altro canto, ii ricordo della strage dei cristiani e della profanazione delle chiese e delle sacrel
icone commesse dai turchi dopa la conquista di Costantinopoli (f. 48', r. 10) e della vittoria ne11al
battaglia di Belgrade (f. 47v, r. 1) ci rendono ii termine post quem di datazione. Per via di quesul
argomenti consideriamo che si possa affermare che siamo di fronte a due sermoni autografiii;I
Giacomo della Marca, scritti tra ii 1456 e ii 1467, che erano serviti in piu occasioni per la prect;..'1
cazione dal pulpito. Anche gli elementi paleografici confermano questa interpretazione, sugge.-!
rendo che la redazione del testo sia awenuta appunto dopa la meta del XV secolo, in un peri~
do di passaggio alla corsiva umanistica (che si riscontra in varie annotazioni fatte da frati pi~I
giovani, i quali coprivano la funzione di copisti o segretari per canto di Giacomo della Marca). :.~')
Dag Ii elementi interni e dalla posizione occupata nel testo si pu6 facilrnente dedurre che 1~.i
redazione dell'exemplum che si trova nel sermone De magnificentia et confusione Sacre Fidei;,1
Christianae sia anteriore all'aggiunta in calce al f. 125v, rna la differente trattazione dell'argornen~ll
ci fa pensare che l'autore non abbia semplicemente copiato l'exemplum del f. 47' al f. 125v ab;;J
breviandolo per necessita di spazio, ma che abbia riportato la vicenda basandosi anche suliJ
propria memoria, da dove la differente formulazione e le differenze di contenuto. Va tenuto p~j
sente che la stessa raccolta di sermoni del Cod. Vat. Lat. 7780 non vantava di un carattere dli
definitiva compiutezza, trattandosi di un quaderno di lavoro su cui S. Giacomo usava registrare ~J
struttura dei sermoni che poi predicava dal pulpito e, quindi, e certo che l'aggiunta in calce delle\l
exempla al f. 125v sia stata fatta per rendere piu facile l'inserimento nel sermone De victoria be/Ii~
spiritua/is et tempora/is di questi esempi che ben corrispondevano al tema. Enoto che la prect\'!I
cazione dei frati minori osservanti al popolo aweniva in volgare 19 (sono conservate le reportf/1;
20
tiones di due sermoni di Giacomo della Marca tenuti a Padova nel 1460 ) e, di conseguenza/y~
le schematiche notazioni del codice servivano soltanto a ricordare al predicatore l'ossatura del]
discorso, costituita appunto dalle auctoritates e dagli exempla da inserire nel contesto. ,\lft
Piu interessante ci sembra invece affrontare ii conteslo generale in cui questo exemp/um)~
veniva presentato. L'argornento dei due sermoni ricordati, ma anche di altri serrnoni contenuti;~
nel codice, ci dimostrano che siamo di fronte a una serie di sermoni che venivano recitati dal pul;\Jj
pita durante la predicazione della crociata, al fine di arruolare militi e di raccogliere fondi per lo}~
sostentamento dell'esercito durante le operazioni belliche. Un'importante fonle per compre~;j
dere come funzionava la predicazione della crociata, quali ne erano gli obiettivi ed i contenuti nel}\l
incepi predicare in festo sancti Antonii de Padua in sancto Salvatore prope Florentiam 1420. Et dimisJ
predicationem in festo sancti Bernardini de mense madii 1467, manu propria; habens etatem septuagint:r
quin'(~ep:~7i~;~;a di questo e di altri libri di S. Giacomo: Maria Grazia Bistoni Grilli Cicilioni, Un librodaj~
bisaccia. II codice 44 dell'Archivio Comunale di Monteprandone, Roma 1996; per una piu generale ma;~
illuminante introduzione sull'argomento: Arnaldo Petrucci, Alie origini def libro modemo. Libri da banco;:.i,/
libri da bisaccia, libretti da mano, in "Italia Medioevale e Umanistica" (Padova), XII, 1969 pp. 295-313.
19
iJ
Per la predicazione degli Osservanti: Cosimo Faggiano, L'eloquenza vo/gare di S. Bemardinofq
da Siena predicatore francescano de/ Quattrocento, Firenze 1916; Bemardino predicatore nella societaJ~
de/ suo tempo. XVI Convegno lntemazionale di S/udi, Todi, 9-12 offobre 1975, Todi 1975. .;,~
°2
Carlo Delcorno, Due prediche vo/gari di Jacopo de/la Marca recitate a Padova ne/ 1460, in "Attj.:~
dell'lstituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti" (Venezia), CXXVIII, 1970, pp. 135-205. {~
452
Giovanni da Capestrano, i va/acc/Ji e la battaglia di Belgrado
esto decennio del XV secolo e costituita dalla cosi intitolata lnstructio pro predicatoribus per
um deputatis ad predicandum crucem che ii Bessarione, nella sua qualita di legato apostolico
r la predicazione della Crociata nei territori della Repubblica di Venezia, rivolgeva ii 24 agosto
4632 ad una serie di predicatori (tra cui per6 Giacomo della Marca non viene ricordato) .
. Bessarione, Pio II e Giacomo della Marca
Bessarione insisteva affinche i predicatori presentassero ai fedeli i motivi per cui la crociata
ra quanto mai necessaria, distinguendo tre principali parti su cui ii predicatore doveva tessere ii
proprio discorso: anzitutto, ad vindicandum tot ineffabiles contumelies per tot nephandas iniurias
· er Turchos ii/etas Christo Deo, sane/is suis, sanctorum reliquiis, temp/is et imaginibus sacris ac
fratribus christianis, in secondo luogo ad subveniendum innumerabi/i popu/o christiano per Tur-
chos gravissime oppresso et in turpissima servitute redacto, e per ultimo aggiungeva ii grave
pericolo che !'Italia ed, in particolar modo, i domini veneti rischiavano. Esistono molte affinita tra
la struttura del sermone che Bessarione consigliava e la stnuttura di ci6 che potremmo definire "i
sermoni crociati" di Giacomo della Marca, come troviamo molte somiglianze tra alcuni exempla
(ii doloroso ricordo della caduta di Costantinopoli, della vittoria di Belgrade ecc.). Gli elementi non
sembrano per6 sufficienti per peter affermare che la raccolta di sermoni di Giacomo della Marca
sia ispirata dalla /nstructio del Cardinale del 1463: manca l'esplicito riferimento alla minaccia che
incombe sui territori veneti e sull'ltalia (elemento centrale della lettera di Bessarione), la struttura
aei sermoni non e la stessa, le citazioni bibliche e le "exempfa" sono differenti. In piu, data la
fama di predicatore di cui Giacomo della Marca godeva all'epoca, ci sembra inverosimile che la
sua predicazione awenisse senza che ii suo name fosse ricordato nel documento.
· Sappiamo invece che Giacomo della Marca rivesti ii ruolo di predicatore della crociata
centre gli Ottomani in piu occasioni ed, in particolare, in una serie di ben tre lettere del pontefice
Pio II e del Cardinale Bessarione, del 19-20 maggio 1459, gli veniva richiesto di raccogliere ed
inviare ad Ancona quanto prima possibile 300 militi armati, con i necessari fondi per lo sosten-
tamento per un intero anno, da inviare con la massima celerita in aiuto al despota della Morea
Tommaso Paleologo. Questo era insorto all'inizio dell'anno contro l'occupazione ottomana, ricon-
quistando la maggior parte dei luoghi fortificati e dando cosi al suo alto protettore in curia buone
speranze di resistenza della popolazione greca contro l'invasore. Veniva dunque concesso al
frate francescano da parte dei sommi responsabili per la crociata, ii papa ed ii cardinale legato,
per ccrrispondenza diretta, un incarico speciale, a dimostrare, una volta in piu, una relazione
'.Privilegiata, di fiducia e famigliarita: et ad tuam personam, fide et integritate ac rerum experientia
•praestantem direximus oculos nostrae mentis, discretioni tuae in virtute sanctae obedientiae
injungentes, afferma Pio II, mentre Bessarione gli si rivolge con tamquam amico nostro22 .
E non si tratta soltanto di amicizia e famigliarita: la lunga, articclata ed elegante descrizione
della Morea che ii Bessarione gli invia, in parte ripresa dalla prima delle due lettere del papa, non
e soltanto un monumentale passo di eleganza umanistica, ma anche una precisa e puntigliosa
descrizione del Peloponnese, completa di tutte le necessarie informazioni geografiche da impar-
tire ai crociati, o almeno ai lore comandanti. L'attenzione che i vertici della crociata concedono al
problema, ed anche la discrezione e la celerita con cui la questione doveva essere portata a
!ermine, dimostrano che Giacomo godeva di una grandissima fiducia da parte del papa, dovuta
senz'altro alle sue eccellenti doti di predicatore, ma anche ai delicati impegni portati a termine
con successo per canto dei pontefici, da Martino V fino a Callisto Ill. In piu, i suoi rapporti con ii
Bessarione erano molto stretti, vista che quest'ultimo ricopriva dal 10 settembre 1458 la carica di
21
II documento (conservato nel'ASV, Arm. XXIX-31, ff. 19-23) e stato pubblicato da Ludwig Mohler,
Bessarions lnstruktion fur die Kreuzzugspredigt in Venedig (1463), in RO, XXXV, 1927, pp. 337-349; per i
nomi dei predicatori a cui l'istruzione era ulteriormente estesa (1'1 settembre 1463), si veda Caesar Cenci,
Documenta Vaticana ad franciscales spectantia ann. 1385-1492, in AFH, XCIV, 2001, p. 109.
22
Spyridon P. Lampros, naAmoAoy£1a Km n&1orrovv0maKa, II, Alene, 1912 [1930], pp. 251,254.
453
lulian Mihai Damian
protettore dei frati minori e che Giacomo, per la sua prestanza, era la guida spirituale del mo}J.
mento osse1Vante francescano. Esistevano quindi tutti i migliori motivi per desiderare di mant~
nere l'appoggio del Cardinale: cosa che gli riusci, adempiendo egli all'incarico affidatogli. if
111458-1459 ci sembra quindi ii periodo piu probabile di composizione della raccolta di se/c*
moni, sostenuti dal pulpito durante la predicazione fatta nelle Marche e ad Ancona nel 1459, col':
me d'altronde durante la predicazione quaresimale di Padova dell'anno seguente. Non e da es:'
cludere che i sermoni venissero pronunciati in seguito anche in altre occasioni, vista che ii tern§'•
della crociata sarebbe restato di gran attualita in Italia fino alla fine del secolo e dato che Giacomo'"
continue ad impegnarsi in grandi campagne di predicazione quasi ininterrottamente fine alJ
e
1467. D'altro canto molto probabile che ii codice se1Visse almeno ad un'altra generazione a,:
frati. La presenza nella raocolta di molto materiale legato alla controversia sulla natura divina de]'
sangue di Cristo, culminata con un dibattito tra teologi domenicani e francescani in presenza delS
Pio II nel 1462, senza per6 che questo materiale fosse organicamente incluso in un sermone;crf
in un trattato apposito, ma sparso per ii codice, ci fa pensare che a quella data buona parte de!¥
sermonario era gia scritta, in quanto l'autore si doveva accontentare di riempire gli spazi rimas~\
liberi Ira un sermone e l'altro. Un altro elemento ci conduce a questa stessa conclusione: nel<
1458 Giacomo rientrava dal suo ultimo viaggio nel Ungheria (ii 7 ottobre 1457 si trovava ancoiii>
a Buda''}, fatto su richiesta di Callisto Ill, espressa per un Breve del 14 maggio 145724 , al fine aJ>
cocrdinare la predicazione della crociata in Ungheria e Boemia ed un'azione inquisitoriale di anj2:l
pia portata contro l'eresia ussita, lasciata non ultimata dalla morte del confratello Capestrano a.~t
llok, un anno prima Questo secondo viaggio in Ungheria sembra l'occasione in cui ii frate abb[af
ra=lto molte delle testimonianze sui turchi e sulla caduta di Costantinopoli ed incontr6 ancrni';
quei nobili valaochi lodati per ii loro eroismo e virtu cristiane, dimostrate in vane occasioni. .1
ii
4. I valacchi nella visione francescana """·
L'exemp/um pone una serie di problemi interpretativi. Mentre l'informazione e raccolta

Ungheria e la fonte risulta un anonimo nobile valaoco (e, in questo caso, dobbiamo pensare a~i;
un transilvano), l'exemplum e ambientato in Valacchia, in un momento imprecisato ma che, iQf
fondo, non pu6 essere molto lontano nel tempo, visto che l'autore con ci6 vuol proporre un ~l-
dello comportamentale vicino ai tempi presenti. Quindi, i personaggi sono da collocare in un~
contesto valaoco e, probabilmente, si tratta di persone di rito greco-ortodosso. E impossibile ~li
costruire ii preciso contesto storico a cui l'exemplum si ispira, visto che ii predicatore non ci pre:'l,
senta alcun particolare, in quanto non funzionale all'intemo del suo discorso omiletico. Pmy
rilevante, senz' altro, e invece comprendere qual e la visione francescana sui romeni (valaochi);·
e quale ruolo viene assegnato loro nell'ambito della respub/ica Christiana e, in secondo luogo;';'.
quale era l'immagine di loro che la predicazione minoritica voleva proporre. ,~!
La collocazione dell'exemplum all'interno del sermone De magnificentia et confusione fidf~:
christianae implica da parte dell'autore anche una schematica riflessione storica e geograficaf;
sulla Chiesa, ricondotta ad una sua unita ideatica. Questo tentativo di ricostruire l'unita del corpcj~•
mistico del Cristo, caratterizza la riflessione minoritica dalle sue origini. II tentativo di ricondurr\l}f
ad unum le membra disperse concerne anche i romeni, ed i mezzi per ricondurti all'unita sem;!';lc
brano25gli stessi per l'intero medioevo: la rinascita all'interno della Chiesa universale, ossia ii batte;'f
sirno • Come spiegare quindi l'attribuzione della frase Videtis ergo quantum p/acent Deo il/i quif¾.
23
Lettera di Buda (Ofen) agli ascolani in Wadding, XII, Ad annum 1457. .Y~
24
25
Hunnuzaki, 11-2, no. 74, p. 86. •~!
La pratica del battesimo (e del ribattesimo nei casi considerati di dubbia ortodossia) e da collegarsi,~
all'interpretazione molto rigida da parte dei frati minori di una norrna stabilrra dal fondatore che, nel capitolo,0,
sulle missioni della Regula non Bulla/a, cap. XVI, sanciva: ut [saraceni et infideles] baptizentur et e/liciantu&~·
christiani, quia quis renatus non fuerit aqua et spiritu sancto non potest intrare in regnum Dei (Francesco,{;
d'Assisi, Scritti, Padova 2002, p. 278). ·;t
:,1
3'~
454 <j;;·
Giovanni da Capestrano, i valacchi e la battaglia di Belgrado
• fendunt fidem sacram et patriam suam ad un defensor sacrae fidei che non si trova in comu-
26
ione con la Chiesa romana, come probabilmente era ii caso del romeno della Valacchia? E
vidente che ci troviamo di fronte ad un'operazione simile a quella che, due decenni dopa, com-
iva un altro prodotto di questa cultura minoritica, l'ex frate minore, allora papa, Sisto IV, attribu-
ndo ii titolo di athleta al Stefano ($tefan) Ill ce/ Mare (ii Grande) di Moldavia (1476)".
Forse uno dei testi spia che meglio di tutti ci fa comprendere l'operazione, e ii discorso attri-
28
ito a Capestrano prima di Belgrade, da un altro frate minore, Giovanni da Tagliacozzo :
Quicunque etiam nobiscum assistere contra turcos volunt, amici nostri sunt; Rassiani schismaNci,
Valachi, ludaei, haeretici et quicunque infideles in hac tempestate esse volunt, eos amicitia
complectamur. Nunc contra Turcos [... ] pugnandum est. Sicque pater, haereticae pravitaus
genera/is inquisitor, exsti1pator et confusor, eos tamen, qui contra Tureas anna sumebant,
nolebat tune aliqua molestia contwbari; faciebat eos saepisime acclamare Nomen lesu [Tutti
coloro che volessero assisterci contra i Turchi, sono nostri amici; Serbi scismatici, Valacchi,
Giudei, eretici e qualsiasi infedele che volesse essere in questa tempesta, tutti Iara gli abbracce-
remmo con amicizia. Adesso contra i Turchi [... ] bisogna combattere. Casi ii padre, inquisitore
generale dell'eretica pravit8, sradicatore e distruttore di essa, non voleva che coloro che contra i
Turchi impugnavano le armi, fossero allora conturbati da alcuna molestia; gli faceva acclamare
spesso ii Nome di Gesu].
videntemente, con questo discorso si supera di gran lunga la dimensione dell'unione fioren-
. a, vista che si propane un alleanza con chiunque volesse partecipare alla crociata, inclusi gli
rei e gli infedeli. E, per quanta si potesse intravedere in questa frase un cambiamento dell'at-
giamento in confronto ai non cattolici'9 , di fatto questo e un tipo di comportamento perfetta-
ente inseribile in una tradizione minoritica di lunga durata. Lo si ritrova nelle abili soluzioni pro-
30
ste da Fidenzio da Padova per la conquista ed ii governo della Terra Santa , come nell'am-
Valenza dei rapporti intrecciati con i popoli d'Onente da Guglielmo da R0br0ck ed e probabil-
31
·. ente da ncondurre ad una dottrina francescana che trae l'origine dalla Regula non Bullata di S.
rancesco32 . II fatto stesso di proporre ai non cattolici un l'adesione ad una forma di culto minori-
' come l'adorazione del S. Nome di Gesu, dimostra la volonta dei minori di superare ii livello
ottrinale ed ecclesiologico, a favore di un Vangelo vissuto e glorificato con l'esempio personale.
La vicinanza dottrinale tra la visione minoritica proposta dal Giovanni da Tagliacozzo ed ii
rrnone di Giacomo della Marca e piu grande di quanta si possa pensare, in quanta quest'
ltimo fu colui che richiese a frate Giovanni una dettagliata descrizione sulle ultime gesta di
iovanni da Capestrano. Pertanto, la lettera del Giovanni da Tagliacozzo (finita in una prima
·ersione nel 1460, e nella seconda e definitiva nel 1461), si fonda su una solida dottrina mino-
. ica, di cui Giacomo della Marca, in quanta professor ordinis, doveva esseme l'ispiratore.
26 Per le conseguenze dottrinali dell'Unione di Firenze nell'area romena: $lefan C. Alexe, L'eglise ortho-
oxe roumaine et le Concile de Ferrara-Florence (1438-1439), in Chrisuan Unity. The Council of Ferrara-
forence 1438/1439-1991, a cura di Giuseppe Alberigo, Lavni □ 1991, pp. 613-621; Marius Diaconescu,
es inr,licauons confessionnel!es du Concile de Florence en Hongrie, in MT, I, 1997, 1-2, pp. 29-62.
2 Dan loan Mure an, La place de Girolamo Lando, patrician venetien et tffulaire du Patriarcat de Con-
9
antinople (1474-1497), dans la politique orientate de/'Eg/ise de Rome, in AIRCRU, VIII, 2006, pp. 159-261.
28
Giovanni da Tagliacozzo, Victoria mirabi/is de Turcis habita duce Ven. B. Patre Fr. Joanne de
apistrano, series descripta per Fr. Jo. de Tagliacotio illius socium et comitem atque beato lacobo de
archia directa (Extractum ex periodico Acta Ordinis Minonum, I-XI, 1906), Firenze 1906, p. 48.
29
··· M. Diaconescu, Les implications confessionnelles, pp. 56-58.
30
Uber recuperationis Terrae Sanctae, in Girolamo Golubovich, Biblioteca Bio-Bibliografica de/la Terra
anta e del/'Oriente Francescano, 1-1, Annali di Terra Santa dal 1215 al 1300, Quaracchi, 1906, pp. 9-60.
31
Guillelmus de Rubruc, ltinerarium, in Sinica Franciscana, I, a cura di P. Anastasius Van der
n~aert, Firenze 1929, p. 243.
2
Cap. XVI: De euntibus inter saracenos et alias infideles (F. d'Assisi, Seri/ti, pp. 270-280).
455
lulian Mihai Damian ii:':~
----------------------------------£:--'\\\
5. Exemplum ed subsidium ,:ij
I due testi, pur condividendo una stessa dottrina, per funzionalita riempivano ruoli molto cii:1
versi. Mentre ii testo del Tagliacozzo aveva una evidente dimensione apologetica e serviva n~'I
33
processo di santificazione del Capestranese , volendo dimostrare la tesi francescana sulla c,di'.I
ciata dei minor/ in ambienti curiali e colti, i sermoni di Giacomo della Marca si rivolgevano al pC::j
polo e pertanto ii contenuto era adeguato alla comprensione della genie comune, II discorso def,
predicatore, a differenza degli scritti degli umanisti, non era una questione meramente intellef,J
tuale, un dibattito limitato ad una cerchia ristretta di conoscitori, ma aveva la forza di insinuarsi in'}
maniera capillare nel mentale comune, riempiendo in parte anche ii ruolo che i tempi modernil
hanno affidato alla stampa ed ai media, II missionario, come ii mercante, erano i canali per cull
l'informazione poteva arrivare da un lato all'altro della cristianita. II controllo di uno di questi caJI
nali dava al predicatore la possibilita di esercitare una profonda influenza sul proprio pubblico. ',I
Visto che abbiamo davanti un discorso costruito, mirato, destinato ad un pubblico per lo piuj
semplice, ci sembra lecito chiederci perche si desiderava diffondere questa immagine sui va1ac-:t
chi. Senz'altro poco si conosceva su di loro al di fuori degli ambienti colti e le poche conoscenze1
si fondavano sui contatti che la nobilta romena delle aree di confine della Transilvania aveva a1:"J
lacciato con l'ltalia a cominciare dalla fine del XIV secolo, durante i pellegrinaggi romani ad limin~I
34
apostolorum . Paco poteva interessare invece al pubblico del predicatore la questione dell'ori{j
gine romanza dei rom_eni,, uno _dei maggiori pu_nti d'interesse degli umanisti in quanta gli rigua~J
dava (da Biondo ad P1ccolom1rn) e d1cu111 pred,catore ne era probab1lmente a conoscenza (vi~ti.J
contatti che l'Osservanza francescana aveva con gli ambienti umanistici e, d'altro canto, la pro,,
babile esistenza all'interno del movimento di frati in grado di predicare anche in lingua romenaj.j
Essenziale invece in questo contesto era diffondere o rafforzare un'immagine legata all'esplicitaJ
funzione che i romeni adempivano neila geografia della respublica Christiana occidentale, in u9ti
momenta in cui, persa la liberta di gran parte dei cristiani d'orientale, ci si sforzava ad integrare 1~1
parte rimasta nell'area di cristianita latina. Ed i valaochi costituivano appunto l'antemuraglia dell~j
Cristianita. Essenziale quindi diffondere un'immagine di loro quali strenui difensori della cristi~I
nita, non solo per stimolare l'uditorio a seguirne l'esempio, ma anche per poler svolgere l'enor7 il
me impegno di raocolta delle finanze necessarie per poler far fronte alle necessita belliche35 • ,11
II. ldeologia francescana, tarda crociata e societa ungherese
Per quanta l'importanza della battaglia di Belgrado sia ormai abbastanza nota, anche
..~t?1Cfj,
2
36
una serie di opere storiografiche di alto pregio , ben poco in epoca moderna e stato dedicato ?l;i"
due tratti di essa da noi presi in analisi: la grande diversita etnica dei crociati, che le rendono uri'I
carattere internazionale nel piu arnpio senso, ed ii problema della partecipazione alla crociat~'J
del popolo minuto, che molto ha da dire su questa crociata dei paver/ e sui delicati equilibri SCJ;/I
ciali del plurietnico Regno d'Ungheria nei sette decenni precedenti la conquista ottomana. Non;!I
lo stesso s1 puo 1nvece sostenere 1n quanta nguarda la letteratura stonografica della secondjl,5J
rneta del 400' e dell'inizio del 500', secoli in cui la splendida e inaspettata vittoria sull'esercito 9i~1
Maometto II ii Conquistatore scaturi un'importante polemica sul ruolo avuto dalle varie nazioni \'\J
sulla vergognosa assenza dal campo di battaglia del re d'Ungheria e dei baroni del Regno. •i
llil
33
Per un'analisi della costruzione dell'immagine di Capestrano nella relazione del Tagliacozzo
dellap,ersistenza di modelli tradizionali francescani: P. Evangelisti, Fidenzio da Padova, pp. 231-313.
:i~I~{I
4
Daniel Barbu, Pe/erinage aRome et croissade. Contribution a l'histoire religieuse des Roumaini%1
dans la premiere moitie du XV' siec/e, in RRH XXXIII, 1994, 1-2, pp. 27-42.
35
)I
Vedi anche Alexandru Simon, The Anns of the Cross: The Christian Politics of Stephen the Great;\!
and Matthias CoNinus, in Between Worlds, 11, pp. 45-86.
36
);5 \i
J. Hofer, Der Siegervon Be/grad, in HJ, LI (1931), pp. 199-200; Franz Babinger, OerQue!lenwer/defJi
Berichte Ober den Entsatz van Be/grad am 21122 Juli. 1456 (estratto da SBAW, ns, VIII, 6), Monacc in Bavie,,il
ra 1957, passim; N. Housley, Giovanni da Capistrano and the Crusade of 1456, in Crusading, pp. 94-115. ii
- I
Giovanni da Capestrano, i va/acchi e la battag/ia di Be/grado
1. Le fonti sulla battaglia di Belgrado
Tra le principali fonti della battaglia e doveroso elencare le opere dedicate alla vita di San
Giovanni da Capestrano, scritte dai suoi confratelli francescani negli anni seguenti alla morte del
~rande maestro, testimoni diretti agli eventi di Belgrado, ossia, in ordine cronologico, le opere di
Girolamo da Udine, Nicola da Fara e Cristofaro da Varese, a cui si aggiungono le due relazioni
;rnaggiori di fra Giovanni da Tagliacozzo, che, per estensione e autorita, meritano senz'altro una
37
particolare attenzione . Dall'altro canto, nella storiografia laica ed ufficiale dell'epoca, le princi-
pali fonti sono: !'opera di Enea Silvio Piccolomini, quella di Pietro da Ragusa e quella di Antonio
sonfini, mentre un interessante passo sui pellegrini tedeschi a Belgrado lo troviamo nell'opera
3
aell'umanista tedesco Hartmann Schedel, Cronaca de/la cit/a di Norimberga '.
Ulteriori fonti d'informazione, assunte proprio "dal campo di battaglia" (e che, per questo,
consideriamo meno soggettive e piu vicine alla realta) o scritte in prossimita degli eventi, sono le
lettere dei testimoni oculari della battaglia o delle persone che della battaglia dovevano avere
una profonda conoscenza . Una di queste lettere- e la lettera del 5 marzo 1469, indirizzata da
39
Giacomo della Marca al cardinale Francesco da Savona, in precedenza Generale dell'Ordine,

lettera conservata in un codice della Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana di Venezia4°.
Non e nostro intento riprendere l'intero discorso creatosi intomo alla battaglia di Belgrado,
.quanto quello di fornire, allacciandoci all'intero discorso storico, una prospettiva diversa e, senz'
altro, piu esatta sulle nozioni di etnia e stato sociale nell'ambito storico della crociata difensiva
del 1456. Le fonti che prenderemo in analisi, ed in particolare quelle francescane, per quanto
abbondino in riferimenti sulla nazione e lo stato sociale dei crociati, richiedono una corretta inter-
pretazione, che pub essere data soltanto dal contesto storico in cui si svolse la crociata.
Bisagna fare anzitutto due considerazioni. La prima riguarda lo stretto rapporto esistente nel
Regno d'Ungheria tra natio (che spesso implica anche l'ambito confessionale) e stato sociafe
degli individui, risultato di una politica di privilegi e concessioni elargiti durante i secoli dai re alle
singole cornunita etniche (specialmente se poste sul confine sud-orientale) che, come e noto, e
uno dei tratti piu longevi del Regno. La seconda nguarda ii momenta stonco della crociata, quan-
do per l'applicazione della bolla di unione, in particolar modo nei territon dominati dai signori di
fede cattolica 41 , gli equilibri esistenti erano sottoposti ad una forte pressione, sotto la spinta delle
nazioni emergenti, con privilegi minori o inesistenti''. Nel territorio e conteso di nostro interesse,
i rasciani (!ermine con cui dobbiamo intendere serbi, croati e bosniaci) ed i valacchi (delle due
spcnde del Danubio, nonche della Transilvania e del Banato) erano senz'altro i piu numerosi.
37
Wadding, XII; traduzione italiana in Vita di fra Giovanni da Capestrano, a cura di Michele
Antonio di Loreto, L'Aquila 1988 (Da Udine, Da Fara, Da Varese); Victoria mirabi/is de Turcis habita
duce Ven. B. Paire Fr. Joanne de Capistrano, series descripta per Fr. Jo. de Tagliacotio i//ius socium et
comitem e Relatio mortis B. Jo. a Capistrano ad eundem B. Jacobum de Marchia in Wadding, XII, pp.
750-796, traduzione italiana Relazione sulfa battag/ia di Belgrado e sul/a morte di fra Giovanni da
Capestrano, a cura di MA di Loreto, L'Aquila 1989.
38
Per esempio: Piccolomini-Europa (1551), V, VIII; H. Schedel, His/aria rerum memorabi/ium ab anno
MCCCCXXXIX ed annum MCCCCLX, edizione curata da Andreas Felix von Oefele, in RBS, I (1763), p.
394; Ransano (1765), pp. 643-648; Bonfini(1936-1941), 111, lib. VII-VIII.
39
Quanta alle raccolte bibliografiche om1ai note, mi riferisco anzitutto alle lettere di Hunyadi pubblicate
in CDH, II, Szerbia, mentre per quanta riguarda Capestrano si veda sopratutto Wadding, XII, ma anche
ai frammenti pubblicati in Schematismus almae provinciae Sancti Joannis a Capistrano Ord. Fr. Min.
S.P. Francisci in Hungaria ad annum Christi MCM/X, Koloszvar 1909.
40
BNM, Cod. Lat. XIV-265-266 (=4501-4502), opuscula varia, II, cc. 259'-260'; Renato Lodi, Alcune
lettere inedite di S. Giacomo de/la Marca, in PS, VI, 1969, pp. 99-116.
41
Cesare Alzati, lnflussi candiotto-veneti ne/la vita religiosa de/le terre romene in Italia e Romania
due popo/i e due storie a confronto (secc. XIV-XVIII), a cura di Sante Graciotti, Firenze 1998, pp. 171-191.
42
Vedi loan Dragan, Nobilimea romaneascii din Transilvania intre 1440-1514 [La nobilita romena
di Transilvania. 1440-1514], Bucarest, 2000.
457
lulian Mihai Damian
2. Rassiani schismatici, Valachi, ludaei, haeretici et quicunque infide/es... \%1

Enoto l'impegno con cui Capestrano, tributario ad una visione di universalita della Chiesil/!
si adoper6 per l'unita della Respub/ica Christiana, quale unica garanzia non solo per ii miglioragJ
mento dello statuto dei poveri e degli emarginati, ma anche affinche la Cristianita potesse dar'€1
una risposta adeguata alla minaccia ottomana. In un Quaresimale egli affenma omne regnum !BJ
43
se divisum desolabitur e,_ ispirato ripete la visione in un'altro sermone: quam bonum et qual)Jj
Jucundum hab1tare fratres m unum 44 • Fu questa v1s1one la base del programma rel1g1oso, socia7!!
le e politico con cui egli (in genere di comune accordo con Giovanni Hunyadi) prepar6 la crociatal
negli anni 1455-1456 in Ungheria e Transilvania e questa, molto probabilmente, fu la visione c17~)
ispir6 fino alla conquista ottomana la comunita francescana di questi territori del Danubio. ,?J
La predicazione della crociata, della concordia e dell'unione costituirono ii punto centra1~1
della su'attivita per l'intera lase di preparativi. Non deve quindi stupire che la chiamata a prende,.1
re la croce fosse stata rivolta non soltanto ai tedeschi ed agli ungheresi (cattolici e, in genere, co~)
uno statuto privilegiato), ma anche a tutti gli altri abitanti delle aree direttamente minacciate (chi;J
unque vog/ia combat/ere i turchi nostro amico45). II passo e da interpretare come una chiamatii'I
e
generale alle armi, che supera l'ambito della politica pro-unionista che lui promosse nella secorB;s1
da meta del 1455 e all'inizio del 1456, e fa riferimento a tutti i gnuppi etnici e religiosi del mond~j
feudale (Rassiani schismatici, Valachi, ludaei, haeretic1), visto che vi compaiono persino i grup!JIJ
piu emarginati della societa feudale, ebrei ed eretici (non si tratta degli ussiti della Boemia]ij
quanta dei bogomili, abbastanza diffusi a sud del Danubio e, in particolar modo, in Bosnia, er~I
sia contra di cui l'Ordine aveva iniziato nell'epoca un'ampia azione di conversione)4 .
6
Ji
II fatto Capestrano confidi completamente per la difesa della Cristianita occidentale nei~
gnuppi etnici, religiosi e sociali che vivevano al margine di essa, per quanta singolare potesse}J
sembrare, e pienamente giustificabile per una serie di motivazioni di natura oggettiva quali:olil\
rifiuto del re Ladislao (Laszlo) Vii Postumo di assumere la guida {almeno istituzionale) dell'eserfl
cito, ci6 che automaticamente esentava la nobilta dal prendere parte al conflitto47 , la minaccia1J
impellente sull'intera area che costituiva senz'altro un sufficiente motivo di coesione e, non ;ieritt
ultimo, l'esperienza che valacchi e serbi avevano acquisito nella lotta contra gli Ottoman!' . IJ;~J
ci6 bisogna aggiungere una motivazione soggettiva, propria dell'Ordine dei Frati Minari, che il)}I
una crociata dei poveri vedeva una straordinaria occasione per la propagazione dei propri in':;~I
segnamenti. La confenma che la gran parte dell'esercito crociato di Belgrado fosse costituita da(l'
ceti piu bassi della societa viene data dall'umanista tedesco Schedel, portavoce del patriziato d)'~
Norimberga (dove Capestrano aveva predicato), che ci informa che nel 1456 dalla Genmani~\~
partirono alla volta di Belgrado calzolai, sarti, tessitori, minatori, fornai, studenti, chierici49 . Jtl
><;I
3. Etnia e strata saciale ('"'

coJ
Se in quanta riguarda lo stato sociale di questa esercito plurietnico crociato tutte le fonti
eve sano concordi, relativamente la Iara origine etnica, le case sana meno chiare: da un late si!!J
43
Quaresimale di Siena /1424), edizione anastatica del Cod. Capestr. XX.XI, c. 53'; FrancesJil
:~,
d'Elia, Profetismo ed escatofogia ins.. Giovanni da Capestrano,_ in S. Giovanni da Capestrano nella_ Chies•,1¥!j
e nella soc1eta def suo tempo (Alt, de/ Convegno stonco mtemaz1onafe Capestrano, L'Aqui/a B-12J,i11
ottobre 1986), L'Aquila 1989, p. 228. ilj
44
45
Oe pace e De bona unionis et caritatis, edizione anastatica del Cod. Capistr. XXIV, cc. 32'-35'. ,'lfl
G. da Tagliacozzo, Victoria mirabifis, cap. 20, pp. 68-69. ,~
46
Franjo Sanjek, Les Chretiens Bosniaques et le mouvement Ca/hare Xlle-XVe siec/es, Brusselle-~
Parigi-Lovanio, 1976. ill
47
Sembra che Capestrano fosse stato implicate in una mediazione tra i nobili in conflitto, senzaJ~I
pero ~onseguire alcun risultato (Schematismus, pp. 26, 28, 29; J. Hofer, Kapistran, pp. 639-640).
4
{fl
49
G. da Tagl1acozzo'. V1ctona m1rabJ/Js, c:ap. 14, p. 54. isl
H. Schedel, H1stona renum memorabi/Jum, p. 394. \!if
458 i
Giovanni da Capestrano, i valacchi e la battaglia di Belgrado
tta di crociati d'origine tedesca e polacca, fatti aderire alla causa antiottomana durante la
edicazione degli anni 1453-1454, mentre un secondo gruppo, costituito nell'immediata vici-
anza delle operazioni belliche, era quello forrnato all'inizio della seconda meta del 1455 nelle
rre dell'Ungheria meridionale e in Transilvania. Senz'altro si trattava di popolazione ungherese,
1acca e tedesca, popolo minuto delle citta, ma anche delle campagne: tutti coloro invece, che
posero a//'appe//o, erano popolani, contadini, poveri, sacerdoti, chierici secolari, studenti, mo-
aci, frati di diverse famig/ie, mendicant,; persone def terz 'ordine di S. Francesco, eremiti. Le armi
i questi crociati ricordano un mondo rurale e pastorizio: abbondavano le spade, i bastoni, le
nde, le mazze come que//e che sogliono portare i pastori e tutti disponevano di uno scudo50 .
II dubbio che potremmo invece sollevare riguarda la loro partecipazione effettiva alle opera-
ioni di difesa, visto ii numero ridotto di difensori che la fortezza di Belgrado poteva contenere
ii ritardo con cui i crociati si erano riuniti nell'accampamento di Slankamen. A questa conclu-
ione ci spingerebbe anche un'affermazione di Nicola da Fara, che sostiene che dell'intero
umero di crociati, soltanto cinquemila (o, addirittura, 3000) presero parte alle operazioni belli-
e51. Risulta, di conseguenza, che per la maggior parte delle operazioni di difesa della fortezza
i!ove ii valore militare era di gran lunga piu importante del numero) fossero stati impiegati com-
attenti addestrati, abituati alla lotta contra gli Ottomani. Se poi si prende in considerazione l'im-
rtante ruolo avuto dall'artiglieria nell'intera operazione difensiva si comprende che ben poco ci
i poteva aspettare da gente senza alcuna preparazione militare. Ne risulta, invece, che alle
rie categorie di combattenti fossero stati affidati compiti differenti. L'azione maggiore di questo
ruppo dell'esercito crociato, impreparato militarmente ma, senz'altro, reso ardito e infuocato
ai sermoni di Giovanni da Capestrano, fu l'assalto del 21 luglio 1456 (che rovesci6 la situazione)
l'ulteriore partecipazione alla conquista del campo ottomano ii giorno dopo.
Un gruppo compatto e quello dei cittadini di Belgrado che, nella battaglia svoltasi sul Danu-
io (14 luglio), hanno avuto ii ruolo di colpire alle spalle la flottiglia turcha, perrnettendo ai vascelli
52
i Hunyadi, che discesero ii corso del fiume, l'accerchiamento e l'annientamento del nemico :
Questi subito preparano ed apparecchiano quaranta barche, stabiliscono che soffan/o i cittadini
fossero abilitati al/a guida di esse, e che gli stessi cittadini vi dovessero combattere. Questi,
benche si professino scismatici, rimangono tuttavia nemici dichiarati dei turchi, coraggiosi e
bel/icosi contro di essi, tanto che i turchi Ii temono piu di qualsiasi altro g111ppo (fagliacozzo).
Da qui nsulta alquanto chiaro che la maggioranza della popolazione che abitava allora nella citta
fosse serba, di rito orientale, con a capo un vescovo seismal/co che negava ii consenso all'unio-
ne. 11 luoro ruolo non doveva limitarsi soltanto all'operazione militare ricordata, al trasporto fluvia-
ed alle opere di consolidamento della fortezza, ma anche ad una permanente difesa di essa.
II terzo gruppo, che le fonti francescane (eel in particolare Tagliacozzo) tendono a tenere
otto silenzio o, comunque, a cui viene ridotto ii ruolo per non sminuire quello dei minon· nella
ttaglia, e l'esercito professionista, assunto a spese di Hunyadi, che forrnava ii nucleo della
uamigione di Belgrado (circa 2000 soldati) ea cui, prima dell'inizio dell'assedio, si aggiunse un
53
.ulleriore corpo di 200 balestrieri polacchi • Ad essi bisogna aggiungere l'intero corpo di artiglieri
ed artificieri (di cui, nell'epoca, ungheresi, valacchi e serbi erano tra i piu rinomati) ed ii corpo di
valleggeri che prese parte alle operazioni del 22 luglio. II nucleo di comando dell'intero eser-
ito era formato dai familiares di Hunyadi, ii cui numero non ci e noto, ma che potremmo valutare
oltre 500 persone (considerando per analogia che la familia regis del Sigismondo (Zsigmond)
50
G. da Tagliacozzo, Victoria mirabilis, cap. 22, p. 70.
51
Nicola da Fara in Wadding, XII, c. 105, p. 150.
52
G. da Tagliacozzo, Victoria mirabilis, cap. 14, p. 54.
Ibidem, cap. 17, p. 61; per la cui efficienza nella difesa delle citta e sufficiente ricordare che nel
53
1437 una delle garanzie militari richieste dall'imperatore bizantino Giovanni VIII Paleologo per partecipare al
Concilio di Firenze fu ii presidia di Costantinopoli da parte di 300 balestrieri
459
lulian Mihai Damian \<I
--------------------------------~.@
:-\{i
54
di Lussemburgo, in senso stretto, ne contava circa 530 e che lo statuto di re non incorona/~
che Hunyadi ebbe nel periodo 1440-1456 favoriva questa forma privata di vassallaggio). }Jj
Si trattava di membri della piccola e media nobilta terriera scelti, per lo piu, a seconda 1
55
Jj
come lo imponeva ii costume def tempo , dalle regioni circostanti alla Terra di Ha\eg (Hatszegi
Hotzing); a questi se ne aggiungevano altri, imparentati con Hunyadi o, comunque, in rapportral
vassallaggio con le famiglie Szilagyi di Horogszeg, Pongracz di Dinde§ti (Dindeleg) e Gereb aa
Vingrad. Si tratta, quindi, dal punto di vista etnico, per lo piu di romeni transilvani, ma anche di
ungheresi, originari della Transilvania o dell'Ungheria meridionale. Senz'altro, pero, dal punto rJll
vista dello stato sociale, la loro posizione non corrispondeva alle esigenze degli scritti apologeacll
francescani, ii cui intento era quello di dimostrare che quella crociata era vissuta soltanto dai p(i:.j
veri e non dai ricdi? 6 (['opera di Tagliacozzo sembra, piu delle altre, insistere su questo aspetto).:i
4. Nobili e crociati
~_i i
/J
II contributo dei nobili alla crociata (compreso quello di Hunyadi) non corrispondeva a questi/1
visione sugli eventi svoltisi sotto le mura di Belgrado e, di conseguenza, ii suo ruolo nell'ope,~1
del Tagliacozzo tende ad essere considerevolmente sminuito. Non possiamo escludere, pel"\l:J
che gli eventi di Belgrado stavano quasi per sfociare in una guerra popolare (e noto l'incidentJ1
57
dei crociati ungheresi, polacchi e tedeschi che, non avendo ottenuto ii permesso di insegui~I
gli Ottomani, stavano per ribellarsi al comandante, mentre ii continua arrivo di nuove ondate,Bi'i
crociati impose la precipitosa chiusura delle operazioni belliche, con la concessione della ben~1
dizione e dell'indulgenza promessa58 ). Al di la di qualsiasi intento propagandistico, permanei11ffi
tutte le fonti uno spirito di ribellione nei confronti di un ordine ormai sconvolto: ii re ed i baroi\Y,I
che fuggono davanti al pericolo, abbandonando ii proprio nuolo istituzionale, e ii popolo semplice1
che combatte per la fede e la liberta, ma che resta escluso ed emarginato nella vita sociale. /,,I
Le fonti francescane (ed, in particolar modo, per estensione e argomento, Tagliacozzo)~I
rifiutano di spiegare (e forse nemmeno lo sanno) la presenza a capo di questa crociata dei pdij
veri di un nobile della portata di Hunyadi (i cui beni, impressionanti all'epoca, gli avevano garan~i
tito ii primato assoluto nel Regno): non possono spiegarlo perche, probabilmente, non compre~(-
devano in maniera sufficie.nte i delicati meccanismi della societa_transilvana e ungherese d'.alloif.,I•
oss1a la base etrnca e sOCJale sulla quale Hunyadi fondo 11 propno potere. Una conferma d1 qu61m;
ta spiegazione ci viene data, invece, da una lettera scritta a una certa distanza dagli eventi (il·•··.5.·.•·.·.,.·.•.
marzo 1469) da Giacomo della Marca, primo collaboratore di Capestrano. Elencando i meritil
dell'Ordine dei Frati Minori di fronte al cardinale Francesco da Savona 59 , facendo riferimen!§'\I
alla crociata def 1456, Giacomo della Marca (in quel periodo generale dell'Ordine) scriveva: il~I
Et sepe dicti sacri nostri ordims frater Johanes de Capistrano duxit exercitum hungarornm et
a/iornm reg1onum ad be/ Gradum contra Turcos, nu/lo domino ve/ barone existente, quia ume-
I
1·
P"~;~:;;;;;;;;:;;;;;;~~.;;:,1
bant interfici a populis, excepto Johanne b/ancho, cun timore grande veniunt recedunt. Et facta ~
54
Vedi Martin Kintzinger, De la region a /'Europe. Recrntement et function de /'entourage de /'empl·'·•••··.l.'.·.P
.•
reur Sigismond in A /'ombre du pouvoir: !es entourages princieres au moyen 8ge, a cura di A!airi(j
Marc5~andisse, Jean-Louis
Ibidem, p. 108. Kupper, Ginevra 2003, pp. 111-112. '.·: ;"'
· •·. •. ·
• . ; ..•.. · . · i •
:; G. da Tagliacozzo, Victoria mirabilis, cap. 19, p. 63. f~

Ibidem, cap. 41, pp. 110-111. .;J:
,: :it:~i. :~~;; ,~:
5
~71: pp. 99-116. I

460
Giovanni da Capestrano, i va/acchi e la battaglia di Be/grado
rnento del partito di Ladislao V e dell'alta nobilta magiara di sangue antico e la conse--guente
resa del potere da parte del partito "popolare" di Hunyadi, sostenuto da un'ampia maggioranza
ella popolazio-ne e, appunto perche vlacchus, dai romeni del Regno d'Ungheria, forza politica
e risulta abbastanza potente e ccmpatta, anche durante la nuova guerra civile d'Ungheria in
. eguito alla morte di Hunyadi e sopratutto dell'esecuzione del suo figlio Ladislao (1456-1458)6°.
Crociata dei minori tra realta e mito
In una approfondita analisi sulla maniera in cui e costruita l'immagine agiografica di

i:;apestrano nel testo di Giovanni da Tagliacozzo, Paolo Evangelisti identificava una serie di
ermini chiave ed idee specifiche ad un mode/lo ml7i/are e dominativo minoritico, profondamente
irnpregnati dell'odeporica e dei trattati militari scritti da importanti membri dei primi due secoli
i storia dell'Ordine. In particolar modo, ii testo di Fidenzio da Padova (Uber recuperationis
Terrae Sanctae), vero e proprio trattato de re militari e di dottrina politica minoritica, scritto du-
rante ii pontificato di Nicolo IV (1288-1292), ccntiene numerosi elementi comuni alla Victoria mi-
rabilis di Tagliacozzo, la cui decifrazione fornisce una chiave interpretativa della visione fran-
scana sulla crociata e sui modi particolari di riorganizzazione della societa cristiana proposti61 •
La ccnclusione che se ne ricava e che tanto Capestrano-Tagliacczzo, quanta Fidenzio non
possono essere considerati nemmeno lontanamente i rappresentanti di una corrente critica al/a
rociata ed i testimonial decadimento dei fora idea/i (Evangelisti) quando invece, loro utilizzano
n rnaggior determinazione che mai gli strumenti giuridici della crociata, la predicazione ed un
azionale ricorso alle risorse, ricorso alle risorse, in un ampio progetto di egemonia po/itica,
el senso ampio del termine, in cui l'ordine e coinvolto in veri gradi. Restano, pertanto, senza
lcun fondamento reale le osservazioni di certi autori che sostengono che ii pacifismo frances-
no avrebbe elaborato una forma di critica della dottrina della crociata nel medioevo. Al con-
ario, la crociata riceve una nuova definizione ed una decantazione per ii filtro della spiritualita
ancescana osservante, spesso addirittura in autonomia anche nei confronti del faro romano,
eligittimato dai propri fallimenti, sostituito da un legame diretto tra ii dux be/Ii e Dia stesso,
riconosciuto universalmente da tutti i veri cristiani, viri bonae vo/untatis6 2 .
.·. II modo in cui Capestrano intendeva reinterpretare la crociata e i suoi confratelli continua-
\,ano a proporlo ccme unica risposta possibile alle minacce interne ed esteme della societa
cristiana diventa motivo della gelosia di Pio II e della cerchia degli umanisti presenti in curia
nei loro confronti. L'umiliazione dell'osservanza francescana, in un dibattito pubblico importante
per gli ambienti ecclesiastici, avra quale scopo quello di ricondurre all'ordine i capi del movi-
mento, per via della pretesa imprudente di aver assunto ruoli e prerogative papali nell'attura-
ione della difesa di Belgrado e, in particolar modo, nell'immagine che se ne voleva trasmettere.
60
Per 1456-1458: Hunnuzaki, 11-2, no. 76, p. 87; no. 80, p. 92; Ub., VII, no. 4623, p. 412; loan-Aurel
a
Pop, Privileges obtenus par /es Roumains /'epoque de Malia Corvin, in Colloquia, I, 1994, 1, pp. 37-48;
.Andras Kubinyi, Matthias Corvinus: The Man and the King, e I. Dragan, The Romanian Nobility of Transyl-
vania in the Time of the Hunyadis in Between Worlds, I, pp. 23-26, 171-178. Vedi anche Gheorghe I.
Bratianu, Les assemb/ees d'etat et /es Roumains de Transylvanie (I), in RER, XIII-XIV (1974), pp. 40-49.
61
Acta Sanctorum, [X], Octobris, 10, Brusselle, 1861, pp. 358-361, 381-382; Fidenzio da Padova,
Uber recuperalionis Tenae Sanctae, pp. 29-33; Ottokar Bonmann, Fonli poco note de/la vita di S. Giacomo,
in PS, VII, 1970, pp. 99-110; Ott6 Gecser, Itinerant Preaching in Late Medieval Central Europe: St. John
Capistran in Wroclaw, in MSS, XLVII (2003), pp. 9-10; P. Evangelisti, Fidenzio da Padova, pp. 261-297;
vedi anche Stanko Andric, The Miracles of St. John Capistran, Budapest, 1999, pp. 56-57.
62
Jeno Sz0cs, Die oppositione/le Stromung der Franziskaner im Hintergnmd des Bauerenkrieges
und der Reformation in Ungam, in EHH, [VI], 1985, 2, pp. 483-513; Robert Black, Benedetto Acco/ti and
the Florentine Renaissance, Cambridge, 1985, pp. 252-254. Vedi anche Fra Roberto Caracciolo da
Lecce, Prediche di fralB Roberto vulgare novamente hystoriate et concepte secundo Ii Evangelii c/Je se
contengono in le ditte prediche, in Venecia, per Christofolo di Pensa, 1502, ff. 103', 104'.
461
lulian Mihai Damian
A dispetto di cib, ii rapporto privilegiato della Santa Sede con i frati minori per la promozio
unione ecclesiale e l'impegno nell'organizzazione della crociata sarebbe rimasto immut
ii controllo della curia dominata dagli umanisti diventava piu forte. Bessarione diventava ii
cardinale protettore dell'Ordine (1463), trasferendo la propria curia nella nuovissima
romana dei Santissimi Apostoli, tra cui anche Francesco della Rovere, futuro Sisto IV.
lo di una sintesi tra una visione umanista ed una francescana nella societa cristiana63• ' •
In un'Europa cristiana sempre maggiormente cosciente a livello politico dell'impossi
riportare una vittoria definitiva sugli ottomani, la battaglia vinta a Belgrade si e imposta
maginario collettivo come la maggior contraddizione a questa costatazione razionale. In
testimonianza eloquente del fatto che, in determinate circostanze, la potenza del drag
mano poteva essere spezzata, la sua memoria continua ad essere mantenuta viva ed a
cata. In particolare la predicazione ha continuato a dare ampio spazio a questa mirabilis vi
esaltandone l'importanza ed ii ruolo. Ma non mancano le testimonianze di carattere letterari
me ii poema metrico Capystranus, pubblicato da Wynkyn de Worde in ben !re edizioni a
ciare dal 1515. Ci troviamo, in un certo senso, alla fine del dibattito sulla crociata che ca
rizza ii settantennio che separa la vittoria di Belgrade dai primi anni della riforma protestante
II carattere critico della visione francescana nei confronti delle disfunzionalita della cristi
in quanto riguarda i doveri militari di re e principi e di una classe di be/la/ores, diventati ind
pertanto, pervertiti, resta una delle particolarita di questo filone francescano. Senza limita"
una dimensione astratta, la critica di un ordine sociale ingiusto, amplificata dalla predic ·
francescana rivestira, in determinate circostanze, anche la forma del conflitto aperto. H
riprendendo una serie di osservazioni presente nella storiografia magiara, ha tratt
similitudini tra la crociata di Capestrano del 1456 ed i partecipanti alla crociata fallita deJ\"
nella guerra contadina capeggiata da Giorgio (Gy6rgy) Doja (D6zsa). Anche in questo}
della campagna di predicazione furono incaricati gli osservanti, non solo in quanto speciali
questo tipo di operazioni, ma anche in quanto ii piu rappresentativo e meglio diffuse ordi ·
gioso. Una serie di confratelli sono coinvolti anche nella predicazione, dichiarata nel fratte
legale, e pertanto, alla conclusione della ostilita, vengono sottoposti al giudizio del capitolo.
punto di vista militare gli eventi del 1514 rappresentano una radicale trasformazione nell'oig
zazione della difesa del regno, in quanto ultima occasione in cui la militia por/alis fu chiama
prendere le armi. Per quanto riguarda ii topos letterario della cruciata minorum gli aventi deI{
dimostrano le profonde conseguenze che quest'idea ebbe in piano sociale e politico 65 . :;;::
63
Vedi anche Margaret Meserve, Patronage and Propaganda at the First Paris Press: Gui/la:;'
Fichet and the First Edffion of Bessarion's Orations against/he Turks, in PABS, XCVII (2003), pp. 521-
Nancy Bisaha, Pope Pius II and the Crusade, in Crusading, pp. 39-52; I.M. Damian, L'esercito c
ne//a battaglia di Belgrado /14 e 21122 luglio 1456): etnia e stato sociale, in QCR, Ill, 2004, pp. 197'
Idem, Dixit mihi quidam nobilis valaccus ... Considerazioni in margine ad un exemplum di San Gia
def/a Marca, in AIRCRU, VII-VII, 2004-2005, pp. 303-312
64
Eva Rona, Hungary in a medieval Poem, Capystranus, a metrical Romance, in Studies in
guage and Literature in Honour of Margaret Schlauch, a cura di Mieczyslaw Brahmer, Stanislaw Hel .
Julian Krzyzanowski, New York, 1971, pp. 345, 350-351; Istvan Petrovics, Endre Gyorgy Szonyi, Cap
tranus: A Late Medieval English Romance on the 1456 Siege of Belgrade, in NHQ, XXVII, 1986, pp. 1
145 (Capystranus, London: V\/ynkyn de Worde, ed. 1515, 1527, 1530); Bonnie Millar-Heggie, Sanctity, .
vagery and Saracens in Capystranus: Fifteenth Century Christian-Ottoman Relations, in Al Masaq, XI
2002, 2, pp. 113-121. ..
5
Geza S. Pellathy, The Dozsa Revolt: Prelude and Aftetmath, in EEO, XXI, 1987, pp. 275-295; ,
Housley, Crusading and Social Revolt: The Hungarian Peasant Rising of 1514, in JEH, XLIX, 1998, p.j_.
29; Janos M. Bak, Hungary and Crusading in the Afteenth Century, in Crusading, pp. 224 (nota 1), 22
(nota 48). Vedi anche Odon Bolcskey, Capistran6i Szent Janos elete es kora [La vita e ii tempo di S. Gi.
vanni di Capestrano], 1-111, Szekesfehervar (Alba Regia), 1923-1924; Gyorgy Szekely, Antal Budai Nagy
la guerre paysanne de Tranylvanie, in EHH, [VI] (1980), 1, pp. 85-99.
462
John Capestran in the Center of the Olomuc Fresco

John Hunyadi's Early Modern Tombstone in the Cathedral of Alba Julia
464
Le Royaume de Hongrie et la prise de Constantinople.
Croisade et union ecclesiastique en 1453
Dan loan Mure~an

oncidit antiquae Byzantion aemula Romae: Pannoniae murus, Turcorum terror in armis,
eu peragunt qua/es lubrica fata vices! si qua, /ohannes hac tegeretur humo.
ub Constantino nomen sublime paravit, Sed sub Be/grado mundi superavit ut hostem,
ub Constantino depopulata peril. morte simul domita sidera vivus adit.
omen idem geminum miserae sibi praestitit omen Multi laurigeris Capitolia ce/sa triumphis
nestum nunc est, quad fuit ante bonum conscendere duces, sofus at isle pofum
Janus Pannonius (1434-1472), eveque de Pees (FOnfkirchen)
L'implication active du royaume de Hongrie dans les evenements ayant conduit a la fin
1 2
agique de !'Empire byzantin est un sujet qui a preoccupe les historiens grecs du XV" siecle
3
t n'a pas manque d'attirer egalement de nos jours !'attention des specialistes . Cela, a juste
'tre car, durant la decennie qui vit !'extinction quasi-ineluctable du millenaire empire, ce
4
'0yaume avait ete - sous la conduite du grand general que fut Jean Hunyadi/ de Hunedoara
le fer de lance des dernieres tentatives serieuses de la Chretiente occidentale de lui porter
urs. Belgrade (1441), Sibiu, lalomi\a (1442), la tongue campagne (1443-1444), Varna (1444),
ossovopolje (1448}5-voila les jalons d'un effort soutenu, et d'autant plus impressio- nan! car
· nstant dans l'adversite, en depit des revers spectaculaires que l'armee des croises essuya
evant un autre grand chef de guerre, le sultan ottoman Murad II (1421-1451).
· La derniere de ces campagnes - organisee pratiquement a titre personnel par un Jean
e Hunedoara toujours plus conteste par ses adversaires politiques - n'avait ete soutenue
6
· ue par Nicolas V, qui avail proclame le 8 avril 1448 la croisade . Son echec avail signale
1
Donald M. Nicol, Last Centuries of Byzantium, 1204-1453, Oxford, 1992; Idem, The Immortal Em-
eror. The Ufe and Legend of Constantine Palaio/ogos, Last Emperor of the Romans, Cambridge, 1992.
2
Nous utilisons: Ducas (1958), Chalcocondil (1843, 1958), Critobul (1963, 1983), Sphrantzes
1966, 1990). Les plus importants temoignages ont ete recueillis dans Caduta, 1-11.
3
Gyula Moravcsik, «Ungarisch-byzantinische Beziehungen zur Zeit des Falles van Byzanz»,
SH, II, 1954, p. 349-360; Francisc Pall, «Byzance a la veille de sa chute et Janco de Hunedoara
unyadi)», BSL, XXX, 1969, p. 119-126; Istvan Kapitanffy, «Ungarische Gesandte im turkischen Lager
r Zeit der Belagerung Konstantinopels», MASH, XXIII, 1975, 1-2, p. 15-24; Idem, «Propugnacu/a
hristianitatis. Magyar-bizanci kapcsolatok a birodalom bukasanak idejen [Propugnacula Christiani/a/is.
es relations entre la Hongrie et Byzance a la veille de la chute de !'empire]», dans Idem, Hungaro-
yzantina. Bizanc es a gorogseg kozepkori magyarorszagi forrasokban [Hungaro-byzantina. Byzance
t la culture grecque dans les sources medievales hongroises], Budapest, 2003, p. 99-112.
4
Joseph Held, Hunyadi: Legend and Reality, Boulder, 1985; Pal Engel, The Realm of St Stephen.
History of Medieval Hungary, 895-1526, London-New York, 2001, p. 278-297; Cami! Mure.anu, John
uny_adi, Defender of Christendom, Jassy-Oxford-Portland, 2001.
5
Emanuel C. Antoche, «La bataille de la riviere de lalomi\a (2 septembre 1442), une victoire
ajeure de la Chretiente face aux armees ottomanes», «Une croisade au Bas-Danube au XV si€cle:
Longue Campagne (septembre 1443-janvier 1444)», NHB, IX, 1999, p. 61-88, 93-113; Idem, «Les
xpeditions de Nicopolis (1396) et de Varna (1444): une comparaison, MT, IV, 2000, 1-2, p. 28-74;
em, «Du Tabor de Jan Zizka au tabur qengi des armees ottomanes», Turcica, XXXVI. 2004, p. 91-
24; Colin Imber, The Crusade ofVama, 1443-45, Aldershot, 2006 (avec une introduction stimulante).
6
Kenneth M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant /1204-1571), 11, The Fifteenth Century (=MAPS,
XVII), Philadephia, 1976, p. 99-100 (avec bibliographie).
Dan loan Mure~an
que la Peninsule balkanique etait desormais trop fermement tenue par la machine de guerr!
ottomane pour envisager une traversee terrestre en diagonale en direction de Byzance. Si la..
a
Hongrie, elle seule, ne pouvait plus envisager de se confronter au Turc en offensive, d'au!
a
tant plus le gouverneur general ne pouvait plus assumer lui seul les mesures prendre a
dorenavant pour gerer une situation toujours plus desesperee. Si la defense de Byzance resf
a a
tait un objectif strategique maintenir, ii semblait y avoir trois directions possibles suivre:
1. Retablir la paix interne en Hongrie, avec pour objectif de conserver la position domi'
nante de Jean de Hunedoara dans l'equilibre retrouve avec ses contestataires. ·
a
2. Co-interesser d'autres puissances europeennes une strategie qui ne semblait pa§:
les concerner directement. XI
3. Forger une nouvelle conception strategique pour aider Constantinople alors que I~
voie terrestre etait devenue, manifestement, impraticable.
Preliminaires de la Prise
Si une decennie de guerre desastreuse avait epuise la Hongrie, ii n'en fut pas autre-z
ment pour son heureux adversaire. Le vieux sultan Murad II - que les necessites politique"s'
avaient arrache a deux reprises de sa quete de l'absolu en compagnie des mystique~·
musulmans - ressentait tout autant le besoin d'une fin sereine de son regne. Le nouvel e~
pereur Constantin XII accepta done volontiers de conclure le 25 mars 1449 !'armistice
necessaire pour panser les blessures et consolider leurs etablissements politiques interne~i<·
8
Apres la mort de son pere, Mehmed II recueillit !'heritage le 18 fevrier 1451 . N'ay~n-
pas de veritable contre-candidat, ii visait surtout a consolider son emprise des renes du P9il
voir et a effacer !'impression, plut6t maladroite, qu'il avait laissee lors de son premier reg~~f
Mais ceux qui auront juge ses capacites a travers le prisme de son adolescence seront v/J~
dementis. II sut au contraire admirablement jouer de cette impression de faiblesse pour g~ ⇒
gner le temps de preparer en toute tranquillite ses projets d'une hardiesse sans egal: repr~ri;
dre dans son integralite au compte de l'Etat ottoman !'heritage de !'Empire romain d'Orient. ,
01,
***
Le premier souci du jeune sultan fut de rassurer ses voisins par une attitude pacifique.;/f
9
renouvela le 18 fevrier 1451 la paix avec Constantin XII Paleologue et le 10 septernbre av¥
Venise. Son objectif principal etait surtout d'assurer la frontiere septentrionale de l'Empire/t7:~
a
Mehmed s'approcha cet effet le despote de Serbie, en rapatriant avec les plus grari9:s,
honneurs la veuve de son pere, la sultane Mara Brankovic, en lui demandant en echange
ses bons offices afin d'obtenir par son entremise la paix avec la Hongrie. Apres force neg•;
ciations, le 10 novembre le sultan put enfin emettre d'Andrinople l'acte d'armistice de trtj\§:
10
ans avec la Hongrie, acte qui fut ratifie par la diete du royaume le 13 avril 1452 . . /[
7
Reges/en, V, nos. 3519, 3524; !'armistice (rappelons que pour les Ottomans, une paix com:/[;
a
avec les adversaires de !'Islam n'etait qu'un armistice octroye provisoirement par le sultan) la suJf'
d'une mission de Sphrantzes, arrive a Andrinople en decembre 1448 pour annoncer l'avenement'-~-~:
Constantin XII. Les hesitations des historiens, qui appellent le dernier empereur byzantin ta~\6.
Constantin XI tant6t XII, relevent du fait d'accepter ou non le regne ephemere de Constantin LascaQ~
en 1204 (Alexios Sawides, «Constantin XI Lascaris, Uncrowned and Ephemeral Basi/eus of Jl)l!.:
Rhomaioi after the Fall of Constantinople to the Fourth Crusade», Byzantiaka, VII, 1987, p. 141-174).}~;
6
Franz Babinger, Mehmed the Conqueror and His Time, Princeton, 1978; Hali! lnalcik, «Mehme,~,
the Conqueror (1432-1481) and His Time», Speculum, 1960, XXXV, p. 408-427. Sur l'avenement d~~:
sultans ottomans: Nicolas Valin, Gilles Veinstein, Le Serai/ ebran!e. Essai sur /es marts, depositions,?~
avenements des sultans ottomans (XIV'-XVf' siec/es), Paris, 2003, p. 259-351. .:',~
9
0
Reges/en, no. 3530; Ducas (1958), XXXIII, 12, p. 288-291. ,!2
' Ducas (1958), XXXIII, 11, p. 286-289. Pour le texte du traite: DRH, D, I, no 305, p. 418-421. Sij;
+;
466
t
Le Royaume de Hongrie et la prise de Constantinople
La position de la Hongrie et la situation de Byzance s'averaient comme deux aspects de

la politique est-europeenne en intime connexion. L'interprete chretien qui accompagnait
l'ambassadeur ottoman en Serbie fut charge secretement, par les membres philo-byzantins
du divan, de communiquer confidentiellement au despote que la raison reelle de la conclu-
.sion la paix avec la Hongrie etait de laisser au sultan Mehmed les mains libres pour attaquer
onstantinople. L'interprete, saisi de peur, ne transmit pas ce message 11 •
La correlation entre le front danubien et la situation des Detroits restait neanmoins visi-
ble pour les negociateurs. La partie hongroise conditionna !'armistice du respect par les
ottomans du statu quo avec Byzance 12• Quant au nouveau sultan Mehmed II, les trois ans
de paix obtenus devaient lui suffire pour achever le grand dessein que !'Islam s'etait donne
depuis le premier calife qui avail mis le siege devant Constantinople en 674.
La plus recente evaluation d'ensemble de la politique etrangere de Constantin XII a souleve
la question de savoir si, a l'origine de la chute de Byzance, ne se trouvait pas justement une gaffe
diplomatique de proportions du basileus. Selan cette interpretation, Constantin - apres avoir en-
tretenu des relations normales avec Murad - aurait entendu profiter du changement de regne
pour appeler !'Occident non pas simplement au secours de sa capitale, mais directement a
une nouvelle croisade pour aneantir !'Empire ottoman. Meconnaissant la veritable stature de
son jeune adversaire, l'empereur aurait pense qu'un bras de fer tournerait a son avantage.
La rupture de politique fut l'arnbassade envoyee a Bursa a la fin de l'automne 1451 pour
demander sur un ton arrogant le doublement des subventions versees par le sultan pour le
prince ottoman Orkhan, garde en otage a la cour byzantine 13 . Ces revendications auda-
ieuses auront declenche la colere du sultan Mehmed II. En fin de compte, en raison de l'im-
assibilite de !'Occident a l'egard de Byzance, le basileus Constantin se serait retrouve du fail
e son imprudence engage dans un conflit demesurement asymetrique avec Mehmed 1114_
Cette interpretation assigne done a Constantin XII l'erreur de la politique qui fut celle de
ean VIII Paleologue en 1444, qui, lui, aurait effectivement voulu profiter du premier avene-
ent de Mehmed II - encore adolescent- pour mobiliser contre les Ottomans la Hongrie et
Pologne. Or cette initiative avail mene directement au desastre des croises a Varna .
II est cependant peu probable que Constantin XII Paleologue, qui avail joue alors un role
actif en tant que despote de Moree, aurait cru avoir sept ans plus lard plus de chances de
reussite. Deux informations suggerent en revanche une reponse un peu differente.
C Ambassadeur de Constantin XII en Georgie et a Trebizonde - Georges Sphrantzes
~vait des le debut parfaitement cerne les qualites et le caractere indomptable de Mehmed 16
11
Sphrantzes, XXXVI, 2; (1966), p. 98-99; (1990), p. 136.
12
Ibidem, XXXVI, 9; (1966), p. 102-103; (1990), p. 140.
13
Reges/en, no. 3531 condense dans un seul episode ce qui son! en fail deux ambassades
yzantines concernant le statut du prince Orkhan, episode que l'erudit allemand situe au debut de
annee 1451, en directe continuite avec la conclusion de la paix. Elisabeth Malamut («Les ambas-
ades du dernier ernpereur de Byzance», TM, XIV, 2002, p. 429-448), fail au no. 18, p. 437 la distinc-
ion qu'il convient, et qui est irnportante du point de vue de leurs issues respectives. Ainsi, Mehmed II
.avait accepte les dernandes de la premiere ambassade, en concedant le versement des 300.000
spres, mais a categoriquement rejete les pretentions de la deuxieme de doubler la somme initiate.
Etan! donne que la recherche de Mme Malamut ameliore ponctuellement la chronologie etablie
'par Franz Delger, dans ses Reges/en (no. 3531), nous continuerons d'y faire par la suite reference.
14
• E. Malamut, «Les ambassades», pp. 447-448 (conclusions).
15
La-dessus, les conclusions d'l. Theocharides, «The Stand of the Byzantine Emperor on the
Battle of Varna (1444), according to Greek Sources», EB, XXIV, 1987, p. 107-119, sent a reviser a la
lumiere des riches renseignements fournis par la chronique ottomane de la croisade de Varna (cf. The
Holy Wars of Sultan Murad Son of Sultan Mehmed Khan, dans The Crusade of Varna, p. 41-106).
16
Sphrantzes, XXX, 4-6; (1966) p. 76-78; (1990), p. 104-108.
467
comprenant qu'il representait un danger encore plus redoutable que son pere. S'agissant la'
du conseiller intime de Constantin XII, on peut penser que l'empereur ne se faisait guere\
lui non plus, des illusions sur l'impetueux adversaire qu'il avait desormais en face de lui.''
La politique de force entamee pendant l'automne 1451 semble avoir une autre explica,!
tion qu'une grave erreur d'analyse politique. En fait, comme le confirme Sphrantzes, le gouve,{
nement byzantin fut secretement infonme des septembre 1451 de l'intention de Mehmed de
construire une forteresse sur la rive europeenne du Bosphore. La surprise eprouvee alors Par-
le basileus fut si vive qu'il conc;:ut d'emblee le plan d'envoyer en Occident non de simplesi
ambassadeurs, mais un de ses freres despotes de Moree, pour solliciter l'assistance17• J
Cette information prise en compte, l'ambassade de Brusa de l'automne ne s'avere pas]
autre chose qu'une tentative desesperee de decourager le sultan Mehmed dans son projet.j
N'ayant pas d'autre moyen de pression, le basileus menac;:ait de maniere assez transparente!
de relacher l'otage qu'il detenait, sous pretexte de ne plus pouvoir l'entretenir18 . J
Ce qui a pousse Constantin a changer completement de politique ne serait pas !ant une}l
erreur de calcul qu'une impossibilite d'arreter autrement la decision implacable de MehmedJ
La rectification proposee ne va pas plus loin, car quoi qu'il en soil, le denouement fut le)
meme. Si l'ambassade de Brusa ne declencha pas la decision du sultan Mehmed d'etouffer:·l
Constantinople en dressant la forteresse du Bosphore, elle l'acce/era de toute evidence.
:gj
*** :~ii
Des qu'il avail compris les objectifs de la politique du sultan, Constantin avail envoye s~tl
emissaire special Andronikos B(Yennions Leontaris au pape Nicolas V et aux autres puissan¥A
19
a
ces italiennes, avec des demandes insistantes de secours . Repondant cette sollicitation,i{I
pape en profita pour reprendre le theme de la reductio Graecorum en exigeant de l'empere.uril!
qu'il clarifiat une fois pour toutes la position officielle de Byzance par rapport aux decisionfj
du Concile, considere oecumenique, de Florence. Le pontife etablissait un lien direct entrel
le rejet de !'Union proclamee alors et les malheurs des Byzantins (27 septembre 1451 ). ~k1
Les signatures posees sur l'acte final devaient etre respectees, l'Union devait etre procla~j
a
mee officiellement Constantinople, le nom du pape insere dans les diptyques de l'Eglise, lfj
a a
patriarche Gregoire Mammas, refugie Rome, restaure Sainte-Sophie. Seulement apres ces1
a a
mesures la Chretiente latine s'obligeait venir une fois encore l'aide de Constantinople20 • <Jil
;::{:t;
Le durcissement de la position du pape Nicolas Vest evident. II devait cependant repondre:1
a a
des critiques qui surgissaient l'interieur de la curie romaine meme. C'etait un courant qui{)
a
s'opposait tout autre effort supplementaire en faveur des Grecs, considerant qu'ils s'etaient,1
'{(_j
17
Sphrantzes, XXXIII, 2; (1966), p. 86; (1990), p. 118. · ••
18
19
Ducas (1958), XXXIV, 2, p. 292-293; E. Malamut, «Les ambassades», no.18, p. 437. \ti
E. Malamut, «Les ambassades», nos. 14-17, p. 436-437; le p8riple de Leontaris avait commen~(1
en juin 1451 a Venise, continuant a Ferrare, pour rester a Rome (aoGt-octobre) et touchant enfin apr~~:J
le 10 octobre - Naples (cf. egalement Reges/en, nos. 3532-3535). Leontaris rentra a Constantinop@wj
en janvier 1452 - et c'est alors seulement que Constantin XII prit connaiss~nce du contenu de la lett~}1
de Nicolas V (Ludwig van Pastor, Histoire des papes depuis la fin du Mayen Age, 11, Paris, 1888, p. 1-2~i~j
Constantin Marinesco, «Le pape Nicolas Vet son attitude envers l'Empire byzantin», BIAB, X, 1935, pJ'
331-342; M[ylada]. Paulova, «L'Empire byzantin et Jes Tcheques avant la chute de Constantinople», ~t;il
R[odolphe], Guilland, «Les appels de Constantin XI Paleologue a Rome et a Venise», BSL, XIV, 1953, p!).!1
158-225,
20
226-244; Massimo Miglio, Niccolo V, dans Enciclopedia dei papi. 111, Rome, 2000, p. 644-658). '/~1
Episto/ae Pontificiae, 111, no. 304, p. 131-138; Jan-Louis van Dieten, «Der Streit in Byzanz um di~J
Rezeption der Unio Florentina», OKS, XXXIX, 1990, p. 160-180 (ici 166-169 et 177-180, notes 38-61),j
Walter K. Hanak, «Pope Nicholas V and the aborted crusade of 1452-1453 to rescue Constantinople froni~J
the Turks», BSL, LXIV, 2007, pp. 337-359 (surtout 337-346, analyse de la lettre papale, 354-359, trad,fafi
angl.); R. Guilland, «Les appels», p. 231-233; K.M. Setton, The Papacy, II, p. 105-106. flt!
468
veres trap souvent de mauvaise conscience, persistant dans leur sc/Jisme meme devant les
21
ecisions d'un Concile recumenique, et qu'ainsi ils meritaient bien leur sort .
De son cote, pour avoir ose s'adresser au pape, le basileus allait a l'encontre d'un cou-
nt oppose a tout contact avec Rome qui aurait entraine des nouvelles concessions a !'Union
ans l'espoir illusoire d'un aide militaire. Ce courant, organises a Constantinople dans la Hiera
ynaxis, rassemblement ad-hoc des opposants les plus eminents a la politique philo-latine,
ndait sa resistance sur le soutien moral que leur pretaient l'Athos et les patriarcats orientaux.
C'estjustement devant cette forte opposition que Mammas avail dO quitter Constantinople en
oOt 1451 (selon Sphrantzes) pour se refugier a Rome, en informant dOment le pape Nicolas V
22
des difficultes que rencontrait la reception des decisions du Concile de Florence a Byzance .
Libre dans ses mouvements, la Hiera synaxis adressa une invitation a !'union a l'Eglise hus-
site, elle-meme en conflit avec Rome. L'ancien secretaire imperial (Georges Scholarios), le moine
.Gennadios restait la figure de prou de la resistance, a telle enseigne que les Hussites s'adres-
saient deja a lui dans leur reponse en tan! que patriarc/Je. Selan !'accusation de l'archeveque Leo-
nardo de Chio, ii se trouvait alors egalement en contact avec Thomas Pyropoulos et Jean Basi-
23
os, personnages eminents a la cour ottomane . On a mains remarque dans ce sens que !'Em-
pire ottoman s'etait fixe comme un point majeur de politique etrangere de combattre vigoureuse-
ment les decisions du Concile de Florence et leurs consequences. Les Ottomans etaient trap
_conscients que la croisade etait le produit d'une option ecclesiastique pour !'union, et vice-versa.
La chronique de la bataille de Varna (Gazaviitname), ecrite au debut du regne de Mehmed

U, souligne avec profusion de details la collusion entre la politique unioniste de Jean VIII et la
roisade de 1443-1444. Elle decrit le depart de Constantinople de l'empereur (tekfur) pour se
endre aupres du pape, de qui ii obtint la promesse d'une croisade, apres avoir reconnu la su-
rematie de ce demier24 . Murad avail essaye d'empecher le depart des Byzantins, denongant la
anite des discussions avec les Latins, et s'offrant de payer en echange des subsides a l'empe-
reur. Plus lard, ii manifesta meme !'intention d'attaquer la capitale, non tant pour la conquerir que
jJour obliger Jean VIII a revenir. Seul s'y est oppose le grand vizir Khalil-pacha, qui recommanda
rexpectative, dans l'attente des resultats des discussions theologiques, en argumentant qu'autre-
25
.. ent le danger obligerait les Grecs a faire plus facilement des concessions aux Latins .
21
Notes, IV, no. 29, p. 46-49; James Hankins, «Renaissance Crusaders: Humanist Crusade Litera
lure in the Age of Mehmed II», OOP, XLIX, 1995, p. 148-168; R. Guilland, «Les appels», p. 233-234.
;: 22 Sphrantzes, XXXI, 12; (1966), p. 82; (1990), p. 112; Michel Cacouros, «Un patriarche il Rome, un
' atholikos didaskalos au Patriarcat et deux donations trop tardives de reliques du seigneur: Gregoire Ill
amas et Georges Scholarios, le syn ode et la synaxis», dans Byzantium. State and Society. In Memory
fNikos Oikonomides, edite par Anna Avramea, Angeliki Laiou, E. Chrysos, Athenes, 2003, p. 71-124;
hierry Ganchou,«Georgios Scholarios secretaire du patriarche unioniste Gregorios Ill Mammas? Le
ystere resolu», dans Le Patriarcat recumenique aux XIV'-XVf siec/es. Rupture et conllnuite, Paris,
007, p. 117-194. L'opposrrion que le patriarche avail rencontree, ainsi que son depart, firent que Constantin
II ne bE!n8ficia jamais du sacre n8cessaire pour parfaire son 8lection comme empereur (Michael
Kordoses, «The Question of Constantine Palaiologos' Coronation», dans The Making of Byzantine His-
to,y. Studies dedicated to D.M. Nicol, edite par Roderick Beaton, Charlotte Roueche, London, 1993, p. 137-
•141 ). Sur la confrontation d'idees il Constantinople, le tableau dresse d'une main de maitre par Gilbert
Dagron, «Orthodoxie byzantine et culture hellenique autour de 1453», MEFR, CXIII, 2001, p. 767-791.
23
'. Vair Klaus-Peter Matschke, «Leonhard von Chios, Gennadios Scholarios, und die col/egae Thomas
Pyropoulos und Johannes Basilikos var, wahrend und nach der Eroberung von Konstantinopel durch die
T0rken», Byzantina, XXI, 2000, p. 227-236; M. Paulova, «L'Empire», p. 174, 216; L'Eglise utraquiste de
Prague repondait en 1452 il l'empereurConstanlin Paleo/ague et au patriarche Gennadios, ce qui a per-
mis de conc!ure que ce dernier etait considere d8s 1452 par Jes anti-unionistes comme le futur patriarche.
24 The Holy Wars of Sultan Murad, p. 41-106; H. lnalcik, «Byzantium and the Origins of the Crisis
of 1444 under the Light a/Turkish Sources», AC/EB, XII, 1961 [1964], 2, p. 159-163 (ici p. 162).
25
Sphrantzes, XXIII, 8-11; (1966), p. 60; (1990), p. 84.
469
Dan loan Mure,;an
Murad II continuait cependant a s'interesser de pres aux raisons qui avaient pousse Jean:;
VIII a partir en ltalie26 . Le sultan decida de prendre des mesures de securite pour affaiblir ou >
eradiquer toute base d'une eventuelle croisade dans Jes Balkans en occupant la Serbie, et en·C
entrainant la Valachie de Vlad II Dracut (le Diable) dans une campagne en Hongrie (1438). > ·
Consequent avec la politique de son pere, Mehmed devait tout faire pour accroitre 1a·,
dechirure religieuse des Byzantins. Ses intentions se revelent dans un acte qui n'a peut-etre\-
pas encore evalue de ce point de vue. Deux jours avant que le pape Nicolas V n envoya a.
Constantin XII la susdite lettre, le 25 septembre 1451, le sultan Mehmed (mega/au authentou,
kai mega/au amera soultanou tau Mechemet bey) delivra a Andrinople un horismos adresse<
au pr6tos de la Sainte Montagne et ataus !es higoumenes, /es gerontes et ataus !es moines'
de la Sainte Montagne, petits et grands. On apprend que les moines de Saint Paul avaient eu'·
recours au sultan ottoman contre Jes injustices dont ils auraient ete victimes de la part ctu'.z
pr6tos et des autres moines. Le sultan Mehmed II les retablit dans leurs droits et enjoin! au~/.
monasteres athonites de respecter les limites que leur avail assignees son pere27 . ,.)
C'est la premiere mention d'une charte constitutionnelle (berat) de l'Athos sous Murad IL
Les Ii mites et les droits de chaque monastere avaient ete alors solennellement confirmes. A}
!ravers ce document le sultan, en reglant les affaires d'Athos, apparait done sans ambages!
desireux de prendre la place de l'empereur byzantin 28 . En agissant en protecteur de l'Athosis
le sultan Mehmed II s'attirait en meme temps d'un seul coup la sympathie des Athonites, def
meme que la neutralite des milieux anti-unionistes de Constantinople. "
Peu avant le debut des travaux d'erection de la forteresse du Bosphore, dans la deuxien!
moitie du mois de mars 1452, une nouvelle ambassade-- conduite par Lucas Notaras lul~
meme - arrivait a Andrinople pour demander !'abandon de cette entreprise. La reponse td//i
claire. La forteresse devait se situer justement sur ce lieu sensible ou Murad II avail reus~~•
malgre !'opposition de la fiotte de Jean VIII Paleologue, a traverser le Bosphore en 1444. it%
Cette epoque rappelait a Mehmed II sa jeunesse, lorsqu'il attendait effraye l'arrivee ii
l'armee hongroise a Andrinople. Une telle situation n'allait plus se reproduire. La forteressi!\'
de Boghaz-kesen ne devait pas seulement couper Constantinople de la mer Noire, ma[~
29
aussi rattacher par un lien indissoluble Jes deux moities de !'Empire ottoman . },Y:i
Les nouvelles menaces proferees par Notaras provoquerent meme la reaction du gra~ci;-
vizir, connu par ailleurs pour ses sentiments pro-byzantins. Khalil Candarli attribuait alors ayf
basileus le dessein d'une grande manceuvre d'encerclement: envoyer d'un cote le preteQ~'
dant Orkhan pour declencher une guerre intestine contre le jeune sultan Mehmed II, et al?il
peler, de l'autre, Jes Hongrois a son secours. La reponse ottomane fut alors claire .
30
:Kile
Si vous voufez procfamer Orkhiin sultan en Thrace, procfamez-fe! Si vous preparez le passage
du Danube par /es Hongrois, qu'i/s viennent! Et si vous vou/ez venir envahir pour reprendre ce
que vous aviez eu jadis, faites-fe aussi! Sachez que vous ne reussirez rien de tout cela, mais
que plut6t if vous sera arrache meme ce qu'il vous semble avoir en votre possession ...
Les fondations jetees le 26 mars 1452, la forteresse fut dressee a un rythme alerte et ach~jL
-
vee avant la fin du mois d'aoat, sous le commandement direct du sultan. L'allusion du gram:
Cf. les questions posees par Murad II sur le depart de Jean VIII au voyageur espagnol Perg-
a
Tafur jiravefs and Adventures, 1435-1439, Londres, 1926, p. 126), en visite Andrinople en 1438. }¾'f:
2
Stephane Sinon, Les origines /egendaires et /'histoire de Xeropotamou et de Saint-Paul,ifJ!f
/'A/hos. Elude dipfomatique et critique, Louvain, 1942, p. 295-298.
.
.?It
Elias Kolobos, To 1A)iov 'Opoi; ;,..ro n 01.1/xpJ-m011 'n1i; 05wµavwJi; AuTO;,.pa..wpf~. dans 1453. H d.Ati{fj:
28
771i; KwVQ"'nzy71VaJ1ro.A11i; i!aJ tJ f-ti7ci/l,Ci/Jll a:lfri wui; f.UO'"CiJWVtJ<DJq G"70LJq v~d-npouq XPtvouq, edite par To~i~-
Kiousopoulou, Herakleio, 2005, p.107-119. :fi.
29
30
Ducas (1958), XXXIV, 6, p. 299. }i,
Ibidem (1958), XXXIV, 2, p. 294-295; E. Malamut («Les ambassades», no. 22, p. 437.
470
izir a la Hongrie divulgue un motif supplementaire de la construction. Positionnee a l'entree

e Constantinople vers la Mer Noire la forteresse devait empecher surtout les renforts qui pou-
aient venir de Crimee ou des bouches du Danube plut6t que depuis la mer Mediterranee.
Depuis que Pierre (Petru) II de Moldavie avait cede le port de Kilia (Chilia) a la Hongrie
n fevrier 1448, Kilia etait devenue le pivot de la politique pontique de Jean de Hunedoara,
ui y installa une garnison. Desormais, la Hongrie se trouvait a seulement cinq jours de navi-
ation de Constantinople, occurrence qui etait parfaitement evidente aux Ottomans. Des
448, leur flotte - en riposte a la campagne balkanique declenchee par Jean Hunyadi - avail
ttaque a la fois Byzance et Kilia pour prevenir toute convergence eventuelle .
31
La construction de la forteresse du Bosphore equivalait done pratiquement a une declara-

ion de guerre. Dans ces conditions, Nicolas Venvoya le 20 mai 1452 a Constantinople le car-
inal Isidore de Kiev, en tan! que legal pontifical a /a/ere, avec mission de recevoir la recon-
aissance oflicielle de !'Union de Florence, ainsi que de fournir un premier secours sous la
orme de 200 archers cretois recrutes par l'Etat pontifical. Mais le cardinal Isidore y partait aus-
i comme administrateur des biens du Patriarcat de Constantinople de l'ile de Crete, done com-
e representant personnel du patriarche Gregoire Mammas, en exile a Rome .
32
Le 26 octobre, le cardinal Isidore de Kiev arrivait a Constantinople. Avec !'accord de

empereur Constantin XII, ii entamait la tache de persuader le clerge byzantin de la neces-
ite d'accepter !'Union. Deux semaines plus lard, le 12 decembre 1452 eut lieu la proclama-
33
. n oflicielle de !'Union dans une grande ceremonie en l'eglise patriarcale de Sainte-Sophie .
Sphrantzes avait propose a l'empereur de nommer le cardinal Isidore patriarche a la
lace de Gregoire Mammas. L'empereur refusa pour ne plus inciter les esprits des anti-unio-
istes. Une concession fut obtenue. Dans la commemoraison liturgique des chefs d'Eglise a
ainte-Sophie, le nom du pape ne devait pas etre prononce en premier, mais seulement en
34
· cond rang, apres le nom du hierarque du lieu, le patriarche de Constantinople .
Meme ceux qui adheraient a !'union se reservaient de rediscuter plus lard les points les
lus difliciles a accepter par les Byzantins. Isidore considerait, diplomatiqument, que le temps
it arrondir les asperites. Ce qui comptait pour !'instant c'etait de pouvoir rapporter au pape
icolas V que !'union avail ete reconnue, afin d'exiger !'aide promise sous cette condition.
31
F. Pall, «lntervenjia lui lancu de Hunedoara in Tara Romaneasca ei Moldova 1n anii 1447-1448»
'intervention de Jean Hunyadi en Valachie et Moldavia. 1447-1448], Studii, XVI, 1963, 5, p. 1049-
060; Matei Cazacu, Petre $. Nasturel, «Une demonstration navale des Ottomans devant Constanti-
ople et la bataille de Chilia (1448)», dans Between Worlds, II, p. 335-343.
32
Manuel Manoussakas, «Les demiers defenseurs cretois de Constantinople d'apres les documents
·nitiens», AC/EB, XI, 1958 [1960], p. 331-340. Nous avons montre («Girolamo Lando, titulaire du Patri-
cat de Constantinople (1474-1497), et son role dans la politique orientale du Saint-Siege», AIRCRU,
HI, 2006, p. 159-161), en rouvrant la problematique du Patriarcat /atin au Xv" siecle, qu'en 1451 -
pres la mart du patriarche latin de Constantinople - s'est produit !'unification theorique, selon !es
ispositions du Concile de Florence, du Patriarcat latin avec le Patriarcat oecumenique, dans la per-
a
nne de Mammas, qui venait d'arriver Rome. Les biens patriarcaux de !'He de Crete, jusqu'alors de-
us par le patriarche latin, passerent au patriarche grec, devenu officiellement, du point de vue de Rome,
rus et unicus patriarcha constantinopolitanus. En realite toutefois, apres 1453, la hierarchie grecque
nioniste en exil en ltalie dut se contenter seulement de la juridiction du Patriarcat latin. Apres la mart
a
Bessarion (1472) et le retour la tete de cette dignite de prelats de rite latin (Pietro Riario, Girolamo
ndo, Giovanni Michie! etc.), la division du patriarcat redevint a nouveau un fait accompli.
33
Caduta, I, p. 11 (Leonardo de Chio, De Urbis Constantinopo/eos captivitate), 92 (Isidore de Kiev,
ettre au pape Nicolas V»), 124-128 (Nicolo Barbaro, «Journal du siege de Constantinople»); Ducas
958), XXXVI, 1-6, p. 315-319; J. Gill, Le Conci/e de Florence, Paris-Tournai, 1963, p. 342-346; J. van
ieten, «Der Streit in Byzanz», p. 170, 180 (notes 63-64); W. K. Hanak, «Pope Nicholas V», p. 348-350.
34
Sphrantzes, XXXVI, 5-6; (1966), p. 100-102; (1990), p. 138.
471
Dan loan Mure~an
I. Hunyadi entre le basileus des Rhomees et l'empereur des Romains
Toute aide imaginable destinee a Byzance avait une pierre angulaire. Pour Nicolas V le
royaume de Hongrie etait, traditionnellement, le boulevard de la Chretiente, tandis que Jeah
Hunyadi etait le champion par excellence de la lutte contre les Ottomans35 . Ce point avait ete
rendu clair lors du Jubile, dans une bulle du 12 avril 1450. Elle accordait une indulgence spe..
ciale aux ecclesiastiques, nobles et soldats du royaume, avec une mention speciale de JeaA
Hunyadi. lls etaient dispenses de visiter Rome pour recevoir !'indulgence, car ils devaient cte·
fendre la Chretiente du danger turc. Les habitants pouvaient recevoir les memes benefices
en visitant pendant trois jours l'eglise cathedrale d'Oradea (Nagyvarad, Grosswardein)36•
***
Les difficultes que Hunyadi rencontrait l'avaient force a conclure !'armistice de 145J
Des lors, ce que pour le basileus etait la garantie internationale de sa propre securite, n'etai
pour le sultan que le cadre favorable pour realiser ses intentions de conquete. lls devaieii
done chacun considerer d'un ceil different la possibilite de voir un contingent expedie p
la voie maritime par le maitre de Kilia, le gouverneur de Hongrie. En consequence de q1[
aucun ne pouvait ignorer les evolutions de Hongrie, alors en pleine effervescence politique,/
La Hongrie se confrontait avec le grave probleme constitutionnel provoque par la mii
de Vladislas (Wladyslaw, Ulaszl6) I (Ill) a Varna et la retention du roi couronne Ladislas C
par le roi des Romains, Frederic (Friedrich) Ill de Habsbourg. Certains magnats, Hunya
Nicolas (Miklos) Ujlaki et le palatin Ladislas Garai, formerent une ligue pour se concilier av
Frederic (1450). lls consentirent a ce que celui-ci gardat sa tutelle sur Ladislas V jusqu'a ··
majorite en 1458, a condition qu'il IOI confie alors a la protection de Jean Hunyadi.
Frederic Ill conservait son autorite sur les provinces autrichiennes de Ladislas V, tandis tj
lancu prolongeait sa position de gouverneur. Au meme temps, Jean Hunyadi tentait de se
concilier avec Georges Brankovic (1451 ), par les fian9ailles de son fils Matthias avec la jeu
Elisabeth, fille d'Ulrich de Gilly et petite-fille de Georges Brankovic:37 . ,
Cette apparente solution de la question hongroise permit a Frederic Ill d'accomplir s

reve d'aller en ltalie pour se faire couronner empereur. Grace a l'entremise du prelat hum_
niste Enea Silvio Piccolomini, alors chancelier imperial, Nicolas V consentit a proceder a
geste de large portee europeenne, qui allait d'ailleurs etre le dernier sacre d'un empereur:
Rome. Parti en 1452 en ltalie, avec une suite de 2000 chevaliers, don! le roi de Hongrie I
meme, le roi des Romains, Frederic Ill, fut re9u partout avec les plus grands honneurs. ·21
Accueilli a Rome par le pape, Freceric fut successivement sacre le 16 mars roi de Lombf!.
die, recevant le 19 mars l'onction avec les saintes huiles sur les epaules et sur le bras droit cjll
firent enfin de lui l'empereur du Saint Empire. Symboliquement, ii revetit le manteau de Chari
magne, regut la couronne et l'epee du legendaire empereur, etant declare champion de S ·
Pierre. Enfin, on le para du sceptre et du globe sacres, le pape lui decemant ensuite la rose
La ceremonie s'acheva par le manage de Freceric Ill avec la niece d'Alphonse d'Aragon, El'
nore de Portugal. La force symbolique de ce geste n'echappa pas aux contemporains.
Gregoire X avail jadis couronne Rodolphe de Habsbourg empereur pour donner un ch
l'armee croisee qu'il preparait alors pour porter aide a l'Empire latin de Constantinople. Nice
35
Pour cette vision traditionnelle, voir la documentation rassembl8e par E. Artner (Magyarorsz
36
K.M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 11, p. 106, note 97: lndulgentia pro nobilibus et p
Regni Hungarici, avec mention speciale pro parte [ ...] nobilis viri Johannis de Hunniad, gubematori
rectoris. De meme, une bulle speciale du meme jour devait honorer Jean de Hunedoara et sa lam
qui recevaient omnium peccatornm suorum remissio plenaria.
37
P. Engel, The Realm, p. 292.
472
accepta d'agir de meme pour Frederic. La mission incombant a lui fut tracee dans le discours
rononce juste apres le sacre par !'artisan de !'action, Piccolomini. La responsabilite historique
e Frederic Ill etait de defendre la Chretiente contre le Turc. Un incident troubla cependant la
38
ule emerveillee. A la fin de la ceremonie, signe de mauvais augure, la mitre du pape tomba .
Le sejour italien de Frederic Ill fut cependant !'occasion pour les etats autrichiens de se
evolter contre lui. Le peuple, prenant comme pretexte son attitude envers le jeune roi de
Hongrie, se revolta, precipitant son retour. Les revoltes, soutenus par Ulrich de Cilly, assie-
erent Wien Neustadt. Lorsque Frederic Ill arriva, la situation avail change completement.
Frederic Ill dut renoncer a sa tutelle et rendre le 1" septembre Ladislas Va la garde du
omte de Cilly, tout en gardant en sa possession la Sainte Couronne, qu'il ne rendra qu'en
1463. Frederic Ill pouvait conserver de la sorte son emprise sur la vie politique hongroise, ce qui
lui importait en premier rang, seulement en changeant du levier utilise, ce qui l'interessait mains.
11 abandonna done Jean de Hunedoara pour Ulrich de Cilly. L'accord de 1450 etait desor-
rnais remis a plat. La regence de Jean Hunyadi n'avait plus d'objet. Hunyadi devait soil quitter
la scene politique soil composer avec son ancien rival, desormais en position de force.
Pour se faciliter l'accueil dans son royaume, Ladislas V accorda le pardon a taus ceux
ui avaient reconnu en 1440 Vladislas I (Ill) et ii garantissait le statu quo de leurs fortunes. La
orte etait ouverte pour sa reconciliation avec le gouverneur general. Le 17 decembre 1452,
Hunyadi pretait a Vienne son hommage au roi, en renon9ant a toutes ses prerogatives de
regent. En echange, Ladislas V le nommait capitaine general du royaume et lui accordait le
rang exceptionnel de comte de Bistri\a a titre hereditaire. Ces decisions furent ratifiees par la
· iete de Pressbourg (Bratislava) en janvier 1453, le mois suivant, le roi Ladislas pronon9ant
serment de couronnement devant la meme diete, mettant fin a la crise constitutionnelle .
39
Un nouvel equilibre fut ainsi peniblement atteint dans le royaume de Hongrie. Chaque
mp semblait avoir raisonnablement atteint ses objectifs. Si Jean Hunyadi avail dO renoncer
sa position predominante, ii gardait toutefois un role central dans la vie politique, et surtout
I restait en charge de la defense du royaume. La paix interne semblait creer a nouveau la
ossibilite d'une nouvelle croisade, alors que !'armistice touchait a sa fin en 1454.
***
Les contacts entre Byzance et le royaume de Hongrie se comprennent mieux en fonction
es tournants que marquent dans leur vie politique interne le 12 decembre 1452, respective-
ent le 17 decembre 1452. lnitialement, les contacts avec le royaume de Hongrie avaient
ise premierement Jean de Hunedoara, alors gouverneur general et regent de Hongrie.
Une premiere ambassade byzantine arriva au debut de septembre 1452 avec demande
'une aide. La reponse de Hunyadi fut envoyee en octobre, apportant une demande surprise: la
ssion d'une des deux grandes villes que l'Ernpire detenait encore en Thrace, Messembria,
ur la cote occidentale de la mer Noire, ou Selymbria, sur le littoral thrace de la rner de Marma-
a40. Dans la place forte concedee devait etre installee une base militaire d'ou les forces hon-
raises pouvaient venir plus facilement, en temps utile et avec efficacite, au secours de Byzance.
38M. Dykmans, «Le ceremonial de Nicolas V (II)», RHE, LXIII, 1968, p. 785-825; Franz Wasner,
Tor der Geschichte: Beitriige zum piipstlichen Zeremonienwesen im 15. Jahrhundert», AHP, VI,
968, p. 142-153; L. van Pastor, Histoire despapes, II, p. 128-150.
39 J. Held, Hunyadi, p. 146-147; P. Engel, The Realm, p. 294. Ayant ete deja couronne en 1439, des
berceau, avec la Couronne de Saint Etienne, la reiteration du sacre pour Ladislas fut jugee inutile.
40 E. Malamut, «Les ambassades», no. 27, p. 437; Gy. Moravcsik, «Ungarisch-byzantinische
eziehungen», p. 356. Information donnee par Umberto Pusculus de Brescia, qui contient egalement
a reference a l'ambassade byzantine du mois precedent cf. Gy. Moravcsik, op. cit., p. 356.
473
Dan loan Muresan
Les territoires demandes etant des apanages appartenant aux freres de l'empereuf
une decision ne pouvait etre facilement prise. Cependant, en conseil restreint (avec seuI
ment Jean Cantacuzene et Georges Sphrantzes pour membres) l'empereur Constantin Xi
decida de conceder Messembria de la maniere la plus officielle, en octroyant un chrysobull
41
ecrit de la main meme de Georges Sphrantzes . La reponse partit en automne 1452.
L'ambassade aupres de Hunyadi - menee par quelqu'un dont on sail seulement qu
etait le fils d'un Michel et le gendre de Theodosios Kyprios - offrait Messembria comme fr
42
au gouverneur general, tout en reiterant la demande de secours . Contrairement done a
que l'on pense parfois, cette lettre est bien parvenue en Hongrie avant le debut du siege.
La concession a ete faite - sur le conseil de Georges Sphrantzes - justement po
a
faciliter les contacts entre Byzance et la Hongrie, !ravers le Danube et la Mer Noire, gra
a a
une garnison hongroise installee la proximite de la capitale byzantine. La concession ri
signifiait pas, au demeurant, une perte territoriale. Elle n'etait pas faite au royaume de Hori
a a
grie, mais seulement Jean Hunyadi titre personnel. En lui accordant ce fief, Jean Hunya
devenait comme un des vassaux du basileus (vci Kvi iiq ,.&;v umx_E1piwv cw7llu) .
43 i
A !ravers cette concession Jean Hunyadi se mettait une fois de plus sur un pied d'ega
a
avec ses rivaux politiques. Georges Brankovic qui etait la fois un des grands magnats
Hongrie, portait le titre de despole octroye par le basileus Jean VIII Paleologue. Un au
magnat, Ulrich de Cilly, etait aussi en rapports personnels avec l'empereur Frederic Ill. .•
a
La concession personnelle d'un territoire byzantin aurait pu faire long terme de Je
de Hunedoara une figure importante au sein de l'aristocralie byzantine. Byzance esper
trouver en lui son representant sur la scene politique mouvementee de la Hongrie.
a
L'ordre des choses se modifia la fin de l'annee. Si Ladislas V prenait officiellement I
renes du pouvoir, lancu n'en demeurait pas mains le commandant en chef de l'arrn •
a
C'etait cela surtout qui importait Byzance. Encore plus important c'etait que la paix liber
a
la Hongrie de convulsions internes et lui permettait de jouer un role plus actif l'etranger.
Une nouvelle arnbassade byzantine arriva en plein denouement de la crise, au de
janvier 1453. C'est pourquoi elle rencontra Ladislas non dans son royaume, mais Vien a
Des documents ulterieurs qui presentenl l'arrivee de la meme ambassade Naples livr
44
a
aussi l'idenlite de ses rnembres: Michel Trapperius (Draperius) et le frere Jean Perera .
Le fruit de la rencontre consiste dans deux lettres de grande importance, conserve
dans l'epistolier de l'humaniste Jean (Janos) Vitez, eveque d'Oradea depuis 1446 et ch
41
Vair Reges/en, V, no. 3545; Sphrantzes, XXXVI, 11, 12; (1966), p. 102-104; (1990), p. 140-14
sur Selymbria et Messembria: A Bakalopoulos, «Les limites de l'Empire byzantin depuis la fin du XI
sieclejusqu'a sa chute (1453)», BZ, LV, 1962, p. 56-65.
4
Cf. aussi E. Malamut, «Les ambassades», no. 28, p. 437, qui sere/ere plut6t a Pseudo-Sphrantz'
(1966), p. 474; Gy. Moravcsik, «Ungarisch-byzantinische Beziehungen», p. 357-358.
4
Maisano (Sphrantzes (1990), p. 141) traduit en effet ce passage sarabbe stato uno dei suoi
sali. Or on a dE!montre tout derni8rement que, bien que le pouvoir publique ait toujours conserve son r
dans la societe byzantine, les relations de type feodal ant structure l'eloe poloique de Byzance a partir du
siecle, meme selon la definition stricte donnee a celles-ci par Marc Bloch (Evelyne Patlagean, Un Mo
Age grac. Byzance IX'-XV' siecle, Paris, 2007; Sur le sens du terme hupocheirios, litteralement «etre s .
la main» de quelqu'un, en position de dependance: pp. 173-174). Mme Patlagean ne se sert pas du ch
sobulle pour Hunyadi dans son impeccable demonstration, mais celui-ci prouve 8 l'E!vidence, une fois
plus, qu'a la veille de la disparition de l'Empire byzantin, un grand magnat de la Sainte Couronne, qui pl
est, chef de file de ce qu'on a appele la revolution consutufionne//e des etats feodaux de Hongrie (B ·
Engel), parlait exactement le meme langage social que Constantin. C'est pourquoi nous avons consi
ree la traduction de Maisano comme parfaitement adequate aux realites de l'epoque et l'avons suivie.
44
E. Malamut, «Les ambassades», no. 32, p. 438 (avant 16 janvier 1453, a Vienne); no. 33 (av
fevrier 1453, a Venise), p. 443; no. 34 (avant le 21 mars, a Naples), p. 443; avec la mise au point
l'identite des membres de cette mission.
474
elier royal. II redigea pour le compte de Ladislas V une reponse a l'empereur byzantin ainsi
u'une lettre au pape et aux autres souverains chretiens en faveur de Constantinople.
Dans la premiere epitre, emise a Vienne le 16 janvier 1453, le roi Ladislas V s'adresse a
onstantin XII, in Christo fide/i imperatori Romeorum Paleo/ago semper Augusto. II confirme
voir ete informe par les nonces de l'empereur de l'etat lamentable de Byzance ex patte
fidelium Teucrorum. Ladislas encouragea le basileus a resister et l'informa qu'il etait en train
'envoyer des lettres par les nonces de l'empereur, tant au pape qu'aux autres princes chre-
·ens, l'assurant, en termes vagues, qu'il aidera aussi, de son cote, la capitale assiegee45 .
Ces affirmations son! confirmees par l'autre lettre que le roi envoyait le meme jour pro facto
recorum ex patte domini regis ad papam lnforme par l'ambassade des rebus imperii orien-
/is atque Constantinopolitane urbis, Ladislas manifesta son desir d'aider Byzance, malgre sa
unesse et le fait de ne pas etre encore dans la plenitude de ses pouvoirs, et en depit du fail
u'en son absence, le royaume avail conclu une treve avec le sultan. Le roi formulait la neces-
ite que le pape - que communis omnium et tutor et pater est- insiste aupres de tous les au-
46
es souverains catholiques pour aider Byzance. Ladislas V concluait sa lettre en ces termes :
Quantum vero ad partem nostram: cum sciamus nos progenitoribus nostris non solum in
regna, verum eciam in a,ma hereditaria atque adversus infideles perpetua successisse,
enitemur divino et nostrorum fratrum, affinium ac subditorum auxilio et assistencia, intendem-
usque omni eura et modo possibili ad hee eadem perieuta, que die/am eivitatem [Constantino-
politana urbs] et nee minus statum nostrum in illius eiv1/atis easu perurgent, propulsanda.
Celle lettre signalait done au pape qu'apres la pacification inteme du royaume, le jeune
·ouverain et son capitaine general etaient de nouveau prets a prendre part a une croisade
ntre le Ture. La triste experience hongroise dans ce domaine imposait neanmoins de de-
ander la mediation pontificale pour coordonner un projet de taille veritablement chretienne.
Ce qui attire !'attention dans cette lettre c'est l'utilisation a l'egard de Constantin XII de
on titre officiel d'empereur des Romainsl Rh6mees, et a l'egard de son Eta!, bien qu'alors
eduit com me une peau de chagrin, I' /mperium orientalis. Venant de la part du protege de
empereur d'Occident, cette precision diplomatique introduit une nouvelle dimension: voici
n effet qu'avec la proclamation de !'union en decembre 1452, !'Empire constantinopolitain etait
ccueilli de plein droit dans le concert des Etats de la Chretiente.
L'egalite theorique entre !'Empire d'Orient et !'Empire d'Occident apparaissait deja au
oncile de Florence. A Florence l'empereur Jean VIII joua un role eminent, alors qu'un second
_rone imperial vide representait l'empereur d'Occident. Cette fonction etait alors vacante
epuis la mort de Sigismond (Sigismund, Zsigmond) de Luxembourg justement en 1437.
La dignite imperiale de Constantin XII etait pleinement reconnue malgre la situation
litique extremement difficile qu'il vivait. Etan! donne que Ladislas, roi de Hongrie, se
rouvait alors a Vienne, sous la protection de Frederic Ill, ii faut croire que l'empereur du
aint Empire fut egalement mis au courant de la situation regnant a Constantinople.
Sur ces entrefaites, Jean Hunyadi, en attendant la materialisation de la concession de
essembria, depecha a !'embouchure du Danube un de ses hommes de confiance, Sto'ica
izdavic, avec un transport d'armes de Transylvania et un corps expeditionnaire charge d'une
ission bien claire: pro conservatione civitatis nos/re Kilia. Hunyadi demanda egalement a
nquisiteur Jean de Capestrano (Giovanni da Capestrano) de fonder a Kilia un monastere fran-
)scain (6 mars 1453), base de diffusion de !'union religieuse dans la region du Bas-Danube47.
45
Vitez, ep. 6, p. 177-178.
46
Ibidem, ep. 5, p. 176-177.
47
F. Pall, «Stapanirea lui lancu de Hunedoara asupra Chiliei eyi problema ajutorarii Bizan\ului» [La
omination de Jean Hunyadi a Kilia et le probleme de !'aide prete a Byzance], Studii, XVIII, 1965, p. 619-
38 (630-631); Idem, «Byzance a la veille de sa chute», p. 119-126.
475
Dan loan Mure,;an
La signification de la concession faite a Hunyadi ne ressort entierement qu'a la lumier

d'une autre concession du meme genre. Les Byzantins se montrerent prets a repondre auss
a une demande du roi de Naples, Alphonse V d'Aragon, en lui cedant Lemnos, situee a l'er\
tree dans le detroit des Dardanelles. L'ile devait servir de base a la flotte catalane de Bernat d
Villamari, forte de dix galeres, tres active au Levant depuis 1450 jusqu'au printemps 145348 •
Le roi de Naples etait un vassal temporel du Saint-Siege. C'est aussi pourquoi cette floti
beneficiait pleinement des subsides de Nicolas V. II avait meme concede l'ile de Castellorizzo
qu'il alloua sur les possessions de l'ordre des chevaliers de Rhodes. L'investissement du pa
faisait de cette flotte la force militaire a laquelle Rome avait delegue la !ache de proteger Co
stantinople. Cependant, Alphonse V avait retire cette flotte en debut de 1453 pour l'utiliser dari
la guerre que Naples, alliee de Venise, menait contre Milan alliee de Florence.
II n'en reste pas mains vrai que, a l'appel desespere des Byzantins, Alphonse promit le 21
mars 1453 a Constantin de depecher quatre galeres conduites par le meme Bernat de Viii
mari au secours de la capitale assiegee. C'etait done cette flotte qui devait utilise, la base d
Lemnos49 . Mais le secours napolitain tardait a se faire present. L'empereur Constantin XII p
leologue changea alors d'avis et promit l'ile en question au capitaine genois Giustiniani Long·
Apres s'etre presente avec un detachement de 700 soldats pour lutter sous les couleurs
basileus, Longo avail ete nomme commandant en chef (protostrator) de l'arrnee byzantine50
Une conclusion se laisse formuler. On ne peut plus soutenir que !'Occident aurait atten
les bras croises la conquete ottomane et assiste impassiblement a son agonie finale, malgr~
fait que Byzance avail accepte l'union. Comme l'ont deja montre Pastor et Marinescu, I
moyens proprement dits du pape etaient insuffisants pour repondre massivement aux ap
de Constantin. II n'en fut pour autant le seul souverain occidental a materialiser au mains
partie de ses promesses et peut-etre aussi le seul a vraiment regretter de n'avoir pu faire pl
***
II reste surtout a explorer une hypothese plus ample. II y a des indices que le pape a
imagine un plan encore plus vaste, en intervenant massivement aupres des pouvoirs cat
liques directement interesses pour apporter un soutien effectif. Ce plan etait peut-etre le s
concevable dans la situation strategique extremement defavorable dans laquelle Constan
nople et l'empereur Constantin XII Paleologue se trouvaient alors. Entierement entouree p
les Ottomans, l'isolement de la cite imperiale byzantine compliquait singulierement la tach
Le dispositif defensif imagine alors devait mettre en valeur le seul atout reste aux p '
sances catholiques - la suprematie maritime. Le pape Nicolas V semble avoir assigne ce
voir aux deux remarquables chefs de guerre avec qui ii entretenait des rappcrts personnels:'.
roi de Naples, Alphonse d'Aragon, et le gouverneur de Hongrie, Jean de Hunedoara.
C'etait a leur intention qu'on avail prevu l'emplacement de ces avant-gardes au p
pres de Constantinople qui pussent surveiller la capitale et eventuellement decourager,:,
serait-ce que par leur simple presence, une attaque ottomane. Voici pourquoi ii fut questi,
d'une presence militaire hongroise en mer Noire (Messembria) et d'une presence mariti
napolitaine en mer Egee. En cas de necessite, on supposait que les forces du roi AlphoD
48
Constantin Marinescu, La politique orientale d'Alphonse V d'Aragon, roi de Naples (1416-tl
Barcelone, 1994, p. 191-234. Pour la cession de Lemnos au roi de Naples: Reges/en, nos. 3545-3548
49
Jose Manuel Floristan lmizcoz, «Los Ultimas Pale6logos, las reinos peninsulares y la cruza
dans Constantinopla 1453. Milos y realidades, edite par Pedro Badenas de la Pena, lnmaculada p·
Martin, Madrid 2003, p. 247-296 (p. 263-270); C. Marinesco, «Le pape Nicolas V», p. 334-335; Jeron
Zurita (Ana/es de la Corona de Aragon, VII, Zaragoza, 1988, XVl.16, p. 74-75) presente l'insistance d
aupres du pape pour que celui-ci prodame la paix en ltalie, ainsi que la promesse du roi que, taut
l'aide ~apale, ii enverra a Byzance une flotte de quatre galeres
5
Reges/en, V, no. 3550.
476
'Aragon et de Jean Hunyadi pouvaient intervenir le temps qu'un corps expeditionnaire put
e constituer pour accorder une assistance plus importante a la ville assiegee.
L'efficacite de ce plan se fondait sur !'experience historique des grands sieges que
yzance avail supportes tout au long de son histoire. Aune exception pres, !es murailles de
cite avaient pu faire face a tout ennemi, grace a leur formidable solidite et au controle per-
anent des voies maritimes, en attendant l'arrivee d'un soutien militaire de l'exterieur.
51
Le projet elabore en conformite avec !'experience byzantine dans !'art antipoliorcetique ,
tait tout ce que !'on pouvait alors mettre en place de plus temeraire et efficace, dans !es limites
·une conception strategique medievafe. C'etait la egalement la faiblesse du plan que de rele-
er d'un art militaire plus inspire des preceptes de l'antiquite que des realites de l'epoque. Or
a
avoir resister la puissance des catapultes ne servait guere depuis !'apparition des canons.
Malheureusement pour !es Byzantins, le plan n'eut meme pas le temps de se deployer
ans toute sa complexite. Dans la reunion du divan ou !'on decida de declarer la guerre, Meh-
52
ed II accusa !'Empire byzantin de se trouver - par sa diplomatie - a l'origine des attaques
es plus dangereux ennemis que !es Ottomans durent combattre, notamment de Sigismond
e Luxembourg en 1396 et de Tamerlan en 1402. Selon Critobule, Mehmed II continua:
Et depuis tors et jusqu'a present, ii n'a pas cesse de nous dresser et de nous armer /es uns
con/re /es au/res, de nous attaquer, provoquer des troubles et nuire a noire Eta/. Pas depuis si
tongtemps, ii a suscite contre nous Jean le Gete [le Valaque] avec /es Peones [Hongrois] et /es
Daces [Valaques] qui son/ mi!me passes deux ou trois fois le Danube, en nous envahissant, la
main armee, dans noire propre pays, en nuisant enormement a man pere [... ]. Bref, ii ne s'est
pas lenu tranquilfe et ne cessera jamais de s'opposer et de nous combattre et n'a,retera pas la
guerre et Jes machinations contre nous, tant que nous le laisserons a retat present, <au lieu
de> le supprimer enti8rement au de le mettre completement sous notre pouvoir.
a
Ce fut justement pour donner un coup d'arret toute intervention eventuelle de Hunyadi
r la mer pendant le siege, que le sultan Mehmed ordonna au begferbeg de Roumelie - a
conclusion de cette reunion du divan - de prendre !es mesures qui s'imposaient. Celui-ci
obilisa son armee et occupa successivement !es derniers territoires qui restaient sous con-
le byzantin a l'exterieur de Constantinople. Le beglerbeg s'empara dans un premiers temps,
Thrace, des villes de Selymbria, de Perinthe et d'Epivatos. L'offensive continua ensuite
r le littoral pontique, ou ii pilla toutes !es localites de moindre importance, au point 9;ue, pour
a
happer un tel sort, la ville de Messembria prefera de se rendre pacifiquement . Cette
3
54
mpagne ottomane preparatoire se deroula du mois de fevrier jusqu'au mars 1453 .
Byzance etait desormais completement isolee du cote continental. II est evident que, si
ehmed n'eut pas vent du projet, en principe secret, de cession de la Messembria Jean a
a
unyadi, ainsi que des actions de celui-ci Kilia, ii eut au moins !'intuition qu'une initiative de
genre etait possible. De son cote, le roi de Naples, malgre !es investissements importants
· s par la papaute pour assurer une presence maritime constante en mer Egee, se desista
ctement au moment meme ou sa presence aurait ete le plus necessaire.
51 Denis, Sullivan, «A Byzantine instructional manual on siege defense: the De Obsidione to/eranda.
roduction, English translation and annotations», dans Byzantine authors. Literary Activities and Preoccu
lions. Texts and Trans/alions dedicated to the Memory of Nicolas Oikonomides, edite par John W.
sbitt, Leyde-Boston, 2003, p. 139-277.
52
Critobul, I, 14, 1-19; (1963), p. 57-75; (1983), p. 25-34. Critobule a mis sans doute la main i, la pate
ce discours. Mais tenant compte du fait qu'il ecrit son ceuvre dans la proximit8 du sultan, auquel ii la
le d'ailleurs, on peut estimer qu'il etait en situation ideate pour s'infonner aupres des temoins oculaires
cette reunion historique. Quoi qu'il en tot, les discours du sultan restitues par Jui restent au mains une
al~se politique perspicace des motivations de !'action ottomane.
53
Critobul, I, 17, 3; (1963), p. 75-77; (1983), p. 35-36.
54
A. Bakalopoulos, «Les limites de l'Empire byzantin», p. 64-65.
477
Dan loan Mure,;;an
***
L'effort de la Hongrie pour soutenir Byzance est cependant alle plus loin que ce projJtl
militaire avorte, revetant aussi un interessant aspect diplomatique. Dans une diatribe fameuse .•1
le grand logothete Sphrantzes accuse le manque de reaction appropriee de Brankovic, qui~~
meme envoye au sultan des soldats et de !'argent pour contribuer au siege55 . Egalement,u1J
fustige !'absence de tout soutien de la part puissances orthodoxes (Trebizonde, Valachiej
Georgie) ainsi que des puissances catholiques (Rome, Venise). Pour Sphrantzes, ccmptaien(-
evidemment plus les resultats concrets que les projets genereux mais inacheves. La seu.lel.,
reaction qu'il considere digne d'etre signalee de maniere positive dans ce discours critiq·u·••e•.•·•.•
est l'ambassade arrivee du royaume de Hongrie une semaine avant le debut du siege. ••·'
Le motif officiel de l'ambassade semble avoir ete d'informer le sultan des termes de l'a.rI
rangement constitutionnel de 1453. Ducas explique qu'a l'epoque le roi de Hongrie etait cte:i
venu empereur des Romains, etant couronne par Nicolas V. C'est une confusion evideri\~
fondee sur le fail que, effectivement, Ladislas avail ete en ltalie dans la suite de Frederic 11fr7
Mais l'erreur n'etait pas totale, car Frederic conservait un droit de protection sur son neveu. :,,.
{fl;'
Jean de Hunedoara signifia au sultan Mehmed II que !'armistice de trois ans - signe pii~
lui en tan! que gouverneur de Hongrie - n'etait plus valable apres le changement de pouvc:iif,
Selon la pr~tique du terr;ps, acceptee aussi par les Otto;11ans, tou.t accord four rester vala;
ble, deva1t etre renouvele par un nouveau souverain apres son avenement5 . ;cl,
J'ai rendu la royaute a man seigneur- aurait transmis Hunyadi - et dorenavantje ne suis
plus en mesure d'obseiver ce que j'ai jure de faire ; prends done /es /et/res que tu m'as
donnees et restitue-moi celfes que je t'ai donnees et sois dans /es tennes que tu veux
avec le roi de Hongrie.
Mettre au courant le sultan de la stabilisation interne de la Hongrie etait une maniere deJ~-
signaler que, desormais, le royaume etait en mesure de reagir. L'emissaire pouvait ainsi utilt"·
la question de la confinmation de l'anmistice comme une occasion d'exercer des pressionslfi
Mehmed afin de provoquer !'abandon du siege. Pour ce faire, ii rappela au sultan que: c'di[
condition que vous conserviez egalement la paix avec Constantinople que nous avons faftff.'
paix avec vous; au cas contraire, nous a/Ions la rompre57 . Probablement l'ambassade au"!f
elle apportee aussi une lettre du roi de Hongrie, qui ne s'est pas conservee. II est en revanc6
2
certain qu'elle presenta au sultan !'ultimatum que lui adressa Frederic, le protecteur de Ladisi"
V de Hongrie. Sa lettre a probablement cree, par le redoublement de ccmpetences qu'ellet·
pliquait, la confusion susdite de Ducas. La lettre etait redigee toujours de Wiener Neustadt.1
datee du 22 janvier 1453 (a la suite du passage de l'ambassade byzantine de janvier 1453) ✓ '.f:
L'empereur Frederic de Habsbourg demandait Principi Turcorum quod ab impugnacio~:
urbis constantinopolitane recedat. Frederic sommait que fOt detruite la forteresse qui mena~·
Constantinople et faisait reference a Constantin XII Paleologue comme eius imperatori1:
fratrem nostrum. Frederic souligne que cette question n'etait pas d'envergure locale, en sq.'
1
lign:t'. ~~::::u~ci:::::: ~:~:t:::: ::::t:ee~:rt::~::~::~;::~: ::t::::i::::,:::,~~::
urbis in Salvatoris nostri fide baptizatus sit, semper quoque civitas ii/a, a Magno Constantino
citra, cui loco nomen indidit, ab imperatoribus christianis sit possessa, neque nobis, neque
I
}.,.•.•.•.·:.•·;,/.·.
c/Jristianitati ferendum est ut a te ve/ tuis, aut locus ille insignis oppugnetur, aut imperator
ille fide/is opprimatur.
:s LjubomirMaksimoviC, « H imx~ 711~ d.M,xnK xta 01 ~[p[Ja1 », dans 1453, p.197-207.

6
" Ducas (1958), XXXVIII, 13, p. 343.
57
Sphranzes, XXXVI, 9; (1966), p. 102; (1990), p. 140.
478
II demande au sultan sous la forme la plus solennelle (la lettre emane de l'empereur en
n conseil et est pourvue de son sceau) de se garder de faire le moindre mal a Constantin ou
la Cite. II menace le sultan d'une attaque de tous les rois et des forces chretiennes s'il ne
emolit pas Rumeli Hisar et ne renonce pas a son intention d'assieger Constantinople :
58
Afioquin operam dabimus cum omnibus regibus et principibus christianis cumque omni
nostro imperio ut tuos conatus debili/emus ac sociis fidei nos/re ac fratribus in Christo
di!igendis adversus tuam potenciam et molestacionem oporlune subveniamus.
Ainsi tant Frederic que Ladislas avaient reagi en commun face au danger ottoman, en
nvier 1453. Ladislas ecrivait au pape et aux autres souverains chretiens de venir au secours
e !'Empire byzantin. Frederic ecrivait a Mehmed dans une tentative-limite de dissuasion .
59
La lettre de Frederic donne la cle du plan strategique de soutien a !'Empire byzantin ela-
re par Nicolas V. Nous avons vu que la Hongrie et Naples etaient les deux bras armes sur
squels le pape Nicolas V comptait immediatement pour se rapprocher de Constantinople. II
ut preciser maintenant que Frederic Ill etait non seulement l'oncle de Ladislas Vet son pro-
cteur, mais aussi l'allie d'Alphonse V d'Aragon, oncle de l'imperatrice Eleonore de Portugal.
Du moins en theorie le sujet de Byzance a dO etre aborde par Frederic Ill d'Habsbourg
urant son voyage en ltalie du sud, apres son couronnement a Rome. Lorsqu'il rencontrait
lphonse d'Aragon, le souvenir du discours anti-ottoman d'Enea Sylvie Piccolomini devait
re resonner a !'esprit de Frederic. D'autant plus que la cour de Naples etait la destination
ligee de chaque ambassade byzantine qui arrivait en ltalie pour demander de l'aide.
II en resulte que, lorsque Frederic Ill mena9ait d'attaquer Mehmed II par les rois et les
inces chretiens, c'etait justement au plan qui etait en train de se tramer qu'il faisait refe-
nce. Si un trait d'union existait entre la flotte napolitaine, alliee de Venise centre Milan, et
· rmee hongroise, dent les Milanais recherchaient l'aide, c'etait Frederic Ill en personne.
Le sultan ottoman Mehmed II et ses conseillers ne sauraient ignorer cette menace. Elle
· mble toutefois avoir eu plus d'effet sur le grand vizir, qui durant les debats du divan
ggera a plusieurs reprises la levee du siege pour eviler une attaque de la part de la
hretiente. La reaction du sultan ottoman Mehmed II fut cependant plus fine et plus rusee.
La delegation hongroise fut retenue dans le voisinage afin que, en cas d'echec de la cam-
gne, le sultan Mehmed 11 p0t sauver la face en pretextant qu'il se retirait pour respecter les
es de !'accord de 1451 qui, dans ce cas, aurait d0 etre renouvele pour la duree de toute
vie. Au contraire, dans le cas de prise de la ville de Constantinople, l'ambassade du roi
60
Hongrie devait simplement etre congediee, cette fois d'une position de force .
II. La prise de Constantinople et ses premieres consequences
II ne releve pas de cette elude de s'attarder sur les details du siege, sujet traite en detail
r des ouvrages essentiels61 . II nous faut toutefois reflechir sur les decisions adoptees par
sultan pour surmonter les difficultes du siege. Nous y verrons en creux precisement les
_es du projet inacheve des puissances chretiennes de secourir la ville de Constantinople.
58
Notes, 11, p. 481-482.
59
D. Nicol, The Immortal Emperor, p. 62-63 fait une allusion rapide a cette lettre, en la releguant ce-
dant dans la simple rhetorique, sans lui saisir l'implication diplomatique qui, sans etre decisive, n'en est
mains pour autant depourvue d'importance.
60
Sphrantzes, XXXVI, 9; (1966), p. 102, (1990), p. 140.
61
Gustave Schlumberger, Le siege, la prise et le sac de Constantinople par /es Tures, en 1453, Paris,
5; Steven Runciman, The Fall of Constantinople, 1453, Cambridge, 19651; Marc C. Bartusis, The Late
antine Army. Arms and Society, 1204-1453, Philadelphia, 1992, p. 12G-135; David Nicolle, Janet Haldon,
ven Turnbull, The Fall of Constantinople. The Ottoman Conquest of Byzantium, Oxford-New York,
7, p.174-238; K. M. Setton, ThePapacyand/heLevant, 11, p.108-137; F. Babinger, Mehmed, p. 75-101.
479
Dan loan Mure~an
Le grand retard de la reponse chretienne au siege s'explique premierement par le did

sistement de derniere minute de la fiotte napolitaine. La force subventionnee par l'Eglise del
Rome depuis quelques annees pour etre presente dans la mer Egee afin d'aider Byzance sel
mettait en indisponibilite alors que sa presence etait plus necessaire que jamais. Le pape sei
voyait trompe dans ses attentes de la part du roi de Naples, Alphonse d'Aragon.
Au dernier moment, Rome dut reprendre des negociations penibles avec Venise, J'Etai
catholique avec lequel le pape Nicolas V avait le plus du mal a trailer. D'autant plus qu'entreil
les deux parties subsistait un contentieux depuis la croisade de Varna. Eugene IV avail aloril
employe les services des Venitiens, mais parce que la fiotte n'avait pas accompli sa missio~I
de retenir Murad II en Asie Mineure, le pape ne se voyait pas oblige de la payer, tandis queJ
pour les Venitiens la paye restait une dette a honorer. II est done presque incroyable quet
malgre tout, une fiotte veneto-papale ail pu se constituer pour cingler vers Constantinople. .'j
Venise repondait a l'ambassade byzantine qui venait de Hongrie, le 24 fevrier 1453?! ,,
qu'elle etait en train de negocier une entente entre l'empereur de l'Allemagne, le roi de Hon:1
62
grie, le roi d'Aragon et le pape . C'etait justement le plan de defense de Constantinople doijl
on vient d'exposer Jes lignes generales. La republique de Venise signalait ainsi a l'Empire by'(I
zantin qu'elle etait prete a s'y impliquer, en substituant pratiquement Alphonse d'Aragon .. ,.J
Un empechement objectif restait: la guerre de Lombardie. II est notable que dans~
63
confiit, Venise et la Hongrie s'etaient retrouvees dans des camps opposes , bien qu'elles evita~
sent mutuellement de se nuire. Envers et contre tout, Venise comprit le danger presents P?J
l'occupation ottomane des Detroits. Anticipant la decision de la republique de Venise, le banE.jl
Girolamo Minotto decida le lendemain de la proclamation officielle de l'union religieuse 1~
requisitionner taus les navires venitiens pour les utiliser a la defense de Constantinople. t~1
Apartir de fevrier 1453, Venise et Rome oublierent leurs differends financiers pour prepar;j
a partir du debut d'avril en un rythme alerte une fiotte de 19 galeres, 9 grands navires, et 5.li!I
remes a envoyer en regime d'urgence a Constantinople. L'avant-garde etait prevue pour a~1;
ver a Constantinople le 31 mai. En meme temps, Bartolomeo Marcello devait avertir le sultlt
que ~~~!;i~~~siii;:~t 1:s d!:~fel;inr :~otrifj

tiques destinees a decourager !'initiative du sultan ottoman Mehmed II s'etaient mis en marcl)f-t
Cependant, lors de la chute de Constantinople, le 29 mai 1453, la fiotte conduite
64 par Giacomo··.·••···•··•.·
•·. · ·•.·
·.I.
Loredano n'etait encore qu'a Negroponte, et l'avant-garde meme a Tenedos . '.!'{I

II est facile, lorsqu'on regarde aujourd'hui de la perspective du vainqueur, de sous-Bstini(I
les dimensions de cette entreprise de Mehmed II et surtout le contenu reel de cette action d~I
sultan. On peut retroactivement avoir !'intuition de sa portee en jugeant de eel exemple. :-'11
Une premiere tranche du secours envoye par Nicolas V parvint a effectivement arriverf
20 avril. 3 grands navires surgirent devant Constantinople apres avoir passe Jes Dardanen~~
sans que les forces ottomanes s'en rendissent compte. Surpris, Mehmed ordonna a l'amjr.iJI
Soliman Baltaoglu de les arreter a tout prix. Sa fiotte, Ires nornbreuse, mais constituee de
navires, ne put rien faire, apres une journee de lutte, contre les navires chretiens. Ceux-ci pureijJ
pe~,
entrer dans le port de Constantinople, apres avoir inflige des pertes enormes aux adversaires. )·;
t/81
62
63
R. Guilland, «Les appels», p. 242. ..(fl
F. Pall, «Relazioni di Giovanni di Hunedoara con !'Italia negli anni 1452-1453 (Documenti ined~I
preceduti da uno studio» (1-11), RESEE, XIII, 1975, 3, p. 453-478; 4, p. 559-595. J;~J
64
Vair Giuseppe Valentini, «La crociata da Eugenio IV a Callisto Ill (dai documenti d'archivio 1 1,1
Venezia)», AHP, XII, 1974, p. 91-123, ici surtout p. 102-103 (pour !'avant 29 mai 1453) et 103-105 (po~il
l'apres); Maria Matilda Alexandrescu-Dersca Bulgaru, «L'action diplomatique et militaire de Venise po.UJ;l!
la defense de Constantinople (1452-1453)», RRH, XIII, 1974, 2, p. 247-267.
.,
·ii
480
_j
Critobule d'lmbros nous donne une description impressionnante de la confrontation

· aritime. II met en balance !'encouragement que la victoire apporta aux defenseurs avec la
;action enervee du sultan, qui destitua sur le champ son amiral. On se demandera, si trois
vires seulement avaient provoque une pareille crise dans la fiotte ottomane, quel aurait pu
65
tre le denouement final au moment de l'arrivee du reste de la fiotte veneto-papale •
II n'en reste pas mains que ceux qui pensaient secourir la ville de Constantinople par la
er n'avaient pas compte avec le genie militaire de Mehmed II, qui sut faire une force de
es faiblesses. Le sultan etait trap conscient du fait que, malgre sa suprematie numerique,
out n'etait pas encore joue. Le succes du siege dependait d'une action contre la montre.
C'est pourquoi ii tenait en reserve - on l'a vu - l'ambassadeur hongrois qui devait lui
ournir, le cas echeant, une excuse diplomatique honorable pour une eventuelle retraite. II ne
ouvait se permettre un long siege, et c'est pourquoi ii sut mettre en ceuvre avec une volon-
te de titan les moyens pour depasser les handicaps de son armee. Mehmed II avait des le
debut compris que pour annihiler la capacite de resistance des fortifications de la ville de
Constantinople ii fallait developper la plus formidable artillerie jamais vue jusqu'alors.
Qu'une telle idee n'allait pas sans dire c'est ce que montre l'exemple du fameux maitre
a
anonnier hongrois Orban66 . Arrive dans un premier temps la cour de l'empereur byzantin, ii
e trouva pas l'echo qu'il esperait. C'est pourquoi ii offrit ses services au sultan, qui comprit
ussi tot que le savoir-faire du maitre hongrois etait une manne pour son projet temeraire. Les
nons qu'Orban forgea sur sa commande expresse ecraserent litteralement la resistance des
a
yzantins67 , en les mettant ainsi la merci de la meilleure infanterie de l'epoque: les janis-
aires. Les Ottomans surent se servir des armes de feu avec une grande intelligence tactique
68
i leur assura, au XVI' siecle, la preponderance dans la Mediterranee orientale .
a
L'echec naval du 20 avril for9a le sultan mettre en application un plan auquel ii pensait
ut-etre depuis longtemps, et qui defia !'imagination des contemporains. S'il ne l'eut pas sur
er, le sultan remporta la suprematie maritime par terre, en transferant une soixantaine de
a 69
aleres !ravers le terrain jusque dans la Corne d'Or . Cette manceuvre allongea par trap
s lignes de la defense, qui considerait jusqu'alors les murailles maritimes comme parfaite-
ent defendues, en augmentant encore plus la suprematie ecrasante de l'armee assiegeante.
a
Malgre tout, les assieges resisterent quatre attaques generales. Pendant la derniere
emaine du mois de mai 1453, se diffuserent la rumeur - fondee - que la fiotte chretienne ap-
rochait le Bosphore et celle - mains fondee - que Hunyadi se preparait pour traverser le Da-
ube et venir au secours de Byzance, ce qui instilla la peur dans les rangs des troupes otto-
anes et le doute parmi les conseillers du sultan. Celui-ci etait accuse d'exposer son peuple
son Etat ala destruction massive par le fait de s'attacher aune en/reprise dont /'accomplisse-
ent etait impossible. Ce fut alors une fois encore le role personnel de Mehmed de se faire af"
;•uyer sur le camp guerrier de son divan et d'encourager ses soldats en vue de l'attaque finale' .
65 Critobul, I, 39; (1963), p. 109-113; (1983), p. 52-53; cf. aussi Ducas (1958), XXXVIII, 7, p. 335-337;
halcocondil(1843), p. 389-390; (1958), p. 228.

66 Ducas (1958), XXXV, 1, p. 307-309; Chalcocondil (1843), p. 385-386; (1958), p. 225-226.
67 Kelly De Vries, «Gunpowder Weapons at the Siege of Constantinople, 1453», dans War and
ocief}' in the Eastern Medite1Tanean. 7!'-15" Centuries, edite par Yaacov Lev, Leiden, 1997, p. 343-363.
6 H. lnalcik, «The Socio-Political Effecis of the Diffusion of Fire-arms in the Middle-East», dans War
echnology and Society in the Middle-East, edite par Vernon J. Parry, Malcolm Yapp, Oxford, 1957, p. 195-
17; Gabor Agoston, Guns for the Sultan: Military Power and the Weapons Industry in the Ottoman Em-
ire, New York-Cambridge, 2005.
69 Andrew C. Hess, «The Evolution of the Ottoman Seaborne Empire in the Age of the Oceanic
iscoveries, 1453-1525», AHR, LXXV, 1970, p. 1892-1919

°
7 Caduta, I, p. 154-156 (Leonardo de Chio: Vox inter haec ex castris exploratorum relatu fit
uod triremes navesque aliquot in subsidium ab Italia mitterentur, et Joannes, Pannonum dux
481
Dan loan Murefan
Tant la force que la faiblesse du plan de defense de la Cite se fondaient justement sul
la premisse que celle-ci etait capable de se defendre pendant le temps necessaire aux allies
pour se concentrer et venir a son aide. En !'occupant de maniere foudroyante, Mehmed:Ji
n'accorda pas cet intervalle de grace a ses ennemis. II sut jouer jusqu'au bout la carte de la
victoire, en risquant tout pour le tout afin d'accelerer au maximum le rythme de la conquet@
de la cite. La rapidite du deploiement et de l'emprise sur la cite assiegee en avail fail une ville
reduite a toute extremite, qui ne pouvait plus jouer de ses atouts pour se defendre71 • :;)
En vertu de tous ces efforts, si son arriere-grand-pere Bajazed I" n'avait pu la prendr~
apres 8 ans de siege, _Mehmed II occupa_ Constantinople en huit semaines a peine (55 jours)l
du 4/5 avnl au 29 maI 1453, sachant precIpIter a sa guise Jes evenements pour sceller dral
matiquement le sort de l'Empire byzantin. Si la prise de Constantinople a une significatio~
dans la periodisation de l'histoire, on peut apprecier qu'elle marque - par la concentratic)ii
rapide des forces, par leurs dimensions, par !'application des dernieres innovations tecli~
nologiques et la temerite des decisions - une etape decisive de la fameuse «revolutio~
milita1re" de la fin du Moyen Age qui repose a la base de l'ere militaire moderne72_ ·
***
Pour rendre definitive son emprise, Mehmed II deploya dans les annees a venir une pdJll
tique de reparation, fortification et peuplement rapide de la cite. II avail compris qu'a partir'cf~
ce point geopolitique sans nul autre pareil ii pouvait definitivement affennir son pouvoir. Po(il
Jui les victoires militaires n'etaient qu'un aspect de la conception politique qui l'animait. Ell~
etaient seulement Jes «petites guerres". La «grande guerre" reposait dans la stabilisation i!"i\l
la paixgar le developpement de grandes villes, centres nerveux du grand empire qu'il comp~~
fonder . A !ravers cette politique coherente ii a su restituer a Constantinopie sa dignite im~{j
iale, la repeuplant avec des habitants ~f 7
toutes Jes ethnies de l'Empire _'. en la_ remettanta~
centre de son Empire, et en l'1slam1sant tout en renouant avec son passe Impenal byzant1n;,~ll
Selon Critobule, Mehmed fit aussit6t rechercher parmi les captifs le moine Gennadios,':1ijl
,Jt
chef du parti anti-unioniste dont ii n'ignorait pas le prestige. Plusieurs archontes grecs bi1~
places a la Porte (Thomas Katabolenos, le secretaire grec du sultan, Demetrios Apokaukdi
. ,\<f'
;":/rt!
exercitus, Blancus vu/go nuncupatus, ad Danubium contra Theucrum congressurus, adventasset/J
H. lnalcik («The Ottoman Turks_an_d the Crusades, 1451-1522», dans Crusades, VI, et K.M. Setton (71,}\I
Papacy, II, p. 123), ont soulrgne l'1mportance de ce moment critique. .../c"Ii
71
Nevra Necipoglu, «Social and economic conditions in Constantinople during Mehmed ll's sieg6il
dans 1453, p. 75-86.
72
;
0 3'
Lance par Geoffrey Parker (The Military Revolution. Military Innovation and the Rise of the v\/41··.··
1500-1800, Cambridge, 1988'), le concept a suscite des nombreuses discussions (par exemple le recu~i
edite par Cliffod J. Rogers, The Military Revolution Debate. Readings on the Military TransforrnatioQ,;~
Early Modem Europe, Oxford, 1995). Si en general on con90it la revolution mililaire, entre autres, com!J)';lil
_.
une reaction de !'Occident i, l'essor de !'Empire ottoman, ii faudrait se demander de maniere plus apfli91_:_:_,_•·_
_
fondie si la prise de Constantinople par Mehmed n'en fut justement un de ses premiers actes.
73
Heath Lowry, «From 'Lesser Wars' to the 'Mightiest War': the Ottoman Conquest and Transfon11,
'xi:11
lion of Byzantine Urban Centers in the 15~ Century», dans Continuity and Change in Late Byzantine aij/JJ
Early Ottoman Society, edrre par Anthony Bryer, H. Lowry, Birmingham-Dumbarton Oaks, 1986, p. 32:,.338;1
74
H. lnalcik, «The Policy of Mehmed II toward the Greek Population of Istanbul and the ByzantiriJ
Buildings of the City», DOP, XXIII-XXIV, 1969-1970, p. 231-249; Elisabeth Zachariadou, «Constantinoplj
se regeuple»,
5
dans 1453, p. 47-59. ·'Isl
Stephan Yerasimos, Legendes d'Empire. La fondation de Constantinople et de Sainte-Sopg1jJ
dans Jes trad1t1ons turques, Pans, 1990.
76
"-:<I
<;:igdem Kafescioglu, «Reckoning with an Imperial Legacy: Ottomans and Byzantine ConstarjJ!ll
nople», dans 1453, p. 23-46. <li
~ I
yritzes et Nikolaos lsidoros) se depenserent pour le retrouver77_ lntroduit chez le sultan

hmed II vers septembre 1453, celui-ci le designa comme patriarche de Constantinople. Ce
i fit que, meme avant la ceremonie de nomination (6 janvier 1454), Gennadios Scholarios
erc;ait deja de facto les prerogatives de patriarche, en attendant la convocation d'un synode
8
sceptible de donner une sanction ecclesiastique canonique au choix du sultan7 .
Le basi/eus--Bcrit Critobule en appliquant au sultan ce terme-impressionne par les qualites

du personnage, eut de longues discussions avec Jui et /'honora en le comb/ant de presents
de valeur et le promut finalement patriarche et archiBreus des Chr8tiens, avec beaucoup
d'/Jonneurs et de privileges idoines; et ii Jui octroya entre autres nombreuses faveurs, le
gouvemement de l'Eglise et le pouvoir et l'autorite qui n'Btaient en rien inf8rieurs a ce
qu'<un patriarche> tenait auparavant de la pa,t des empereurs [... ]. Et ainsi, de par la
volonte de Dieu, /'empereur restitua aux chretiens l'Eg/ise, avec beaucoup de biens.
Grace au sultan, incite parses serviteurs grecs, Scholarios devint en quelques mois, de
79
imple esclave, le premier patriarche de Constantinople sous domination ottomane . Le sul-
. n Mehmed poursuivait ce faisant deux resultats: d'un cote, s'attirer la loyaute de ses nou-
80
eaux sujets orthodoxes, en les alienant, de l'autre, de tout contact avec !'Occident romain .
· Selon certains chroniqueurs, ii voulait imiter les basileis, se posant ainsi en successeur
81
es empereurs romains . Les historiens modernes voient dans la politique de Mehmed la
ision d'une fondation d'un cadre legitime pour les Orthodoxes, les Juifs et les Armeniens,
82
ans l'ordre de !'Islam, pour faire ainsi d'lstanbul une veritable metropole universel/e .
L'ancien compagnon d'lsidor de Kiev, Leonardo de Chio, desormais sain et sauf en ltalie,
rrobora ses propres renseignements avec les nouvelles qu'il recevait, en produisant en 1455
rit intitule De emanatione recte fidei adversus Gennadium monachum grecum, Scofarium
minatum, sedis Constantinopofitanis patriarcam intrusum. Apres avoir formule !'accusation
'ja evoquee - dont on ignore la portee reelle - d'avoir collabore pendant le siege avec cer-
ins Grecs philo-ottomans que le basileus avait juge comme traitres, en demolissant les mai-
ns que ceux-ci tenaient a Constantinople, Leonardo de Chio, archeveque de Mytilene, accu-
83
vertement celui devenu entre temps le patriarche cecumenique Gennadios 11 :
Et iam tibi ut uere nouimus coassistunt a!bitrantes feliciorem statum urbe capta apud
theucri curiam nactos esse, qui dedignatione apud suos conciues non bene meritum focum
accepissent. Hee uana existimatio in nephas subduxit. Sibi nunc uideant si in tenebris
77
E. A. Zachariadou, «Les notables lai'cs et le Patriarcat oecumenique apres la chute de Constanti
ople», Turcica, XXX, 1998, p. 119-134.
78
Critobul, 11, 1-3; (1963), p. 173-175; (1983), p. 90-91; Theodore H. Papadopoulos, Studies and
ocuments relating to the History oft/1e Greek Church and People under Turkish Domination, Bruxelles,
952, p. 2, note 2.
79
Teuvo Laitila, «Infidel Orthodox? Patriarch Gennadios II (1454-1456) and the Making of the Ecu-
enical Patriarchate in the Context of Sultan Mehmed's Policy», ABF, IV, 1988-1989, p. 51-76; Marie-
e1ene Blanchet, <{Georges Gennadios Scholarios a-t-il ete trois fois patriarche de Constantinople?»,
yzantion, LXXI, 2001, p. 60-72; Speros Vryonis, «The Byzantine Patriarchate and Turkish Islam», BSL,
VII, 1996, p. 69-111; Franz Tinnefeld, «Georgios Gennadios Scholarios», dans La theologie byzantine et
tradition. II (Xllf-XIX' siec/esJ, edite par C.G. Conticello, Vassa Conticello, Tumhout, 2002, p. 477-549;
Patriarcat cecumenique de Constantinople (le groupage d'etudes consacree a la «Rupture ottomane» ).
80
H. lnalcik, «The Status of the Greek Orthodox Patriarch under the Ottomans», Turcica, XXl-
1118 1991, p. 407-436 (409-410); Idem, «The Policy of Mehmed II», p. 236-237.
1
.. Pseudo-Sphrantzes (1966), 111, 13, 4-5, p. 448; Mehmed II aurait promu le patriarche car, en tan/
u'empereur de Constant,nop/e, voulait faire selon le modele des basileis chretiens.
8
H. lnalcik, «The Policy of Mehmed II», passim; Idem, «The Status», p. 410.
83
Vair !'analyse et les extraits donnes par K.-P. Matschke, «Leonhard von Chios, Gennadios
cholarios», en attente de !'edition integrale annoncee, qui sans doute reservera plus d'une surprise.
483
nitant, si in dampnatione sa/uentur, si in uituperio honorantur. Letari uidentur letaliter quad
in uindictam suorum insurgunt. Hamm suftragio pal!iarca/em sedem µsu,pasti, cuius rei
}l
:',Jj
:~:c~t::,~::~:~~:u:: ~~:g; ~Orement ete utilise par la diplomatie pontificale pour elJ
borer une analyse des bouleversements, non seulement politiques, mais aussi religieux, impli)
ques par la prise de Constantinople. L'accusation d'usurpation du trone patriarcal par la direcl
lion anti-unioniste, avec le concours direct du sultan ottoman, revint par exemple dans un docJ
ment d'enorme importance. Par ce document, l'ancien chancelier de Frederic Ill, devenu entr/1
temps pape, appuyait en 1458 la nomination d'un metropolite grec unioniste a Kiev, consaciill
en prealable a Rome par le patriarche Gregoire Mammas (qui ne deceda qu'en 1459), ti
Pie II, car c'est de lui qu'il s'agit, mettait en garde Casimir (Kazimierz) IV de Pologne contr/1
toute tentative possible de penetration dans le diocese d'un metropolite rival consacre par 1.il
pseudopatriarcha <qui> est profanus antis/es Constantinopolitanus a tiranno Turchorum cons~
84
itutus ecclesie . Encore en 1501 Alexandre VI denon9ait dans des termes similaires le pafri
85
arche grec de son temps : ilium Joachimum hereticum, constitutum violenta manu in sede Co "
stantinopolitana per tirannum Turcorum. Ce cliche, fonde en effet sur certains aspects que'r''"
vetit, par la nature des choses, la procedure d'election et de promotion du patriarche a l'epoq1Y:
ottomane, etait surtout cense reserver la plenitude de la legitimite pour Jes prelats remplissant I
fonction de patnarches de Constantinople en communion avec Rome86 .
En fin de comptes, les structures deliberatives chretiennes s'etaient averees incapabf?
de faire face a l'avancee ottomane fondee sur un commandement unique et plein d'hardies~
Maitre desormais de Constantinople, le sultan Mehmed II pouvait congedier l'ambassaded
hongrois au lendemain de la chute de la cite sur ce ton: Voici que nous avons pris de forc~f/J
Cite; allez-vous-en et faites comme vous voulez: faites-nous soil la paix soil la guerre 87 . :z!')
Ill, L'Union ecclesiastique dans le Royaume de Hongrie
La Hongrie, pour avoir trop pense que le probleme de Byzance pourrait etre resolu pa~/.
voie diplomatique et a l'abri d'un armistice, se retrouvait desormais, seule, devant exactern,{
le meme danger que Constantin XII en 1451. C'est, entre autres, le message qui ressort d'H
document qui nous permettra de jeter un coup d'ceil, apres avoir analyse le niveau militaire~
diplomatique de !'attitude de la Hongrie pendant le siege, sur un troisieme aspect - l'as ··
religieux, jusqu'a present pratiquement ignore.
Nicolae lorga a publie une lettre envoyee, le 6 juillet 1453, de Targovi§te, par un eveqi
grec Samile au bourgmestre Oswald Wenczel de Hermannstadt (Sibiu, Szeben). Son aut~9
y donne une description minutieuse et dramatique de la prise de Constantinople". Par§g
\/
84
Anatol Prochaska, «Nieznane dokumenta do unji Florenckiej w Polsce» [Documents sur l'u:d)i'
de Florence en Pologne], AW, I, 1923, p. 73; Oskar Halecki, From Florence to Brest (1439-1596), R~ ·;
1958 (tirage a part de SPM, V). p. 88.
1
",w;
85
86
VMPL, 11, no. 296, p. 267-268. ,t}
Vair lc'l~dessus notre «Girolamo Lando, patriarche titulaire de Constantinople», passim. -,_';-0\~
87
Sphrantzes, XXXVI, 9; (1966), p. 102; (1990), p. 140. ,;,•~
88
BHStB, Codices, A.H., Hs. Lat. 5507, ff. 350'-352' (Notes, IV, no. 9, p. 65-68; Caduta, I, p.2{
227, 228-251; analyse: P.$. Nilsturel, «Urmilrile cilderii Tarigradului pentru Biserica romilneascil» ,c::
consequences de la Chute de Constantinople (Tsarigrad) pour l'Eglise Roumaine], MO, XI, 1959, P.J)\_
49, 55-60, avec des longs extraits traduits en roumain); Radu Constantinescu, «Quelques observati§Q
sur l'epoque de Vlad Tepe:,. IL Vladislav II et sa politique transylvaine (1450-1456)», RRH, XVII, 1g\,
p. 313-326. En 1454, Oswald Wenzel accusait Vladislav II de permettre malgre !es traites, le libre a - ·
des sujets ottomans en Valachie, marchands qu'on voyait partout sur les chemins du pays et
foires, lesand ainsi le monopole des marchands saxons. Le document du 15 mai 1454 (Ernst
484
etails et avec ses exagerations elle est de toute evidence l'ceuvre d'un temoin oculaire. II
a
'agit d'un des premiers rapports adresses une autorite de Hongrie sur la tragedie.
De l'intitulation de la lettre resulte qu'elle avail ete envoyee par Sami/e dem Bladick oder
;scl1off und van dem andem B/adick oder Bischoff van Constantinopolis yecz und zusam
rogt in der Walac/1a/ 9 . La lettre est done ecrite en commun au nom de deux prelats
/adick c'est une deformation allemande du slavon v/adil<a - un haut hierarque orthodoxe)
ui s'averent etre des anciennes connaissances du maire de Hermannstadt.
Nous nous permettons de divulguer un element d'une etude inedite, ecrite en collabora-
n avec P.9. Nasturel, qui corrobore la figure de Samile avec le nom du metropolite Samuel
ui apparait dans un obituaire des chefs de l'Eglise de Valachie. II ne reste aucun doute. Samile
Samuel) n'est d'autre que le metropolite de la Valachie en 1453. Partant sur le fil de cette in/or-
ation s0re, nous poursuivons ici la refiexion, en faisant observer que Samuel comme son
ollegue sont appeles du meme titre slavon de bladick, avec un souci evident de marquer
· ur egalite de rang. Orce terme revetait dans les documents valaques strictement le sens de
90
a
etropolite, contrairement la Moldavie, ou ii pouvait designer les eveques en general .
Le cas du concelebrant de Samuel, le metropolite de Valachie, apparemment un
a
ischoff van Constantinopolis, a laisse perplexes plus d'un historien. II est tout fail evident qu'il
a
e pouvait pas s'agir du patriarche, car Gregoire Mammas se trouvait alors Rome. II ne pou-
it pas non plus etre question d'une affabulation dans une lettre de cette nature, qui aurait ete
mpletement hors du propos. En realite, la lecture attentive de tout le contexte de l'intitulation
• eproduit plus haut) montre qu'il ne s'agit pas du diocese de l'eveque, mais du lieu d'ou ve-
ient de se refugier les deux prelats: van Constantinopolis yecz und zusam gefOgt in der
alachay. A savoir, en modifiant la topique pour rendre le sens plus clair: les deux
a
etropolites etaient simplement present refugies, ensemble, de Constantinople en Valachie.
Si Samuel s'adresse avec une certaine familiarite au maire de Sibiu en lui parlant tout sim-
ment de l'autre metropolite, sans plus de precision, ii ne pouvait etre question en l'occur-
ce que du metropolite de Severin, qui se nommait egalement metropolite d'une partie de la
ongrovalachie, ou simplement l'autre - sous-entendu metropolite - d'une partie de la Hongro-
_alachie (o ¥r.poq t-dpouq Oll)')fo/?,Aayjw;). L'existence de cette autre metropole valaque etant
core attestee en 143791 , rien n'empeche de croire qu'elle etait toujours en place vers 1453.
uellen zur Geschichte der Siebenburger Sachsen (1191-1975), Cologne-Vienne, 1981, no. 30, p. 79-
b) montre le meme Wenczel informant le maire et le conseil de Vienne de la chute de Constantinople,
si gue des nouvelles menaces a l'adresse de Kilia, de la Valachie et de la ville de Sibiu.
89
Notes, IV, p. 65.
90 Vair les observations d'une rare finesse d'Ana Dumitran, «Cateva consideratii privind terrninologia
leziastica rom8.neasca referitoare la lnaltii ierarhi, folosita In Tara Rom8.neasca §i Moldova pana
1700» {Quelques considerations sur la terminologie ecclesiastique roumaine concernant les
elats, employee en Valachie et en Moldavie jusqu'a 1700], AMP, XX, 1996, p. 149-155: Eadem,
itlul de vl8dic8 §i semnificatiile sale In lumea romaneasca medieval§.» [Le titre de vladil<a et ses
nifications dans le monde medieval roumain], MT, I, 1997, 1-2, p. 63-68. L'etude ecrite avec M. P.
-sturel comprendra la demonstration detamee de cette affirmation, avec une mise en perspective de
istoire de l'Eglise de Valachie au milieu du XVe si€cle, ainsi qu'une traduction frarn;aise du document.
91
Notes, IV, no. 12, p. 33-34; selon le rapport Ten-e hodieme Greco,um et dominia secularia et
ifitualia ipsorum redige en 1437 pour le Condie de BEIie, l'Ecclesia Grecorum envoyait alors 4 metro-
lites dans les Pays Roumains (ubi mittuntur arciepiscopi quatuor'), Reference est done faite respective-
ent aux metropoles de Curtea de Arge~ et de Severin, en Valachie, et en Moldavie, a celles de
ceava et de Roman. L'infonnation de cette source est done de «derniE!re heure)), car la metropole
Roman venait d'etre fondee en 1436 (P.$. Nasturel, «Un temoignage byzantin sur la metropole
Roman (Moldavie)», RER, XV, 1975, p. 198-202). Remarquons au passage qu'il s'agissait done
quatre metropolites grecs - car envoyes (mitluntu,j dans les Principautes depuis Constantinople.
485
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _o_a_n_l_oa_n_M_u_re_e,_a_n_______________,
a
Que cherchaient les deux metropolites de Valachie Constantinople au moment memii"
du siege? lls y etaient s0rement avant le debut d'avril 1453, et le siege les immobilisa dans la"'
cite. Tout comme Isidore de Kiev, ils furent reduits en esclavage lors de la conquete, mais en:•
suite ils purent se racheter en payant 70.000 d'aspres et ils retournerent dans leurs dioceses...
Le seul evenement de marque qui aurait pu convoquer les metropolites Constantinop1i{ a
avait ete le synode du 12 decembre 1452, conclu par la ceremonie d'union religieuse dans 1~1
Sainte-Sophie. lls devaient ainsi faire partie de ces prelats qui accompagnerent l'empereur mall
gre !'opposition de la majorite du clerge inferieur et des moines. Ces prelats s'etaient rassenji\'
bles, accompagnes par le basileus et le senat, pour concelebrer la messe de reconciliation" . .;:
93
La lettre de 1453 parle dans les termes les plus elogieux de Constantin , dont les auteurs•
a
croyaient d'ailleurs qu'il avail reussi se sauver sur un navire. lls manifestent egalement ufi::
respect profond envers le sort de l'eglise Sainte-Sophie, dont on sait que les anti-unioniste;,'
a
commencerent la trailer apres le 12 decembre 1452 comme un repaire des demons et yn;
94
autel pai"en • Une phrase est dans ce contexte particulierement eloquente: Nous attendions'
/'aide de la part de la Chretiente comme attend l'ame sa liberation du Purgatoire ( lMr war~"ti'.
aber peitent der Trostung der Cristen/Jait al sain Se/ der Losung peytet auss dem Vechfilr)9 5 .f1.
Le metropolite Samuel de Hongrovalachie accuse egalement !'existence de traitres, gQt
ne pouvaient etre que les anti-unionistes qui avaient refuse de defendre la Cite. II s'adres§~-
par ailleurs au bourgmestre catholique comme s'il etait en communion avec lui (Vous dev~'z,
savoir que nous sommes avec vous en tout et jusqu'a la mart pour la cause de,#·
Chretiente) et conclut logiquement sa lettre par une benediction pastorale (Que Dieu voa:,'·
benisse, vous defende et vous protege de tout ma/. Amen). II est done parfaitement clair qg~
!'auteur de la lettre aussi bien que son collegue reste anonyme, done les deux metropolif~~
d'alors de la Valachie, adheraient desormais aux decisions du Concile de Florence96 . Ii
***
Le metropolite Samuel n'ecrivait pas une lettre personnelle au maire Oswald Wenze!~f
s'adressait en general aux honores citoyens de Hermannstadt, grands et petits, aux feutf.iic.
taires, aux nobles et a tous ceux qui vivent sous la Sainte Couronne de /'Empire de Hong·"'
(heiligen Kron des Reichs zw Vngarn). En quelle qualite le metropolite de HongrovalachC
pouvait-il s'adresser globalement aux etats du Royaume de Hongrie?
A partir d'environ 1390, le Patriarcat de Constantinople a confere au metropolite ~(

Hongrovalachie le titre de exarque de toute la Hongrie et des Plateaux ({l"Pxo, m!n-i[•
92
93
Ducas (1958), XXXVI, 2, p. 315, XXXVI, 5, p. 317-319.
C'est sans doute Samuel qui, apres avoir apprit avec certitude la nouvelle de la mart de l'empe~_U
"i
Constantin XII aura introduit son nom dans l'obituaire de l'Eglise de Hongrovalachie. Les diptyques:,{
slavon de cette Eglise font mention du nom du bien-croyant empereur Constantin. Nicolae $erbane i-
(«Mitropoli\ii Ungrovlahiei» [Les Metropolites de la Hongrovalachie], BOR, LXXVII, 1959, 7-8, p. 724 e nq~
18) a suppose qu'il etait peut-etre un des chefs d'Etat du sud du Danube. Mais aucun souverain de<-;;
nom n'a porte le titre d'empereur. II s'agit sOrement de Constantin XII. John Meyendorff (Byzanuum ?;:::
the Rise of Russia, A Study of Byzantine-Russian Relations in the Fourteenth Century, Cambridge, 1$1ll),
p. 254-256, avait ctemontre que la commemoraison des noms des empereurs de Constantinople etait uf_
innovation introduite en Russie par le metropolite Cyprien de Kiev, tandis que Jes livres liturgiques plus:~,,:::,
ciens ne font mention que du nom des princes russes. ll convient d'elargir cette observation atout l'esPt\r
sur l~~uel agissait !'elite ec-clesiastique ralliees a la refonme liturgique du patriarche Philothee Kokkinos,c~'I,
Ducas (1958), XXXVII, 5, p. 323. ; ((
95
Notes, IV, p. 66; Caduta, I, p. 229. Vec/Jfur n'est qu'une forme allemande medievale P"!/
0
Fegefeuerqui, avec son synonyme Reinigungsort, designent le Purgatoire.

96
iii
Interpretation deja suggeree par P.$. Nasturel, «Urmarile caderii Tarigradului», p. 57, et n. 41;{
que les nouveaux arguments ici apportes transforment en certitude.
486
uY)fia. ~ CTACl}~vwv)
97
. Lorsque le manuel diplomatique du Patriarcat accorde au
etropolite de Kiev le titre de toute la Russie (o dl 'Pwo-ia. 1.urrpo11uAi711, '}('dqinw Kuifbau
'-nr£ni, 'Pwo-ia.) c'etait compris dans son sens le plus fort, celui de chef religieux de taus
s orthodoxes de langues liturgique slavonne de Pologne, Lituanie, des principautes russes
meme de la Horde d'Or. II n'y avail pas de frontiere interieure a sa juridiction.
98
De maniere equivalente, depuis l'epoque du roi Sigismond de Luxembourg , dont on
nnait la politique favorable envers l'Eglise orthodoxe, la metropole de Hongrovalachie a
9u officiellement juridiction sur toute la population orthodoxe comprise dans le royaume de
ongrie. De par son rang d'exarque, ii y etait le representant personnel du patriarche cecu-
enique. Au mains depuis decembre 1452, le chef spirituel des orthodoxes de Hongrie avait
one adhere a !'Union. C'etait la le message le plus important que le metropolite Samuel
oulait faire passer vers taus les etats du royaume de Hongrie dans sa lettre. C'est pourquoi
intrusion d'un eveque dont !'opinion sur la question n'etait pas tres claire - comme ii en fut
99
e Jean de Caffa en 1453-1455 - ne pouvait ne pas creer des difficultes de juridiction .
En 1438 aucun des metropolites de Valachie n'avaient pu parvenir jusqu'au Concile de
errare. L'explication est tres simple. En 1438, oppose au depart de Jean VIII en Occident,
urad II partit en campagne en Valachie, Serbie et Hongrie. A defaut d'empecher le depart
100
e la delegation byzantine, le sultan avail au mains pu arreter alors la delegation valaque .
a
En revanche, voici les metropolites de Valachie presents la proclamation officielle de
union le 12 decembre 1452 a Constantinople, ou ils durent reconnaitre en egale mesure la
ridiction du patriarche Gregoire Mammas, alors refugie a Rome. A la meme epoque, le
etropolite Joachim de Moldavie, consacre par Gregoire Mammas (1447), n'etait pas mains
partisan de l'union religieuse dans son diocese, avant d'etre chasse par un mouvement
101
ntraire, decrit dans la lettre du cardinal Zbigniew Olesnicki au pape Nicolas V (1454) .
Retourne de Constantinople, Samuel pouvait s'adresser a taus les etats d'Hongrie, par sa
nction d'exarque de toute la Hongrie, representant officiel des chretiens du rite oriental, pour
nnoncer la nouvelle de la fin de Byzance. II signalait !'intention ferme du sultan de continuer
on offensive en attaquant a l'avenir la Serbie et la Hongrie. Une seule trace d'espoir, sans
oute premature, traverse le ton douloureux de cette lettre. La proclamation de l'Union pouvait
ire penser a l'exarque de toute la Hongrie que l'egalite du rite oriental avec le rite latin, procla-
ee deja a Buda en 1440 par le meme Isidore de Kiev, et reconnue par le dipl6me du roi
102
ladislas I" de 1443, pouvait enfin devenir realite au mains dans le royaume de St Etienne .
97
J. Darrouzes, «Ekthesis nea, manuel de pittakia du XIV' siecle», REB, XXVII, 1969, p. 46, §18.
98
$erban Papacostea, «Byzance et la croisade au Bas-Danube a la fin du XIV' siecle», RRH,
, 1991, 1-2, p. 3-21; Virgil Ciocaltan, «in\elesul politic al "minunii" sfantului Nicodim de la Tismana»
e sense politique du «miracle» de St Nicodim de Tismana], SM/M, XXII, 2004, p.153-168.
99
Marius Diaconescu, «Les implications confessionnelles du Conci!e de Florence en Hongrie», MT, I,
97, 1-2, p. 29-62 (ici p. 38-44); P. $. Nilsturel, «Urmilrile cilderii Tarigradului», p. 62-63; La contribution
' 'sive de lulian Mihai Damian ici meme («The Greek Rite Transylvanian Church in the 1450': Archbishop
hn of Calla and the Crusade in East-Central Europe», p. 145-156), fonde sur des documents inedits des
chives du Vatican et de Genes, eciaircit enfin la question de Jean de Calla.
100
V. Ciocaltan, «La campagne ottomane de Transylvanie (1438) dans le contexte politique
ternational», RRH, XV, 1976, p. 437-446; cf. aussi Agostino Pertusi, «La situazione dell' Europa
o_rientale dopo la caduta di Smederevo (1439) in una lettera inedita di Fra Bartolomeo di Giana», dans
yzance et /es Slaves. Eludes de Civilisation. Melanges Ivan Dujcev, Paris, 1979, p. 337-372.
101
. FHDR, IV, pp. 360-361; Michel Lascaris, «Joachim, metropolite de Moldavie et les relations de
l'Eglise moldave avec le patriarcat de Pee et l'archeveche d'Achris au XV' siecle», BSHAR, XIII, 1927,
129-134, 159 (le texte du prostagma de Jean VIII Paleologue et son analyse).
102
J. Gill, «Isidore's Encyclical Letter from Buda», AOSBM, s. 11, II, 1963, 4, p. 1-8; I.M. Damian,
lnspira\ia, contextul si aplicarea decretului regal Privilegium ruthenon,m (1443) in Transilvania si
487
Dan loan Mure~an '~j 6
s
L'avertissement du metropolite de Hongrovalachie s'avera parfaitement realiste.

I
Effl
1454 Mehmed II attaqua son ancienne alliee, la Serbie. C'est seulement a partir de ial
deuxieme moitie de l'annee 1453 que l'on voit enfin se declencher un apres l'autre leJ
mecanismes du systeme defensif de la Chretiente. lmaginee a l'origine pour la defensed~
Constantinople, la machinerie n'avait pas eu le temps suffisant de se mettre en route. .ill
C'est a peine le 30 septembre 1453 que Nicolas V proclamait la croisade 103 . La flottJ
papale destinee a venir a la rescousse de Constantinople arriva en mer Egee, mais sans 1~!
port byzantin comme point d'attache, elle dut se contenter d'actions qui ressemblaient plusJ
la piraterie. En 1454, tous les Etats italiens signerent la paix de Lodi, en_ fondant une sort,ll
de federation pour se defendre contre les dangers exterieurs. Enfin, les Etats allemands s,ll
reunissaient autour de Frederic Ill a la diete de Ratisbonne et puis de Frankfort (1454) 104 . J
Dans la deuxieme moitie de 1453, Jean de Castiglione, eveque de Pavie, le legat papaJI
arrive en Hongrie, annon9ait au roi Ladislas V la chute de Constantinople, en lui demandah
de prendre des mesures en conformite avec les plans dresses par Nicolas V. II connaissa'
d'ailleurs les dispositions favorables que le roi avait deja prises par rapport a Constantinopli,
Or la discorde des chretiens avait permis la perte de la Ville. Desormais, le roi devait s"
preparer pour sa reconquete OU du moins pour la defense de son royaume, en rejetant'le
propositions de paix du sultan. Meme si le roi Ladislas etait trop jeune pour l'administrati"'"
de ses royaumes - considerait le legat - ses voievodes et ses nobles experimentes pouvaie/lf
entreprendre la guerre. La reference du legat papal a Jean Hunyadi etait transparente. ff
Dans la reponse que le chancelier Jean Vitez, l'eveque d'Oradea, adressait au nom_;{
roi Ladislas au legal, Nicolas V etait felicite pour son initiative de proclamer la croisade, 1-,Jo
se declarant pret a tout faire pour racheter les malheurs de Constantinople, chose qu'il au~:
105
faite meme sans y etre exhorte . Des memes sentiments similaires furent enonces dansf
discours des ambassadeurs du roi a la diete de Frankfort de septembre-octobre 1454106,'-:
a
dans un autre discours de Jean Vitez, devant l'empereur Frederic Ill Wiener Neustadt lei
107
mars 1455 . Mais l'objectif de leur action etait desormais devenu intangible. -;~
Sur le fond de ces belles declarations, malgre l'enorme avantage strategique du sultaff
a
malgre !'attitude fourbe de Brankovi6, Hunyadi n'hesita pas engager en rase campa~p;'.
108
l'armee ottomane en Serbie . Jean de Hunedoara emprunta ainsi le chemin ardu au bci'.
duquel, abandonne par son roi et par son empereur, ii retrouva enfin le conqueranFd'
Constantinople sous les murailles de la cite de Belgrade. Et ce fut alors son heure astral. ···
L'apotheose
a a
Reste comprendre enfin un episode completement etrange, lie la conduite de l'amb§':
sadeur de Hunyadi pendant le siege. Selon Ducas, cet envoye devint ami du maitre canonq(
de Mehmed II, ce qui n'est pas impossible vu que les deux etaient d'origine hongroise. Duc.!l~
pretend que l'emissaire, sans doute un militaire experimente au seNice de Jean Hunaydi/~-
rait appris au canonnier comment !rapper avec efficacite la muraille byzantine pour la dem&,lt
a
C'est !ravers ces breches que l'infanterie ottomane put finalement penetrer dans la cite. · -Ii:
Banat» [L'inspiration, le contexte et !'application du decret royal Privi/egium tulhenotum (1443)

Transivanie et le Banat], A$D, I, 2005, p. 89-100.
1 3
KM. Setton, The Papacy, 11, p. 150 (note 41), et p. 138-160.
104
105
Johannes Helmrath, «The German Reichstage and the Crusade», dans Crusading, p.
Notes, IV, no. 8, p. 64-65.
106
Vitez, or. 6, p. 252-254.
107
Ibidem, or. 7, p. 255-267.
108
E. A Zachariadou, «The first Serbian Campaigns of Mehemmed II (1454-1455)», A/ON,
XIV, 1964, p. 837-840.
488
Ducas donne comme explication une pseudo-prophetie que Hunyadi aurait apprise d'un
devin populaire qu'il rencontra !ors de la debandade qui suivit la defaite de Kossovo (1448).
Selan cette prediction, la fin de !'Empire ottoman ne pouvait venir qu'apres la destruction defi-
a
nitive de !'Empire des Grecs. L'a7aant !'esprit, l'ambassadeur de Jean Hunyadi aurait ainsi
09
voulu precipiter la fin de Byzance pour accelerer en meme temps la fin de !'Empire ottoman
cette explication semble relever plut6t du domaine de l'anecdotique que de celui de l'Histoire.
110
Elle nous dirige toutefois vers le bouillonnant contexte apocalyptique grec .
a
Selan les propheties les plus goatees l'epoque, l'une attribuait effectivement le salut des
a
Grecs !'intervention liberatrice d'un peuple blond (msii rod) qui son/ une race qui vaincra /es
fi/s d'/smae/. A partir du XVle siecle cette prophetie, qui penetra dans l'espace russe tra- a
vers I' Histoire de la prise de Constantinople du Pseudo-Nestor lskander, identifia le peuple
111
blond tout bonnement avec le peup/e russe (russki rod) . Mais au XV siecle, les Russes
etaient encore trop lointains pour meriter une telle attribution. La tradition slavonne reprend
certainement une prophetie grecque, dont Pseudo-Sphrantzes (Macaire Melissenos) nous a
112
conserve une version au XVle siecle. Selan cette prophetie :
De meme que /'empire des Assydens a ete suppdmfJ par Jes Baby/omens, et cefui des
Babyloniens par Jes Perses, et celui des Perses par Jes Macedoniens, et ce/ui des
MacfJdoniens par /es Romains (Pcq.ucfwv), de mBme celui des Romains (Pu.p.dwv) fut
aneanti par Jes Ottomans. Et <l'empire> des Osman/is, done des Ottomans agarenes, aura
sa fin au temps qui convient et qui est predestine et sera aneanti par le peuple blond (U71'6
70t} 2ct11.:roU /fvou~)- Ceux-ci vont venger et en meme temps chasser toute la race d'/smael,
selon /es prop he ties des hommes envoyes par Dieu.
On observe qu'en grec le jeu de mots qui faisait des Russes les vengeurs de !'Empire de
Byzance est impossible. En revanche, a
plusieurs reprises, ce sont les Hongrois lesquels
sont identifies dans l'histoire de Mehmed II ecrite par Tursun-bey vers 1486 comme /a nation
113
des BenT Asfer(tetes jaunes, blondes) . II ya done lieu de se demander si on n'avait pas
cru, meme momentanement au XV siecle, que la puissance qui devait liberer Constantinople
selon ces propheties etait justement le royaume de Hongrie.
C'est exactement ce que soutient avec une remarquable clarte la description versifiee de
a 114
la bataille de Varna appartenant Zotikos Paraspondylos . L'auteur est de toute evidence
un Gree uniate. Ses connaissances militaires et le ton apologetique qu'il utilise l'egard de a
1
°' Oucas(1958), XXXVIII, 11-13, p. 341-343.
110
a
Asterios Argyriou, Les exegeses grecques de /'Apocalypse l'epoque ottomane (1453-1821),
Thessalonique, 1982; Antonio Rigo, «L'anno 7000, la fine del mondo e l'lmpero cristiano. Nota su alcuni
passi di Giuseppe Briennio, Simeone di Tessalonica e Gennadio Scolario», dans La cattura de/la fine.
Yanazioni de/l'escatologia in regime di cnstianita, edite par Giuseppe Ruggieri, Genes, 1992, p. 151-185;
Marie-Helene Congourdeau, «Byzance et la fin du rt"--111de a repoque des PalE!o!ogues», dans Les tradi-
tions apoca/yptiques au toumant de la chute de Constantinople, edile par Benjamin Lellouch, St.
Yerasr,mos, Paris, 1999, p. 55-97 (edition de la Chronographie, p. 75-97).
1 1
Caduta, I, p. 296-297 (le commentaire no. 72, p. 448-449); C. Mango, «The Legend of Leo the
Wise», ZRV/, VI, 1960, p. 59-93, ici p. 85-86; I. Dujcev, «La conquete turque et la prise de Constantinople
dans la litterature slave de l'epoque», dans Idem, Medioevo bizantino-slavo, Ill, Rome, 1971, p. 441-
446; Nestor-lskander, The Tale of Constantinople (Of Its Ongin and Capture by the Turks on the Year
1453, edite par Walter K. Hanak, Marios Philippides, New Rochelle NY, 1998, p. 94 (avec le commen-
taire no. 103, p. 136-137).
112
Ps.-Sphrantzes(1966), IV, 1, 6, p. 462.
113
Tursun (2007), p. 41 (note 7).
Emile Legrand, Collection de monuments pour setvir a !'etude de la /angue neo-hellf!nique, NS,
114
V, 1875, p. 51-84; FHDR, vol. IV, p. 392-415.
489
Dan loan Mure~an
a
Hunyadi le recommandent comme un stratiote la solde du capitaine general. Son messag
a
est tres clair. Grace Hunyadi, la campagne de 1444 a ete une quasi-victoire des croises
C'est seulement !'imprudence du roi qui l'a transformee en desastre. La conclusion s'impoc
sait. Le nouveau roi devait en tout suivre Hunyadi comme guide s'il voulait s'assurer la victoire;
Pour dater ce texte on a une reference. L'Empire byzantin a ete aneanti. Le terminus,
a a
post quem est done placer en 1453. En revanche, la reference la couronne de marty1
rer;:ue du Christ par Hunyadi n'implique nullement que le poeme ait ete ecrit apres la mart du·
a
general. Ce n'est en fait qu'une autre maniere, plus litteraire, de donner Jean Hunyadi le ti-
tre que lui avait decerne le pape Calixte Ill: athlete du Christ115 . {
Tout au contraire, sa presence vivante comme seul espoir pour la defense de la Chre,
a
tiente insuffle le texte entier. Aucune reference n'y est faite la bataille de Belgrade. II nous
semble plus prudent de placer la composition entre 1453 et 1456. Le poeme n'est, dans cette
a
eventualite, qu'un manifeste glorifiant, !ravers les yeux d'un Gree profondement attache a
la cause de la Chretiente, la personnalite de son commandant en chef. £i
a
Cette glorification ne se limite toutefois pas un simple hymne militaire. Paraspondylcis
fait de Hunyadi !'incarnation des espoirs eschatologiques des Grecs. En le comparant aux
grands heros de l'hellenisme, Paraspondylos le place sans detours en troisieme ran_g apre{
Alexandre le Grand, le destructeur des Perses, et saint Constantin, le liberateur de l'Eglise.
Et bien plus encore, pour Paraspondylos Hunyadi n'est personne d'autre que le dig
empereur, digne et trap digne de porter la couronne, partageant la couronne et autocm'"
116
des Rh6mees . Si des doutes subsister encore sur son identite, voici la tournure: /'empere
Janka, oint par Dieu comme successeur des Rh6mees, comme vengeur de la Chretiente
117
comme un grand vainqueur . Ce vaillant elude Dieu n'avait qu'une seule pensee, celle
liberer la nation des Rh6mees du joug des Agarenes 118 .
L'espoir que !'auteur met en lui se fonde sur le fait que, pour la premiere fois dans l'histo"
a a
byzantine, ce grand emissaire de Dieu fut premier oser attaquer les Ottomans chez e
En le presentant comme le futur restaurateur de Byzance, !'auteur oppose sa fermete
a 119
dente la legerete de l'avant-dernier basileus . II voit en lanco le grand defenseur d'u
Chretiente enfin unifiee religieusement: II convient que /'Eglise de Rome et toute la ra
chretienne de /'Orient et de /'Occident garde le souvenir le plus digne d'honneur de ,.
120
heros . Le fait que, par le chrysobulle de 1452, lanco soit devenu un sujet du basileus, don
un Rh6mee lui-meme, ne pouvait que servir Jes raccourcis et Jes recoupements de !'auteur.
•••
Taus ces points permettent de conclure que, au mains pour certains soldats grecs qu'
avaient rejoin! son armee apres le desastre de 1453, Jean de Hunedoara fut per9u jusqu•·
sa mart justement comme l'empereur messianique, /'empereur Janka. Selan les propheties, ··
a
empereur devait, la tete d'un peuple blond, aneantir les Ottomans et restaurer !'Empire r
a
main d'Orient comme membre part entiere de la Chretiente unifiee.
115
George H. W. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon, Oxford, 1961, p. 46, 829-833, 1257-1258: p
au sens large, le martyre n'est qu'un c6;..wnf9, un combattant pour le Christ, de mE!me que le martyr
une ~.Anai~. Le martyre est ega!ement celui qui a suNecu aux tortures pour la foi: ii est done u_
confesseur et un defenseur de la croyance chrE!tienne. Merne un ascete peut etre nomme martyr po
ses privations endurees pour le Christ, de meme que tout veritable chr8tien. ·,
116
FHDR, IV, I. 8-10, p. 392.
117
Ibidem, I. 38-40, p. 394.
118
Ibidem, I. 56-58, p. 394-396
119
lbici,:,111, ,-·· :.
120
Ibidem, I. 26-28, p. 3l!4.
490
The Lion in Winter.
John Hunyadi's Career from Kossovopolje to Belgrade
(1448-1456)
Alexandru Simon
"Babe~-Bolyai" University,
Ciuj-Napoca
In mid September 1456, news of John Hunyadi's death a month ago had started spreading.
News of the conflicts between the victorious crusaders had also multiplied. The key question was
who was to be credited in eternity with the 'miracle of Belgrade', who was to be granted triumph
for accomplishing god's will. Hunyadi, John Capestran (Giovanni da Capestrano) and cardinal le-
gate Juan de Carvajal, wiho had not been at Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar), but had played a
major role in as-sembling the crusade of 1456, stood up for 'election'. Due to the Hungarian local
anti-Hunyadi context, but also to Franciscan propaganda, if Capestran had not died in October, he
would have probably won the victor's crown. Yet he was not a popular figure amongst major politi-
cians unlike, in general, amongst the Latin rite commoners. On one had, this significantly contribu-
ted to the post-ponement of his canonization, while, on the other, alongside the consequences of the
Hungarian enthronement of Hunyadi's youngest son (January 1458), it helped tailor Hunyadi's im-
mortal image of the 'hero of Belgrade'. The man wiho had needed an armed esoort and a royal
safe-conduct to attend the Diet of May-June 1456 and who, most likely, would have sustained a
full-size attack from the part of his domestic enemies, even after Belgrade, had he lived, became a
1
far greater political crusader symbol than he had been even after his famous Balkan campaign .
What would have happened, if Hunyadi had survived the summer of 1456, is, altogether, not
an unusual question. Nonetheless, an accurate response to it would probably been rather different
from that given by his medieval and modern lodatori. It is both profitable and comforting to pre-
sume that, if the plague had not taken him, Hunyadi would have led a major counter-offensive
against the sultan, driving him back to the walls of Constantinople, if not even further to Asia Minor
(as Capestran assumed that it was possible, even after Hunyadi's death). It is equally unrealistic
and over-compensating to think that such thoughts actually met with facts. It is further interesting to
note that most of Hunyadi's contemporaries which made great crusader use of his death, in Buda
(Ofen), in Rome or Venice, did not seriously contemplate such a 'tremendous possibility'. Expla-
nations for the reasonably reserved attitudes towards the 'great campaign' (after Belgrade) can
be looked up both in Hunyadi's character and in the local and regional political oontext. It might
thus been useful also to recall the later events of 1490. Hunyadi's nephew, John, Matthias (Matia,
Matyas)' illegitimate son, had seemingly his grandfather's military skills, bu~ unlike even Hunyadi,
was not the most witted of politicians. John Corvinus lost the fight for the throne, though, financially
namely, he was in a much better position that his grandfather, uncle and father in 1456-14582 .
1
For instance: Johnnes Hofer, 'Der Sieger van Belgrad', HJ, LI (1931), pp. 163-212; Franz Babinger,
Der Que//enwert der Berichte Ober den Entsatz van Be/grad am 21122 Juli. 1456 (offprint from SBAW, NS, Viii
(1956), 6) (Munich 1957), pp. 4-6; Camil Mure,an, /ancu de Hunedoara [John Hunyadi (Bucharest 1968\ pp.
193-194; Stanko Andric, The Miracles of St. John Capistran (Budapest 2001 ), pp. 25-26; Pal Engel, The Realm
of St. Stephen. A History of Medieval Hungary. 895-1526 (London 2001), pp. 293-294; Norman Housley,
'Giovanni da Capistrano and the Crusade of 1456', in Crusading, pp. 94-115 (as we still wait for a solid account
of'what happened' at Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar), cis the best study on 'what was' in summer 1456).
2
E.g. Acta Sanctorum, [X], Octobris, 10 (Brussels 1861), p. 360; Kenneth M. Setton, The Papacy and
Levant (1204-1571), 11, The Fif/eenth Century (=MAPS, CXXVII) (Philadelphia 1978), pp. 179-183, 185-191;
Alexandru Simon
The Last Crossroad of a Crusader Feudal Lord of War
None of the great political figures of the 1400' had to face so many open challenges and
questions at their life's end as John Hunyadi. From Mehmed I to Matthias Corvinus, from Sigis:
mund (Zsigmond) of Luxemburg to Frederic (Friedrich) Ill of Habsburg or from Eugene IV to
Mehmed II, this seems to have been the rather surprising case. From the problems posed by da-
mestic failure/ survival to those of one's image in posterity, the events of 1456 gathered the main
aspects/ dilemmas of Hunyadi's medieval and modern lives. The main reason for this gathering
was the fact that he was not at a peak in his career, but at a low, maybe an all-time political low·
(this is also why, the only other figure who may have been faced/ might be faced with such dilern:
mas was/ is Pius II, following his 'crusader death' at Ancona). He could rely (to various extents
nevertheless) on his fading legend, his great possessions, his still loyal men and a monk, who •
probably, 'under normal circumstances', would not have been around him. For Hunyadi, it wa;·
the most fragile political combination in more than a decade. Throughout that decade he had bask·
cally gone over from warlord to 'bureaucrat', almost constantly on an administrative journey. Hf
spent much less time in military camps and on campaign (about a third of the time he had spent
earlier), which might explain in part the defeats he suffered, especially between 1448 and 1453\
Hunyadi had to deal with several liabilities, which in return could turn into advantages, as some'
did on the walls of Belgrade. One of them was posed by Capestran, blissfully convinced of his i
mortal moral religious superiority. Fortunately for him and Hunyadi, Capestran was able, at tim
to take his distance from the fanatical role in which he was typecasted then, as well as later. In I
June 1455, after his open attack, at the Diet of Gyor (Raab), on George (Durad) Brankovi6, C
pestran wrote to the newly elected pope Calixtus Ill that, like Hunyadi, the despot would oont'
bute 10.000 riders to his planned 100.000 men strong crusader army. This army was sup
to go as far as Jerusalem. As in most of his crusader calls, except namely those launched on
eve of Belgrade, locked past the Hungarian domestic context and Hunyadi's challenged auth
ty. Then, on hand, because of his strong oonviction of general and personal (Latin) Christian su-pe
iority, Capestran looked past his own recent attitude towards Brankovi6 and past the despot's Ott
man policy. On the other hand, in acoordance to the despot's anti-Ottoman (desperate noneth.
less) attempts of mid 1456, could suggest, at least in terms of Hunyadi's own reasoning, that
public charges of Gyor were part of a scenario intended to place George Brankovi6 in an anti-Ott
man trap and assure, at least, his neutrality in view of the approaching confrontation with the Turk4.'
Halil lnalcik, 'The Ottoman Turks and the Crusades, 1451-1522', in Crusades, VI, pp. 311-313, 318-322;
dras Kubinyi, Matyas Kiraly [King Matthias] (Budapest 2001), pp. 162-165 (see also pp. 171-175 of the 2
English version Matthias Rex, Budapest). See also the oler studies of Georg Voigt, 'Johannes van Capistra
ein Heiliger des funfzehnten Jahrhunderts', HZ, X (1863), pp. 19-96; Nicolae lorga, Geschichte des Osma
sc/ien Reiches, I, Bis 1538 (Gotha 1908), pp. 85-91; Lajos Elekes, Hunyadi (Budapest 1952), pp, 399-407,
3
E.g. Leodrisii Cribelli, De expedilione Ai Papae II adversus Turcos (; R/S, XXIII (1948), 5), edrred by Gi
C. Zimo/o (Bologna 1950), pp. 58-59; Ludwig Pastor, The History of the Popes from the Close of the Mi
Ages, II, [1447-1458] (London 1894'), pp. 273-276; Giovanni B. Picotti, 'Su/le navi papaliin Oliente al tempo
cadcrta di Constantinopoli', NAV, XI (1911), pp. 413-437; Constantin Marinesou, 'Le Pape Calixtus Ill (1455-14
Alfonse d'Aragon, roi de Naples, et /'offensive contre Jes Tures', BSHAR, XIX (1935), pp. 77-97; Luigi Pe
'Cristofaro Garatone, nunzio di Eugenio IV, RISC/, XXV/1I (1974), 1, pp. 23-93 (pp. 50, 65-68). Al. Simon,
Captain and the Superba: Crusader Moments in the Relation between John Hunyadi and Genoa (Oct
1444-September 1455)', in Between Worlds, 11, pp. 341-349; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 11, pp. 251-2
4
E.g. Wadding, XII, pp. 252-254; Acta Sancton,m, X-10, p. 358; Elisabeth Zachariadou, 'The first Sert,·
Campaigns of Mehemmed II (1454-1455)', A/ON, NS, XIV (1964), pp. 837-840; Ferenc Szakaly, 'Phases
Turko-Hungarian Warfare before the Battle of Mohaes. 1365-1526', AOASH, XXXIII, 1979, 1, pp. 90-9_
Momcilo Spremic, 'La Serilie, entre les Tures, Jes Grecs et les Latins au XV' si<acle', BF, XI (1987), pp, 435-4
lulian Mihai Damian, loan de Capestrano §i Cn1ciada Ta,zie [John Capestran and the Later Crusades], Ph.
Thesis (Cluj-Napoca 2008), pp. 90-94, 208-211; Simon, 'The Captain and the Superba', pp. 337, 348-349. ·
492
The Lion in Winter
Just as he had tried to do with Greek priests, faced with Capestran's Latin unionist wrath. Hu-
nyadi defended Capestran from papal legate and cardinal Juan Carvajal. Carvajal had 'suggested'
that the monk should leave the realm, for Hunyadi's authority and fear of the Turk were enough
to halt Mehmed. Hunyadi seemingly felt (later events were to prove him right) that Capestran's
preaching touched a Lat1i1 vibe, which could eventually and partially compensate, in terms of num-
ber, his own lack of large forces in front of the Ottoman army, at least 40.000-50.000 men strong,
for it was to be led by Mehmed himself. In return, due namely to the crusader actions of the 1440',
he was also aware of the potential (once again, later events justified such a fear) conflicts within
the heterogeneous crusader camp. Still, he could not afford the risk of losing an anny for the sake
of avoiding a conflict between the Christian 'factions', which composed the army, especially after
Capestran called also for the aid of Serbians, schismatics, Walachians, Jews, heretics [probably both
Bosnian Bogumils and Hussites] and unbelievers [local Muslim enemies of the Turk] too. He had
realized that his harsh attitudes (mid 1455-early 1456) were of little actual positive impact in an area
where Hunyadi's 'mixed' confessional and social tactics were more useful, in particular when Latin
'domestic crusader conflicts' were at least as strong as those between 'good' and 'bad' Christians5.
After witnessing the disaster of Varna (1444), after losing against Murad II at Kossovopolje
(1448) or (repeatedly) against Jan Jiskra (Giskra), especially at Losoncz (Lucenec) in 1451, under
more favorable circumstances than those of 1456, whether or not Hunyadi actually hoped for vic-
tory or, like Capestran and several crusaders, was content to die a martyr's death, remains a very
delicate question. The anny/ annies gathered at Belgrade were the most unprofessional military as-
semblies he had to deal with throughout his career. Hunyadi at Belgrade resembled more the later
rebel George (Gyorgy) D6zsa than the skilled professional general of the early 1440'. Still, unlike
the other John (Capestran), of the 'three Johns' (which aocording to Piocolomini's later compro-
mise version, brought victory at Belgrade), who really behaved like 'a D6zsa', Hunyadi seemingly
did his best to avoid such a prospect. He was trapped between his experience, which called for pru-
dence, 'international' and domestic crusader political conflicts, which hindered offensive action, and
enthusiasm of the commoners, which led to the open charge of the Ottoman lines. He was too
rudent in order not to expect a favorable outcome of the battle, both in anti-Ottoman and Hungari-
an (maybe namely) tenns, and also in too delicate position, in order to disregard the personal bene-
6
fits of a martyr's death. Both victory and death came, but not in the way 'contemplated' by John .
5
Acta Sanctorum, X-10, p. 361; Wadding, XII, p. 766 (Giovanni da Tagliacozzo); N. Housley, 'Crusading
_as Social Revolt: The Hungarian Peasant Uprising of 1514', JEH, XLIX (1998), pp. 1-28; Idem, 'Giovanni da
Capistrano', pp.103, 104, 219 (note 78); Janos M. Bak, 'Hungary and Crusading in the Fifteenth Century', in
'Crusading, pp. 224 (note 1), 227 (note 48). See also Oskar Halecki, Tile Crusade of Vama: A Discussion of
Controversial Aspects (New York 1943), pp. 67-75. By schismatics, Capestran probably meant both the Greeks
ho rejected the Union of Florence and the Hussites (later, most often, Matthias used schismatics to design-
nate only Hussites; Al. Simon, 'La plaoe chretienne de la foi des Roumains de Transylvanie en 1574', AIRCRU,
-VI (2004-2005), pp. 389-403). In this respect, it is perhaps not futile to underline the fact that it is not unlikely
t, in (decisive) moments, at Belgrade, the reported brot/Jerhoad exceeded the rivalry and hate between, in
particular, Gennan and t/--/ungarian crusaders (see also Hofer's lines, 'Der Sieger von Belgrad', pp.188-195).
< 6
For instanoe, the 'synthesis; of Stefano Magno, Annali veneti e def mondo [1443-1478] (ONB, Codices,
Cod. 6215-6217), I, Ad annum 1443, ff. 7'-8'; Ad annum 1444, ff. 21'-22', 24'-27'; Ad annum 1448, ff. 81'--82',
•107'-112'; Ad annum 1449, ff. 137'-139'; Ad annum 1451, ff. 165'-167', 169'-171'; Ad annum 1452, ff. 183'-
188'; Ad annum 1453, ff. 192'-199'; Ad annum 1454, ff. 221'-222'; Ad annum 1455, f. 226'"; Ad annum 1456,
ff. 232'-241'; Ad annum 1457, ff. 246'-248'; H. lnalcik, 'The Ottoman Turks and the Crusades, 1329-1451', in
Crusades, VI, pp. 258, 264. See also Istvan Petrovics, 'A Delvidek es a t6r6k veszely: a nandoliehervari
diadal es el6zmenyei' [Southern Hungary and the Turkish Threat: The Victory of Belgrade and its Antece-
dents], Bacsorszag, XXXVII (2006), 2, pp. 11-19; Ta mas Palosfalvi, Nikapoly/61 Mohacsig 1396-1526 [From Ni-
copolis to Mohacs 1396--1526] (Budapest 2005), pp. 108-117 It should not be forgotten that in 1439-1440, John
Hunyadi was initially in the Habsburg camp. Albert II had been the one to appoint him ban of Severin/ Sz6reny
·n 1438 (P. Engel's, 'Hunyadi palyakezdese' [The Beginning of Hunyadi's Career], in Nobilimea, pp. 91-109).
493
Alexandru Simon
I. Between·Kossovopolje and Vienna
It is difficult to find better examples for the actual magnitude of the Christian fear of the Turk
as well as for the Ottoman fearof Jancu, than the 'Long Campaign' of 1443. It was a military mas'.'.
terpiece, involving rather few men, but of questionable lasting strategic effects. It was however"'
enough to trigger a massive wave of Christian optimism and an equally significant Ottoman fearj
It was human, it was mutual and it was lasting. Nobody had ever advanced that deep into the Euro- ;
pean heart of the Turk, which, namely after 1396, a=unted for much. It was a 'unique wonder::
which made Hunyadi's fame and credit, north and south of the Danube. It largely protected him from :
regional and domestic downfall until 1456, when he and his contemporaries virtually ran out of cru,)
sader memories. The fact that Byzantium, whose rescue was the ultimate (continental) aim of the '
crusade, was still alive in the 1440' may have made most of the difference. But then, John played i
an almost equally important part in its conquest (by his bribed involvement in the peace of 1444, by}
his, as well as Skanderbeg's hazardous in the end, conduct of 1448, by his Italian anti-Venetian dea,,.
lings, by his double-dealings, yet largely unavoidable, with Ulrich von Cilly after Ladislas (Laszlo) V' >
'liberation', by his Byzantine power-play of 1452-1453). This fact, frequently passed under silence;/
was the result of the same personal and collective mechanism which had enabled John's rise 7. {'.
In March 1440, VV1adislaw (W!adyslaw, Ulaszlo) of Poland became king of Hungary. Hunyadi,?
sided with him and proved, to his own benefit too, his usefulness for the king over the next months.<'.
Soon after his enthronemen~ deprived of the Holy Crown, in the possession of his Habsburg r(-,\.
vals, VV1adislaw made it very clear that fighting the Turk was the only option, a popular one, f9£E
him and his party, both on the Hungarian and on the Christian level. Prior to his enthronemen&~;
he had reached an arrangement with Murad II. It was VV1adislaw's first broken Ottoman deal (it[~}
not unlikely that John, or at least his partner and still 'patron' at the time, Nicholas (Miklos) Ujla~/l+
were involved in it too). Previously, Krakow had played its part, following also the pattern laid dOVl!l}
by the Ottoman-Polish ententes established since the late 1380', in the devastating Ottoman a,ttf
tacks on Hungary (1437-1438). It was no surprise that the king's anti-Ottoman calls failed to reac.fft
their targets. One of the responses proved to be a lesson. In December 1440, Venice stated that').
she had done her work for Christendom. She now had peace with Murad, which she could not brea,k~
without great dishonor and imminent disaster. Yet, if the context would favor anti-Ottoman warfar\l1'{
the republic could join in. In the 1450' this context was unfavorable, following repeated defeats. ln)1
the 1450' moreover, John Hunyadi lacked the northern and southern supporters of the early 1440~,i;
7
E.g. Codex, 11, nos. 305-308, pp. 454-468; Notes, 11, p. 404; 111, p. 155; Piccolomini, I, no. 175, p. 519; n~l
179, p. 530; no. 192, pp. 565-566; CDH, I, SzerlJia, no. 198, pp. 135-136; nos. 203-205, pp. 140-143; nos,,!'
207-209, p. 144; nos. 212,214, pp. 145-146; AAV, XVIII, no. 4904, pp. 93-94; no. 4925, pp. 129-134; Jan Oaj;j'
browski, !Mady/aw Jagiellanczyk na Weg,zech (1440-1444) [Wadislaw Jagiello in Hungary. 1440-1444] 0Afat:
saw 1922), pp. 154-155; Bistra Cvetkova, 'Analyse des principales sources ottomanes du XV' siede surl"§t
campagnes de Vladislav le Vamenien et Jean Hunyadi en 1443-1444', SA, V (1968), 1, pp. 137-158. In rega(d.f
to Hunyadi's post 1443 conduct we look aside, for the moment, from his Walachian and Moldavian involv"'t~
ments and their consequences, namely because the predominantly pro-Ottoman effects of his actions were api;&:
parently equally the effects of local Walachian and Moldavian interests and rivalries, largely dependant on thejy
earlier relations of these states' with the Turk that have, so far, seldom received a proper scientific treatment. .;%"/;
8 '':;//
E.g. Codex, I, nos. 94-96, pp. 88-90; no. 111, pp. 119-121; Reichstagsakten-Albrecht, I, no. 121,P.:,t-
184; no. 128, p. 195; no. 283, p. 525; no. 370, p. 729; no. 399, p. 839; Notes, 111, pp. 105-106, 125-127, 135-1:J§J!s·
CDH, I, SzerlJia, no. 231, p. 164; nos. 242-244, pp. 171-172; nos. 260-261, pp. 193-196; nos. 265-268, pp\}t
199-203; AAV, XVI, no. 3945, pp. 130-131 (it was a dassical response) XVIII, no. 4807, pp. 22-23; no. 4925,f1,
pp. 129-134; Piccolomini, I, no. 117, pp. 281-283. Hunyadi's and 'Madislaw's early actions and in particular lhe,}i
'long campaign' of 1443 also recalled the pattern of Giovanni Torcello's seemingy far-fetched plans of 1439 Qry'yf
Recueil des voyages et des documents pour servir a /'histoire de la geographie depuis le Xllf jusqu'a la finJtff,
du XVf siecle, edited by Charles Schefer, XII, Bertrandon de la Brouquiere, Voyage d'Outremer (Paris 1892),J'
pp. 263-274; see, in comparison, Jacques Paviot's, 'Burgundy and the Crusade', in Crusading, pp. 70-80).,;:'.5:,
494
The Lion in Winter
,1. The Northern Aftermath of Two Failed Balkan Crusades

On the eve of the siege of Belgrade, the (strange in view of past and future events) Hungarian-
erbian alliance seemed to be the southern key to anti-Ottoman victory. This is what the events
f 1443-1444, as well as Murad ll's hurry to restore Brankovic to his possessions in return for his
upport of peace talks between Adrianople (Edime) and Buda, indicate. George's capacity to raise
8.000 men, after losing his Serbian lands, in order to aid Hunyadi (1443), and his daughter Mara's
marriage to Murad II fom,ed a winning (pro- and anti-Ottoman) and most needed (between Hungari-
an and Ottoman pressures) combination for the despot. After the 'infamous peace' was broken
and Brankovic's Hungarian estates seemed lost, the despot focused on strengthening his Ottoman
ties. Venice reacted in similar fashion, by concluding a new treaty with the Turk after the Danube
crusade of 1445. In the summer of 1456, when he became governor of Hungary, virtually like in the
summer of 1456, Hunyadi could not reckon with regional support. Walachia and Moldavia were
loyal to the Turk. Poland was in tum,oil. The few Polish common places were refusing any future
crusader involvements, blaming Hunyadi for the death of her king, fighting the Teutons and hostili-
ty towards renewed papal claims of supremacy. Serbia seemed a closed chapter for Hunyadi. For
domestic reasons too, John apparently had to come, for the moment, to tem,s with sultan Murad'.
After using Ottoman troops too to raid Frederic Ill's Austrian lands (winter 1446-1447), as the
Habsburg had become, due to his custody over king Ladislas V, one of the main threats to Hu-
nyadi's authority, he turned against Murad II and brought Walachia and Moldavia under his con-
trol in the next winter. His south-western problems however persisted. Though Venice and Serbia
were at war, due to their colliding Albanian and Bosnian interests, they were united by their desire
and need to preserve the peace with Murad II, who, after an unchallenged display of power had
returned from his 'Asian retirement' in 1446. Hunyadi had tried to counteract by fom,ing alliances
!Nith Alphonse V of Aragon, whom he wanted to enthrone as king of Hungary, and Skanderbeg, Ve-
nice's and Brankovic's adversaries. Even though both allies were rather far away, his Walachian
uccesses and, in particular, his expanded Hungarian estates, which fueled with men and money
is troops, increased his eagerness to confront Murad. His confidence was probably boosted by
e sucoessful anti-Ottoman defense of Chilia (Kilia), at the Danube Mounds (June 1448). Hunyadi
mingly thought that he could sucoeed in spite of the Italian and West Balkan contexts. The new
pcpe Nicholas V aided him with sem,ons, not subsidies. In 1456, Calixtus Ill' efforts were far greater,
_but their main target was at sea and eventually Hunyadi had little material papal aid to rely on'°.
9 For instance: Reges/a chronologica-<iiplomatica Friderici Ill. Romanorum lmperatoris, edtted by Joseph
hmel (Vienna 1838 [1840]), no 2232, p. 226 (January 1447); Fontes Rerum Po/onicarum e tabulario rei-
ub/icae Venetae, edited by August Cieszkowski, 1-2, Acta Vladis/ao Jagel/onide Regnante (Poznan 1890),
os. 39-47, pp. 79-131; no. 51, p. 140; Raguza, nos. 26&-273, pp. 448-459; Notes, 11, p. 407; 111, pp. 210-212;
osz (1883), pp. 703-707; Historia, pp. 15-16; Francisc Pall, 'Ciriaco d'Ancona e la crociata contra i Turchi',
SHAR, XX (1938), pp. 42-44; F. Babinger, Franz Delger, 'Mehmeds II. FrOhester Staatsvertrag', OCP, XV
1949), pp. 225-258; F. Babinger, 'Von Amurath zu Amurath. Vor- und Nachspiel der Schlacht bei Varna
1444)', in Idem, Aufsatze und Abhandlungen zur Geschichte SOdosteuropas und der Levante, I (Munich
962), pp. 137-139; Al. Simon, 'The Walachians between Crusader Crisis and Imperial Gifts (Mid 1400' and
arty 1500')', AIRCRU, IX (2007), pp. 189-191; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 11, pp. 83-84 (namely).
10
Sirne Ljubic, Lisfine o odnosajih izmedjujuznoga slavenstva i mletacke republike [Documents and Re-
ports regarding the Relations between the South-Slavic Lands and the Republic of Venice], IX, 1423-1452
(=MSM, XXI) (Zagreb 1890), nos. 281-283, pp. 267-273; no. 286, pp. 279-280; nos. 28&-290, pp. 282-285; CDH,
I, Szerbia, nos. 21&-221, pp. 149-153; DRH, D, I, no. 259, pp. 359-360; Kfeinchroniken, I, nos. 51-52, pp. 99-
100; Matei Cazacu, Petre S- Nasturel, 'Une demonstration navale des Ottomans devant Constantinople et la
bataille de Chilia (1448)', in Between Worlds, 11, pp. 335-343. For the question of Brankovics estates, which
poisoned relations between him and Hunyadi, the conflicts involving Hunyadi, AJbert Losoncz or Jancho of Cilly,
Brankovics man, around the Zarand domains are quite relevant (EA, nos. 9054-9055 (=L 98, fasc. 23, nos. 4-
5), 23"' February, 1• of March 1448; and also no. 9518 (L. 49, fasc. 20, no. 3), from the 23"' of June 1449).
495
Alexandru Simon
In 1448, on one hand, Venice replied to Hunyadi's demands of aid that she would support hirn
if he could mediate a peace between her, Skanderbeg (such a peace between the republic and the
Albanian lord was concluded only after Kossovopolje) and Brankovic, which was the hardest part
Almost immediately after, Venice, who in her own fashion had supported, and not without little ef,"
forts, the crusade of Varna, urged Murad to attack Skanderbeg (March-June 1448). Murad did that
When news of Hunyadi's imminent campaign arrived in the Ottoman camp, Murad broke off his
siege of Kroja and turned his troops against Hunyadi (August). While Hunyadi's army of less thar\
30.000 men (in spite of various rumors), raided Serbia (September-October), it seemed as if the sul
tan could be trapped between Hunyadi and Skanderbeg, free from immediate Ottoman pressur
but eager to settle local scores. Venice feared that Skanderbeg would deploy his troops again
her Albanian coast. Still, he tried to come to Hunyadi's aid. He was eventually prevented in doing
so by Brankovic too. Between facing Hunyadi who was burning his lands and stopping Skanderc
beg frorn coming to Hunyadi's aid, the despot had chosen the second option. This largely contribuc
ted to Murad ll's victory over Hunyadi. When the fate of the battle was still undecided the Wala
chian troops (whether those of Moldavia or of Walachia, or both) deserted the crusader tyrant". :
Hunyadi was captured by Brankovic. After Varna, Vlad II Dracut (the Devil) of Walachia, wt,
had accompanied him to Varna, had captured Hunyadi on his retreat in Walachia. Vlad II want
to make sure that Hunyadi would stop mingling in Walachian affairs. Hunyadi promised to do
and was released. In 1445, Vlad II and Hunyadi joined forces on the Danube with the Burgundif'
fleet. This scenario seemed outdated in late 1448, because George knew that John had eventual!
dethroned and beheaded Vlad II (1447), and in particular because, unlike in 1444, no real crusad'
aftermath was in view. Hunyadi had to swear that he would return Brankovic's Hungarian estat ·.
the price for his part in the 1444 peace, and to refrain from intervening in Serbia. Brankovic fu
demanded that Matthias, John's youngest son, should many his niece, Cilly's daughter, and re
a hostage until the marriage between the under aged of/springs was performed. Eventually, in
1451, though sucoessful in his recent Serbian attacks, Hunyadi had to give in to this demand.
had to go to war in the North, at the request of the Diet In return, he seemingly had, as later eve
tend to indicate, a back-up plan, rendered possible also by his office as governor (apparently, it ·
one of his character features, revealed also by his conduct of 1456, when he did not tum Belg .
into a 'real' ultimate stand). The Byzantine and Austrian crisis however redirected his attention 12 .'
11
1/ibri commemoriali def/a Repub/ica di Venezia. Regesu [edited by Rvcardo]. Predellij, V, [Registri XI
XVI~ (Venice, 1901), no. XIV-31, p. 16; Freddy Thiriet, Reges/es des de/iberafions des assemblees venitien
concemant la Romanie, 111, 1431-1463 (Paris-The Hague 1961), no. 2779, p. 145; Usune, IX, no. 288, p. 2
(apparently, the more substantial peace talks between Venice and Skanderbeg began in eany October 1
Raguza, nos. 279-282, pp. 466-470; Notes, Ill, pp. 177, 180, 184 (Venice's involvement in the ausade of1
IV, no. 20, pp. 41-42; AAV, XX, no. 5397, p. 58; Giunio Resti, Chronica Ragusina, in MSM, XXV (1893), pp.
298; Lajos Kiss, 'A rig6mezei hadjarat' [The Campagne of Kossovopolje] (I-IV), HK, VIII (1895), 1, pp. 1-4
pp. 157-181; 3, pp. 339-349; 4, pp. 454-486; Leopold Kuppelwieser, Ungams Kampfe gegen die werdeneM
derOsmanen bis zur Sch/acht van Mohacs (Vienna 1895\ pp. 145-152, 166-169, 174-183; (Vienna 18
pp. 83-89, 96-104 (still infonnative); N. lorga, 'Du nouveau sur la campagne turque de Jean Hunyadi en 1...
RHSEE, Ill (1926), pp. 13-27; F. Pall, 'Skanderbeg et Janco de Hunedoara', RESSE, VI (1968), 1, pp. 10-,
12
. For instance: Fejer-Hunyad, no. 55, pp.149-157; Hurmuzaki, 1-2, no. 595, pp. 717-719; Notes, Ill;;
190-193; Von Hirtenzeit zur Hohen Pforte. Ftilhzeit und Aufstieg des Osmanenrieches nach der Ch ···
"Oenkw0rdigkeften und Zeillaufe des Hauses "Osman" van Oerwisch Ahmed, genannt 'A§ik-Pa§a-Sohn (;0§
111), edited by Richard F. Kreuter (Graz-Vienna-Cologne 1959), pp. 127-128, 175, 188; llie Minea, Vlad On{
§i vremea sa [Vlad Dracul and his Time] (offprint from Cl, IV) (la,;i 1928), pp. 159-162; F. Pall, 'Preteso · ·
bio di lettere fra Giorgio Brankovich, principe di Serbia, e Jancu de Hunedoara (Hunyadi) a proposrro del
icolo otman □ intomo al 1450', RESEE, XII (1974), 1, pp. 79-86; M. Cazacu, 'The Reign ofDracula in 1.
in Dracula: Essays on the Time and Life of Vlad Tepe§(; RIU, VI, 1991, 2), edited by Kurt W. Treptow (
der-lasi 1991), pp. 55-58 (especially); Idem, Dracula [suivi du "Capitaine Vampire" une nouvelle roumaine,
Marie Nizet /1879)] (Paris 2004), pp. 102-103, 111-115; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 11, pp. 89-91 ..
496
The Lion in Winter
. Serbian Perils, Albanian Promises and Austrian Changes
In May 1450, Murad II again set siege on Skandebeg's Kroja. The arrival of winter and the
ct that this time the Venetians supported both sides with food and supplies brought the siege to an
nd in October. Venice was however unwilling to go any further against Murad. Other than in the
te 1460' (when she too was at war with the Ottoman), the republic had refused Skanderbeg's des-
rate offers to pay Venice the tribute due by him to the sultan (1449) or to hand over Kroja to the
public (1450), in return for her support. Venice was only willing to mediate a truce between Skan-
rbeg and Murad. In exchange for it, Skanderbeg was expected to abandon Alphonse V of Ara-
on and implicitly Hunyadi, Skanderbeg's ally and Alphonse's Hungarian vassal. Venice's stands
re reinforced by Hunyadi himself. He had no intention of respecting his arrangement with Bran-
ovic (April), which Ragusa had hoped that it would resurrect anti-Ottoman warfare (June 1450).
reed by Nicholas V of his Serbian oath, Hunyadi paid little effective attention to Skanderbeg and
··· used on northern politics. Governor Hunyadi's problems grew, while his means diminished. The
recarious position of Skanderbeg, Alphonse Vs decreasing Balkan attention and in particular the
newed Venetian-Ottoman arrangement contributed to a conclusion, within a year and half, of a
ree year truce between Buda and Adrianople (sealed between November 1451 and April 1452)13.
The arrangement was more than just a truce. It sealed a potential mcxlus vivendi between the
ttomans and south-eastern Christendom In spite of its 'Danubian provisions' which limited Otto-
an influence along Hungary's borders, the treaty was proof for how dramatically power relations
d changed since Murad ll's offer to the lords of Buda in mid 1444. It exceeded even the provi-
. ns and consecuences of Sigismund's Ottoman deals, from his first years of rule (1387-1392)
the aftermath of the siege of Golubac (Golumbac) in 1428-1430. Young sultan Mehmed II had
ached an arrangement with the much older governor, whom he addressed as a monarch, and
tablished a Hungarian-Ottoman condominium in the North, while he prepared his great attack on
antium. Whether or not John was actually aware of the sultan's true intentions, whether or not
thought that Mehmed II was unfit for his father's legacy, it is rather certain that he, exhausted
y military failures and domestic conflicts, lacked the means to military counteract Ottoman plans at
at time. Hunyadi's flanks had been weakened by the loss of Moldavia and by Brankovic's attacks
eptember-October 1451 ). If, on the long temn, Mehmed II profited the most from the treaty, on the
art temn, the main beneficiary of the truce was Hunyadi. Regardless of how much he might have
ought that his personal powers were endless, Hunyadi may have awaited more from Frederic 14.
13
Raynaldus (1692-1727), XVIIII (1693), Ad annum 1450, no. 7, pp. 366-367; Raguza, nos. 283-284, pp.
1-474; no. 294, p. 483; no. 296, p. 485; CDH, I, Szerbia, nos. 228-229, pp. 158-162; no. 231, p. 164; Usfine, IX,
. 305, p. 302; DRH, D, I, no. 295, p. 404; Notes, 111, pp. 260-261; His/aria, p. 16; F. Babinger, Mehmed der
berer unde seine Zeff. We/tensturmer einer Zeitenwende (Munich 1959'\ pp. 102-105; Matteo Sciambra,
·useppe Valentini, Ignazio Parrino, 'L'Albania e Skanderbeg nel piano generale di crociata di Callisto Ill
455-1458)', BBGG, NS, XXI (1967), pp. 83-136; C. Marinescu, La polifique orientale d'Alfons V d'Aragon, roi
Naples (Barcelona 1994), pp. 149-154; Oliver Jens Schmitt, Das venezianische Albanien. 1402-1479 (Mu-
2001), pp. 301-308, 594-601; see further Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, pp. 97-99, 101 (note 79).
14
E.g. ASG, AC., Massaria Communis Januae. Ambasciatorum Expensae, reg. 22, cc. 75', 188' (15" of
· ctober 1392), [Ciriaco di Ancona] Cyriac of Ancona, Later Travels (=ITRL, X), edited by Edward W. Bodnar
ambridge, Mass. 2003), no. 9A-81/2, pp. 38-47; DRH, D, I, no. 266, pp. 366-367; F. Pall, 'Ciriaco d'Ancona
la crociata contra i Turchi', BSHAR, XX (1938), pp. 29-47; Jorg K. Hoensch, Kaiser Sigismund. Herrscher an
r Schwelle zur Neuzei( 1368-1437 (Munich 1996), pp. 338-339. See also Gyula Moravcsik, 'Ungarisch-by-
ntinische Beziehungen zur Zeit des Falles von Byzanz', AHASH, II (1954), 3-4, pp. 352-353; Istvan Kaprranf-
, 'Ungarische Gesandte im turl<ischen Lagerzur Zerr der Belagerung Konstantinopels', AAASH, XXIII (1975),
2, pp. 16-17. It is interesting to note tha, against most odds, Murad II proved to be more of a nemesis for
hn Hunyadi than Mehmed II, like, throughout the 1480', Bayezid II eventually proved to be a greater problem
king Matthias than the conqueror of Constantinople in the 1460'-1470' (Al. Simon, The Weak Sultan and the
agnificent Monard1s: Ottoman Actions in the Black Sea Area in 1484, MN, VII-VIII (2007-2008), forthcoming).
497
Alexandru Simon
In face of the common threats posed by a Hungarian (and Austrian) enthronement of Ladisla~:
prior to his eighteenth birthday, Frederic and Hunyadi had become allies (1450-1451). An anti-Ott
man success, linked to Frederic Ill's Roman coronation of 1452, would have greatly helped the d
mestic interests of both John and Frederic. It would have restored Hunyadi's image and improv
the Christian general and regional stand of Frederic. The increasing dependency of the success
an anti-Ottoman action on an entente between Vienna and Buda played in the Hungarian favor
Hunyadi, but, as it proved virtually impossible to maintain, against the ultimate success of the c
sade. This only added to the problems posed by the over-all equally important, in anti-Ottoma
terms, but also as impossible, in Hungarian feudal terms especially, entente between John an·
George. Due to family ties, the latter was compelled to rely in such Hungarian matters on Ulrich v
Cilly, Hunyadi's main adversary. Gilly's great coup was the Viennese uprising which 'liberated'
dislas V from Frederic Ill's golden cage, where, according to the pact between Frederic and Joh
Hunyadi, Albert's son should have remained until he reached full legal age (1452). Influenced b
Cilly and earlier by his mother queen Elisabeth, Ladislas hated his uncle Frederic Ill for wantiri
to deprive him of his father's Austrian legacy and of his inherited position as head of his House15,
Ladislas was more than apparently easy to influence and also changed his mind in regard
Frederic Ill more than once. His uncle, though recently crowned emperor, lacked not only the G€.
man, but also the Austrian means, to take more substantial action against Gilly's claims or Ladisl
tribulations or in the Hungarian and anti-Ottoman favor of Hunyadi. By that time, almost a deca ·
of predominant mutual resent and conflict between Brankovic and Hunyadi had been complet
This seemingly left little room for anti-Ottoman cooperation between them, even after MehmeiJ;
took the mines of Nova Brdo from the despot (June 1455), to which Hunyadi 'responded' by
pestran's attack of Gy6r, just weeks later. As a year earlier, when the Ottomans had made tli
first successful moves against him, George apparently still hoped that tlie matter could be solv"
as in 1444, through Mara's diplomacy. He seemingly and willingly overlooked the facts that tlie
lution of 1444 had been rendered possible by Hunyadi's campaign of 1443 and that Mehmed
different from his father. To the north, Hunyadi's means of influencing him seemed limited. To
south, Bosnia and He12egovina (Duchy of St. Sava) were liabilities. Skanderbeg, like Ragusa,
his own concerns. Ban Ladislas Hunyadi's control over virtually independent Croatia was redu
Hunyadi's efforts, prior and after the Hungarian changes of 1452-1453, proved increasingly futile 1.
15
E.g. ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, Ungheria, cart. 650, lase. 1, nn (1" of March 1452); Ustine X, 1 .,
1469 (Zagreb 1891), no. 60, pp. 47-49; Franz Wasner, 'Tor der Geschichte: Beitrage zum papstlichen z"";?
monienwesen im 15. Jahrhundert', AHP, VI (1968), pp. 113-162 (pp. 142-153 in particular). As time went bl'
and Hungary drew closer to Mohacs, while medieval Serbia ceased to exist, the existence of ententes be
Buda and Krakow, respectively between Hungary and the Walachias (or at least Moldavia) became also of
ramount importance (Krzysztof Baczkowski, 'Der jagiellonische Versuch einer Gml1reichbildung um 1500 u
die turkische Bedmhung', in Europa 1500. lntegrationsprozesse im Vviderstreit. Staaten, Regionen, Persona
verbande, Christenheit, edrted by Ferdinand Seibt, IMnfried Ebehard (Stuttgart 1987), pp. 434-444). For Fred~·
and the crusade, see also J6rg Hauptmann's brochure, Kaiser Friedrich Ill. und die Osmanen: der Kmuzz
gedanke im spa/en Mittelafterund das Problem einergemeinsamen TOrkenabwehr(Dresda 2001), pp.7-11:-;
16
ASM, A.D.S., Potenze Estere, Venezia, cart. 341, lase. 6, 8, 9, nn; 24" of June, 31" of August, 2"'
September 1454); Raguza, no. 285, p. 477; Usline, X, no. 58, pp. 45-46; no. 62, pp. 51-52; Notes, II, pp. 38
386,395; CDH, I, Szerbia, nos. 24S-255, pp. 185-191; nos. 257, p. 192 (the original in Wadding, XII, pp. 252-2
19" of June 1455; Capestran's letter from Gyor to the pope, while, at virtually the same time, in Vienna, La..
slas V, duke Sigisimund and Ulrich van Gilly allied themseives against Frederic Ill; Urkunden, Briefe und AkJ
stOcke zurGeschichte derHabsburgischen Furs/en K. Ladislaus Posth., Erzhe,zog Albrecht VI. und Herzog s·
mundvon Oste,reich aus den Jahren 1443-1472 (=FRA, II, 2), edited by J. Chmel (Vienna 1850), no. 7, pp.1.
20). Meanwhile, Frederic Ill M had grov.1ng problems with his brother Albert VI duke of Austria, as well as
his other nephew, Sigismund of Austria and Tirol, the son of duke Frederic IV, kept by Frederic Ill virtually
his hostage until his turned 19, as he wanted to do in Ladislas V case, in 1446, when he released him, und
the menace of the Austrian Estates (see Heinrich Koller, Kaiser Fried1ic/J Ill. (Darmstadt 2006), pp. 4S-55).
498
The Lion in Winter
3. Defeats in the North, Retreat in the South, Unrest to the East and Concerns to the West
In 1450, Hunyadi concluded two major arrangements. He formed a league with palatine La-
islas Garai and Nicholas Ujlaki, who, at the time, still supported him (late July). Then, the league
bypassed the regency council and sealed a profitable deal with Frederic Ill. The king of the Romans
kept Ladislas ('and' his Austrian and Hungarian rights) in his custody, prolonging Hunyadi's regency
until 1458. He thus forced George Rozgonyi, Ladislas' supporter, to surrender Bratislava (Press-
burg, Pozsony) and Tmava (Tymau, Nagyszombat) to him. In between regional crisis, his personal
· terests therefore focused on Upper Hungary too, which 'coincided' with the requests of the Diet.
unyadi left against Jiskra, (quite surprisingly) Ladislas' most loyal captain, reluctantly acknow-
ged as such by the Hungarian Estates in 1445. Previously, regardless of the circumstances, Hu-
yadi had never been able to defeat Jiskra (in fact, none of Hunyadi's four campaigns against the
ebel captain were actually victorious). The decisive clash however did not take place. When the
·de seemed to turn in favor of Hunyadi, Krakow (namely cardinal Zbigniew Olesnicki), intervened
and mediated the conflict. Hunyadi was well 'rewarded' for the truce. The truce was broken a year
later by Jiskra. In September 1451, Jiskra defeated Hunyadi at Lucenec. Like at Kossovopolje, at
e decisive moment of the battle, the governor was deserted by a part of his composite army".
Alongside these two better known treaties, there was a third arrangement that year, which
aid even more about Hunyadi's position at the time. In spite of the Hunyadi-Garai-Ujlaki league
nd of his arrangement with Frederic, John still feared in October 1450 for his safety and future in
e realm. His treaty with Bogdan II of Moldavia, his (personal) vassal (due to the context, the most
· yal to Hunyadi of all Walachian and Moldavia rulers), contained a rather uncommon clause for
uch arrangements. According to custom, Hunyadi promised Bogdan II shelter in case of need. In
return, Bogdan promised the same for Hunyadi. This was a unique provision in the known treaties
.between a 'ruler of Hungary and a Walachian or Moldavian prince (at the same time, John, who
had taken vital Chilia from Moldavia in 1448, left the possibility open of 'returning' it to Bogdan). A
ear later, Bogdan was executed by the Polish party. Hunyadi recovered from this heavy eastern
low less than two years later, when he accepted Alexander II (in whose name Bogdan had official-
been put to death) as his protege. By his treaty with Bogdan, Hunyadi had proven that he was a
ealist and even took the risk of revealing his concerns on the very formal official level. By his deal
'th Alexander II, Hunyadi showed that he had no 'hard-feelings' and could still adapt to the situa-
. n. The recent unfavorable events had not fully consumed John's resources or broken his will 18 .
17
Raynaldus (1692-1727) XVIII (1693), Ad annum 1450, no. 7, p. 367; Fejer-Hunyad, no. 50, p. 139; nos.
57, pp. 15&-161; Teleki, I, pp. 267-269, 282,325, 330-331; 11, pp. 138, 151, 180-181; Piccolomini, 111, no. 65,
. 136; no. 102, p. 178; no. 107, p. 187; no. 109, pp. 192, 195, 199-200; no. 290, p. 491; Joseph Held, Hunyadi:
hand Reality (Boulder 1985), pp. 141-146 (meanwhile George (Jin) Podebrady (Podiebrad)'s power in-
eased in Bohemia; Frederick G. Heymann, George of Bohemia, King of Herefics (Princeton 1965), pp. 11 S-
24). The fact that Jiskra was included by Picoolomini in his (partially preserved) gallery of famous men (we
n only speculate, with rather significant arguments nonetheless, that John was also part of this gallery) is in
If most relvant for the stakes, in tem1s of image and politics, involved by Hunyadi's failures against him (De
ds illuslribus, edited by Adlianus van Heck (Vatican City 1991), pp. 56-58; ttwas completed pliorto 1450).
18
E.g. DRH, D, I, nos. 300-302, pp. 410-415 (in comparison: no. 316, pp. 432-433, from February 1453).
olin lftimi, 'La politique de Jean Hunyadi en Moldavie', in Between Worlds, 11, pp. 367-368; It is interesting to
note that, probably in 1454, when Hunyadi's Hungarian position seemed to crumble, Nicholas V, who, eartier,
ile John had still been a regent had addressed him with princeps (which might explain also the manner in
ich the Genoese approached Hunyadi in 1454-1455; e.g. ASG, A.S., Diversorum, 3041, nn, 24" a/February
1454), sent the golden rose, equally a major crusader distinction and a sign of reconciliation, reserved usually
only to kings, to John Hunyadi (I. Parrino, Acta albaniae vaucana res albaniae saeculorum XIV et XV atque
ruciatam spectantia (Vatican City 1971), no. 17, pp. 12-13; for the political role of the rose in crusader context:
Marco Pistoresi, 'Venezia-Milano-Firenze 1475. La visrra in Laguna di Sfmza Malia Sforza e le manovre della
iplomazia internazionale: aspetti politici e ritualtta pubblica', SV, XLVI (2003), pp. 31-67; namely pp. 42-47).
499
Alexandru Simon
After his defeat by Jiskra in September 1451, Hunyadi had been compelled to start negotr
ting with Mehmed II. The Moldavian events of October contributed to the conclusion and the co
firmation of the Ottoman-Hungarian treaty (November 1451-April 1452). After taking into aceou
the possibility of dethroning Wladislaw II of Walachia, his former protege, Hunyadi had to contin
to accept him as ruler and to exploit the latter's desire to keep the traditional Transylvanian estat
of Walachian rulers. John had to make the most out of the truce with Mehmed. While the Czec
more sensitive than most of their contemporaries to 'national aspects' (due to the Hussite wars),
celebrated their victory over, interestingly, the Walachian governor, John turned once again to h
troops from native Ha\eg (Hatszeg, Wallenthal) and attacked Jiskra's strongholds. He took seve
of them before he was stopped by the Hungarian Estates. They wanted John to return and
the threats posed by Mehmed II and Brankovi6. As Mehmed II had increased his pressures
Byzantium, Brankovi6 threatened Buda and the Hungarian barons and called for a revision of
treaty he had concluded with John, following the intervention of the same barons, who had stop
Hunyadi's Serbian attacks. On one hand, there was a legitimate desire for calm in and around
tormented realm. On the other, there was a quite justified fear of Hunyadi's 'absolute powers·'\
Meanwhile, George Podiebrad, governor of Bohemia, in the name of the same Ladisla
intervened in favor of a truce between Jiskra and Hunyadi. He feared the increase of Huny
power in Upper Hungary. The growing conflict, for lands and for supremacy amongst Ladisl
supporters, between Jiskra and Cilly (which eventually led to Jiskra's fall once Ladislas nomi
ascended to power in 1453), equally played a role in Hunyadi's decision to halt his advance.
again, as in the case of the Polish mediation of 1450 or of the much more famous Serbian
lion of 1444, Hunyadi received a 'material compensation', a rather oommon practice. He planh '
use the money against the Turk. He renewed his arrangement with Frederic Ill, crowned empe
March 1452. Pope and emperor were compelled to do more against Mehmed, while Hunyadi·
space and resources to ooncentrate on the Turk. But luck and skills were better housed in
years in the camps of the natural allies Cilly and Mehmed, aided by the agile politics of Mara
kovi6. While Frederic Ill was still in the Peninsula and Hunyadi prepared his troops, Cilly decisi
struck in Vienna. By early fall, Frederic had to accept the loss of his hostage Ladislas V. All his
lier compromises turned against Hunyadi. He had to pay homage to Ladislas and resign his o_
(December). He had already begun to seek a Byzantine anti-Ottoman compensation for his lo
19
Ustine X, no. 3, pp. 2-3; no. 10, p. 7; no. 13, pp. 9-1 0; no. 16, pp. 13-14; no. 22, p. 17; no. 43, p. 34;
48, pp. 37-38; Teleki, 11, p. 213; DRH, D, I, nos. 305-306, pp. 418-422; no. 308, pp. 423-424; AlexanderG
Supan, Die vier letzten Jahre des Grafen Ulrich II. van Ci/Ii (Vienna 1868); Mihail Dan, 'Doua maturii
des pre originea roman a a lui loan Huniade [fwo Slavic Testimonies on the Romanian Origins of J_
Hunyadij', Transilvania (Sibiu), LXXIV (1943), 7-8, pp. 590-595. For Hunyadi's conduct, see namely P. E
analysis, 'Janos Hunyadi: The Decisive Years of his Career. 1440-1444', in From Hunyadi to Rak6czi. War
Society in Late Medieval and Early Modem Hungary, edrred by Janos M. Bak, Bela M. Kiraly (New-York 1
pp. 103-123; Idem, 'Janos Hunyadi and the Peace of Szeged (1444)', AOASH, XLVII (1994), pp. 241-25_
20
E.g. HHS!A, Hs.S., Hs. R 124, ff. 146 (148/-149 (151)' (the ceremonies ofRome, where Frederic Ill;
acocmpanied also by Ladislas V); Urlwnden, Briefe und Aklens/ucke, nos. 3-4, pp. 30-32 (in mid Septe ·
1453, the archbishop of Estzergom ratified the 'union' concluded between Ladislas Garai, Nicholas Ujlaki
Ladislas Pal6czy, royal court judge, for the defense of Ladislas V and, in particular, Ulrich von Gilly, to
Hunyadi tried to respond by attempting an alliance with Podiebrad, in October, but in the name of the de
of Ladislas' Hungarian, Bohemian, as well as Austrian, interest, an attempt which led to Hunyadi's joum
Prague less than a month later and contributed to his prolonged stay in the north, at Tmava, in 1454; T,
X, no. 14, p. 27; DRH, D, I, no. 318, p. 436); Raguza, nos. 334-337, pp. 528-586; no. 340, p. 589, no.
592; Usline, X, no. 10, p. 7; no. 13, pp. 9-10; no. 16, pp. 13-14; no. 33, p. 27; no. 36, p. 28; no. 39, p. 3
56, p. 44 (see also no. 75, pp. 65-66); Held, Hunyadi, pp. 148-147; Engel, The Realm, pp. 293-294. Alrea
March 1452, follov.;ng the talks of v1enna, between him, Gilly, Hungarian and Austrian barons, Hunyadi
apparently taken into acocunt the possibility of Frederic Ill loss of control over Ladislas V and was v.;m
openly sidev.;th Frederic's enemies in order to diminish his own potential problems (DRH, D, I, no. 309, p. 4"'
500
The Lion in Winter
II. From Belgrade to Jerusalem
In 1456, Mehmed II acted impulsively. He disregarded experienced advice that called for the
mplete isolation of Belgrade and the much easier conquest of Slavonian lands. He believed in
is star and in his lucky Wednesday (which fell on July 21, the date of the Ottoman assault). After
•· mbarding Belgrade, for a week, so that, according to Hunyadi, the castle looked like a field,
· ehmed wanted to end matters. He apparently viewed Hunyadi as his personal enemy, as the
reatest challenge to his desired universal supremacy and Roman imperial legacy. The Ottoman
rkish thoughts and legends of Hunyadi as, 'both' mythical founder of Byzantium and as leader
f the terrible northern people that would descend to the South, as well the image of Hunyadi as
· onstantine Xi's successor, created by the Greeks of Hungary, give ground to believe that the
till young sultan had an intimate perception of the aging Hunyadi as a menace. This perception
mingly prevailed in 1456 and can hardly be separated from the manner in which the siege and
e ensuing, almost sudden, retreat were conducted. As in the charge of the 'common crusaders'
d the ensuing, complementary, 'professional crusader' attack on July 22, cold strategy joined
oughts of divine predestination which, at Belgrade and in decisive moments, more than just ap-
21
arently took precedence over reasonable calculus. God wants it did not only come in Latin .
After 1456, Mehmed II never made any direct personal and major moves against Hungary.
1458, Hunyadi's son became king. Ottoman chronicles often confounded Matthias and John
kings of Hungary, both prior and after Belgrade (an interesting feature which appears also in
rman chronicles and stories, especially in those related to Vlad Ill). Mehmed and Matthias re-
atedly fought and negotiated, but never directly faced each other, unlike Mehmed and John at
lgrade. The combats usually had 'neutral venues' (Serbia, Bosnia, Walachia, Moldavia). Actions
royal soil had far-reaching consequences. In 1467, the Transylvanian rebellion instrumented
Mehmed against Matthias forced the king into a truce and re-<lirected his crusader solutions
m the south to the north. In 1474, the Ottoman sack of Hungary's small Saint-Denis, Oradea,
mpelled the king to personally resume anti-Ottoman warfare. In 1479, the failed Transylvanian
,ttoman campaign led in fact to a compromise. At Matthias' 'initiative', he and Mehmed II started
· mng each other allies and relatives by blood, based on an almost legendary Walachian common
, involving the 'southern branch' of the Hunyadis. Ottoman-Hungarian conflicts did not fade
. They were 'refurbished' by Mehmed's alleged statement ('underlined' by royal Hungarian
22
paganda) that he and Matthias were the only ones worthy of calling themselves monarchs .
21
E.g. Fejer-Hunyad, no. 78, pp. 225-227; Notes, V, no. 77, pp. 62-64; Firdevsi-Rumi, Kuth-name [The
r Book), edited by Ibrahim Olgum, lsmet Panmakizoglu (Ankara 1980), cf. Mihail Guboglu, in Al/Al, XXll2
5), pp. 849-852; FHDR, IV, Zo/jkos Paraspondyfos, pp. 392-397, Tevari/J-i, I, pp. 55-56; 11, pp. 72-73; Tursun
(2007), pp. 102-103 (in the chronicler's poetic wording, the main cause for the 1456 conflict was the fact
that Mehmed and king Janka fought over Serbia's hand), 104 (the advice ofTaji Karaca Bey ofRumelia to
hmed II); Stephane Yerasimos, 'Enquete sur un heres: Yanko bin Madyan, le fondateur mythique de Con-
tinople', in Melanges offerts a Louis Bazin parses disciples, co/legues et amis, edited by Jean-Louis Bac-
Grammont, Remy Dor (Paris 1992), pp. 21:,-217 (especially); Dan loan Mure.an, 'Le Royaume de Hongrie
~rise de Constantinople: croisade et union ecclesiastique en 1453', in Between Worlds, 11, pp. 488-491.
22
ASM, A.D.S., Potenze Estere, Venezia, cart. 354, lase. 2, nn (18'' of February 1468); BNM, Cod. Lat. X-
(=3622), f. 133' (30" of January 1489); Ulkundliche Nachtriige zurOste,reichischen-Deutschen Geschichte
Zeitalter Kaiser Friedrich Ill. (=FRA, II, 46), edited by Ado~ Bachmann (Vienna 1892), no. 147, pp. 162-163;
. 234, p. 257; no. 251, p. 266; no. 255, p. 273; no. 280, p. 298; MOE, no. 23, p. 41; no. 46, p. 75; MKL, I, no.
_9, p. 381; no. 263, p. 387; 11, no. 43, p. 68; nos. 48-49, pp. 76-82; no. 247, p. 388; Notes, V, no. 73, p. 54;
al Pasha Zade, in Cronici twce§ti, I, p. 207; 771un:iczy (1985), p. 285 (this would be the 'sequel' to Mehmed's
eel comment upon hearing of John's death - afthough he was my enemy I feel grief over his deati1, because
world has never seen such a man-, whid1 is, nonetheless, more plausible, than Mehmed's alleged attempt
commit sucide after realizing the magnitude of his defeat); Al. Simon, 'Lumea lui Djem. Suceava, Buda ',i ls-
bul in anii 1480' [Djem's Wortd: Suceava, Buda and Istanbul-in the 1480], A/IC, XLVIII (2005), pp. 11-43.
501
Alexandru Simon
1. The Miraculous Clash between the Glorious Charge and the Victorious Prudence
Belgrade was one of the best defended cities in Christendom's eastern half. Western eye\Vi
ness reports and previous Ottoman failures to take Belgrade (such as the one of Murad II in 144
had stressed that out. In particular after the fall of Byzantium, Belgrade resembled a 'northern c
stantinople', not only in military terms. In terms of symbolism, this was emphasized, especially in
reports of Capestran's 'party'. The sultan had assembled for the conquest of Belgrade the sa
great army (200.000-300.000) he had used to take the city of Constantine, including a giant canno
made from the melted church bells of Constantinople. In fact, he probably had brought with hi
about half of the 80.000 men strong professional army of 1453. Still, there were at best 8.000 train
soldiers defending Belgrade, plus 4.000 under Hunyadi's direct command outside the city (inter
tingly enough, more than just a coincidence in terms of military impact, such 'medium' figures
than match the number of the elite core of janissaries at that time). The 'professionals' were joi
by at least 15.000 'common crusaders' (lancu seemingly felt that they were more of a burden t
an aid). Contemporary partisan reports place their number at 40.000-60.000. Like in the case of
size of the Ottoman army, this was more than impossible in terms of space, time and demogra
but more than welcome in terms of propaganda, both in fear and in collective Christian triumph ,
Nonetheless, in terms of 'general' crusading Christian atmosphere prior and namely after
clash, such statistical aspects were not the most relevant facts. One the main ideas was appare
that pure and true belief and enthusiasm had shielded Alba Graeca, 'a second Constantinople',
prevented its fall against the same power of the Twk which had ended the Christian life of Cons
tinople, the second Rome. It was a miracle and a sign in front of which Hunyadi faced from
start a handicap. Prior to the siege, he had tried to concentrate his operations not on Belgrade,
on Cuvin (Keve) and failed to halt the advance of the Ottoman ships, which arrived in front of
grade (late June-early July). Eventually he recovered and managed to destroy most of them
to the almost one week long constant bombardment of the city which preceded the Ottoman
neral assault on July 21. His army (60.000 men) was usually deemed greater than that 'of Ca
!ran'. Image took again precedence over content. Together they had some 100.000 men, a figu
to match the huge Ottoman onslaught and to impose the picture of a great Christian combat, a
cond Pons Milvus, both on land and on water, where 200 Ottoman ships faced 200 Christian ·
sels. Nonetheless, albeit the dreams of faith, Carvajal's, Capestran's, Hunyadi's advocates or.I
informants commonly agreed on that it was the most unprofessional of crusader assemblies24 .
23
CDH, I, Szerbia, no. 278, p. 210; no. 532, pp. 468-469; Wadding, XII, pp. 420 (Niccolo de Fara),
755, 784-789 (Giovanni da Tagliacozzo); Held, Hunyadi, pp. 146-148. Hunyadi, who, already in mid 1
had stated, in relation to Ca,vajal's proposals and Capestran's enthusiasm, that he wanted no anm
chi/dran, but of capable men (see also Teleki, II, p. 331), left 4.000-5.000 of his own troops in the city (w
added to the possibly 2.000-3.000 men under Szilagyi's command) and most likely kept the same num
soldiers for himself. As for 'Capestran's army', while awaiting further data and analysis, we can also acce
gures of up to 20.000-25.000, case in which around 10.000 of them were not involved in the clashes. E_
so, in tenms of Hunyadi's conduct and of the major stakes at Belgrade, the 'populist pattern' applied to th'
events locks rather obsolete (for the major perspectives: Andras Borosy, 'The Militia Porta/is in Hungary be)
1526', and J. Held, 'Peasants in Arms. 1437-1438 & 1456', in From Hunyadi to Rak6czi, pp. 63-80, 81-101
24
HHSIA, Hs.S., B 8, ff. 83'-84' (24~ of July 1456; except for this letter, sent by Hunyadi to Frederic,
other three letters sent by him after the clash are predominantly vague regarding his actual role in the ba
CDH, I, Szerbia, nos. 265-268, pp. 199-203; nos. 531-533, pp. 465-471; Notes, IV, no. 68, pp. 134-136.11
be added that it was reported that out of fear of the papal fleet, Mehmed left 40.000 men for the defense of C
stantinople (Bela Pettk6, 'Kapisztran Janos levelezese a magyarokkal' [John Capestran's Hungarian Corr
pondance], TT, XXIV (1901), p. 193), which, in tenms of only about 15.000, could well be true, furtherincr
the division of the anmed forces of the seemingly overconfident sultan, as approximately 10.000 Ottomans
involved in the sack of Athens that same summer (ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, Venezia, cart. 343, fa
nn (25° of August 1456); K.M. Setton, Catalan Dominailon of Athens. 1311-1380(London 1975'). pp. 210-2
502
The Lion in Winter
On the 22 nd of July, the crusaders attacked the Ottomans outside the walls of Belgrade.
uring the night, the 'professional crusaders' had repelled the Ottoman attack. Hours later, a chain
action pulled the 'common crusaders' out of the quarters, following an altogether minor incident
tween isolated bearers of the cross and Ottoman soldiers. Hunyadi's orders were not obeyed.
ram his ship, on the Danube, which he apparently seldom left during those days, he had ordered
at no one should leave the camp in pursuit of the retreating Ottomans. The consequences of
e crusader charge of Varna were still vivid in his mind. After his fleet had blocked the Ottoman
val advance on the Danube and (unexpectedly) destroyed most of the sultan's vessels, John's
asoning was justified. But it was precisely this defiant attack of the commons crusaders, rather
ickly supported by the professional ganison of Belgrade and eventually by Hunyadi too, which
de much of the crusader glory. After overrunning the lines of defense, the crusaders wanted to
ursue the retreating Ottomans. Much to their dislike, Hunyadi again vetoed the action. On July
3, a new battle was about to take place, this time between the factions of the victorious army. In
e end, this battle was avoided and Mehmed continued his retreat. He did not make a new attempt
25
take the city, not even after the crusader army was (quickly) reduced to its professional core .
An Ottoman retreat could always tum into trap. Usun Hassan's Tercan disaster of August 1473
s the result of such action. Victorious over Mehmed II in battle and eager for more plunder, he
· hased the Ottomans who turned and surrounded him. This ended his great career. A=rding to
ursun Bey too, this had been Mehmed ll's plan also on July 22, 1456 (to lure Hunyadi out of his
campment), after in the previous night, in the fights inside the walls of Belgrade, most of the
nissaries had been killed. Regardless of the proportion of objective and personal motifs which
to Mehmed's decision of retreat, taken seemingly only in the night of the 22"'-23"', with a about
If of his professional army still able to fight, it would have been unwise to consider that he would
t attempt to turn the tide in his favor. Apparently, Capestran too had resented the first crusader
arge on the 22nd , but then, when he realized that he could not stop the crusader flood, he gave in
his own exaltation and led the attack on the surprised Ottoman army. A day later, he decisively
nded Hunyadi's decision to send the 'common crusaders' home. This very risky decision, for
med's troops might have still regrouped and turned against Belgrade, indicates the gravity of
crisis, the fact that that most crusader losses were amongst the 'commoners' inside and out-
26
• e of Belgrade and namely that John Hunyadi's professional troops were still in good shape .
25
Notes, IV, no. 67, pp. 132-134; Wadding, XII, pp. 728-730 (Capestran to Calixtus Ill), 762, 793 (Giovanni
Tagliacozzo); Acta Sanctorum, X-10, p. 382; [Peter Eschenloer] Peter Eschenloer's Stadschreibers zu Bres-
Geschichten der Stadt Breslau, oder Denkwiirdigkeffen seiner Zeit vom Jahre 1440 bis 1479, edited by J.
Kunisch, I, 1440-1466 (Breslau 1827), p. 31; Hofer, 'Der Siegervon Belgrad', pp. 199-200. Foran (Hungari-
overview of the siege and of Hunyadi's skills as a general: M6r Wertner, 'Magyar hadjaratok a XV-ik szazad
.. feleben' [Hungarian Campaigns in the First Hafof the 15° Century] (Ill-IV), HK, XXIV (1911), 3, pp. 410-448;
, pp. 537-74; L. Elekes, 'Hunyadi hadserege' [Hunyadi's Army], Sz, LXXXIV (1950), 1, pp. 85-120; J. Held,
andoriehervar (Belgrad) vedelme 1456-ban' [The Sieg ofBelgrade. 1456], TSz, XXVI (1983), 1, pp. 87-95;
abor Barta, A nandorfehervari csata [The Battle of Belgrade] (Budapest 1984), pp. 188-191, 249-255, 288-
(see further the perspectives in, namely, Gabor Agoston's, 'A Nandoriehervarhoz vezet6 ut' [The Road to
rade], in Deli harangsz6. Tanulmanyok a papai rendelet felezeteves jubileumara [The Southern Bells:
dies on Papal Jubilees], edited by Zsolt Visy (Budapest 2000), pp. 203-249, in particular, pp. 229-233, 235-
, as well as in Ferenc Seb61cs, 'John Hunyadi as a Milnary Leader', in Between Worlds, 11, pp. 401-404).
26
For instance: Malipiero, p. 76; Tursun Bey(2007), pp. 105-107; John E. Woods, The Aqquyunlu. Clan,
federation, Empire (Minneapolis-Chicago 1976), pp. 127-137; lnalcik, 'The Ottoman Turks, 1451-1522',
. 323-324. Whether or not, Hunyadi and Szilagyi's troops alone would have been able to withstand another
oman assault has to remain a matter open for debate, as, moreover, the Ottoman retreat was apparently
t as precipitated as Latin sources wanted to indicate, but was done with rather significant calm (see also Ba-
gel's perspective in his Mehmed, pp. 144-145). At any rate, Capestran's intervention in favor of Hunyadi's
saning shoud not be deemed as just a matter of hagiography (see also E. F0gedi, 'Kapisztran Szent Janos'
t. John Capestran], in Deli harangsz6, pp. 276-281, especially; Damian, loan de Capestrano, pp. 218-222).
503
Alexandru Simon
2. Dealing with Crusader Success and Providing for Personal Survival
Hunyadi had to deal with a quite problematic victory. After the siege, he only set foot insi
the city after the 'commoners' had been 'evacuated' from the area. He had to focus on the nnili
aftenmath of the victory. According to reports from the Ottoman camp, the sultan lost 13.000 me
giving rather great credibility to Viennese and Milanese figures on Ottoman casualties (20.
The crusaders probably lost almost as much lives as the Ottomans (information contained in tn
same sources), but the figure was well below 20.000. Maybe 10.000 civilians and 'commoners' a
2.000-3.000 'professionals' lost their lives. Otheiwise, on the morning of the 23"', the joint crusacl
anmy would have been down to some 5. 000 men, making a conflict between the crusaders virtu
impossible (the surviving 'commoners' must have been a match in tenms of numbers for Huny
di's men) and easing a potential return of a regrouped Ottoman anmy. But, as so often in the
of the miracle of Belgrade, facts fought fiction and did not always reach a compromise. At any rat
even though major direct combats covered only two days, the siege of Belgrade proved, at le
as bloody, than the battles of Kossovopolje and Varna. Likewise, and more important, in terms
future events, was the fact that the Ottoman campaign proved a financial disaster, leaving Me
med with a huge deficit of 500.000 ducats (twice the sum of Ladislas V annual royal revenues).
A problem was also the fact that Capestran had only reluctantly agreed to disassemble
crusader anmy. Already on the 22"' (in the Feast of St Maiy Magdalena, the patron of sinn
and also the patron of the church in which the Ottomans had stored their munitions and burn
their retreat) in his first letter on the victory, he did not omit to emphasize the fact that the vict ·
charge against the Ottomans had taken place against Hunyadi's orders and to under1ine thaf
Capestran, had taken command of the attacking crusaders only after failing to halt them. It was.
certain in view of the Hungarian consequences of the victory and of Hunyadi's personal proble
if Capestran was to remain at Hunyadi's side, given the recent events, or he was to side with.
king and the absent barons, in spite of earlier tokens of mutual resent, in exchange for prom(
of support for a great offensive, of which Capestran dreamed of. In this respect, the questirnj
Hunyadi's part in the victory was more than vital. Giovanni da Tagliacozzo, Capestran's main
vacate, wrote that, in spite of the gigantic proportions of the clash, never explicitly mentioned/'
constantly implied, the decisive blow had been dealt by only 2.000 men gathered around Ca
tran. Such far-fetched statements make Antonio Bonfrni's naturally and obviously pro-Hunyadi
trait of the battle look very credibile. But Bonfini already knew the 'long aftenmath' of the battle".
27
CDH, I, Szerbia, no. 273, p. 205; no. 276, p. 207; no. 278. p. 210; no. 532, pp. 468-469; Noles, IV,
70, pp. 141-143; I.M. Damian, 'Giovanni da Capestrano, i valacchi e la battaglia di Belgrade: Fanti e ideol
della crociata dei minori', in Between Worlds, II, pp. 447-462; Pastor, The History of/he Popes, II, pp. 295,
lorga, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, I, pp. 8-9, 78-81; Babinger, DerQuel/enwert, pp. 31-40; Sett
The Papacy and the Le-vant, 11, pp. 179-181, 188-194. At any rate, it is useful to underline the fact that·
nyadi"s main problem(s) was/ were apparently not directly related to the person of Capestran. but to the'
professional' crusaders under the latter's command, to the way in which, for the same crusader reasons.-
different in tenns of 'domestic' backgrounds (which after the battle took precedence in both camps), that
led to the entente, between Hunyadi and Capestran, Capestran could be used against Hunyadi, as
personally tum away rrom him in the name of the 'greater plan and mission' (Fejer-Hunyadi, no. 79, p. 227F.
28
CDH, I. Szerbia, no. 278, p. 210; no. 532, pp. 468-469; Wadding, XII, pp. 371-372, 420 (Niccolo de Far.a
430-432 (Capestran to Calixt Ill on August 17), 728-730, 753-755, 761, 767-768, 780-783, 788-789 (Giovannf
Tagliacozzo); Promonlorio, pp. 84-87; Bonlini (1936-1941), 111, pp. 92-106 (in particular pp. 102-105; Bo
naturally makes use of several of Piccolomini"s perspectives on Belgrade; e.g. [Pius 11], Opera geographica el
lorica Aeneae Sy/vii Picco/ominei postea Pii fl papae (Helmstad 1699), pp. 224, 246). It should probably be ad
that a battle. on land and water, insided and outside city walls, between 400.000 men would have reouired
area of the size of the modem Banat(e). Besides, even when he wrote to the pope six days after Hunyadi's
the monk only daimed, based on a letter sent by Brankovic to Carvajal, that more than 24000 Turks were
(which would represent only, 'at best', some 12% of the alleged Ottoman anny which Capestran had face
504
The Lion in Winter
The 'common crusaders' attacl<ec, but, after meeting with Ottoman real resistance, they faced
:I disaster (as had happenec at Varna or Nicopolis). They needec help. The Ottoman could not remain
; constantly stunnec by the audacity of the commoners. According to Bonfini, Hunyadi gave the or-
~ der, from l1is ship, that his troops inside of the city walls should enter combat. This meant that he
I was basically tl1rowing in his reserves into a dangerous decisive confrontation and contrasts with his
l general prudence shown during the siege. But without that 'professional' help, the charge of the
:i 'commoners' would have most likely ended in a blood-batl1. If, in the last minute, Hunyadi did not
1overcome his reluctance towards open combat, Michael Szilagyi, commander of the city garrison
· and Hunyadi's brother-in-law was probably tl1e one who gave, without permission, the order for tl1e
; attack. Greedy for fortune and fame (which ensurec Matthias' enthronement, but ultimately brought
, Szilagyi's downfall), Szilagyi had already disapproved with Hunyadi in early July. The latter had in-
·c. structec that Capestran after his arrival in Belgrade should join him in Cuvin. Szilagyi had unsuc-
< cessfully (the monk did shortly leave tl1e city) and yet justly advised against it, due to the imminent
CZ amval of the Ottomans. Eventually, given also tl1e very important question of the spoils of victory,
9
· Hunyadi's personal troops also probably attacked, thus sealing Mehmed ll's decision to retreat2 .
Due to the regional and domestic context and the question of professional military forces, it
could well be tl1at John already viewec Belgrade as an unexploitable miracle. In his letters to Garai
and Ladislas, he was triumphant because he had to and tried to leave Capestran out of tl1e picture.
He did not need an alternate victor. A day later, on the 24~, in his letter to Frederic Ill, his natural
ally, he avoided however over-emphasized the success and underlinec tl1at, if the emperor did not
intervene, the situation could back-fire on botl1 of them. He also probably did not tl1ink tl1at Brankovic
keep his pro-Christian stands of the last months and not negotiate a favorable Serbian so-
lution with Mehmec II after tl1e latter's retreat. Basec on a reported conversation between Branko-
vic and Carvajal, his Catholic rival, Capestran even impliec, in his letter sent to Calixtus Ill, a few days
after Hunyadi's death, that Brankovic too thought tl1at the time had come to liberate also the Holy
Land. Capestran tl1en lackec even the naked and unanned crusaders of Belgrade, but others were
gathering in Vienna A general euphoria had set in, which seemingly did not work in tl1e captain's
favor. In his letter to Francesco Sfoiza (who, significantly enough, for tl1e context, had previously
accepted the idea of a 300.000 men strong Ottoman army), even Juan Carvajal had written tl1at the
monk had made up in prayer what the victor of Belgrade Hunyadi lacked in men and resources3°.
29 CDH, I, Szerbia, no. 278, pp. 209-210; Leben und Taten der totkischen Kaiser. Die anonyme vul-
giirgriechische Chronik Codex Barberinianus Graecus (Anonymus Zoras) (;QGS, VI), edited by Richard F.
Kreuter (Graz-Vienna-Cologne 1971), pp. 124, 126 (the confusion between Matthias and Ladislas V should also
be noted); Bonlini (1936-1941), 111, pp. 99-100, 103-104, 248-250; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 11, p. 182
(note 83). In spoe of great lack of useful direct information on Hunyadi's last two weeks of his life (last 16-17
days, to be more co1Tect, August 24/25-July 11), the fact that remained near Belgrade could also indicate that
he probably expected Mehmed ll's return (which did not occur however, not even after John's death). In
terms propaganda, see I. Petrovics, Endre Gyorgy Szonyi, Capystranus: 'A Late Medieval English Romance on
the 1456 Siege of Belgrade', NHQ, XXVII (1986), pp. 141-145; Bonnie Millar-Heggie, 'Sanctfy, Savagery and
Saracens in Capystranus: Fifteenth Century Christian-Ottoman Relations', Al Masaq, XIV (2002), 2, pp. 113-121.
30 E.g. BNM, Cod. Ital. Vll-794 (;8503), Giorgio Damn, Cronaca Veneta dalle origini al 1458, 11. 444'-445b
(23'° of July; peculiar Italian translation of the letter sent, in Latin, by Hunyadi to archbishop Szecsi and edited
in Fejer-Hunyad, no. 78, pp. 225-227); HI-IStA, Hs.S., B 8, 11. 83'-84' (24" of July; Hunyadi's letter to Frederic
Ill); GOH, I, Szerbia, nos. 269-270, p. 203; no. 277, pp. 208-209 (Hunyadi's letter to Garai); no. 279, pp. 210-
211; nos. 531-532, pp. 465-469; Notes, IV, no. 68, pp. 134-136 (Hunyadi's letter to Ladislas V; also in Fejer-
Hunyad, no. 77, pp. 223-225; except for his letter to Szecsi, Hunyadi sent all his other three known letters on Ju-
ly 24); Wadding, XII, pp. 430432; J. Hofer, Johannes Kapistran: ein Leben im Kampf um die Refonn der Kirche,
II (Heidelberg 1965'), pp. 436-437. It should be noted that the relative freedom granted to Francesco Sforza in
the 1450' to deal w.h crusader funds, basically as it pleased him, made him also rather open towards the Fran-
ciscans, useful under the cira.imstances (Sara Fasoli, 'Da Galeazzo a Ludovico. Lineamenti della politica sfor-
zesca verso l'osservanza minoritica negli anni di Sisto IV (1471-1484)', NRS, LXXXII (1998), 1, pp. 127 -152)
505
Alexandru Simon
3. Seven Rich Years, Seven Poor Years and Two Days of Eternal Glory and Despair
The hero of Latin Christendom, of rather 'unhealthy' and certainly modest noble origins, usually
led into battle ethnically and confessionally inhomogeneous assembly of often rivaling warriors, Stilli
between 1442 and 1444 namely, this had worked welL In 1444 and 1448, it had ended in disaste~
The consequences of Varna and Kossovopoije were far more influential than the effects of Sibiu
(Hermannstadt, Szeben) or the battle on the lalomi\a Nonetheless, the main core of 'lancu's army'/
not a militia or a popular army, but a functional structure (given also the fact that it largely SUNiv
him and was fully used by Matthias) formed of experienced predominantly Walachian, Hungarian
Serbian border wanriors, proved a successful alternative to western style knights and to most of
the noble banners of the kingdom, Prior to 1456, John had already stood in front of professional
troops of misfits, not a mob of displaced Christians, barefooted and unarmed on the road to salva-;
lion, Mocked by traditional lords, as the unclean army of a lowborn 'dictator', mocked as well by 'po.
pular crusaders' as an army of magnates, led by an overfed baron, who had collected only failures
for the cross (a decade ago, several of the contesters had adored him), Hunyadi and his troops did
not fi~ all too well, the classical pattern of a dual medieval society and its sensibilities in times of crisis,
He faced them where his great anti-Ottoman rise had begun in 1441, under the walls ofBelgrade31
Hunyadi's 'crusader glory days' were restricted to some 3 years (1441-1444), About 12 yea
of predominantly negative Ottoman affairs followed, leading to a ratio of 3: 1, to his disadvantage
On Hungarian soil, the power ratio looked better, He had (objectively) failed outside of the real
and (subjectively) 'outside' his circle of trust His glory days thus stretched up to 1447-1448, In 14
this amounted to some 7 rich years and about 7 pocrer years, Still, what mattered most was the
that after 1448 he had not been able to really tum the tables in his favor for more than a couple
months, As calculated as he seems to have been at (most) decisive moments, he probably did n
over1ook such aspects, Without his caution and his troops, the victory of Belgrade would have bee
impossible, Belgrade would not have resisted the Ottoman night assault (July 21-22), The next day
his professional troops ensured that the charge did not tum into catastrophe, Not the same can
said of the 'common crusaders', But without them, without Capestran's exaltation or Szilagyi's p
bable disobedience, even if Mehmed II might have eventually retreated, there would have been
'miracle', John's greatest triumph had this flaw, compensated by two apparent aspects, First, hi,
ultimate goal, almost as impossible as a miracle, was not a triumph, but to repel Mehmed II an
then be able to resist also his domestic enemies, Second, Christendom badly needed a victory32
31
Raynaldus(1692-1727)XVIII (1693), Ad annum 1448, no, 10, p, 360; Fejer-Hunyad, nos, 47-48, pp, 1
132; CDH, I, Szetbia, no, 525, p, 461; Acte, 111, p, 12; AC, II (1842), no, IX-1, pp, 428-429; DRH, D, I, no, 269, Pi
372; [Johann Lowenklau] Johannes Leundavius, Historiae musu/manae Turcorum de monumenus ipsorum et
scriptae libri XVIII (Frankfurt 1591), cols, 565-568; 0/ugosz (1887), pp, 238-239, 241-242; Mons Huber, 'D'
Kriege zwischen Ungam und den Tur1<en (1440-1443)', AOG, LVIII (1896), pp, 197-205, In 1468, Podiebrad r
minded Matthias that his father had relied in anti-Ottoman combats on Bohemian(s) <heretics> too (Gelasi
Dobner, Monumenta Historica Bohemiae nusquam antehac edita, II (Prague 1768), no, 80, p. 422). For Varna
The Crusade ofVama, 1443-1445, edited by Colin Imber (Aldershot 2006), in particular the 'Introduction', PP>
1-39,32and the anonymous chronide The Holy Wars of Suffan Murad Son of Sultan Mehmed Khan, pp. 41-106.,i
For instance: Lajos Thall6czy, Samu Barabas, A Frangepan Csa/ad Ok/eve/Iara, Codex diplomaticu,
comitum de Frangepanibus, I, 1133-1453 (= MHH, I, 35) (Budapest 1910), no. 344, p, 350; AAVe, XVIII, n
5128-5129, pp. 101-106; no. 5315, pp. 262-264; Epistolae Pontiffciae, 11, no. 261, p, 71; DRH, D, I, no, 279,
390; no, 286, pp, 394-395; no. 293, pp. 402-403; no. 295, pp, 404405; 0/ugosz (1883), pp, 792-793 (1887), p
1-2; Tamas Palosfalvi, 'Some Remarks on the Political History a/Transylvania in the Years 1440-1443', M
II (1998), 2, pp. 189-210; Emanuel Antoche, 'La bataille de la riviere de lalomita, Une victoire majeure de I
chretiente face aux armes ottomans', NHB, IX (1999), pp. 61-88; Idem, Gones l~iksel, 'Les batailles de Sibi
(22 mars 1442) et de la fiviere de lalomi\a (2 septembre 1442), Essai de reconstitution d'apres !es source
de l'epoque', in Between Worlds, 11, pp, 405-426. See also Marcello Petroochi, La poli/ica def/a Santa Sede
fronte all'invasione ottoman (1444-1718), (Naples 1955), pp. 20-21, 29-35; Elekes, Hunyadi, pp, 250-252, 291
506
The Lion in Winter
. As early as April 1456, it had become clear that no help from the Italian Peninsula was to
:,' ccme to Hungary. In spite of the pressures put on Milan and Venice namely or of Genoese state-
; rnents, the papacy had only blessings to offer for the crusaders on land, while for those on sea,
I the costly preparations prolonged until the crusader fleet had almost no chance of actually diverting
t Mehmed from attacking Belgrade. Mehmed ll's successes eartier that year against the Gattilusio
£' family, which lost Lemnos and Aenos (at the Maritsa Mounds), had increased belief that resistance
;, against him was virtually doomed. Furthermore, while the Ottoman main anrny core successfully
I faced Serbian and Walachian resistance and made its way to Belgrade, in spite of the plague and
of a certain, not only rumored, fear of Hunyadi (May-June), Mehmed's troops occupied the lower
{ city of Athens and then the acropolis still held by the Catalan Acciajouli. The Ottomans appeared
y victorious in all areas, while the Christians could not focus on one successful stand. The very hot
ii summer of 1456, which forced the Ottomans to bemb Belgrade at night, was expected to be fatal to
z Christendom Whether or not, John, like allegedly Murad II too atVama, had a moment of weakness
; in which he thought of leaving the siege (and was comforted by Capestran, as his men claimed), the
33
;2 victory of Belgrade, regardless of its actual magnitude, touched for ever many desperate hearts .
! In early June 1457, Calixtus Ill wrote to Skandebeg, urging him to remain the athlete he was
·, and promised him he would not desert him, like he had not deserted Hunyadi prior to Belgrade. In
·, rnilitary and propaganda tenrns, Skanderbeg was still recovering from the defeat he, though aided
f by Alphonse V, had suffered, at Berat (Be/grado), from the Turk (late July 1455). The dream of reco-
\vering even Jerusalem which had found its way into the papal curia too after Mehmed ll's retreat
l: had already faded away. The Turk had completely recovered, by the end of 1456 and was ready
''' for another attack on Christendom. The papal fleet, which should have diverted the sultan's attack
3t,in the previous summer, was again not a real option for the cause of the crusade. By that time,
:, Capestran (October) and Brankovic (December) had died. Ulrich van Cilly (November 1456) and
tLadislas Hunyadi (March 1457) had been beheaded. More than in 1455-1456, apparently more
'' than ever, Hungary was off the crusader planning beard, and with her the entire 'dysfunctional', yet
'.!successful, defensive system 'of Belgrade. What the pope had said, under the influence of beth
fthe despair and the miracle of Belgrade, to the Milanese envoy, in last August, seemed particularly
!_true as events unfolded and the 'miracle' was not exploited: tuta <victoria> hera stata def prefato
;, Zohanne Vayvoda acompagnato da Ii poveri e so/i cruciati (Capestran was not even mentioned)34.
33
E.g. ASG, AS., Oiversorum. Jurammenli. Registri, 712A, nn (10" of March, 17m of June, 18'' of Au-
gust); ASV, Ann. XXXIX-7, ff. 17 (20r [25"-30" of Apriij, 22 (25)' (5° of August for the 31" of May 1456); Ray-
na/dus (1692-1727), XVIII (1693), Ad annum 1456, nos. 1-5, pp. 452b-454a; nos. 12-13, p. 458a-b; Acta inedita
hist,oriamponuffcium romanorum praesertim saec. XV, XVI, XVII illustranlia, edoed by L. Pastor, I, 1376-1464
(Freiburg in Breisgau 1904), I, nos. 38-39, pp. 52-54; Geo Pistarino, 'I Gattilusio di Lesbo e d'Enos, signori
nell'Egeo', in Idem, Genovesi d'Oriente (Genoa 1990), pp. 403-408; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, II,
pp. 18:,-185. For Hunyadi and the Genoese, see again Lajos Tardy with his study, 'Hunyadi Janos kapcsolata a
Krim-felszigeti varosakkal es ennek elozmenyei' [John Hunyadi's Relations to the Cities of the Crimean Pe-
ninsula and their Anteoedents], Keletkutatas [Oriental Studies] (Budapest), II (1974), pp. 117-137; Simon, The
Captain and the Superba', pp. 344-348. For Murad II at Varna: The Holy Wars of Sultan Murad, pp. 81-82.
34 For instance: ASG, AS., Oiversorum. Jurammenli. Registri., 712A, nn (5m of October, 2200 , 27m of
November 1456); ASM, AD.S., Potenze estere, Roma, cart. 58, lase. 8, nn (24° of August 1456; previously
in cart. 51, lase. 4, nn, of the same Roma series; edited by Pastor, The History of the Popes, II, Appendix, no.
43, pp. 548-550); ASV, Ann. XXXIX-7, ff. 28 (31)', 96 (99)', 123 (126)', 152 (155)' ([mid December 1456], gm
of June, 24m of September 1457, 15" of March 1458); Reg. Vat. 436, ff. 163'-165' (on May 15, 1455, Calixtus Ill
published the bulla for the crusade which had to start on March 1, 1456); VMHH, II, no. 414, p. 280 (August 14,
1456); Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, II, p. 183, note 89 In comparison: Jovan Radonic, fJurad Kastriot
Skenderbeg i Arbanifa XV veku (istoriska iratha} [George Castriot Skanderbeg and Albania in the 15m Cen-
tury (Historical Sources)] (=Spomenik, XCV) (Belgrade 1942), nos. 95-97, pp. 54-55; no. 130, pp. 74-76 [1456?];
F. Pall, / rapporti italo-a/banesi intomo al/a meta def secolo XV, ASPN, 3° series, IV (LXXXIII) (1966), nos. 1-
2, pp. 15:,-157 (in particular); MHS, 1-2, no. 3, pp. 89-90; CDH, I, Szerbia, no. 273, p. 205; no. 533, p. 470.
507
Alexandru Simon
Ill. Between Zemun and Buda
The battle of Belgrade was over. Soon after, the hangover set in, first in the East, then in the
West In effect, there had been nttle room to celebrate. Hunyadi and Capestran had to send home
troops, namely the 'common crusaders'. In the frenzy of success, amidst the dreams of martyr,
dom turned into dreams of victorious redemption by the charge on July 22, Capestran reacted very
lucidly. By the time of Hunyadi's death, the army was probably down only to the survivors of his
elite troops and of Szilagyi's ganison, totaling maybe no more than 5.000-6.000 men. Meanwhile,
the gathering of other 'common crusaders', in particular in Vienna, continued. Neither the bishop of
Pavia, nor the cardinal of San Angelo, Rome's representatives in Germania and Hungaria, were
willing to risk, both in Ottoman and Christian respects, sending them home, in spite of the almost in- '
solvable logistical problems posed the 'commoners' (at least 5.000 in number) and in spite of John '
Hunyadi's death. They too did not apparenW perceive his death as the watershed of later perspeo:
tives. Hunyadi's chances of political survival had not greatly improved after the battle. Ulrich von
Cilly, Mehmed ll's ally, and the 'deserter king' Ladislas V made ready to cage him Faced with the
raging plague on both banks of the Danube, John Hunyadi had been well awere of his situation,
when writing immediately after the battle to Frederic Ill, another of his unlikely allies of the 1450'35 ,
The first news of the highly unexpected defeat and retreat of Mehmed II reached within less
than two weeks the Italian Peninsula The Italian powers were quick to exploit, in various weys, th C
news. Naples pressured Rome into a favorable settlement of Piccinino affair which had recently pop
saned their relations. Crusader Naples also used it to justify its attack on Genoa in mid August
As paradoxically as it may sound, given local embezzlements of crusader funds and her tradition. ·
reluctance to anti-Ottoman action, she wes more genuine in her desire and commitment to figh,
the Turk (due to her colonial necessities) than Skanderbeg's and Hunyadi's (especially in the late.
1440') suzerain. In fact, even after the anival of Brankovic's envoy, in early September, Alphonse
V played unaware of John's death, congratulated him, his vassal, on his victory, and underlineef
the maritime crusader aid that was to come from Naples. To the north, Venice enjoyed, but alilO
feared the 'Christian business perspectives' opened up by Belgrade. It was Milan who seemed the
most favored by the events. Francesco Sforza knew that both the crusaders and Mehmed
would need his support and that they would have to pay much for it Rome and Venice had larg
exhausted their finances, the papacy namely because of the crusade, the republic in particular
cause of her Italian politics. His decision was to depend on Italian and Hungarian developments36•
35
E.g. HHStA, Hs.S., B 8, ff. 83'-84' (24" of July 1456); Wadding, XII, pp. 371-372; Usune, X, nos. 1()Q'
103, pp. 94-95; no. 105, pp. 96-97; CDH, I, Sze!bia, no. 273, p. 205; no. 276, p. 207; no. 278, p. 210; no. 532,
pp. 468-469; loan-Aurel Pop, 'The Battle of Belgrade in Venetian Sources', in Between Worlds, II, pp. 441]
446; Housley, 'Giovanni da Capistrano'. pp. 94-115; Simon, 'The Captain and the Supe!ba', pp. 339-342/
See also Kaspar Elm, 'Johannes Kapistrans Predigtreise diesserrs der Alpen. 1451-1456', in Lebens/ehren u
We/lenlwiirfe im Obergang vom Mitte/alter zur Neuzei/. Polilik-Bildung-Naturkunde-Theologie. Beticht iiber"
loquien der Kommission zur Erforschung der Ku/fur des Spatmitte/alters 1983 bis 1987, edited by Hartm
Boockmann, Bernd Moeller, Karl Stackmann (Gottingen 1989), pp. 500-519 (in particular pp. 505, 513-515).
36
E.g. ASG, AS., Matetie Pol#iche. Ptivilegi, concessioni, trattau diversi e negoziazioni, 2732, nn (10"
August; abstract in Trattau, no. 884, p. 158); ASM, AD.S, Potenze estere, Venezia, cart 343, fasc. 4, nn (2iJ!
28" of April); fasc. 5, nn (10"-11", 15" of May), fasc. 6, nn (16", 18", 27" of June); fasc. 7, nn (23~ of July);
fasc. 8, nn (8" of August 1456); ASVe, S.S., Oeliberazioni, reg. 20, c. 99' (12" of August 1456); Pasquale
Lisdandrelli, Trattau e negiozazioni politiche de/la Republica di Genova (958-1797). Regesti (=ASLSP, NS, I)
(Genoa, 1960), nos. 883-885, pp. 158-159; Romano Giacinta, 'Filippc Maria Visconti e i Turchi', ASL, VII (1890~
pp. 600-601; Luigi Fumi, II disinteresse di Francesco I Sforza alla croctata di Calisto Ill contra i turchi', ASL, 4
series, XVII (1912), pp. 101-111; F. Babinger, 'Relazioni visconteo-sforzesche con la Corte Ottomana durant
ii secolo XV, in Idem, Aufsatze und Abhandlungen zur Geschichte S0dosteuropas und der Levante, Ill (M
nich 1976), pp. 185-207; Lajos Tardy, Tatarorszagi rabszolgakereskedelem es magyarok a XIII-XV. szaza
ban [fartaria's Slave Trade and the Hungarians in the 13°-15° Centuries] (Budapest 1980), pp. 34-35, 172.
508
The Lion in Winter
1. Praising and Using the Unexpected Victory and the Audacious Murder of Belgrade
Not all the 'common crusaders' brought to life by the impressive preaching of the Francis-
cans had reached Belgrade. As the news of the 'miracle' spread, more folk was taking the cross. If
we are to trust the bishop of Pavia, sent by Calixtus Ill to Vienna to restore peace in Austria, in the
natural view of the crusade, and to secure a lasting agreement between Francesco Sforza and
Frederic Ill, the 'new crusaders', over 6.000, were even well armed. They were not the unarmed
and naked crusaders which had climbed the ramparts of Belgrade. Plagued with jealousy, for he
had not the field chance of Capestran, and eager to play out in writing the divisions between the
'three victorious Johns', Piccolomini, the 'desk crusader', probably did not offer the most accu-
rate image of what happened at Belgrade and afterwards. At any rate, Piccolomini's small cult of
Hunyadi, the product of his crusader dreams and of his contempt towards Capestran, made him
draw attention upon Hunyadi's Hungarian as well as German predicaments. In this respect, he
was more than right. In return, he seems not to have been aware of the fact that even Sforza, his
main pillar in Italian affairs after he became pope, seriously thought of aiding a general crusade in
the first weeks after Belgrade. There were still too many 'ifs' in order for such a thought to gain poli-
tical substance, especially for a man like Sforza, previously firiendly towards the Ottoman sultan 37 .
A general desire to do great things, which usually led in the opposite direction, if it lasted for
more than a few weeks, had started to spread. The otherwise lucid bishop of Pavia, Giovanni
Castiglione, seems to have nourished the thought of becoming the 'fourth John' of the victorious
crusade. After leaving his Hungarian realm prior to the Ottoman attack and still hesitating to return
there, a rather surprised looking Ladislas V made his appearance at the departure of the new cru-
saders from Vienna in late August. He had already resumed his series of letters calling for crusa-
der support. Things were apparently improving for him. His kingdom was hailed for Belgrade. The
victor was no longer alive to take spoils. The highly unpopular Cilly took all the blame for leaving
Hunyadi alone. Though they did not diminish his powers, such charges placed Cilly in a difficult po-
sition. He was a Christian liability for the king. The fear of Hunyadi hegemony was however still
great, fortified by his victory. This reinforced Gilly's position amongst the magnates. Nonetheless,
the king's goodwill was more than ever vital to him. Meanwhile, Ladislas V star continued to rise.
His French marriage drew closer. Madeleine of Valois, Charles Vll's daughter, was expected to be-
come his wife within a year. Christian politics and dreams were finally working for Ladislas, the in-
experienced, but good-hearted king, officially still under the full influence of the evil count of Cilly38 .
37
E.g. ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, Gem,ania, cart. 569, fasc. 7. nn (29° of August 1456); Michael Bihl,
'Duae epistolae S. lohannis a Capistrano, altera ad Ladislaum Regem, altera de victoria Be!gradensi (an.
1453 et 1456)', AFH, XIX (1926), pp. 63-75 (it is interesting to note that the 'behavioural pattern', emerging
from Capestran's letters, in the name of faith, does neither defy, nor protect in fact 'the truth', which is particu-
larly relevant for the last months of his life); Enrico Basso, 'De Boucicaut a Francesco Sforza. Persistance et
changements dans a politique orientale des seigneurs etrangeres de Genes au XII' siecle', in Le par/age du
monde. Echanges et colonization dans la MeditefTanee m6dievafe, edited by Michel Balard, Alain Ducellier
(Paris, 1998), pp. 63-77; Ovidiu Mur9$8n, 'John Hunyadi - the Ideal Crusader-in Aeneas Silvio Picoolomini's Let-
ters and Historical Writings', in Between Worlds, 11, pp. 35-41; Damian, 'Giovanni da Capestrano', pp. 457-461.
36
ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, Getmania, fasc. 7, nn (December 1); CDH, I, Szetbia, nos. 294-296, pp.
217-219; O/ugosz (1887), pp. 238-239, 241-242; Elemer Malyusz, 'A magyar rendi allam Hunyadi koraban'
[The Structure <and Order> of the Estates in the Age of the Hunyadis]. (I), Sz, XCI (1957), 1-4, pp. 46-123;
Held, Hunyadi, pp. 204-210; Supan, Die vier /etzten Jahre, pp. 77-81. This 'general desire' can be linked to the
decision of the Gattilusi to side with the papal fleet in autumn 1456, allowing her to take control over Lemnos,
Im bros and Lesbos in particular (lnaldk, 'The Ottoman Turks, 1451-1522', pp. 319-320; eventually, by 1458, the
Gattilusi returned to Mehmed's obedience, but the matter was not fully settled until 1462 and a new general
Ottoman offensive, on land and water, both to the south and the north) To the north, it is also worth noting
that the anteHabsburg pamphlet in ONB, Cod. 7596 (ff. 1'-8.'), from the early 1480', even recalled the manner in
which Hunyadi was able to explorr the disputes between Gilly, Ladislas, Frederic and his brother, duke, Albert.
509
Alexandru Simon
With Hunyadi gone, Ladislas seemingly felt increasingly at ease. Beginning with late August,
his messages made less and less reference to the late captain. His message of early September
to all the princes and cities of the Holy Roman Empire was all about him, his efforts and needs.
Belgrade was sometimes mentioned, but usually not a single word was said about Hunyadi. Bel-
grade grew into a victory of the crown while being presented as only moment in the effort to recover
Christendom from the crisis in which in had been plunged by the fall of Byzantium. Ladislas played
on two aspects. The practical one was that Hunyadi was gone, but the crusade was still necessary,
and he, Ladislas, was the man for it, by title and calling. The subjective aspect engulfed the Chris'
tian need for great things and the ever more present thought of the sultan's unmerciful revenge.
Ladislas V made his own bid for Christian power. This suited both his ego and the interests of his ·
councilors, namely Vitez. He had abandoned Hunyadi a year earlier in favor of the royal (and Cilly)
party, and his influence over Ladislas had grown ever since. He certainly had, as shown by his later
relation with Matthias, the structure of a 'maker of kings'. In any case, the 'royalists' had time until.
spring to settle Hungarian matters. The Twkdid go to war in winter. This had led to Hunyadi's rise in
late 1443. In 1456, the absence of an immediate Ottoman threat could cause his family downfall". ·
Ladislas Hunyadi was asked to smender the southern fortresses entrusted to his father, in(
eluding Belgrade, to the king's representatives. It was a royal recuest which could not be refuSed)
It was turned into a trap for the adversaries of the Hunyadis, the only solution left to them, as it h
become obvious that the surrender of the fortresses would have been the beginning of the end fo
them. Rumors on Cilly's intention to have Ladislas Hunyadi' executed on charges of treason had
also multiplied. Ladislas Hunyadi had to act in radical fashion. The king, the count and their ret/3
nues, were invited to take over in person possession of Belgrade. Overconfident, they accept
the invitation. It seemed highly unlikely that Hunyadi's son would attempt anything with the ki
present. The king was taken hostage and Cilly murdered. In early November, John Hunyadi's a
Frederic Ill's arch-rival was eliminated. Ladislas Hunyadi's action caused joy from Belgrade to Vi
na and consternation amongst the main barons of Hungary. Though Ladislas Garai and Nichol
Ujlaki, the allies of the count, had no sympathy towards Cilly, and in spite of the fact that he h
forced a form of royal pardon and justification for his actions out of the king, this constematio'
alongside the fear of the return to power of the richest family in Hungary, proved fatal to Ladisl
On the eve of Mehmed's expected revenge campaign, he was executed in Buda (March 1457)40/
39
For instance: HHStA, Hs.S., Hs. Rot, no. 2, pp. 125-132, 205-223 (the Hungarian events of 1455-1457
and Hunyadi's personality in the perspective of the Chronicle of Gilly Family, in ns 1594 version); SA, R ·
Reichsakten. 11, lase. W, no. 360 (10' of September 1456; Ladislas' message; eventually Belgrade too start
being omitted by the king in his calls for anti-Ottoman aid); Urkunden, Briefe und Aktenstacke, no. 6, pp. 17
176 (in January 1455, Gilly pawned for 200.000 florins a series of estates to duke Sigismund of Austria, almo
the total sum of Ladislas' or the papacy's annual incomes, but an affair that worked against the interests of •.
crusade, for n assured the needed political too capital for action against Frederic in Austria and Hunyadi in Hu.\
gary, but also backfired in part against Gilly, because it allowed Hunyadi to conclude several advantag ·· ·
feudal deals and loans, in view of Belgrade's defense, with Ladislas, under pressure for Gilly who had sta
to collect his debts from the king; eg. Teleld, X, no. 269, pp. 522-523; Fejer-Hunyad, no. 76, p. 222); F. Sza
'Vrtez Janos, a politikus es allamferfi: palyavazlat-kerrd6jekkel' [John Vitez, the Politician and the Statesman:
search Questions], in Vftez Janos emlekkonyv [Memorial Book John Vrtez], general-ednor Istvan Bardos (E
tergom 1990), pp. 9-38 (pp. 12-19 namely); Elekes, Hunyadi, pp. 383-391; Engel, The Realm, pp. 293-294,.
'° CDH, I, Szerbia, nos. 299-300, pp. 219-221; nos. 307-309, pp. 225-227; nos. 555-556, pp. 472-47,
Gyorgy Szekely, 'Hunyadi Laszlo kivegzese-stnukturavatozasok a magyar allam es fovaros kormanyza
ban' [rhe End of Ladislas Hunyadi: Structural Change in Government of the Hungarian State and of the F
Royal Cities]. TBM, XXII (1988). p. 61-102; Johannes Grabmayer, 'Das Opfer warder Tater: Das Attentat v
Belgrad - Uber Sterben und Tod Ulrichs II. von Gilli', MIOIG, CXI (2003), 3-4, pp. 286-316; Kubinyi, Matyas
raly, pp. 21-25. Regardless of the paths followed by an analysis, n should be remembered that Hunyadi's Htf
garian (administrative namely) status in the late 1440' and early 1450' was by definnion provisional, as gov
nor (regent) and then as captain-general (see here also Elekes, Hunyadi, p. 390; Engel, The Realm, p. 294)
510
The Lion in Winter
2. The Regional Frame of a Fading Crusade and of a Postponed Ottoman Response
Mehmed II did not attack. Hungary seemed undefended. Still, he chose to campaign in the
south. Apparently, Gilly's death presented him with a handicap that exceeded the advantage pro-
vided by the deaths of the two Hunyadis. Brankovic had also died (December 1456). His children
fought over the inheritance. The remainders of Serbia, in particular Smederevo (Szendr6), were
more than within Mehmed's reach. He took no action. The crusader dreams had turned into futile
discussions. There was no threat of an effective response to an Ottoman campaign in the north.
· Hungarian leaders were divided. Recent events had shown that they could not leave their divi-
sions aside in front the Turk, who, moreover, though he had be forced to retreat from Belgrade in
July 1456, had suffered no catastrophic losses. The Christians, from Buda and Vienna to Milan and
Venice, became gradually aware of this. Amidst the Austrian cries of joy following the killing of Gilly,
informations came up that the battle of Belgrade had not ended with the great victory commonly
·assumed. The human losses had been equally great, totaling 40.000 lives, at least 40% of the tro-
ops in both camps, according to 'more moderate estimates'. The sultan had lost his munitions and
fleet, but Hunyadi and Capestran had lost a least half of their men. Nevertheless, Mehmed had to
retreat and felt humiliated. Still, unlike the crusaders, he had the means of returning in full armor41 .
Less than a third of the rumored 70. 000 crusaders (given their apparent impact on the Viennese
population the figure should probably be reduced by only a half), which had gathered namely after
the battle, could be fed and armed until next spring, when they had to fight the emperor of the
Turks. The Reichstag gathered at N0mberg could not provide more for them. No hope came from
Hungary, though Gilly had died. Even if we lock aside from the very poor opinion on the Hunga-
·ans, which passed, in particular in Milanese reports, through the shield of praises for their anti-
ttoman deeds, the Hungarian elite, as well as the middle and lesser nobility, was very vulnerable
n the fact of new Ottoman onslaught. The domestic crisis, a bitter struggle for personal survival,
was not to end for years. Mehmed only partially exploited it in 1459, when he gained possession
'over Smederevo, under less auspicious circumstances than in 1457. He also had no preacher of
Capestran's stature to fear. But, at that time of his death, he no longer had the force of earlier. His
· redominantly bad press in Rome, Carvajal's dealings, eager to assume the position of main to-
er of the crusade, Capestran's own character, as well as the success of Belgrade, which fueled
e already existing jealousies towards his successful preaching activities, all came to consume
e old monk. In early 1457, Mehmed was apparently even in a better position than a year before4 2.
41
E.g. ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, Germania, cart. 569, lase. 7, nn (1'1 of December 1456; a peculiar
· e from the Milanese report should be brought into attention: I Ungari sono infideli e imbecilli e inconstanti
mini verso Ii faro Signori/ e maxime <verso> Ii Principi; with or without the <verso>, depending on whether
accept that principi applied either to the kings or to the barons, the label placed upon Hungarians in the re-
rt sent by the experienced Milanese representative in Vienna, Giovanni de Ulesis, to Sfoiza, is eloquent for
e pressure put on Hungary in the 1400', pressure which became more than obvious during Matthias' reign;
. Emilio Motta, 'Un ambasciatore tartaro a Venezia, 1476', AV, XIX (1889), pp. 145-153); CDH, I, Szerbia,
s. 301-305, pp. 222-224; Babinger, Der Quellenwett, pp. 4-6, 39-44; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant,
pp. 182-186, 193. Mehmed II took the crusader menace in the Aegean very seriously, following the local re-
llions in fall 1456, which enabled the (short-lived) successes of the papal fleet, but this was a problem for his
vy ws revealed by the Ottoman actions of late spring-late summer 1457) and not for the sultan's land army.
4
E.g. ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, Germania, cart. 569, lase. 7 (1', 29~ of December 1456); Urkun-
!iche Beftrage zur Geschichte B6hmens und seiner Nachbarfander im Zeftalter Georg's van Podiebrad /1450-
471) (=FRA, 11, 20), edited by Franz Palacky [Frantisek Palacky] (Vienna 1860), no. 92, p. 95 (late 1455, Gilly
emingly had become Podiebrad's enemy too), nos. 101-104, pp. 102-105; Urkunden und Aktenstilcke zur
ste,reichischen Geschichte im Zeftalter Kaiser Friedrichs Ill. und Konigs Georg van Podiebrad /1440-1471)
=FRA, II, 42), edited by A. Bachmann (Vienna 1879), no. 136, pp. 190-191; Vilmos Frakn6i, Carvajal Janos
ibomok Magyaroszagi kovetsegei [The Hungarian Embassy of Cardinal Juan Carvajaij (Budapest 1889). pp.
8-33; Hofer, 'Der Siegervon Belgrad', pp. 163-212; Simon, 'The Captain and the Superba', pp. 345-352.
511
Alexandru Simon
Ulrich van Gilly seemingly played a far greater role, in particular since the mid 1440', in Otto::}!
man politics, than the, nonetheless, important part already ascribed to him In terms of early and j
mid 1456, it is rather clear that he could have been the main responsible for Mehmed's Hungarian I
triumph. \/Vith involuntary help from Hunyadi too, he kept the nobles divided and Hunyadi isolated jl
Aided by Ladislas' concern for his own safety, Gilly pushed the king out of the country. By his mes:i
sages to Italian courts (1455-1456), on the various plans and affairs of Hungary, real as well as false ',!
which contradicted the data already at hand, he had stirred up confusion and eased the refusal oil
aids and subsidies to Buda, on ground of Hunyadi's and the realm's weakness (real nonetheless')
in most respects). Finally, he had supported the Austrian opposition to Frederic Ill and attacked J
the emperor, preventing Frederic from sending his altogether modest forces to Hunyadi's aid. The ,j
fact that the latter relied also on the support of Frederic, who had limited powers and resources, 'J
but, in return was more sincere and open towards the cnusade than in his later decades of nule, re:}1
indicates Hunyadi's major problems. He had clear1y lost ground to Garai, to Ujlaki, his former main
ally, and even to Ladislas. He virtually had to tour the realm in order namely to preseNe what was /I
I
left of his stnucture of power. Little justified hope existed for Hunyadi and Belgrade in mid 145643 • ;I
Due to Gapestran's public attack of 1455 on Brankovic, Hunyadi could not rely on his supportil
after the despot had been deprived by Mehmed II of his vital mines of Nova Brdo and mostofhis•1·
Serbian lands. Still, Brankovic and Hunyadi had come to terms. In May 1456, Brankovic charged!:
the Ottomans. He near1y lost all of his troops. It was a case in which the anti-Ottoman desperatio(i,I'
of 1456 led to disaster. However, he provided useful intelligence to the besieged. Hunyadi could}
also not count, as in 1448, on Skanderbeg. In the Albanian and Bosnian affairs, caught again in lo{;
cal strives, he was less successful than Stephen Kosarca, duke of St Sava, 'Mehmed's advocateg·s
Peter Ill Aron's double-dealings could not compensate for the fact that Moldavia was officially t 1~1
Porte's tribute-paying vassal, but still may have contributed to avoiding anti-Ottoman disaster at the'6,
,
Danube Mounds. Still, things looked worse in Walachia than in Moldavia John's relations to Vv1ad~!'
slaw II had been restored after April, for both adversaries were the Porte's targets. WhHe, Vv1adf'.~
slaw fought the Ottomans, as unsuccessfully as Brankovic, he was attacked from behind by Vlc1?i•
Ill, to whom Hunyadi had apparently entrusted the defense of southern Transylvania (late June.:%
1
ear1ypolitely
had July). During
refusedthe siege
to aid of Hunyadi
him, Belgrade,witnessed
.Walachiathe
was 'pro-Ottoman'.
collapse After ;he
of his 'eastern Italiansystem
political Penin.,su·
4..1•. a,,t
.· •·•.·•·. :•. :•· .·
'
43
E.g. ASM, AD.S., Potenze estere, Venezia, cart. 342, lases. 8-10, nn (22"' of August, 18° of Sep-[
!ember, 20' of October 1455); cart. 343, lases. 6-7, nn (15" of May, 18", 28" of June, 23m of July 1456; re;'
ports sent to Milan, by Antonio Guidaboni, very mistrustful of Ulrich van Cillys dealings); Udwnden und Akien•->
s/iicke, no. 137, pp. 191-192; no. 141, pp. 194-196 (see here also Briefe und Akien zur Osteneichisc/,en-Deu.;;:
tschen Geschichte im Zeitalter Kaiser Friedrich Ill. (=FRA, 11, 44), edced by A Bachmann (Vienna 1885), no. 26;(
p. 20; late 1455); E. Fugedi, Uram, kiralyom .. A XV. szazadi MagyaroFSzag hatalmasai [My Lord, My King,>,*•
Power Relations in 15" Century Hungary] (Budapest 1974), pp. 182-189. Hunyadi's very difficult scuation~
revealed by his joumies after the Buda talks in early spring 1453, meant to preserve his authority in the key pl~f
and areas of his power (Upper Hungary, Transylvania, Banal), as well his efforts to prolonge, for months On spit\1'·
of the pressing regional matters) his stays in Buda in 1454 and 1455 (Bonffni (1936-1941, Ill, pp. 36-38, 51-~iV·
77-79; Thuroczy(1985, pp. 244-245), in comparison also to his time as governor (P. Engel, 'Hunyadi Janos kO(;lr
manyz6 itinerariuma (1446-1452)' [John Hunyadi's Itinerary as Governor], Sz, CXVIII (1984), 5, pp. 97:,.995),+i~
44
For instance: ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, Venezia, cart. 343, fases. 6-7, nn (15" of May, 18", 28" oft,
June, 23" of July 1456; at the same time, in early June, Kosarca accused Gilly of acting, together with Mehme<jt
II, against his and Ragusa's interests, as, in deed, Gilly was stiring up conflicts in the border area between R~:iS'
gusa and Croatia: Ustine, X, nos. 94-95, pp. 88-90; no. 97, p. 92; nos. 100-103, pp. 94-95). For the context, 5e;;J
Ustine, X, nos. 81-82, pp. 75-77 (late 1455); $erban Papacostea, 'La Moldavie etat tributaire de l'empire ottoma~f
au XV' siecle: le cadre international des rapports elabfis en 1455-1456, RRHXIII (1974), 3, pp. 445-461; Schrrirtf;.0'
Das venezianisc/Je Albanien, pp. 309-310, or Babinger, Mehmed, pp. 163-166. As for Brankovic, c would haV~i;
been in his political nature to provide also Mehmed with information during the siege, following namely the di-'ff
sastrous outcome of the Serbian-Ottoman clashes of late May (CDH, I, SzerlJia, nos. 729-733, pp. 463-471),E\{. /!!
512
The Lion in Winter
. The Brutal Fall, Difficult Survival and Challenged Triumph of the Family of an Athlete
Though plagued by doubts, which may have even led to negotiations with Mehmed, and with
uced forces, Brancho did not give up. At Belgrade, the Brancho of crusading, a rather enduring
ilanese and Venetian form born by his Walachian, turned Italian too, name of lancu / lanc(h)o, the
anus of anti-Ottoman warfare, part of the war god like formula of Janus vaynoda born in the same
ninsula, by the Hungarian version, Janos, of Hunyadi's name, managed to do the impossible. In
way, not only on Hungarian soil, where they fought for the treasures long lost by the crown, this
was also the victory of good John against bad Ulrich. Hunyadi however was concerned with more
earthly matters, in wihich the true victor could have been the ugly political duckling Ladislas V wiho
tried to tum into a monarchial swan. Looking back from March 1457, it seems that Ladislas played
Hunyadi and Gilly against each other (it was not so difficult). Their mutual annihilation would have
released him from his royal cage. Garai, namely Vitez and Ujlaki (he had supported Hunyadi ear1y
rise in to hope that John would be his tool), also stood to benefit from this 'process', in which the
miracle of Belgrade' was only a complication, solved by Hunyadi's death and turned very useful (in
456, Ladislas V had approximately the same age as Matthias in 1458, wihen, the latter, influenced
y the same Vitez, turned against his uncle and regent, Michael Szilagyi, another 'king maker')4s.
When Ulrich Ill von Gilly died, the Hunyadis were not the sole beneficiaries. Ulrich von Gilly, a
'prince of the Roman (-German) Empire since 1436, had no direct, male or female, heirs. His entire
rtune would have thus gone over either to Ladislas V, king of Hungary and duke of Austria, and/
r to Frederic Ill, the holder of the imperial power wiho had created the hereditary counts of Gilly.
Ladislas V and Frederic Ill fought each other over the inheritance. It is unclear if any of them, espe-
ially Frederic, who also lost his main Austrian enemy (the Belgrade trap of November 1456 was
effect much too risky for Ladislas V), were involved in Ladislas Hunyadi's action. Frederic would
ave also benefited from his nephew's death, the more and more difficult to deal with Ladislas. Fre-
eric would have taken over the Austrian estates of Albert ll's son and would have been the first in
line for the Hungarian crown. Asides from such speculations, it is clear that both Ladislas made one
error, wihich altered the course of history. In November 1456, at Belgrade, Ladislas Hunyadi did not
kill the king. Regicide was a terrible crime, but not impossible to explain or to cover up under the
circumstances. In March 1457, at Buda, Ladislas V did not behead Matthias. John's son was only
14, but had legal rights at that age. For these figures, anti-Ottoman actions were just Hungarian po-
litics. Other could dream of recovering Constantinople or even Nazareth and then Jerusalem 46 .
45
For instance: ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, Tun:;hia-Levante, cart. 647, fasc. 1, nn (10" of October
•1454); Venezia, cart. 343, fasc. 6, nn (18° of June, 28° of July 1456); cart. 354, fasc. 2, nn (18" of February
1468); Magno, 11, Ad annum 1457[1458], f. 6'; CDH, I, Sze!bia, no. 252, p. 187; Theodore Spandounes [Span-
dougino], Patriuo Constanunopolitano, de la origine deli lmperatori Ottomani, ortlini de/la corie, forma de guer-
reggiare faro, religione, rito, et costumi de/la nafione, in Documents inedits relatifs a /'histoire de /a Grace au
Mayen Age, edited by C[onstantin]. N. Sathas, IX (Paris 1890), pp. 153, 163 (English version: On the Origin of
the Ottoman Emperors, edited and translated by Donald M. Nicol (Cambridge 1997), pp. 31, 45); Ransano
(1977), pp. 29, 34; Vilmos Frakn6i, Szilagyi Mihaly Matyas kinlly nagybatyja [Michael Szilagyi, King Matthias'
Great-Unde] (Budapest 1913), pp. 11-12, 39-45; Engel, 'The Decisive Years', pp. 116-119. For Ojlaki, see also A.
Kubint, 'Zur Frage des bosnischen Konigtums van N. Ojlaki', SSASH, VIII (1958), pp. 373-384 (pp. 376-377).
4
; E.g. Wadding, XII, p. 245 (the dream of recovering Jerusalem fitted the inttial grand crusader design of
pope Calixtus Ill); CDH, I, Szerilia, no. 262, p. 196; Utkundliche Beitriige, nos. 108-109, pp. 107-109; Dlugosz
(1887), pp. 259-260; Remo L. Guidi, 'L'azione rifonmatrice di Giovanni da Capestrano nel contesto del Quattro-
oento', AS/, CLXVI (2008), 2, pp. 253-296; Grabmayer, 'Das OpferwarderTater, pp. 291-294. As revealed by
the events of 1458, the husbands of Ladislas' sisters, 1/villiam (Vl/tlhelm) of Saxony, manied to Anne since June
1446, and Casimir IV of Poland, Elisabeth's husband since March 1454 (this maniage was a major sources of
troubles for Matthias), lacked etther the means or the desire to successfully daim the Hungarian crown. Even-
tually, only Frederic 'took up' the crown offered by Ojlaki (for him and Capestran in August 1456, see here also
Fejer-Hunyadi, no. 79, pp. 227-228), who became the godfather ofFrederic's son and heir, Maximilian (1459).
513
Alexandru Simon
John Hunyadi's statement, made in relation to the fortune of Ragusa, vassal to both the Hun-
garian realm and the Ottoman Empire, that the Adriatic republic was come la nave agitata da for-
tuna in mezzo pelago (early 1451), applied to Hungary as well, not only in the mid 1450'. He Wa~
no longer aboard that ship. Already viewed by the Greeks of his entourage as the emperor, st.ic-:
cessor of the Romans, Hunyadi had become a legend. It was thus quite natural that, namely after
1453, the Turks viewed a Janka, the leader of the Magyars, of the feared northern BenT asfer nae
tions, as the mythical founder of Byzantium. This was a great Ottoman compliment rendered to the
athlete. But, as most compliments, it did not affect the course of events. The suppcrter of Dami>
nicans, victorious at Belgrade with the aid of the same Franciscans, who had put him at risk in the
kingdom, had left a great name and great fortune, largely made pcssible by his Christian and nonJ
Christian deals and actions of 1443-1444. The fortune could have easily turned to nothing, for Hu-
nyadi's enemies were not few in number and did not lack resources. Credit for the survival of
Hunyadis in Hungary can and should be given to his widow, Elisabeth (Erzsebet) Szilagyi, and t
her arrogant and greedy brother, Michael, who disobeyed Hunyadi more than once. Without the
and the stubborn egocentric Carvajal, history would have probably looked very much different47, •··
Belgrade remained a great victory without immediate consequences. It became a legend,
did not turn the tide in favor of the crusade, at least not in action. Half serious rumor, for even
Ian deemed the story worth recording, half Venetian ironical joke, in late August 1456, it was sai
that the Genoese, the traitors of the cross, en route to Caffa, on their usual (slave) business, had
ken the Holy City of Constantinople, from the Jews, who had been entrusted with the defense•
the city by the infidel Turks. This was the proper ending for a summer in which almost everytxxl
awaited the sultan to ravage Hungary and then even enter Italia and Germania. It also reflected"tti'
structure, limits and even hopes of a society that had constantly failed to produce an approp~iji
response to the Ottoman expansion. This was not just a Latin, a Catholic feature. It was a Ch · ·
tian one. The Greek, the Orthodox failures (and compromises) of the 1300', while the Ottoman. E
rate became Empire by means of its Balkan conquest, had been even greater. A product of
two Christian worlds, Hunyadi had made a unique career by both fighting off and encapsulating
weaknesses of these worlds. As a fighter for fafth, peace, fatherland, widows and orphans, as
used to call himself, prior to Kossovopolje, in August 1448, he had repelled Mehmed and, as~
believed it, saved Christendom. 'In return', John and his family almost lost everything in Hungary
47
E.g. ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, I1/iria, Polonia, Russia, Slavonia, cart. 640, lase. 2, nn (11• of.f
1453 [December 1455]); Ungheria, cart. 650, fasc. 1, nn (26' of July 1455); Raguza, no. 285, p. 477; CD
Szerbia, no. 253, pp. 189-190 On October 1454, Gilly had joined forces with Brankovi6 and then with HUQY
following Mehmed's campaign, but then abandoned them; ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, Ungheria, cart
fase. 3, nn; 26° of December 1454); CDH, I, Szerbia, no. 304, pp. 222-223; FHDR, IV, Zotikos Parasp ·.
las, pp. 392-397, Tev/Jrih-i, I, pp. 55-56; II, pp. 72-73; Al. Simon, Antonio Bonfini's Valachorum regulus:
thias Corvinus, Transylvania and Stephen the Great, in Be/ween Worlds, I, pp. 207-224; Yerasimos, 'E
surun heros', pp. 213-217; Mure,,an, 'Le Royaume de Hongrie', pp. 488-490. See also Notes, V, no. 77,
64. In this respect, rt is worth reminding the fact that the only letter in which Hunyadi mentioned, en passanl{
pestran
48
participation in the siege ofBelgrade, was the one addressed to Ladislas V (Notes, IV, no. 68, p. 135)
E.g. ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, Turchia-Levante, cart. 647, fase. 1, nn (22"' of December 1456)t
gheria, cart. 650, lase. 1, nn (26° of January 1456 MV;1457, 3"' of February, 14' of March 1457; accordiQ.
the report sent in Late January 1457 from Buda by the Venetian representative, Pietro de Tomassi to .
Francesco Foscari, Ladislas V had inrtiated talks with Mehmed 11, behind the backs of both Carvaja['
Ladislas Hunyadi, which seems rather plausible under the circumstances); Venezia, cart. 343, fase. 8, nri .•
of August 1456); Codex, I, no. 35, p. 40 (1' of August 1448); Gyula Razs6, A kenyennezei csata (1479. ok6f
es a torok-magyar al/6haboru a hatarok menten (1456-1520) [The Battle on the Field of Bread (Octobel;[
1479) and the Ottoman-Hungarian Wars around rt. 1456-1520] (Budapest 1979), pp. 11-12. For the.{
and the later Crusades, see also Andrew Gow, 'The Jewish Antichrist in Medieval and Early Modem Ge.'.
ny', ME, 11 (1996), 3, pp. 249-285; Steven J. Mc Michael, 'The End of the World, Antichrist, and the Final
version of the Jews in the Fotfalitium Fidei of Friar Alonso de Espina (d. 1464)', ME, XII (2006), 2, pp. 224-~,
514
The Lion in Winter
Questions of Crusader Necessity and Political Survival at the End of the Summer of 1456
Not too few of Hunyadi's personal enemies, whether former friends or lasting adversaries
suNived him. Their suNival had a direct influence on king Matthias' political actions and images.
one of these enemies was Jan Dlugosz, far more influential as historian than as diplomat The
preceptor of Casimir IVs sons could not undermine the value of Belgrade. He almost embraced
il Otherwise, he wou Id have come into contradiction with both the politically correct crusader lines
of the age and his own Christian values. In 1479, although he despised Matthias more than his
father, he accepted and rejoiced at the news of the victory of Campul Painii (Kenyerrnez6, Brot-
feld). Bu~ four years earlier and almost two decades earlier, when a similar surprising (though less)
'international' victory against the Turk (but not against the sultan in person) had come along, at
vaslui, Dlugosz did not hesitate to create his own Belgrade and diminish the actual Belgrade. By
. Christian penitence and military skill, Stephen Ill of Moldavia, Dlugosz' favorite, and image of victor
· were a synthesis between the promoted, as well as enacted, images of Hunyadi and Capestran.
By doing so, Dlugosz enforcec the old deep lines of conflict within Christian East-Central Europe.
Though, the Moldavian had betrayed each of them, Jagiellonians and Habsburgs were more than
pleased to use the 'alternative' to Belgrade. Furthermore, both Houses, namely the Jagiellonians,
49
in the short run, would have spared neither Hunyadi, nor his image, after his exhausting victory •
Whether alone or advised by his trustees, including the agile diplomat, Vitez, apparently a
not so poor plotter at that time as he proved to be in 1471, and maybe also the versatile arch-
bishop of Esztergom (Gran), Denis (Denes) Szecsi, Matthias had quickly noticec the equally profi-
.table and damaging potential (in particular early in his reign) of the 'Capestran-Hunyadi story'. On
one hand (up to the early 1460'), he became a strong advocate of Capestran canonization (a
task which later, in the 1470'-early 1480', went over namely to Matthias mother. On the other hand
(especially after the late 1470'), little by little, under royal patronage, John Hunyadi rose in humanis-
tic writing as the great victor of Belgrade, as Capestran's role was constantly diminished and
confined to religious merits. Matthias seems to have been aware of two other aspects. Even if
· controversial and subject to debate, his father's image was far better, on the classic Christian le-
vel, than any image he could create of himself. Matthias also knew that John could not have du-
plicated Belgrade and that, beyond the borders of utopia and devotion, the actual balance of
power, between the Turk and Hungary (and Christendom) was that revealed at Varna, Kossovo-
50
polje and Constantinople. 'Necessary lies' thus often took precedence over actual achievements .
49
E.g. Raynaldus (1747-1756), XI (1753), Ad annum 1474 rn, nos. 10-11, pp. 552-553; 0/ugosz (1887),
pp. 1-2, 238-239, 241-242, 259-260, 621-623, 695-696. Al. Simon, Cristian Luca, 'Documentaiy Perspectives
on Matthias Corvinus and Stephen the Great;, TR, XVII (2008), 3, forthooming. In 1486, Polish represenfatives
in Rome still had to oome up with exruses (e.g. he himself was fighting the Pagans at that time) for why their
king had no aided besieged Belgrade in 1456 (Jeizy Zathey, 'Zapomniane polonicum drukowane w Rzymie w
r. 1486 (Jana Targowiskiego laciriska mowa do papieza lnnocentego VIII' [Jan ofTargowk's Mission to Pope
Innocent VIII], in Mediaevalia. W 50 Rocznic~ pracy naukowej Jana Dqbrowskiego [Festschrift in Honor of Jan
D,i.browski on the 50~ Anniversaiy of his Professorship], edited by Jozef Garbacik, Roman Grodecki, Heniyk
tomiariski, Tadeusz Manteuffel, Kiystyna Pieradzka, Marian Heniyk Serejski fcNarsaw 1960), pp. 301-318).
so Wadding, XIII, pp. 181-183 (1460); Karl Nehring, Matthias Corvinus, Kaiser Friedrich Ill und das Reich
Zurn Hunyadisch-Habsburgischen Gegensatz im Donauraum (Munich 1989'}. pp. 10-12, 21-23, 41-45; Peter
Szabo, 'Heilige Haltungen und ritterliche Merkmale im Kultus des Johannes Hunyadi', in Between Worlds, 11,
pp. 169-174, 'Al. Simon, 'The Costs and Benefits of Anti-Ottoman Warfare: Documents on the Case of Molda-
via (1475-1477)', RRH, XLVII (2008), 1-4, forthooming; Andlit, The Mirades, pp. 86-93, 154-165. For Szecsi, see
also the edttion and analysis of the preserved forms of Hunyadi's message (including the peculiar Venetian
translation) to Szecsi, in Andras Hegedus, 'lsten segedelmevel a torok csaszart a fent mondott varlx51 kivetet-
tilk Hunyadi Janos levele Szecsi Denes esztergomi ersekhez a nandorfehervari gy6zelemr61' [Wnh God's
Help we have chased the Turl4sh Emperor out of the Fortress: John Hunyadi's Letter to Denis Szecsi, Arch-
bishop of Esztergom, on the Battle ofBelgrade], Magyar Sion (Budapest), NS, XLIV (2008), 1, pp. 110-120.
515
Alexandru Simon
Belgrade, as a miracle, and Hunyadi, as an eternal victor, were equally the product of Latin
rivalries and fractures. Though in dynastic terms, he (also as a former servant of Frederic Ill) did
not think too highly of the Hunyadi, Pi=lomini largely established John's image as the immortal
victor. This occurred not because, as bishop of Siena and later as pope, he sided with the Hunyadi
cause, but because he took up Carvajal's perspective and dealt several blows to Capestran's cru- ,
sader statue. In death too, Capesteran posed a direct challenge to Pi=lomini's desired crusader '
preeminence. Namely as pope, Pius II had to be the apostle of the crusade. Capestran's growing
myth severely hindered such an aim. Alongside Pi=lomini's own appreciation of John Hunyadi,
this 'unspoken' rivalry significanUy favored Hunyadi's 'second victory' of Belgrade. Matthias largely
benefited from this humanist political course of events. Still, for he was a monarchic newcomer and a
'loyal Roman tool', Matthias could not avoid that, on his Bohemian, campaign, in the loyal city of
Olomuc, a huge fresco of the battle of Belgrade, depicting a giant John Capestran shadowing the
crusaders and a small John Hunyadi, up on a tower, was painted. With a different pope in Rome
(Paul II) and given the rather poor Central-European image of his father, king Matthias had to t'l, to
make the most of the unquestionable Catholic local and regional supremacy of crusader monk 1 .
Hunyadi's heirs, followers, admirers or occasional supporters made the most out of his part at
Belgrade clash. It is questionable that he would have achieved the same had he outlived Zemun.'
Throughout the last decades, he had been the only one able to defeat significant Ottoman armies
(up to 25.000 men). In return, he had revealed his limits during grander combats, alone (Kossovo:
polje) or as part of a crusader ensemble (Varna). He could not alter the Hungarian course of events'
(not to mention his Bohemian, Serbian, Walachian or Moldavian actions), but only contain it. Even~
John had been less eager to gather fortunes (which he then used for the crusade too) or less a "
thoritarian in nature and act (which, in fact, preserved his status as Hungary's richest man), he co
have hardly achieved more in these matters. After August 1456, as the crusader army had to
disassembled and as his enemies did not seem to mind the victory, but made ready for a neii
conflict, the probable course of events, had he lived, would have resembled the one which led t§
Gilly's and Ladislas' deaths. His chances were better than his son's, but seemingly also insufficieH(
for a final victory. Blood was to be spilled again, not for glory, but for survival. Two weeks after the
success of Belgrade, amidst quarrels and series of competing a=unts on the battle and prai ·
of the Christian victory, the aging soldier was virtually rescued into eternal glory by the plague52 .
51
E.g. [Pius II], Opera geographica et historica Aeneae Sy/vii Piccolominei postea Pii II papae (Helmstad
1699), pp. 245-247; Piccolomini-Commentari (1981), I, 111.6, pp. 233-234; Wadding, XIII, pp. 429430; Alphons
Lhotsky, 'Aeneas Silvius und Osterreich', in Idem, Aufsatze und Vortrage, Ill (Munich 1972), pp. 27-71; lvo•
Hlobil, 'Bemardinske symboly Jmena Jezis v ceskych zemich sii'ene Janem Kapistanem' [Bernadine Symbols
in the Name of Jesus promoted by John Capestran in the Czech Lands], Umeni [Arts] (Prague), XLIV (1996)/
3-4, pp. 223-234 (such images caused trouble also within the ranks of the Franciscans); Antonin Kalous, 'Ital ·
politika, Matyas KoNin a ceske zeme"[ltalian Polrtics, Matthias CoNinus and the Czech Lands], Husftsky Ta ..
[Hussite Tabor] (Tabor), XV (2006), pp. 149-176; Andric, The Miracles, pp. 157-158; Housley, 'Giovanni d
Capistrano', pp. 113-114; Mure~an, 'John Hunyadi -the Ideal Crusader, pp. 26-27. See also Gomez C
iiedo, Lino, Un espaiiol al seNicio de la Santa Sede, Don Juan de Caivajal: cardenal de Sant'Angelo lega·
en Alemania y Hungrfa, 1399?-1469 [A Spaniard in the SeNice of the Holy See: Lord Juan CaNajal, Cardin
of San Angelo, Legate in Germany and Hungary 13997-1469] (Madrid 1947), pp. 127-132, 144-151, 164-168.
52
In these matters, see for instance: Radu Constantinesou, 'Quelques obseNations sur repoque de Via
Tepe~' (1-11), RRH, XVII (1978), 1, pp. 25-39; 3, pp. 315-321; Leon !;,imanschi, 'inchinarea de la Vaslui (5 <i_
nie> 1456)' [The Submission ofVaslui. 5~ <of June> 1456], Al/Al, XVIII (1981), pp. 613-637; E. Fugedi, 'T · .
Kinds of Enemies- Two Kinds of Ideology: The Hungarian-Turkish Wars of the Fifteenth Century', in War an
Peace in the Middle Ages, edrred by Brian Patrick Mc Guire (Copenhagen 1987), pp. 146-160 (especially pp,
151-153); see also Gy. Razso, 'Military Reforms in the Fifteenth Century', in A Millennium of Hungarian Mif,
ta,y History, edited by Laszlo Veszpremy, Bela K. Kiraly (New-York 2002), pp. 54-84 (in partioular pp. 62-65);
J.M. Bak, 'Hungary and Crusading in the Fifteenth Century', in Crusading, pp. 119-124 (see also his thes_is
Konig/um und Stande in Ungam im 14. -16. Jahrhundert (!Niesbaden 1973), especially pp. 47-48, 52-54).
516
The Lion in Winter
On the Successes and Failures of an Immortal Victor prior and after the Summer of 1456
Sources, edited or still confined to the boundaries of archives and libraries, are not as generous with John
Hunyadi as they are with his younger son or with his nephew. This is one of the major reasons for which it will
be difficult to offer in the near future, at least, a solid and extensive perspective on his life. This is also why
several questions and debates will subsist. A few of them, more or less grounded, are 'listed' below, in dose
oonnedion only to the aspects discussed above. Consequently, the following list of 'questions' remains open.
I. The Medieval and Modern Legacies of Crusader and Magnate John Hunyadi
The story of Belgrade is another never-ending story. One of the reasons is tlhe 'what if Hunyadi had lived'.
Anotlher is the 'what if Mehmed had won'. A third one could well be 'why Mehmed did not strike back', not even
after John's death. Such questions merely complete a lrameworl< made out of controversies and contradidions.
1. The Ages and Impacts of the Hunyadis between 'Minor Topics' and 'Major Concepts'
The Ottoman impact of Belgrade, aside from the questions of the actual extent of Mehmed !l's losses or
of the long-tenn consequences of the siege, is underlined also by a peculiar 'artistic' aspect (see Dimrrar and
Nikolaj Ovcarov, 'Le siege de Constantinople par les Tures d'apres un graffite sur l'lmaret djamie a Plovdiv',
BPMAe, Ill (1992), pp. 95-104). In the mosque erected in Plovdiv by Murad 11, immediately after the victory of
Varna and his renewed abdication in Mehmed !l's favor, only two battles are depicted in contemporary graffrris.
The first is naturally tlhe conquest of Constantinople (1453). The otlher however is the battle of Belgrade (1456).
This explains ratlherwell why Tursun Bey(2007, p. 106) felt tlhe need to tlhe write tlhat, immediately after Meh-
med's retreat, John was killed by an Ottoman arrow after he finally left his 'fort'. This was tlhe Ottoman version of
'poetic justice'. In return, if he died because of tlhe plague, it is hardly conceivable tlhat his infected corpse was
moved to Transytvania, and not buried on srre, like he too should have done, and probably did, wrrh tlhe oorpses
of Belgrade, in order to avoid tlhe spread of tlhe plague which had affected the Ottomans. Maybe tlhe fatal plague
stood for anotlher sickness. \1\17atever tlhe truth may be, tlhis issue could be deemed as a qurre 'minor dilemma.
The Medieval and Modem Fame and Fortune of the Hunyadi Family
In K.M. Setton's great synthesis on the later crusades, one can find a statement, made in reference to
Hungary's srruation in late 1483 (The Papacy and the Levant, II, p. 377). In our opinion, it is probably one of
the best summaries of the story of tlhe Hunyadi family, tlhe Kennedy family of medieval Hungary (Al. Simon,
$fefan eel Mare §i Malia Corvin. 0 coexisten/a medievala [Stephen tlhe Great and Matthias Corvinus: A Med-
ieval Coexistence] (Cluj-Napoca 2007), p. 454, note 35). Setton wrote: Vvhatever hardships Corvinus and his
famous father John Hunyadi had found on the field ofbattle, obviously personal pove,ty was not among them. It
should probably be added that Setton often turned out to be a rather unconditional admirer of Hunyadi (even
in relation to Capestran) and, at times, avoided to pass out severe judgments on Matthias' Ottoman polrrics.
Altlhough, as noticed (e.g. N. Housley, 'Introduction', in Crusading, pp. 6-7), the author had an obsolete, on
oocasion, sense of moral in history, more befitting of Anglo-Saxon concepts of the 18~-19~ centuries (namely
in regard to the 'Turkish Peril' as Setton used to call it), this particular phrase touches the bone of tlhe main di-
lemmas posed by tlhe 'Hunyadi Age'. A similar line of financial-cultural-milrrary reasoning was used by F. Szakaly,
but only in regard to Matthias ('Mecenatismo regio e finanze publiche in Ungheria sotto Matia Corvino', RSU, IV
(1989), pp. 19-35). In return, John seems to have be spared such analysis, though his contemporaries, as well
as his own acts or deeds, recorded that he was much more tlhan just 'tlhe ideal crusader (Csaba Csapodi,
'Hunyadi Janos es Poggio Braociolini' [John Hunyadi and Poggio Braociolinij, EPK, NS, XI (1965), pp. 155-158).
It is interesting to note, leaving aside tlhe further lines of tlhought which developed and enveloped these
reasonings, tlhat both the 'old' (1930'), tlhe right-wing, and tlhe 'new' (1950'), tlhe left-wing, Hungarian historiogra-
phies seemingly agreed on tlhe role of tlhe personal 'greed and need' factor in tlhe actions of tlhe Hunyadis (e.g.
Gyula Szekfii in his joint syntlhesis witlh Balint Homan, Magyar Toitenet [Hungarian History], II (Budapest 1936),
pp. 466-467, or L. Elekes' Hunyadi of 1952). Such a 'consensus' was reached apparently prior to E. F0gedi's
works on the social mobilrry of tlhe Hungarian realm in the 1400' (e.g. tlhe studies collected by J.M. Bak in Kings,
Bishops, Nobles and Burghers in Medieval Hungary (London 1986), nos. VI-VII, as examples). P. Engel's study
on tlhe events of 1444 increased the change ('Janos Hunyadi and tlhe Peace of Szeged (1444)', AOASH, XLVII
(1994), pp. 241-257; first published in Hungarian in tlhe FestschriffforElemer Malyusz of 1984, who, rr should be
added that E. Malyusz had laid the foundations for this historiographical change already in the mid 'red 1950').
In this respect, as time went by, an interesting trend, opposite to the one imposed upon Romanian works,
emerged. In Hungarian writing, compared also to the magnitude of their deeds, respectively to the value of
their political positions and ranks, Matthias received a more 'gentle' treatment than his father, unlike in Roma-
517
Alexandru Simon
nian historiography. Both prior and after 1918, 1944 or 1989, following the rather distorted footsteps of N. lor-
ga (e.g. lstoria romanilor din Arc/ea/ §i Ungaria [fhe History of the Romanians from Transylvania and Hungary],
(Bucharest 1915), pp. 94-95), historians, 'nationalists', 'communists' or 'Europeans' (there is no shortage in un-
justifed labels), have usually praised Hunyadi (less if 'from the South' or from 'the East; e.g. Constantinescu's,
'Quelques observations') and attacked, in general based on the Polish and Gennan sources, Matthias for his
(Walachian) political actions. Nonetheless, such 'details' and 'concepts' can hardly be deemed as surprising,
Crusader Honesty and Crusader Profit in the Cases of John Hunyadi and Matthias Corvinus
One of the main problems for these variable perspectives was the matter of the 'crusader sincerity' of the
Hunyadis (with different nationalist or modem Christian implications from case to case). In John Hunyadi's
case, his conduct of 1444 or 1448, in both cases closely linked to the question of the estates of Hungary of
George Brankovic and to further (royal in 1444 at least) profits, left little room for doubt, even for his admirers
(e.g. P. Engel's well-known 'Janos Hunyadi', pp. 103-123). By crusading, Hunyadi understood more than just
fighting for the Cross in view of a reward in heaven. By financing thousands of anned men under his banner,
John was not only doing his duty as a pious magnate, but expected profit and compensation for his deeds.
The problem is not that he did so. Othe!Wise, rr would have been qurre unnatural. The problem is in fact
that, according to medieval and modem theories, he was expected to do a pro bona work (obviously, the con-
temporaries noticed that such a conduct was virtually impossible and, according to interests, tried to accept rr;
the Sforzas are a very good example; e.g. Motta, 'Un ambasciatore tartaro a Venezia, pp. 145-153). This was
something that his son, who largely benefited from his experience and endeavors, never did (Gyula Razsc, 'Die
T0rkenpolrrik des Matthias Corvinus', AHASH, XXXII (1986), 1-2, pp. 3-50. Had Hunyadi been any closer as
a character to Philip the Good (see J. Paviol, 'Burgundy and the Crusade', pp. 70-80), who was nevertheless
a duke from God's grace and some 1.500 miles away from the Ottoman frontline, rr is highly doubtful that he'
would have reached such fortune or, furthennore, that his family would have survived his death of 1456.
There seems to be one aspect that advocates and adversaries of great political (crusader) figures mus[
accept. Personal need and greed and actual (not only temporary) crusader victories went hand in hand. Per:,
sonal piety did not exclude rash sea.ilar ambition, or vice versa (N. Housley, Religious Walfare in Europe. 1
1536 (Oxford 2002), passim). We may, with cause, challenge devotional images (namely those of later origin);
but we cannot challenge the personal devotion of the historic figures, as long as sources do not pennrr rr. Like'.
other personalrries, medieval figures, marked by crusader images and keywords, were 'walking paradoxes';c
from a modem, first of all, perspective, but also, at times, for several of their contemporaries. On a ChrisffaryY
level, where temptation commonly met with ambrrion in the 1400', such aspects were well noticed by Pi
lomini or later, on Hungarian soil, by Peter Varadi (Petri de Warda, Epis/o/ae cum nonnul/is Wladislai II. reg;
Hungariae lifferis Petri causa scripffs, edited by Carl Wagner (Bratislava-Kosice 1776), no. 66, pp. 129-130).'
This however leaves another questioo open, more than in Matthias' case, that of how 'popular the hero John
actually was upon his death in Hungary. Several answers can be given. Some could start with a new analysis
ofThur6czy's and Bonfini's role in shaping our image of the Hunyadis (following the works of E. Malyusz ana'
Peter Kulcsar), respectively with the study of the conduct in 1457-1458 (in relation to Ladislas V most gene;
rous offers) of the Walachian nobles from the Banal (see, starting from the 1440', the analysis by Cosmin Popa
Go~anu, 'John Hunyadi and the Collective Privileges of the Romanian Nobles from the Banat', in Belw
Worlds, 11, pp. 205-210), or with the study of Michael Szilagy''s 15.000followers ('voters') of January 1458.
2. 'Pillars', 'Burdens' and 'Obstacles' of the Crusade on the Eve of the Battle of Belgrade
In spring 1456, hope, not only worries, gathered for John. In the Italian Peninsula, everylbody awarred a ~
between Ladislas V and Frederic Ill, per la via def legato apos/olico [Carvajaij e de Janus Vaynoda. The JlfCliil
peel was highly meracing for Gilly, Mehmed II and even Venice, due to rrs Italian consequences. The presence
the Ottoman ambassador in Venice fueled speculations. Sforza received news of the inleligenlia secre/a alleg
established between Venice and Istanbul. Venice was expected to side wrrh Gilly too, who had asked for her
against Frederic. According to his envoy, Frederic prepared an attack on him (Milan highly doubted this, beca
of the emperors planned anti-Ottoman action). This envoy had reached Venice at about the same time as
Ottoman envoy (e.g. ASM, A.D.S., Potenze Estere, Venezia, cart. 343, lase. 4, nn; lase. 5, nn; April 26, May, 1;
The messages, meetings and rumors of April and May 1456 are rather eloquent for one of the gre .
problems of the crusade in the 1450': achieving and preserving an entente between Frederic and John.
earlier years (e.g. winter 1446-1447), Frederic had almost constantly accused him of attacking Habsburg la
together with Setbians, Tutks and Wa/achians (Reges/a chronologica-dip/omalica Friderici Ill. Romano .
lmperatoris, edited by Joseph Chmel (Vienna 1838 [1840]), no. 2232, p. 226; Noles, IV, no. 18, p. 36). Tq
entente between his greatest enemies, Frederic Ill (due namely to Austrian reasons) and John (due to Ott,
man and Hungarian reasons), was one of the greatest threats to Ulrich van Gilly's expanded regional power:
518
The Lion in Winter
Hunyadi's Friends and Foes on the Western and Eastern Shores of the Adriatic Sea
Gilly had another major problem: his control over Ladislas V who had to get married. Vitez had apparently
much increased his personal influence over Ladislas V. Garai and Ujlaki disliked the perspective of another
'Hunyadi style' hegemony. One of Hunyadi's four known letters (HHStA, Hs.S., B 8, ff. 83'-84'; quoted also by
Held, 'Peasants in Arms', p. 93; Fejer-Hunyad, nos. 77-78, pp. 223-227; CDH, I, Szerbia, no. 277, pp. 208-209;
aside from them, if we are not dealing with a copy of his letter sent to Denis Szecsi, he also sent one to Venice
aocording to the senate (ASVe, S.S., Deliberazioni, reg. 20, c. 99' (12' of August 1456; edrred in AAV, XXIII, no.
6448, pp. 160-162) after Belgrade was sentto Garai (connections between Gilly and Vlad Ill are unknown).
Gilly tried to marry his lig/io//a, most likely a niece or a grand-daughter (his only daughter, Elisabeth, had
died in 1455; his sons, Hermann and Georg, had died before) in marriage to Ladislas. A year eartier, he had
promised this /igliolla to one of Alphonse V's nephews. It is tempting to presume, due to her own Byzantine
and Serbian connections, which would have given prestige to Gilly's matrimonial offer, Mara Brankovic's in-
volvement in these affairs (after 1451-1453, she led an increasingly independent policy in relation to her fathers
interests, best revealed by her final attitudes towards planned marriages to Constantine XI and Jiskra). Calixtus Ill
and certi cardinali however quicly reacted to Gilly's plans and tried to arrange a marriage between Ladislas V
and one of the dau~hters of the French king (ASM, A.D.S., Potenze Estere, Venezia, cart. 343, fasc. 5, nn;
from the 3"', 11", 15 of May 1456). Madeleine de Valois, Chartes VII' daughter, became Ladislas V' fiance.
In this respect, Gilly was in a difficult position, which John may have hoped to exploit if he outlived the
clash of Belgrade. Hunyadi's death refortified Gilly's posrrion. As papal legate, Giovanni Castiglione, bishop of
Pavia, Francesco Sfrnza's long-term trustee in Vienna, put it, Gilly did everything in Hungary (ASM, A.D.S.,
Potenze estere, Gennania, cart. 569, lase. 7, nn; 29° of August 1456; edited, with a few differences, in GOH,
I, Szerbia, no. 291, p. 216; following probably a copy from cart. 649 or 650, Ungheria, which I could not find).
A month after Hunyadi's death, Ladislas sent a message to the major German political figures, in view of
the crusader Reichstag of N0mberg. No mention was made of Hunyadi or Belgrade, though Byzantium's fall
was emphatically stressed out (SA, RA, 11, lase. W, no. 360; 10' of September 1456). Meanwhile, Brankovic
too tried to make the most out of the recent events and dispatched the same Junio de Gradibus, which he
had sent in 1454 to Milan or in 1455 to Genoa, to Alphonse V (CDH, I, Szerbia, no. 255, p. 191; no. 293, p.
217). Unaware of Hunyadi's death, in spite of de Gradibus' arrival a few days eartier, Alphonse wrote to John
(ilustri et magnanime comes magne vaywoda devote nobis dilecte) to congratulate him on his victory and to
assure him of his maritime support (CDH, I, Szerbia, no. 804, p. 472; 8" of September). He did not say a word
on Brankovics messenger. Things soon changed for king Alphonse V too. 1457 began as clouded as 1456.
The Crusading Hunyadis and their 'Fellow Athletes' at Christendom's Border
Since F. Pall's studies (e.g. 'Skanderbeg et Janco de Hunedoara', SA, VI (1968), 1, pp. 103-117) increasingly
little emphasis has been placed on the relations (medieval as well as modem) between Hunyadi and Skander-
·. beg, which of major importance, in terms of medieval actions and perceptions, in particular for the time span we
have tried to reflect. Lately however, more schclarty attention (namely O.J. Schmitt's 'Skanderbegs letzte Jahre.
West-ostliches Wechselspiel van Diplomatie und Krieg im Zeitalter der osmanischen Eroberung Albaniens
(1464-1468)', SOF, LXIV-LXV (2004-2005), pp. 56-123) was given to Skanderbeg's career and, in partirular, to
his Western and Northern connections. Eager for fame and profit, as Hunyadi was, but in a comparatively more
delicate position, both on the foreign and on the domestic level, Skanderbeg seemingly retakes center-stage. It
is rather astonishing, in East-Central and South-East European terms in partirular, to see how crusader actions
of John Hunyadi and George Skanderbeg were analyzed separately, unless labeled as 'the common great fight'.
Skanderbeg's 'crusader rise' largely coincided, in particular, after 1450, with John's years of 'anti-Ottoman
'decline'. It seemed as if already prior to Hunyadi's death, the papacy, first of all (under both Nicholas V and Ca-
lixtus Ill), was promoting the Albanian lord as the vaivoda's crusader suocessor (Joseph Gill, 'Pope Callistus Ill
and Skanderbeg the Albanian', OCP, XXXIII (1967), 2, pp. 534-562). The athleta Oei he became in 1457 was
not so much a sign of the crisis in wihich John's death had plunged the crusading wortd, but a result of process
which had began at least 7 years eartier. This crisis, which nevertheless, existed, is best revealed by the athlete
title given in the same year by Calixtus Ill to the 'pirate-lord' Simeon Zenobesi (Acta Albaniae Valicana. no. 82, p.
'129). Given both aspects, the relations between Skanderbeg and Matthias, wiho constantly failed to aid him,
'with help' from Mehmed who knew well how to milrrarily and strategically exploit the dysfunctional crusader ties
- or plans, becomes of paramount importance for the oomprehension of regional anti- and pro-Ottoman actions.
A striking feature, if we taken into account the later 'crusader events' of the 1470' too, has to be noted.
Rome increased its symbolic goodwill towards Skanderbeg, though still seemingly avoiding, due to its Hun-
garian and Italian constraints, to let two athletes coexist. It should be stressed out that the athlete title con-
ferred to Hunyadi turned into an almost a post-mortem distinction, as it was virtually pushed into history by
519
Alexandru Simon
Calixtus Ill' letter of August 14, 1456 (VMHH, no. 414, pp. 281-282; see also, from 1444 to 1456 the selection in
Magyarorszag, nos. 83-89, pp. 133-144). In return, it was Venice who, prior and after 1456, often supported
and maintained the crusader status of the Hunyadis, her 'strange allies'. For her Skanderbeg was a liability
and, at times, a direct threat, due to the disputes over Venice's influence in Albania and the lord's pledged lo.
yalty to Naples (see O.J. Schmitfs forthcoming book on Skanderbeg's Italian, Ottoman and Albanian careers).
Once he was gone (1468) and the relations between Venice and Buda rapidly deteriorated, the republic
tried to, carefully, given her Ottoman defeats, to build a 'crusader alternative' to the Hunyadi line. From 1474
on, she supported 'newcomer Stephen of Moldavia, challenging the Hunyadi 'crusader supremacy' (Simon
§tefan eel Mare §i Malia Corvin, pp. 110-112). It could be argued that, under different circumstances, she WOUid
have already done the same for Skanderbeg, also due to a significant extent, to Hunyadi's contacts to Genoa
of 1454-1455 (see also the data in our The Captain and the SuperiJa', pp. 333-364). This is just a possibility, re-<
levant however for Hunyadi's altogether delicate position even on the crusader level in the earty and mid 1450'
II. Walachian Attitudes at the Time of the 'Peoples' Battle' of Belgrade
Three modem nations claim preeminence in the 'peoples' victory' of Belgrade. Hungarians, Serbians and Ra-
manians alike join in a contest, naturally less dramatic than that between Capestran's and Hunyadi's followers.
Yet, 'some' of their forefathers were equally influential, at times, in the summer of 1456 as Hunyadi's adversaries.
1. Hunyadi's Medieval and Modem Walachian Roads to Belgrade
One of loan Dragan's Nobilimea romiineascii din Transilvania, 1440-1514 [The Romanian Nobility ofTraI1-
sylvania, 1440-1514] (Bucharest 2CXXl), greatest mefits was to reveal the real importance of the 2.CXXl men strorl(j
Walachian unit, most/oya/tothe Hunyadis (Acte, Ill, p. 101). Since Sigismund's days, namely anti-Ottoman war~
fare made the fortune of Walachian communities. Hunyadi's career resulted from and defended this feature. But.
as any major milrtary or polrrical figure, Hunyadi too was not spared unnecessary, but detrimental, controversy.
In his works, severely marked by personal bias, which compromised, rather than enforced (as they were ,lJ:
legedly intend to do) necessary reassessments in Romanian historiography, Adrian Rusu (e.g. loan de Hunedoa_
§i romiinii din vremea sa. Studii [John Hunyadi and the Romanians of his Time: Studies] (Cluj-Napoca 1
pp. 14-15) claimed that lancu as a Romanian designation of Hunyadi was a product of post-1956 'nation
communist writings' and that Ransom's (1977, pp. 29, 34) statement that the Romanians and Italians used /a
as the name for his masters father was unsubstantiated. Recent archival disooveries (let alone older edrred sour
ces; see 1.-A. Pop's forthcoming lecture at the 2008 Matthias Corvinus' conference in Budapest) prove
false the modem statement, part of a wider series of 'verdicts' and 'conceptions', enhanced by extreme ri
wing overtones, is and how correct the medieval lines were. We thus randomly tum to one of these reports.
Names and 'Nations' at Christendom's Humanist Borders
The report read: Notilicamo a/Ila Vestra Signoria de eerie nave le qua/e havemo havute per /al via de Sm,i,
derevo. Como el govematore lancho pass6 el Danubio cum gran copia di genie adi 24129 def passato/ el qua/
ando al/a via de Rudis/Ji (ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, Turchia-Levante, cart. 647, lase. 1, nn. 10" of Oct
1454; sent from Ragusa and Venice to Milan and copied there, as well as in Venice). The name was both
tural and dear (moreover, rr appeared as such in a copy of the repo" probably in the Ungheria, section of A
acoording to rrs edrrors, now missing however, and was printed as such: CDH, I, SzeriJia, no. 252, p, 187). It
up in identical (Jancho) or similar (Janco Vaivoda) form in, for instance, the classical Venetian work of Byzanti
refuge Theodore Spandounes [Spandougino] in the earty 1500' (ed. Sathas, pp. 153, 163, ed. Nicol, pp. 31,
Although their actual historical importance is rather small, as they do not provide us with any great data
otheJWise known events (L Elekes, Die VeriJOndeten und die Feinde des Ungarischen Volkes in den Kiimp
gegen die tiirkischen Eroberer(=SHASH, IX) (Budapest 1954), pp. 34-35), such reports are of value in
matters. They are important not only in terms of modem debates, of more or less, usually less insprre of thei
pact, scientific origin, but in terms of medieval perceptions of a character who started making his fortune, in
unknown ways, in Milan and then rose to fame in Hungary. Such reports and Ransano's pages are even
relevant in regard to the medieval relation between popular and official perception, for the official polrtical reoo
regardless of origin, were dictated by the official form of Hunyadi's name, from lohannes to the god-like Janus,
Medieval nations and nationalisms had little in common with their modem 'counterparts'. For instance,"
report, sent from Venice to Milan (ASM, A.D.S., Potenze estere, Venezia, cart. 354, lase. 2, nn, February,)
1468), on the battle ofBaia (Banya), of mid December 1467, read: Essando ribellali a/cuni populi a /al Co
chiamati Secu/i, lo prefato Re [Matthias] ando in que/ paese con V" caval/i et a/tretanu a piede et essendo
Brancho suo patre originario de/ dicli Secu/i credeva debe/are facilmente con pocha genie. Et a la pri
sachezo alcune terre et abruzo. Vedendosi malmenati/ <Ii Seculi> domandano aiuto a soy vicini chiam:
Valachia, quali antichamente furo Romani et segono la for par/are /atina et romana fine in questo tempo/
520
The Lion in Winter
sono valentissimi acavalo, et parte d'essi anchora che siano ultra lo Danubio dano tributo al Turcho, Ii a/tri piu
tontani dal Danubiol verso Polana vivano hodie so le sue /ege quasi in libert8, et si ano alcuno Vaynoda per
signore Ii dano pocha cossa de tribu/o. Historical and polrrical data mingled with humanist formulas and licences.
Several interpretations (such as: 'popular lancti' was a Szekler, or originally there was a 'giant' Walachia
stretching over both banks of the Danube) are possible. In both cases, posing the question of credibility is more
than necessary. Still, some matters should be reviewed in relation to this pecuiiar humanist report. For Venetian
bureaucracy, John's son, on his enthronement. was d'origine humile de progenie de Valacc/Jia (Magno, 11, Ad an-
num 1457 [1458], f. 6') and, as a Valachomm regulus (Bonfini (1936-1941), 111, pp. 224,243; IV, p. 212) he was
one of the most Hungarian bearers of St. Stephen's crown. In reference to anti-Ottoman campaigns south of the
Danube and the actions of the Hunyadis, over three generations, the issue of the Vlachs, both adversaries, as Ot-
toman subjects, and loyal helpers of the marching Christian armies, has to be re-analyzed (see Nicoara Bel-
diceanu, 'Les Valaques de Bosnie a la fin du XV' siecle et leurs institutions', Tunica; VII (1975), pp. 122-134).
The Walachians alt.he Battle of Belgrade and t.he Composition of John Hunyadi's Anny
Direct information on the presence of the Walachians at Belgrade is unknown. This seemed irrelevant for the
contemporary sources. The 'main ethnical' (perhaps more social, but namely in terms of 'chain of oommand)
problem at Belgrade was that between Gemwn and Hungarian crusaders (see Damian, 'Giovanni da Capestrano',
pp. 455-461). On the other hand, the matter is relevant for both the structure and the size of Hunyadi's army in
particular, for he seemingly threw into battle all his Walachian resources. Starting with spring, the Walachian tro-
ops from Maramur~ too, usually used only on northern campaigns, were moving to the south, to Belgrade (see
Dragan, Nobilimea, p. 373; just before his ffight to Vienna, king Ladislas V, probably advised, had been careful to
grant them with privileges). Apparently, this had not been the case since the first decade of Sigismund's reign.
Though during the year for which he had been appointed captain-general of the realm by the Diet (GVU, I,
21' of Janual}' 1454, pp. 353-359), Hunyadi had been compelled by the need to strength his posnion to move
namely outside most of his areas of trust, he seemingly made the most of his joumies of 1453 and 1455 in order
to strengthen the loyalty and prepair the troops of his familiars in the Banate and in Transytvania in particular. On
Walachian soil, the events of 1457 and especially 1490 indicate that this loyalty was not 'perfect' (Al. Simon,
'Valahii §i Dieta de la Rakos (1505). ConsideraJi asupra sfa'§rrului epocii huniade' [fhe Valachs and the the Diet
of Rakos (1505). Considerations on the End of the Age of the Hunyadis], Apulum, XLIII (2006), pp. 99-121).
Officially since 1432-1433, the Walachian nobles ofTransytvania (predominantly of Ha\eg) formed a distinct
unit within the Hungarian royal army (GVU, I, 1432-1433, Propositiones, art. 21, pp. 418-420). The safest esti-
mate for the number of their men comes from Matthias' days: 2000 (Acte, 111, p. 101). Under exceptional cirrum-
stances, such as those of 1456, they oould have been joined, in distinctWalachian unrrs, by 1.000-1.500from the
Banate and up to 500 from the Maramure§. In 1456, at Belgrade, the Walachian units totaled at best 4.000.
In order for the Walachians not to stand out in Hunyadi's army at Belgrade, deemed as generally Hungarian
by contemporaries, they must have represented no more than a third of his army, including Szilagyi's troops. It is
thus not impossible that the figure of 4.000 given for Hunyadi's army (Cazacu, Dracula, p. 455, note 39) stood in
fact for his primary Walachian forces. The fact that, unlike at Kossovopolje and Varna, or later Campul Painii,
where troops from Walachia (1444, 1448) and Moldavia (1448) too came (Dragan, Nobilimea, pp. 364403), the
participation of Walachians (from the realm) received virtually no attention, can be attributed first to the greater
stakes, Christian, Ottoman, of the battle and second to the Hungarian polrrical banner under which they fought.
2. Forms of Acceptance of the Ottoman Offers and the Rejection of Crusader Calls
From a rather general Romanian historiographical perspective, the key event in 1456 was not Belgrade,
but the official payment of the <first> [known] Moldavian tribute to the Porte. Discussions were not few in num-
ber (for an overview: $tefan Gorovei, 'Moldova in Casa P8cH. Pe marginea izvoarelor privind primul secol de re-
laJi moldo-otomane' [Moldavia in the House of Peace: On the Sources regarding the First Century of Molda_vian-
Ottoman Relations], Al/Al, XVII (1980), pp. 631-639; Papaoostea, 'La Moldavie', pp. 445-461; $imanschi, 'lnc/Ji-
narea', pp. 613-637). Most of them regarded the charter of Vaslui which confirmed Moldavia's submission.
The charter was the protocol concluded (errher) by a 'reduced' version of a gathering of the 'Moldavian Diet'
or by an 'extended' form of the princely council (Documente moldovene§ti, 11, no. 233, pp. 797-808; DRH, A, II,
no. 58, pp. 85-87). The context of 1455-1456 allows however the co-existence, simultaneous or not, of both
forms of 'polrrical gathering'. The meeting was dated eniher to the 5° <of Janual}'> or to the 5° <of June> 1456.
The Payment oft.he Moldavian Tribute int.he Context of Mehmed ll's Plans of 1456
Between October 5, <1455>, and June 9, 1456, Moldavia became the tribute paying vassal of the Ottoman
Empire and paid rrs first (known) tribute (Documente turce§ti, I, no. 1-2, pp. 1-3). In October, Mehmed had offi-
521
Alexandru Simon
dally accepted Peter Aron's 'offer' to become his tribute paying vassal and ordered him to pay the tribute within
a delay of 3 months. On June 9, 1456, from Yeni Derebend, whether in the Bosnian or in the Bulgarian area,
Mehmed II granted trading rights in the Empire to Moldavian merchants, indicating that the tribute had recently
been paid and that thus the arrangement between Suceava and the Porte had therefore become fully functional.
It is difficult to believe that, given the oontext and the tone of the documents, inducting that of Vaslui, that, on
one hand, Peter Aron oould affored to delay the payment of the tribute, and, on the other hand, that he took the
decision of offering his and Moldavia's submission to the Porte without oonsulting with members of the elrre. A
meeting/ gathering similar to that attested by the document of Vaslui (5 <?> 1456) probably took place also prior
to chancellor Mihul's first (known) embassy to Mehmed II in fall 1455 (Documente mo/dovene§li, II, no. 233, pp.
797-808). In return, logic as well as the tone of the preserved Moldavian and Ottoman documents, suggesting
a Moldavian ineffective attempt to bargain and waiting period, sometime in 1456 (prior to June 9), on behalf of
Mehmed in view of the fulfillment of(one oQ his request(s), indicate that maybe two other gatherings took place.
The first of them probably took place after Mihul's return to Suceava in late 1455. The seoond oould be da-
ted to late May 1456. In both cases, on should take into aooount that Mihul's journeys from Suceava to the Ot-
toman Empire required more than just a few days, up to two weeks (If he did not make a detour via the Black
Sea, from Cetatea Alba to Mesembria, which would have taken longer; for traveling speeds: Viadimir Seges,
'Time, Space and Mobility in the Wars of the Late Middle Ages', in Fight against ll1e Turk, pp. 103-113), especially
as he had to cross either the area of Chilia or Walachia proper, where, both in late 1455 and in particular in mid
1456, the situation was very tense (Simon' The Captain and the Superba', pp. 360-364). In this respect, the d0-
cument of Vaslui, resembling more a charter, guaranteed by the metropolitan and intended to protect the mem,
bers of the 'gathering' and namely Peter Aron and Mihul for local charges of seffishly refusing to fight the Turk,
oould be dated to January, as well as June 1456 (both favored by one of Mehmed's two mentioned documents), ,
Given Mehmed II rather frequent problems of financing his summer campaigns, before all his revenues had c
been oollected (in 1462, he had to loan 500.000 ducats from the bankers of Istanbul for his Walachian campaign;
Chaloooondil (1958), p. 158) and the mumr,e Ottoman stakes of 1456, rr is highly probable that he asked in spring
1456 for urgent payment of the Moldavian tribute in advance, errherfor 1456 (more likely, as the money requested
in October 1455 should have represented the tribute for that year) or 1457, or for an extraordinary financial aid
(which should have led to a Moldavian attempt to bargain, attested or not by the charter of Vaslui). Eventually,
he received the Moldavian money which explains both his privilege of June 1456 and the tone of that document
(Oocumente /JJrce§li, I, no. 2, pp. 2-3). This officially and practically meant full-submission. Yet, rr did notlast. ·
The Walachian and Moldavian Ottoman Tribute and the Question of the Latin Census
The Ottoman offer was neither a real shame (otheiwise than in terms of refusing resistance against the Turk), t:.
nor exaggerated, but qurre the oontrary. This puts the ooncems, the participants at and the blessing of the gathe, ·
ring ofVaslui in a different perspectve (Simon, 'The Captain and the Superba', pp. 363-364). In fact, rr appears
that Mehmed's demands were better than the Laun suzerain requirements from Moldavia (and Walachia as well)/<
Moldavia's probably traditional Polish census was most likely summed up by Elias I' act of allegiance of 14¥,
(Res Polonicae ex Archi;o Musei Brilannici, I, Relauon of the Sate of Polonia and the Unffed Provinces of lh~t
Crown. Anno 1598(=EFE, XIII), edrred by Carol H. Talbot (Rome 1965), p. 148; cf. Victor Eszkenazy, 'Omagiul lui
$tefan eel Mare de la Colomeea (1485). Note pe marginea unui ceremonial medieval' [Stephen the Greafs Hom;
mage of Colomeea: Notes on a Medieval Cermoniaij, Al/Al, XX (1983), p. 258). One payede yeare/y 400 ho
2/XJ oxen, 2/XJ do/he and 2/XJ caries offyshe. The Ottoman tribute of 2.000 ducats (and no other obligations in
lure) was at best (to say the very least, given the chronological discrepancies which affect our knowedge of
prices of homse and oxen in Moldavia namely) a match for Moldavia's Polish obligations (for prices, for insta
Acte, I, pp. 108-110; Damaschin Mioc, 'Pre\urile din Tara Romaneasca in seoolele XV-XVI ei dinamica lor' n:
Prices in Walachia in the 15"-16" Centuries and their Dynamics], Rd/, XXXIII (1980), 2, pp. 318-321; namely)C'
The Lalin census was probably more advantageous in case of a Hungarian allegiance of Moldavia (perha
even prior to the 1470'), but mostlikely notin that of Buda's suzerainty over Walachia (/ diarii di Ciooo Simon
edrted by Affio Rosario Natale, I (Milan 1962), p. 202; $. Papaoostea, 'Popula9e ei fiscalrtate in Tara Romanea
in seoolul al XV-lea: un nou izvor' [Population and Taxes in Walachia in the 15" Centwy: A New Source], Rd/,
XIII (1980), 9, pp. 1779-1786). Between 1456 and 1476, Walachia turned into (one oQ 'Christendom's trench(es
which drastically reduced ITS 'census', but also rrs eoonomic potential. The Porte did not fail to explorr the srtuation,
One must notice again the discrepancy between Walachian and Moldavian Ottoman tributes and those
by Serbia or Ragusa. In symbolical, as well as financial terms, the Ottoman tributes North of the Lower Danube
sembled more the Venetian tribute (Momcilo Spremic, 'I tributi veneziani nel Levante nel XV secolo', SV, XI
(1971 ), pp. 221-252) Given the Ottoman demands and payments of the mid 1500' and, in particular, in Moldavia'
case, until 1484, ITS harbors, the discrepancy can hardly be exr,ained by the poverty of the sates and likewise
not allow more or less simplistic exr,anations of their pr0-0ttoman stands. New approaches are more than needed,
522
Abridgements
The use of abridgements was dictated by reasons of space, concerning both the extension
of the footnotes (namely the complete titles of the reviews), for example, and, example given,
the meanings and the extent of different general titles. Furthermore, abridgements are very
useful in the case of archival units. Their complete designations, nevertheless seldom given
as such, can ease the search, as the majority of these designations have changed over the
years. Besides, the archival quotations in works of the 1700'-early 1900' were quite far from
today's standards (see in this respect, for instance. the MDE or the Notes series). Under these
circumstances, given also the specific nature of the Melanges (MHG) series, we have turned
to abridgements as a solution for part of the challenges posed by medieval researches.
Archives and Libraries
The archival or librarian abridgements are a distinct category. We have marked, by an as-
terisk, those funds known by the copies, photocopies or microfilms, preserved in other archives
than the original one (the best example in this case in naturally MOL). We have used also se-
veral secondary abridgements: c = carta (used for most documents in Italian archives, with the
exception of the Vatican archives and of the manuscripts in various libraries); cad = cadrum
[frame]; cart = carteggio [Box/ Karton] dos.= dossier, f. = fila; F = filza; lase. = fascicula.; L= La-
du/a; ms(s). =manu(s)scriptum (with the Germanic or Slavic versions: Hs. = Handschrift; rkps = ru-
kopis; mk. =manuscript]; MV = More Veneta (in Venice, the new year began on March 1); nn =
not numbered [given relative chaos of the archive and the 2-3 numerotations of one and the
same document, the dispacci in ASM were generally labeled, inside a cart. as nn); r= recto; reg.
= register; rol. =(microfilm) role; v =verso. The present listing of abridgements, though it could
be deemed as unnecessary, intends to offer a better perspective on these and other studies. In
this respect, in brackets, next to each archive or major archival uni~ in case more authors have
used the archival unit in question, the name/ names of the author/ authors are listed.
Archivio di Stato di Genova, Genoa

Antico Commune (A.G.), Massar/a Communis Januae, sala 41/
83, Ambasciatorum Expensae, reg. 22, 1392-1393; reg. 23, 1395
[-1396], reg. 121, 1386 (Simon Al.).
Archivio Segreto (A.S.), Diversorum. Frammenti. Registri, [reg.]
[reg.] 533, 1444; [mazzo] 712, 1450-1458/1468, 1469, 1472; Lit-
terarum, [reg.] 1806, 1483-1489, Diversorum. Fi/ze, [mazzo] 3034,
1418-1443; Diversorum. CommunisJanuae, [busta] 3041, 1454-
1465; Materie Po/ftiche. Privi/egi, concession( trattati diversi e ne-
goziazioni [mazzo], 2732, 1458-1477, [mazzo], 2733, 1478-1496
(Damian 1.-M., Simon Al.).
Archivio (Banco) di San Giorgio (A.S.G.), sala 34, Caffae-Massa-
ria [reg.] 590/1243, 1463; [reg.] 590/1246, 1465; sala 35, Cancel-
lana, filza 223, Cancelliere Gerolamo Spinola (Simon Al.).
Archivi Notarili (A.N.), Notai genovesi in O/tremare, filza 476, Atti
rogati a Pera. Dcnato di Chiavari (1389-1390) (Simon Al.)
ASM Archivio di Stato di Milano, Milan (Simon Al.)
Jo/Jn Hunyadi and his Time '1
I
Archivio Ducale Sforzesco (AD.S.), Potenze estere, Genova, cart
411, 1456(fasc. [1], Gennaio, [2], Febbrario, [3], Marzo, [4],Aprile .I
I
Y!
[5], Maggio, [6], Giugno, [7], Luglio: [8], Agosto, [9] Settembre, [1 oi: •1,
Ottobre, [11], Novembre, [12], D1cembre), cart 412, 1457-1458 '\is 1
(1457: fasc. [1], Genna10, [2], Febbrano, [3], Marzo, [4], Aprile, [5], .•, ·.;.,"'.
Maggio, [6], Giugno, [7], Luglio, [8], Agosto, [9] Settembre, [10] ':
Ottobre, [11], Novembre, [12], Dicembre; II, 1458: fasc. [1], Gen'. :I
naio, [2], Febbrario, [3], Marzo, [4], Aprile, [5], Maggio, [6], Giugno, :1
[7], Luglio, [8], Agosto, [9] Settembre, [10], Ottobre, [11], Novem- ll
bre, [12], Dicembre); Germania, cart 569, 1450-1458 (fasc. [1], \I
1450, [2], 1451; [3.], 1452, [4], 1453, [5], 1454, fasc. [6], 1455, [7], 11:
1456, [8], 1457, [9], 1458); 1/liria, Polonia, Russia, Slavonia, cart
640 [1450-1531] (fasc. [1], 1/liria, [2], Ragusa, [3], Polonia, [4]
gusa-Unghena); Roma, cart 46, 1456 (fasc. [1], Genna10, [2], Feb-i
Ra-Ii
brario, [3], Marzo, [4], Aprile, [5], Maggio, [6], Giugno, [7], Luglio, {'.
[8], Agosto, [9] Settembre, [10], Ottobre, [11], Novembre, [12], o~ z
cembre); Turchia-Levante, cart. 647 (fasc. [1], Albania, [2], Corfu, .f
Cefalonia, Grecia, [3], Rodi, [4], Cipro); Ungheria, cart. 645, [1453]f
1491_1536 (fasc. [11, 1491-1499, [2J, 1513-1536, [3J, [1453J 1491,I
1497); cart. 649, 1437-1480 [1484] (fasc. [1], 1437-1451, [2], 1452-Js
1465, [3], 1466-1480); cart. 650, 1452-1490 [1441] (fasc. [1], 1452-''
1457, [2], 1458-1466, [3], 1467-1490); Venezia, cart. 340, 1450-14fi§f'
(fasc. [1], 1450, [2], 1451, [3], 1452, [4], 1453); cart. 341, 1454 (fase:,f
[1], Gennaio, [2], Febbrario, [3], Marzo, [4], Aprile, [5], Maggio, [6], ;:
Giugno, [7], Luglio, [8], Agosto, [9] Settembre, [10], Ottobre, [11], N0;;>0
vembre, [12], Dicembre); cart. 342, 1455 (fasc. [1], Gennaio, [2], Feb,J
brario, [3], Marzo, [4], Aprile, [5], Maggio, [6], Giugno, [7], Luglio, [8],;/0
Agosto, [9] Settembre, [10], Ottobre, [11], Novembre, [12], Dicerri-;Yr•
bre); cart. 343, 1456 (fasc. [1], Gennaio, [2], Febbrario, [3], Marzo, [4],·0
Aprile, [5], Maggio, [6], Giugno, [7], Lug/io, [8], Agosto, [9] Settem-f
bre, [10], Ottobre, [11], Novembre, [12], Dicembre); cart. 344, 1457!
(fasc. [1 ], Gennaio, [2], Febbrario, [3], Marzo, [4], Aprile, [5], Mage,~
gio, [6], Giugno, [7], Luglio, [8], Agosto, [9] Settembre, [1 0], Ottob@,'%
[11], Novembre, [12], Dicembre); cart. 345, 1458 (fasc. [1], Gennaio,~
[2], Febbrario, [3], Marzo, [4], Aprile, [5], Maggio, [6], Giugno, [7],
Luglio, [8], Agosto, [9] Settembre, [10], Ottobre, [11], Novembre,£
5
[12], Dicembre); cart. 354, 1468 (fasc. [1], Gennaio, [2], FebbrarkJ,1
[3], Marzo, [4], Aprile, [5], Maggio, [6], Giugno, [7], Luglio, [8], Agosc,'
to, [9] Settembre, [10], Ottobre, [11], Novembre, [12], Dicembre):yi
ASMo* Archivio di Stato di Modena, Modena (Simon Al.) :J
Cancellaria Marchionalepoi Ducale (Cane. March.), Carteggi di{
Principi e Signorie (Carteggi), Re/tori di Citta, 1685141, Ungherfa'"
(copy: MOL, OF, section U 1197). \":
ASV Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Vatican City
Armaria, Armarium (Arm.), [series], XXIX [reg. 31]; XXXIX, [reg],z
7, Callis/us Ill brevia. 1456-1458 (Damian 1.-M., Simon. Al.) . }y
Camera Apostolica, Rationes Camerarum, lntroitus et Exilus Patfzs
Iii II, Reg. 47 (Damian 1.-M.) if
Registri, Reigstra Lateranensa (Reg. Lateranensis) 682; Registrci:;
Vaticana (Reg. Vat), 436, 439, 446-447, 667 (Damian 1.-M., Da:,i
mian $!., Simon Al.)
524
Abridgements
ASVe Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Venice

<I libri> Commemoriali, reg. XVI (Dal Borgo)
Documenti Turchi, busta 1 (Dal Borgo)
Miscellanea, Atti della Curia Romana (M.C.A.R.), Collezione Po-
docataro (Podocataro), series la, Lettere a Papi, buste 1-111 [1-3] (1-
1, 2, 3); series Ila, Lettere di Principi al Papa, buste IV [1 ], Italia, V
[2], Principi Esten, VI [3], GeMania, VII [4], lnghliterra etc, VIII [5],
Ungheria e Boemia, IX [6], Lettere di Prelati al Papa [also contains
series Ill, Atti divers,] (11-1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6).
Miscellanea Atti Diplomatici e Privati, busta 45 (Dal Borgo)
Senato Secreto [Senato Secreti] (S.S.), Deliberazioni, reg. 20,
1453 [MV=1454]-1459; reg. 21, 1460-1463 (Dal Borgo, Pop,
Simon Al.)
BAR-Bucure9ti Biblioteca Academiei Romane, Bucure9ti [Library of the Romanian
Academy, <Main Resort>, Bucharest] (Mure,.an D.I.)
Fond Pocaev, Cod. 116.
BAR-Cluj* Biblioteca Academiei Romane, filiala Cluj [Library of the Romanian Aca-
demy-Cluj Branch], Cluj-Napoca (Klausenburg, Kolozsvar) (Simon Zs.)
Societatea Muzeului Ardelean/ Erdelyi Muzeum Egyes0let [So-
ciety of the Transylvanian Museum] (E.M.E.), Arhiva/ Egykori le-
veltara [Archive], Colec/ia Mike Sandor/ Mike Sandor gyOjtemeny
[The Sandor Mike Collection] (Mike), Documente/ Oklevelek [Do-
cuments and Letters], no. 21; Familia Bantry/ Bantry csalad [Banffy
Family] (Bantry), Documente/ Oklevelek [Documents and Letters],
nos. 430-431; Familia Torok-Bertalan/ Torok-Bertalan csalad [To-
rok-Bertalan Family] (Torok-Bertalan), Documente/Oklevelek [Do-
cuments and Letters], no. 24 [the original charters, oopied in MOL,
OF, sections U 453,497, 588, were transferred to DJAN-Cluj].
BAV Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City
Codices (Cod.), Barb. Lat. 1498 (Damian ~t.), Vat. Gr. 1858; Vat.
Lat. 7780 (Damian I.M.).
BDB* Biblioteca Documentara Batthyaneum [The Batthyany Library], Alba-
lulia (Gyulafehervar, Weissenburg) (Petrovics)
Arhiva capitlului din Alba lulia/ Gyulafehervari kapatlan leveltara
[The Archive of the Chapter of Alba lulia] (G.K.L.), Capillul transi/-
vanl Erc/ely kapatlan [<The Archive of the> Transylvanian Chap-
ter] (Kaptalan), Documente/ Oklevelek [Documents and Letters].
[II], no. 127 (oopy: MOL, OF, section U 838); Conventul din C/uj-
Mani'i§turl Kolozsmonostri konvent [<The Archive of the> Con-
vent of Cluj-Mana9tur] (Konvent), Documente/ Oklevelek [Docu-
ments and Letters], no. 108 (copy: MOL, OF, section U 802).
BHStB* Bayerische <Hof- und> Staatsbibliothek, Munich (Muresan 0.1.)
Handschriften und alte Drucke Sammlung (Codices), Abendlandi-
sche Handschriften (A.H.), Lateinische Handschriften (Cod./ Hs.
Lat.),.5507.
BMC Biblioteca Museo Correr, Venice
Manoscritti, Mss. Wcovich-Lazzari 24 (Ferracioli-Giraudo );
Provenienze Diverse (P.O.), 594 (= Aquisto [Frederico] Stefani)
(Simon Al.).
BNF Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris
525
Jo/Jn Hunyadi and /Jis Time
Codices/ Manuscrits, Manuscrits franc;ais (Ms. fr.) 17685 (CazacJll

Niisturel). ,
BNM Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice ·j
Ufficio Manoscritti/ Codices, Codici ltaliani (Cod. Ital.), classa VI, /,;.)
toria civile e geografica, no. 276 (=8398) (Ferracioli-Giraudo):l
classa VII, nos. 794 (=8503), 2570 (=12462) (Simon Al.), Codici La:•l
tini (Cod. Lat), classa X, Historia profana, no. 175 (=3622) (Simoni
Al.); classa XI, Rhetores, no. 139 (=4432) (Dal Borgo); classa x1vl
Miscellanea, nos. 265-266 (=4501-4502), Fondo Antico, Lat. /j
437 (=1911) [Codex bessarioneus, 437] (Damian J.M.). I
DJAN-Bra§ov* Direc~a Jude\eana a Arhivelor Na~onale, filiala Bra§OV [Romanian NaJ
tional Archives- Bra§OV County Branch], Bra§OV (Kronstadt, Brass6) · j
Archiv der Stadt Kronstadt/ Arhiva Ora§ului Bra§ov [The Archive{j
of the City of Bra§Ov] (A.S.K), Arhiva familiei Stenner/ Stenner Fa...l
miliennachlals (Stenner), I, no. 14; II, no. 8 (Petrovics, Simon Zs.J'I
(copy: MOL, DF, section U 463); Privi/egia (et instrumenta putiPI
icaYPrivilegii/Privi/egien, nos. 55B, 99A-100, 104 (copy: MOL, OF.cl
_,)_-/ii
section U 464) (Petrovics). C!I
DJAN-Cluj Direc\ia Jude\eana a Arhivelor Na\ionale, filiala Cluj [Romanian Na-I
tional Archives-Cluj County Branch], Cluj-Napoca .(
1 1
Arhiva Ora§ului Cluj [The Archive of the City of Cluj} (A.O.C.), Prt-,1
vi/egii [Privileges], fasc. K, no. 13; fasc. M, nos. 19-21; fasc. Chin-fl
teni [Kajant6], nn; fasc. IV, no. 19 (Simon Zs.). t{I
Arhiva Ora§ului Bistrita [The Archives of the City of Bistrita/ Bislfti/I
Besztrece] (A.O.B.), ·Protocoalele Ora§ului Bistri\a (P.O.B.)
Protocols of the City of Bistri\a], no.403 (Mitea).
fThll
fJ .
DJAN-Sibiu* Direc\ia Jude\eana a Arhivelor Na\ionale, filiala Sibiu [Romanian N··il-'.····•·.•.f
·.•
1
;i~::o~;:)ves- Sibiu County Branch], Sibiu (Hermannstadt, SzebeiJ·•·•· ·.· •:·•.·.·•·•.·.):•I•'
.
Arhiva Na\iunii Sase§ti/ Archiv der Sachsischen Nationsuniver{
sitat (A.S.N.),Documentel Urkunden, II, nos. 105, 109, 269-270;.
439, 451-453 (copy: MOL, DF, section U 454). ;c·
EA Erdody Archiv, Vienna [deposited in HHSIA,] (Simon Al.) ·
Nos. 9054-9055 (=L. 98, lase. 23, nos. 4-5), 9518 (=L. 49, fasc!l,
~00~ 01
ESM* Esztergomi Szekesf6kaptalan Maganleveltara (Primasi Leveltarci)
[The Primatial Archive of Esztergom], Esztergom (Petrovics) ·/fir
Acta radicalia, 27-5-11 (copy: MOL, DF, section U 437). )O¾
GMSML* Gy6r-Moson-Sopron Megye Leveltar, Sopron (Odenburg) (Petrovi~l:
Csomai konvent hiteleshelyi leveltara [The Archive of the C~!,;;
vent of Csorna (Loca credibilia)] (C.K.H.L.), Copiae litteraru/TI;
[mss.] 5640, ff. 443'-444' (copy: MOL, DF, section 1142). :JIS
HHStA Haus-, Hofs- und Saatsarchiv, Vienna (Wien, Bees) (Simon Al.). ;J
Hanschriftensammlungen (Hs.S.), Hs. Blau (B) 7, Kopialbuchdl(
Kanzei Kaiser Friedrichs Ill; 8, Copial- und Forme/buch Kaisers:
gismunds; Rot (R), 2, ChronikderFamilie CillY, 124 (=503, 1004):~
Mainzer Erzkanzlerarchiv (M.E.A.), Reichstagakten, [Karton] 1~'
1366-1673 (lase. 1a [-1, 1466-1571, [reg.]. 2, 1442, 1453. 14!54;''
1456, 1466, 1467, 1470, 3, Allemand Reichsanschlage 143,'/f:
1688, 4, 1366-1673]). 'I
526
Abridgements
Reichsregisterb0cher (R.R.B.), reg. 0, Friedrich Ill. 1440-1449;

reg. P, Friedrich Ill. 1452-1456.
Reichshofkanzlei (R.H.K.), Fridericiana (1442-1493), [Karton] 1,
1442-1465 (lase. 1 [-1, 1442, 2, 1443-1449, 3, 1446-1450, 4, 1450-
1452 [1453], 5, 1453-1454, 6, 1455-1457, 7, 1457-1458, 8, 1458-
1459, 9, 1460-146110, 1462, 11, 1463-1464,12, 1465]); [Karton]4,
1476-1480(1asc.4[-1, 1476,2, 1477,3, 1478,4, 1479],5[-1,1480]);
[Karton] 5, 1481-1483, 1483-1485 (fasc. 5[-2, 1481, 3, 1482, 4,
1483], fasc. 6[-1, 1483-1485]), [Karton] 6, 1484-1487 (lase. 6[-2,
1484, 3, 1485, 4, 1486], lase. 7[-1, 1487]).
MOL Magyar Orszagos Leveltar [Hungarian National Archives], Budapest
Antemohacsiana [Medieval Documents prior to 1526]
(Q section) Diplomatikai Leveltar [Diplomatic Archive] (DL), 1390
12923, 13425, 14604-14605, 14981, 15762, 18119, 19862,
21091, 24959, 24764 (Q 311; Kincstari leveltar [The Archive of the
Treasury] (E); MKA, Necregestrala Acta), 27025, 27034 (Q 320; Er-
delyi Orszagos komnanyhat6sagi leveltar [The Government Ar-
chive ofTransylvania] (F), KKOL, Cista comitatuum: Kolozs), 27673
(Q 320; Erdelyi Orszagos kormanyhat6sagi leveltar [The Govern-
ment Archive ofTransylvania] (F), KKOL, Cista comitatuum: Krasz-
na), 28404 (Q 320; Erdelyi Orszagos komnanyhat6sagi leveltar
[The Government Archive of Transylvania] (F), KKOL, Cista comita-
tuum: Torda), 28845-28846 (Q 324; Erdelyi Orszagos komnany-
hat6sagi leveltar [The Government Archive of Transylvania] (F),
KKOL, Meta/es), 30316 (Q 330; Erdelyi Orszagos komnanyhat6-
sagi leveltar [The Government Archive of Transylvania] (F), GY
KOL, Cista diversorum comitatuum), 30813, 30817 (Q 334; Er-
chive ofTransylvania] (F), GYKOL, Centuriae), 30823 (Q 330; Er-
chive of Transylvania] (F), GYKOL, Miscellanea), 30841 (Q 334;
Erdelyi Orszagos komnanyhat6sagi leveltar [The Government
Archive of Transylvania] (F), GYKOL, Centuriae), 31382 (Q 56;
Csaladi leveltarak [Family Archives] (P <section>), Csicsery csa-
lad [The Csicsery Family]), 36393 (Q 333; Erdelyi Orszagos
komnanyhat6sagi leveltar [The Government Archive of Transyl-
vania] (F), KKOL, Protocol/a), 36611 (Q 334; Erdelyi Orszagos kor-
manyhat6sagi leveltar [The Government Archive of Transylvania]
(F), GYKOL, Centuriae), 37223, 37235 (Q 343; Erdelyi Orszagos
kormany-hat6sagi leveltar [The Government Archive of Transyl-
vania] (F), Erdelyi Kincstari Leve/tar. Erdelyi Fiscalis Leve/tar [The
Archive of the Transylvanian Treasury]), 37600 (Q 139; Csaladi
leveltarak [Family Archives] (P <section>), Nagyiday csa/ad [The
Nagyiday Family]), 37617, 37619 (Q 234; Csaladi leveltarak [Fa-
mily Archives] (P <section>), Hunyadi csa/ad [The Hunyadi Fa-
mily]), 38605 (Q 139; Csaladi leveltarak [Family Archives] (P <sec-
tion>), Nagyidaycsalad[The Nagyiday Family]), 44490 (Q 10; G0j-
temenyek [Collections] (P <section>); Magyar Nemzeti Muzeumi
Tor.zsanyag [The Collection of the Hungarian National Museum]),
55238, 55240, 55244, 55248, 55358, 55388, 55422 (093; Csa-
527
Jo/m Hunyadi and his Time
ladi leveltarak [Family Archives] (P <section>), Ka/lay csalad [The

Kallay Family]), 62876 (Q 40; Csaladi leveltarak [Family Archives]
(P <section>), Beth/en csalad [The Bethlen Family]), 74494 (Q
245; GOjtemenyek [Collections] (P <section>); Magyar T6rtenelmi
Tarsulat gOjtemenye [The Collection of the Society for Hungarian
History], 91355 (Q 73, Csaladi leveltarak [Family Archives] (P
<section>), Festetics csa/ad [Festeties Family]), 101746, 101749
(Q 384; Csaladi Leveltarak [Family Archives] (P), Batthiany csa-
lad [Batthiany Family], Maioratus), 106924 (Q 31; Csaladi Level-
tarak [Family Archives] (P), Batthiany csalad [Batthiany Family],
Oklevelek) (Lukacs, Mako Lupescu, Petrovics, Simon Al.,
Simon Zs., Marton Sz., Riisz-Fogarasi).
(U section) Diplomatikai FenykepgyOjtemeny [Diplomatic Col- ,
lection of Copies] (OF), 213116, 213128 (U 425, SOAB, B.V.L., j
Kozepkori gyOjtemeny), 236594 (U 437, ESM, Acta radicalia),. J
244544 (U 453, BAR-Cluj, E.M.E., T6r6k-Bertalan, Oklevelek),J
244749, 244753, 244911, 244912, 245083, 245095-245097 (Utl
454, DJAN-Sibiu, A.N.S., Urkunden, II), 246374, 246462, 246669,<J
(U 463, DJAN-Bra§OV, A.SK, Schnell, I, II), 246862, 246908-246,)'.J
910, 246913 (U 464, DJAN-Bra§OV, A.SK, Privilegia), 253601 (UWi
497; BAR-Cluj, E.M.E., Mike, Oklevelek), 260983, 260984 (U 588;:JI
BAR-Cluj, E.M.E., Bantry, Oklevelek), 267518, 274904, 274 908 (U,,~
800; ZOGA, B.M.V.L., M.V.F., Vari gyOjtemeny), 275268 (U 802; B:5,1
DB., Konvent, Oklevelek), 277501 (U 838; B.D.B., Kaptalan, II), 281cl
062, 281080-281082, 281249, 281272, 283083 (U 999; TREKl,if;)
M.E.0.1., Sinai, V), 286063 (U 1073; SUAP, A.R.P., Paris), 286775,sl
(U 1142; GMSML, C.K.H.L, Copiae litterarum, 5640), 289 029 (8;"'
ONB
1197; ASMo, Cane. March,) (Petrovics, Simon Al., Simon Zs.), ;•:I
Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna (Wien, Bees) (Simon Al.))I
Handschnften-, Autographen- und Nachlass Sammlung (Cod1-,s1:
ces), Cod. 3275, 6215-6217 (Stefano Magno, Annali veneti e def';
mondo [1443-1478]),7596. YIC
SA Stadtarchiv Aachen, Aachen (Simon Al.) J
ReichstadtAachen (RA), Reichsakten, II, lases. D, W. if
SOAB* Statny Okresny Archiv Bardejove [State Archive of the Bradejove Dis-"
trict], Bardejove (Bartfa) (Petrovics) ;flf
Archiv Mesta Bardejove/ Bart/a Varos Leveltara [The Archive 9(:i-
the City of Bardejove] (B.V.L.), Kozepkori gyOjtemeny [Medieva!X~·
Deposit], nos. 435, 447 (copy: MOL, OF, section U 425). :;,,
SIAN* Staatsarchiv NOmberg, NOmberg (Simon Al.)
FOrstentum Brandenburg-Ansbach (F.B.A.), Brandenburger
J:t
ute;i
ralien, no. 1095.1 (copy: MOL, OF, section U 659). /j;
SUAP* Statni Ustredni Archiv v Praze [The National Central Archives in P"'y)±:
gue], Prague (Praha, Prag) (Petrovics) )•i.
Acta ruzne provenience [Documents of Various <Foreign> Origi~s]j,
(A.RP.), Parisova sbirka [The Paris Collection] (Paris), no. 6 (copy'/li
MOL, OF, section U 1073). •it
TREKL* Tiszantlili Reformatus EgyhazkerOleti es Kollegiumi Leveltar [The Af~:~
chive of the Transtis(z)an Protestant District and College], Debrecen,~:
(Petrovics)
528
Abridgements
Mohacs eliitti oklevelek es iratok [Documents and Letters <issued>

prior to Mohacs] (M.E.0.1.), Sinai Misc. Hist. Hung. (Sinai), V, no.
97 (copy: MOL, OF, section U 999)
ZOGA* Zakarpatszkij Oblasztnoj GoszudarsztvennOj Archiv [State Archive of
the Zakarpatia Region], Beregovo (Ukraine)
Beregovii/ Munkacs varos leveltara [The Archives of the Towns
of Bergeovo and Munkacevo] (B.M.V.L.), Munkacs varos fiibiraja
[The Chief-Judge of the Town of Munkacevo] (M.V.F.), Vari gyOj-
temeny [Town Collection], fond.151, opis25, no. 1 (Damian I.M.);
fond 234, opis. 1, nos. 9, 29 (Petrovics) (copy: MOL, DF, U 800).
From each major archival unit, only those folders, documents used by the authors were
listed and not the entire content of the archival unit, unlike in the cases of secondary archival
units (e.g. a carteggio or a box/ Karton). All documents in MOL, OF were quoted after their ori-
ginal location, in order to give the researchers the opportunity to consult the documents in their
original. In this respect, as the original Latin designation and signatures of the archival units were,
in general, unknown, we have used for the units in Slovakian archives both their Slovakian and
their Hungarian (by which they are listed in MOL, OF) name. In the footnotes, given the fact that
the most of the authors original quotations were made by MOL, OF order, only the Hungarian
name was used. Out of ethnic and historic reasons, the same solution was applied for Hunga-
rian family archives in Romania, where their Romanian and Hungarian names were given. Out of
the same reasons, for the Saxon archives in modem Romania, only their German and Roma-
nian names were given. These are only some of distinctive features of 'East-Central Europe'. Of
at least equal importance, but however more relevant for the actual scientific research, is the
fact, that in comparison to these archives and those of the Italian Peninsula, the archives and
libraries of western Europe (e.g. of modern day Germany and France) have not received recent-
ly the attention they would have deserved in relation to the time and the deeds of John Hunyadi.
Journals, Reviews and Collections (Series)
The list includes also major collection of sources, such as Monumenta Germaniae Historica
(MGH) or Monumenta Hungariae Historica (MHH), that, due to the diversity of the contained
information and to their reprints, turn into 'documentary reviews'. Given these assessments, we
should stress out the fact that, by its structure, by its name, that is more important than it could
seem at first glance, the Hurmuzaki series is different from the great Croatian, Hungarian or Po-
lish national documentary collections, initiated also in the 19~ century. In this respect, the 'Roma-
nian national' Hurmuzaki series resembles more the Hungarian Te/eki series of the mid 1800'.
AA Archives de l'Athos, Paris, 1937-

AAASH Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Budapest, 1951
[1952]-
AARMSI Analele Academiei Romane. Memoriile Sec\iunii lstorice [The An-
nals of the Romanian Academy. The Memoirs of the Historical Sec-
tion], Bucharest, 1~ series, 1880-1893; 2"" series, 1894-1914; 3"' se-
ries, 1915-1947; 4~ series, 1972-
529
ABF Byzantium and the North: Acta Byzantina Fennica, Helsinki, 1985-
Aetas Aetas: t6rtenetetudomanyi foly6irat [Aetas: Review for Historical Stu-
dies], Szeged, 1985
ACIEB Actes du [number] Congres International des Eludes Balkaniques,
1966 [1969]- [the publishing place depends on the venue]
AFH Archivium Franciscanum Historicum, Grottaferrata, 1926-
AFP Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, Rome, 1930 [1931]-
AFTO Facultatea de Teologie Ortodoxa. Anuar [The Yearbook of the Faculty
of Orthodox Theology], Cluj-Napoca, 1992-
AG Arhiva Genealogica [The Genealogical Archive], la 9i, 1912-1913,
(1989) 1994-
AHASH Acta Historica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Budapest, 1951
[1952]-1990
AHP Archivium Historiae Pontificiae, Rome, 1963-
AHR The American Historical Review, New York, London, Washington, j
1W5- J
AIIAI Anuarul lnstitutului de lstorie (\ii Arheologie, from 1972) "AD. Xeno,
pol" [Yearbook of the "A.O. Xenopol" Institute for History <and Ar, J
I
chaeology>], la9i, 1964-1989 i,j
All(A)C Anuarul lnstitutului de lstorie (9i Arheologie, 1971-1990) din Cl1.f;\I
Napoca [Yearbook of the Institute for History <and Archaeology> or,·j
Cluj-Napoca], Cluj<-Napoca> (Klausenburg, Kolozsvar), 1958- :;;/1·
AIIGT Annali dell'lnstituo storico italo-germanico in Trento, Trento, 1975- . . 'it
AIIX Anuarul lnstitutului de lstorie "AD. Xenopol" [Yearbook of the "AD\;:;.
Xenopol" Institute for History], la9i, 1990- •j
AION Annali dell'lstituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli, Napoli, 1951- -
AIPhHOS Annuaire de l'lnstitut de Philologie et d' Histoires Orientaux et Slaves,
Bruxelles, 1936-
AIRCRU Annuario del lstituto Romeno di Cultura e Ricerca Umanistica di Ve- T
nezia, Venice, 1999-
Al Masaq: AI Masaq: Islam and the Medieval Mediterranean, London-New York,i •
1989-
AMN Acta Musei Napocensis. Muzeul de lstorie al Transiivaniei [Acta Mu0 <
sei Napocensis. The Museum of History of Transylvania], Cluj <-Na-}
poca> (Klausenburg, Kolozsvar), 1964-
AMP Acta Musei Porolissensis: Muzeul de lstorie 9i Arla Zalau [The Zaliiu
Museum of History and Art], Zalau, 1977- ;.,
AMS Annual of Medieval Studies at C[entral]E[uropean]U[university], Bu-.G
dapest, 1995-
AnBoll Analecta Bollandiana: revue critique de hagiographie, Bruxelles, 1882
Annales HSS Annales: histoire-sciences sociales (the title of the journal from 1998 ···
on), Paris, 1946-
AOASH Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Budapest, 1947-./:
AOSBM Analecta Ordinis S. Basilii Magni, Rome, 1952- )
AOG ArchivfOrOsterreichische Geschichte, Vienna (Wien, Bees), 1865- :;:
AP Analele Putnei [The Annals of <the Holy Monastery of> Putna], Putna?i'
2005-
ARG Archiv fOr Reformationsgeschichte, Berlin, Leipzig, 1903-
ASRSP Atti della Societa romana di storia patria, Rome, 1878-
ASI Archivio Storico Italiano, Firenze, 1842-1850/1851-
530
Abridgements
Archivio Storico Lombardo. Giornale de la Societa Storica Lombarda,

Milan, 1874-
Universitas lagiellonica. Acta Scientiarum Litterarumque. Schedae
Historicae, Krakow, 1992-
Atti della Societa ligure di storia patria, Genoa, 1858-1935, 1947-
1957, NS, 1960-
Archiv fur Slavische Philologie, Bertin, 1876-1929
Archivio storico per le province napoletane, Napoli, 1st series, 1876-
1915; 2°' series (NS), 1915-1960; 3rd series, 1961/1962-
Anuarul :;,colii Doctorale "lstorie. Civiliza\ie. Cultura" [Yearbook of the
Doctoral School "History. Civilization. Culture"], Cluj-Napoca (Klausen-
burg, Kolozsvar), 2005-
Analele $tiin\ifice ale Universita\ii "Alexandru loan Cuza". lstorie [The
Scientific Annals of the "Alexandru loan Cuza" University''. History], la§i,
1955-
Annales Universitatis Apulensis. Historia, Alba lulia (Weissenburg,
Gyulafehervar), 1997-
Analele Universita\ii Bucure§ti. lstorie [Annals of the Bucharest Univer-
sity. History], Bucharest, 1951-
Acta Universitatis Szegediensis, Sectio Historica, Szeged, 1933-
(Nuovo, 1891-1921) Archivio Veneto (Tridentino, 1922-1926), Venice,
1871-1890, 1927-
Archiv des Vereins fur siebenbOrgische Landeskunde, Hermannstadt,
1845-1850, 1853-1944
Ateneum \Mlenskie, Vilnius, 1923-1939
Byzantinisches Archiv (started as suppl. to BZ), Berlin, Leipzig, Stut-

tgart, 1898-
Balcania. Revue de l'lnstitut d'etudes et recherches balkaniques, Bu-
charest, 1938-1945
Bulletin de l'Academie royale de Belgique. Classe des Lettres et des
Sciences Morales et Politiques, Bruxelles, 1832-1914, 1919-
Bacsorszag vajdasagi honismereti szemle [The Review of the Bacs-
orszag Voivodate], Szabadka, 1904-1906, 1995-
Bollettino della Badia Greca di Grottaferrata, Grottaferrata, 1929-1945,
NS 1947-
Buletinul Comisiunii lstorice a Romaniei [The Bulletin of the Historical
Commission of Romania], Bucharest, 1908-1938
Buletinul Comisiunii Monumentelor lstorice [The Bulletin of the Commis-
sion for Historical Monuments], Buchares~ 1908-1945
Belleten. Turk tarih kurumu [Bulletin: Turkish Historical Society], Anka-
ra, 1937-
Byzantinische Forschungen: internationale Zeitschrift fur Byzantinis-
tik, Amsterdam, 1966-
Bulletin de l'lnstitut Archeologique Bulgar, Sofia, 1920-
Biblioteca lnstitutului de lstorie George Bari\iu [The Historical Library
of the George Bari\iu Institute of History], Cluj-Napoca (Klausenburg,
Kolozsvar), 2002-
531
BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Manchaster, 1903-

Bizantinistica Bizantinistica: rivista di studi bizantini e slavi, Spoleto, 1999-
BNGJ Byzantinische Neu-Griechische JahrbOcher, Benin, 1920-1985
BOR Biserica Ortodoxa Romana. Buletinul oficial al Patriarhiei Romane
[The Romanian Orthodox Church. The Official Bulletin of the Roma-
nian Patriarchy], Bucharest, 1874-
BP Balcanica Posaniensia, Poznan, 1970-
BPMAe Bulgaria Pontica Medii Aevi, Nessebar, 1981-
BS Bibliotheca Sanctorum, Rome, 1961-1969 [1970]
BSHAR Bulletin de la Section Historique de la Academie Roumaine, Bucha- 1
rest, 1912-1947 '
BSHB Bulletin de la Societe Historique Bulgare, Sofia, 1905-
BSL Byzantinoslavica. Revue internationale des eludes byzantines, Pra-
gue, 1929- •
BSNR Buletinul Societa\ii Numismatice Romane [The Bulletin of the Romani- J
an Numismatical Society], Bucharest, 1904- J
BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London-Oxford ]
1ro~ ~
BVTM Budapest varostorteneti monografiai [Monographs in the History of the'•
City ofBudapest], Budapest, 1932-
Byzantiaka Byzantiaka, Thessaloniki, 1981-
Byzantina Byzantina, Thessaloniki, 1969-
Byzantion Byzantion: revue internationale des eludes byzantines, Bruxelles?
1~- ~
BZ ByzantinischeZeilschrift, Leipzig, Munich, 1892-1913, 1914-1949, 195(;. ·
C
CB Cahiers Balkaniques, Paris, 1981-
cc Cuitura cre9tina [The Christian Culture], Blaj (Blasendorf), 1911-1943,
1995-
CF Concilium Florentium, A [I], Documenta; B [II], Scriptores, Rome, ·
1940-1977
CFHB Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, Benin, New-York, Rome, Vien'
na (Wien, Bees), 1967-
CHR The Catholic Historical Review, Washington DC, 1915-
Cl Cercetari istorice [Historic Researches], la 9i, 1922-1938 (1946), NS,1
1971-
CJH Corpus Juris Hungarici. MagyarT6rvenytar, Budapest, 1896-1945;!.,
CL Convorbiri Literare [Literary Conversations], la 9i-Bucharest, 1867f
1~ -
Clio La nouvelle Clio, Bruxelles, 1949- ,
CMR
Colloquia
Cahiers du Monde Russe [et Sovietique until 1993], Paris, 1959- ,
Colloquia: Journal of Central European Studies, Cluj-Napoca (Kolozs;'
1i
var, Klausenburg), 1994- .,;:
CPhMA-B Corpus Philosophorum Medii Aevi. Philosophi Bizantini, Athens-Pans':\
Bruxelles-Leiden, 1983-
CPhGR Corpus Philosophorum Graecorum Recentiorum, Athens, 1966- !ti
Corvin(ian)a Corvin(ian)a. Rassegna ltalo-Ungherese, Florence, 1921-1935/1938,§
1938-1943, 1952-
532
Abridgements
Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, Bonn, 1828-1897, Vienna

(Wien, Bees), 1991-
Dizionario Bibliografico degli ltaliani, Rome, 1960-

Dictionnaire d'Histoire et Geographie Ecclesiastique, Paris, 1912-
Dumbarton Oak Papers, Washington, DC, 1941-
Deutsche Reichstagsakten, [A], Altere Reihe; [B], Mittlere Reihe,
Gotha, Gottingen, Munich, Stuttgart, 1867
Diyanet Vakf1 islam Ansiklopedisi [Turkish Religious Foundations:
Encyclopaedia of Islam], Istanbul, 1988-
Eludes Balkaniques, Sofia, 1964-

Etudes Byzantines et Post-Byzantines, Bucharest-la9i, 1979-
Echos d'Orient, Paris, 1897-1942
East European Quarterly, Boulder, 1967-
Elementa ad fontium editiones, Rome, 1960-
Etudes historiques hongroises publiees a !'occasion du [Number!]
Congres International des Sciences Historiques par la Commission
Nationale des Historiens Hongrois, Budapest, 1970- (published as
Etudes historiques, 1955, 1960; Nouvelles Eludes Historiques, 1965)
The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition, Leiden, 1960 (1986)-2002
Egyetemi Konyvtar Evkonyvei. Annales Bibliothecae Universitatis de
Rolando Eotvos nominate, Budapest, 1962
Erdelyi Muzeum: az Edrelyi Muzeum Egylet bolcseszet-, nyelv- es tor-
tenettud. szakosztalyanak kiadvanya [Transylvanian Museum: Perio-
dical of the Society of the Transylvanian Museum], Kolozsvar (Cluj (-
Napoca), Klausenburg), 1892-1945, 1992-
Ephemeris daooromana: annuario della Scuola romena di Roma, Ro-
me, 1923-1945
Egyetemes Philol6giai Kozlony [Universitary Philological Selections],
Budapest, 1876 [1877]-1937
Ertekezesek a torteneti tudomanyok korebbl [Memoirs of the Historical
Scientific Section <of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences>], Buda-
pest, 1867-1917, NS, 1949-
Fontes/ Pontificia Commissio Codici luris Canonici Orientalis Reoogno-

scendo, Rome, 1943-
Fontes Rerum Austriacarum.Osterreichische Geschichts-Quellen: I,
Scriptores; II, Diplomataria et Acta, Vienna, 1849-
Fonti e Studi, Milan, 1958-
Forschungen zur Volks- und Landeskunde, Bukarest, 1956-
Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, Duke, 1958-
533
HJ Historisches Jahrhbuch des Gorres-Gesellschaft zur Pflege der Wis-

senschaft im katholischen Deutschland, Kain, 1880-1941, 1949-
HK Hadtbrtenelmi Kozlemenyek: Hadtbrtenelmi lntezet es Muzeum F0-
ly6irta [Contributions in Military History: Journal of the Institute and
Museum of Military History], Budapest, 1888-1943, 1954-
HKM Hunyadiak Kora Magyarorszagon [The Age of the Hunyadis in Hunga-
ry], Budapest, 1890-1941
HUS Harvard Ukrainian Studies, Cambridge, Mass., 1977-
HZ Historische Zeitschrift, Munich-Berlin, 1859-
Islam Der Islam: Zeitschrift fur Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen Ori-.
ents, Benin, 1910-
J
JA Journal Asiatique, Paris, 1822-
JFBRI J[ohann].F[riedrich]. Bohmer, Regesta lmperii, Stuttgart, Frankfurt
Main, Innsbruck, Vienna, Cologne, Graz, 1829-
JEH Journal of Ecclesiastical History, Cambridge, 1950-
JGOE JahrbOcher /Or Geschichte Osteuropas, Stuttgart, 1936-
JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies, London, 1880-
JMS Journal of Mediterranean Studes: History, Culture and Society in
Mediterranean Wortds, Msida, 1991-
JOB JahrbOcher der Osterreichischen Byzantinistik, Vienna (Wien,
1952-
K
Kanon Kanon: Jahrbuch der Gesellschaft fur das Recht der Ostkirchen, Eallina: ,i
1971-
KbVSL Korespondenzblatt des Vereins fur SiebenbOrgische
Hermannstadt (Sibiu, Szeben), 1873-1930
KFT Klasszika-Filol6giai Tanulmanyok [Studies in Classical Philology],
dapest, 1976-
KH Kwartalnik Historyczny [Historical Quarterly], Warsaw
Warschau), 1887
KSzVM Kozlemenyek Szepes Varmegye Multjab61 [Studies on the Past
Szepes County], L6cse (Lewocza, Leutschau), 1909-1918
LK Leveltari Kozlemenyek [Archival Selections], Budapest, 1928-

LMA Lexikon des Mittelalters, Munich-Zurich, 1977-1998
MA Mitropolia Ardealului [The Metropolitanate of Transylvania],

(Hermannstadt, Szeben), 1956-
534
Abridgements
MAPS Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 1933-

MA Le moyen age: revue d'histoire et de philologie, Paris, Bruxelles, 1888-
MB Mitropolia Banatului [The Metropolitanate ofBanate], Timi9oara, 1951-
ME Medieval Jewish, Christian and Muslim Culture Encounters in Conflu-
ence and Diaologue, Leiden, 1995-
MEFR Melanges de !'Ecole Franc;aise de Rome, Rome, 1876-
MGH Monumenta Genmaniae Historica, Hannover, [I] Scriptores, [sub-sec-
tion 7] Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum. Novae Series (NS), Leipzig,
Weimar, Munich, Berlin, 1826-
MHG Melanges d'Histoire Generate, Cluj (-Napoca) (Klausenburg, Kolzos-
var), 1927-1938, NS, 2007-
MHH Monumenta Hungariae Historica. Magyar tortenelemi emlekek, I, Di-
plomataria; II, Scriptores; IV, Acta Extera, Pest, Budapest, 1857-1917
MHI Monumenta Hungariae ltalica, Rome-Budapest, 1931-
MIOG Mitteilungen des lnstituts fur bsterreichische Geschichtsforschung,
Vienna (Wien, Bees), 1880-
MMP Monumenta Medii aevi res gestas Poloniae illustrantia, Krakow (Kra-
kow, Krakau) 1861-1938
MMS Mitropolia Moldovei 9i Sucevei [The Metropolitanate of Moldavia and
Suceava], la9i, 1925-
MN 11 Mar Nero. Anali di archeologia e storia, Rome, Paris, 1994-
MO Mitropolia Olteniei [The Metropolitanate of Oltenia), Craiova, 1949-
MOLK A Magyar Orszagos Leveltar kiadvanyai [The Publications of the Hun-
garian National Archives], section II, Forraskiadvanyok [Source Publi-
cations], Budapest, 1951-
MSL Miscellanea storica ligure (part of the FS series), Milan-Genoa, 1958-
MSM Monumenta spectantia Historiam Slavorum Meridionalium, Zagreb,
1867-1918; 1948-1979; 2002-
MSS Medieval Sermon Studies, Leeds-London, 1977-
MT Medievalia Transylvanica, Satu Mare (Szatmar), 1997-
MTE Magyar Torteneti Eletrajzok [Hungarian Historical Lives], Budapest,
1885-1920
NEH Nouvelles Eludes d'Histoire, Bucharest, 1955-

NHB Nouvelle Histoire Bataille, Paris, 1999-
NHQ The New Hungarian Quarterly, Budapest, 1960-
NRH Nouvelle Revue de Hongrie, Budapes~ 1932-1944
NK Neprajzi Kozlemenyek [Contributions in Ethnology], Budapest, 1956-
NRS Nuova Rivista Storica, Roma, 1917-
OCA Orientalia Christiana Analecta, Rome, 1935-

OCP Orientalia Christiana Periodica, Rome, 1935-
ODB The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, edited by Alexander P. Kazhdan
(1991).
OGS Osmanische Geschichtsschreiber, Graz-Vienna-Cologne, 1955-1981,
NS, 1982-
OKS Ostkirchliche Studien, W0rzburg, 1952-
535
PABS Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, Chicago-New York,

1904-
PCIBS Proceedings of the [number] International Congress of Byzantine Stu-
dies [or in French], publishing depends on the congress venue, 1926- ,
PEGB Program des Evangelischen Gymnasiums zu Bistriz in SiebenbOrgen,
Bistriz (Bislfi\a, Beszterce), 1851-1909
PG Patro/ogia cursus completus omnium S.S. patrum, doctorum scripto-
rumque ecclesiasticorum sive Latinorum, sive Graecorum. Patro/ogia ._,
Graeca, editor J[acques].-P[aul]. Migne, Lutetiae Parisiorum [Paris], 1.
PLP
1857-1866
Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit, edited by Eric Trapp,
!
_,
1
Vienna, 1976-1996 I
PS Picenum Seraphicum: rivista di studi storici e francescani, Falconara, I
1915- I
Q I
,)!
QCR
QSt
Quaderni della Casa Romana di Venezia, Venice, 2001-
Quademi Storici, Bologna, 1966-
••
R
RA Revista Arhivelor [The Review of the Archives], Bucharest, 1924-\:

1947, 1958-
RB Rivista di Bizantinistica, Rome, 1990-(continues RSBNE)
RBS Rerum Boicarum Scriptores, 1-11, Augustae Vindelicorum [Augsburg],
1763
RC Revista Catolica [The Catholic Review], Bucharest, 1911-1916
Rdl Revista de lstorie [History Review], Bucharet, (1947) 1972-1989
REB Revue des Eludes Byzantines, Paris, 1943-
REI Revue des Etudes lslamiques, Paris, 1933-
RER Revue des Etudes Roumaines, Paris, Alena, la~i, 1953-
RES Revue des Etudes Slaves, Paris, 1931-
RESEE Revue des Etudes Sud-Est Europeennes, Bucharest, 1963-
RGG Religion in Geschichte und G~enwart, Tubingen, 1908-19131. 1927;,
3
1931 2 , 1957-1965 , 1998-2005
RHE Revue d'Histoire Ecclesiastique, Louvain, 1900-
RHJ Rechthistorisches Journal, Berlin, 1982-
RHM Romische Historische Mitteilungen, Rome-Vienna (Wien, Bees), 1958-C
RHSEE Revue Historique du Sud-Est European, Bucharest, 1924-1947 ··
RI Revista lstorica [Historical Review], Valenii de Munte-BucharesV;
1915-1946, NS, 1990-
RIAF Revista de istorie, arheologie ~i folclor [Review for History, Archae-
ology and Folklore], Bucharest, 1900-1916
RIHM Revue Internationale d'Histoire Militaire, Paris, Vincennes, 1939-
RIR Revista istorica romana [Romanian Historical Review], Bucharest, ,
1931-1946
RIS [Lodovico Antonio Muratori], Rerum ltalicarum Scriptores. Raccolta,
degli storici italiani dal cinquecento al Millecinquecento, Mediolani (Mi(
536
Abridgements
Ian), 1723-1751; NS (general-editors Giosue Carducci and Vittorio

Fiorini), Citta di Castello-Bologna, 1900-
Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, Milan, 1947-
Revue du Mayen Age Latin, Strassbourg, 1945-
Romische Quartalschrift fOr christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchen-
geschichte, Rom, 1887-1942, 1953-
Revue Roumaine d'Histoire, Bucharest, 1962-
Rivista di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici, Rome, 1965-1989
Romanoslavica, Bucharest, 1956-
Rivista di Studi Ungheresi, Rome, 1986-
SA Studia Albanica, Tirana, 1964-

SBAW Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Philosophisch-historische Klasse, MOnchen, 1st series, 1871-1928;
2 nd series, 1929-1944; 3"' (new) series, 1944/1946-
Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici, Rome, 1931-1963
Studies in Church History, London, Cambridge, 1964-
Studii ,ii cercetari ,itiin\ifice. lstorie [Studies and Scientific Researches
<in> History], Cluj (Klausenburg, Kolozsvar), 1950-1957
Studii ,ii cercetari ,itiin\ifice. lstorie [Studies and Scientific Researches
<in> History], la,ii, 1950-1963
The Slavonic and East European Review, London, 1922-
Studi Genuesi, Genova, NS, 1983-
Slavische Geschichtsschreiber, Graz-Vienna-Cologne, 1958-1988
Studia Historica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Budapest, 1951-
Studii ,ii materiale de istorie medie [Studies and Materials in Medieval
History], Bucharest, Braila, 1956-
SMMIM Studii ,ii Materiale de Muzeografie ,ii lstorie Militara [Studies and Mate-
rials in Military Museography and Military History], Bucharest, 1967-
SMMM Somogy megye multjab61: Leveltari Evkonyv [From the Past of the
Somogy County: The Yearbook of the Archives], Kaposvar, 1970-
SOF SOdost-Forschungen: internationale Zeitschrift tor Geschichte, Kultur
und Landeskunde SOdosteuropas, Munich, 1936-
Speculum Speculum, Cambridge, Mass, 1926-
8PM Sacrum Poloniae Millenium. Rozprawy-Szkice-Materialy historyczne
[Historical Studies, Sketches and Materials], Rzym [Rome], 1954-
Spomenik Spomenik. Srpska Akademija Nauka i Umetnosti [Cenotaph. Serbian
Academy of Sciences and Arts] Belgrade, 1888-1942, 1948-1956, 1959-
SRH (1746) Scriptores Rerum Hungaricarum veteres, ac genuini (edited
by Johannes Georg Schwandtner), Vienna, 1746 (2 volumes).
(1798) Scriptores Rerum Hungaricarum Minores hactenus inediti,
synchroni aut proxime coaevi (edited by Marton Gyorgy Kovachich),
Buda (Ofen), 1798 (2 volumes).
SSASH Studia Slavica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Budapest, 1951-
SSMD Studi di Storia Medioevale e di Diplomatica, Milan, 1976-
ST Studi e Testi, Rome, 1900-
Studii Studii. Revista de istorie, Bucure,iti, 1948-1973
StudMed Studia Medievalia, Cluj-Napoca, 2004-
537
StudT Studia Transylvanica, Vienna (Wien)-Cologne-Graz, 1968-

StudTeo Studii Teologice [Theological Studies], Bucharest, 1949-
SUBBH Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, series Historiae, Cluj <-Napoca~
(Klausenburg, Kolozsvar), 1958-
sv Studi Veneziani, Venice, 1959-1976; NS, 1977-
Sz Szazadok [Centuries], Budapest, 1867-
TBM Tanulmanyok Budapest Multjab61 [Studies on the Past of Budapest],

Budapest, 1933-
ThQS Theologische Quartalschrift, TObingen, Stuttgart, 1819-
TM Travaux et Memoires. Centre de Recherche d'Histoire et Civilisation
de Byzance, Paris, 1973-
TPT Tanulmanyok Pees Tortenetebiil [Studies in the Histrny of Pees], Pees .l
(FOnfkirchen), 1995- l
TR Transylvanian Review/ Revue de Transylvanie, Cluj-Napoca (Klau-J
senburg, Kolozsvar), 1992- •. !
Tradttio Traditio. Studies in Ancient and Medieval History, Thought and Reli,.)
gion, New York, 1943- •1
TRHS Transactions of the Royal Historical Socie),y, London, 1~ series, 1869h1.
1871-1882; 2nd series (NS), 1883-1906; 3 series, 1907-1917; 4~ Se;';'
ries, 1918-1950; 5th series, 1951-1990; 6 series 1991-
th
j:
TSK Torteneti Statisztikai Kozlemenyek [Contributions in Historical Statistics]·,·•.•.·.·.•.·.· •·
Budapest, 1957- •. >
TSz Tortenelmi Szemle [Historical Review], Budapest, 1950-1956, 1958: '.'
(M)TT (Magyar) Tortenelmi Tar [(Hungarian) Historical Archive] (1878-1911),")
Buda(pest), 1855-1934 .. ·• ·
Turcica Turcica. Revue d'etudes turques: peuples, langues, culture, stats,;"'
Leuven, Paris, 1969- ··
Turul TuruL A Magyar Tortenelmi Tarsulat [Turul: Hungarian Historical SoC•
ciety], Budapest, 1883- /
TVMM Tanulmanyok Veszprem Megye Multjab61 [Studies on the Past of the.
Veszprem County], Veszprem, 1981- .:
Viator Viator. Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Los Angeles, 1971-

Vigilia Vigilia, Budapest, 1935-
z ·.·.~
ZRVI Zbomik Rad. Viz. Inst/ Recueil da Travaux de l'institut d'Etudes By;{'
zantines, Belgrade, 1951- ••1
ZVViLG Zeitschrift fur WOrttembergische Landesgeschichte, Stuttgart, 1937- 'i
\.
,'?ii-
We have tried to offer the most accurate information regarding each journal or collection:,.
Such data helps better enlighten 'the second/ double life' of each review These facts are al~~
useful for they allow us to better see and understand the age and the survival/ disappearance ,-,
periodicals, more or less important The information thus at hand further allows us to compa . ·
and analyze the differences in 'age and experience' between different (local) historiographies,}
538
Abridgements
Sources, Chronicles and Histories
The list includes some of the major source editions concerning the time of John Hunyadi.
Given their great number, preference was given to the works, authored and printed in 'East-
Central Europe'. In this respect, the following list could be viewed also as a subsidiary biblio-
graphy, a (very) small inventory of sources on the regional 'long 15th century' (1396-1526).
A
MV Giuseppe Valentini, Acta Albaniae Veneta saeculorum XIV et XV (Mu-
nich 1967-1979); 25 volumes in 3 series.
Pars secunda, Saecu/i XV praescanderbeginiam periodum com-
plectens (1970-1973), 13 volumes (VII-XIX).
Pars tertia, Saeculi XV Scanderbegianam periodum complectens
(1974-1979); 6 volumes (XX-XV).
Actae Actae et epistolae relationum Transylvaniae Hungariaeque cum Mol-
davia et Valachia (=FRT, IV, VI), edited by Endre Veress (Budapest
1914-1921); 2 volumes.
I, 1468-1540 (1914).
Acta Eugenii Acta Eugenii PP IV (1431-1447) (=Fontes, 3'' series. XV) edited by
Georgia Fedalto (Rome 1990).
Acte Nicolae lorga, Acte §i fragmente cu privire la istoria romanilor [Docu-
ments and Fragments on the History of the Romanians], (Bucharest
1895-1897); 3 volumes.
I, [1353-1722] (1895); II, [1260-1507]; Ill, [1399-1499] (1897).
AC Archiv cesky cili stare pisemne pamatky ceske i moravske. Z archi-
vuv domacich i cizich sebral [The Czech Archive regarding the Czech
and Moravian Lands: Extracted from Archives and Librarie], editor(s)
Frantisek Palacky (I-VI), Josef Kalousek (VII-XXVII), Gustav Friedrich
(XXVIII-XXXVII), Frantisek Hoffmann (XXXVIII) (Prague 1840-1872,
1887-1904, 1912-1944, 2000-).
II (1842).
AO Anjou-kori okleveltar. Documenta res Hungaricas tempore regum
Andegavensium illustrantia, 1301-1387, general editor Gyula Kristo
(Szeged 1990-2007); 26 volumes [so far].
VI, 1321-1322, edited by Gyula Kristo (2000).
Bonfini (1936-1941) [Antonio Bonfini] Antonius de Bonfinis, Rerum Ungarica-

rum decades, edited by Jozsef Fogel, Laszlo Juhasz and Bela lvanyi
(Leipzig 1936-1941 ); 4 volumes.
(1995) [Antonio Bonfini] A Magyar Tortene/em Tizedei[The Decades
of Hungarian History], translated by Peter Kulcsar (Budapest 2004).
C
Caduta Agostino Petrusi, La Caduta di Constantinopoli (Milano, Verona, Bolo-
gna 1976-1984); 3 volumes.
I, Le testimonianze def contemporanei; II, L'eco nel mondo (1976);
Ill, Testiinediti e poco noti (1984).
539
Calatori Ca/atori straini despre Tania Romane [Foreign Travellers on the Wala-
chias], edited by Marian Holban, Paul Cemovodeanu, Maria Matilda
Alexandrescu-Dersca-Bulgaru (Bucharest 1968-2002); 10 volumes.
I, [1330-1544] (1968); II, [1551-1583] (1970); V, [1623-1659]
(1973); VI, [1652-1666] (1976); VIII, [1668-1685] (1983).
CDH Codex Diplomaticus Partium Ragno Hungariae Adnexarum. Magyar-
orszag Mellektartomanyainak Ok/eve/Iara (=MMH, I, 31, 33, 36, 40)
(Budapest 1903-1915), edited by Lajos Thall6czy (I-IV), Antal Hodinka
(I), Antal Aldasy (II), Sandor Horvath (Ill-IV); 4 volumes.
I, A Horvat veghelyek okleveltara, 1490-1527 [Documents regar-
ding the Croatian Borderlands. 1490-1527] (1903) (Horvat); II, A
Magyarorszag es Szerbia k6zti 6sszek6ttetesek okleveltara.
1198-1526 [Documents regarding the Relations at the Meeting-
Point between Hungary and Serbia. 1198-1526] (1907) (Szerbia),
Ill, Als6-Szlav6niai okmanytar (Dubicza, Orbasz es Szana varme-
gyek) 1244-1710 [The Documents of Lower Slavonia: The Do-
mains of the Fortresses Dubicz, Orbasz and Szana. 1244-1710]
(1912) (Als6-Sz/av6nia); IV, Jajcza (Bansag, var es varos) torte-
nete 1450-1527 [The History of the Banate, Fortress and Town of
Jajce. 1459-1527] (1915) (Jajcza).
Chalcocondil (1843) [Laonic Chalcocondil], Laonici Chalcocandylae Atheniensis
historiarum /ibri decem (=CSHB, [XXX]), edited by Immanuel Bekker)
(Bonn 1843).
(1922-1927) [Laonic Chalcocondil], Laonic Chalcocandylae Historia-
rum demonstrationes, edited by Jeno Dark6 (Budapest 1922-1927); 2
toms/ 3 volumes.
(1958) Laonic Chalcocondil, Expuneri istorice. Hisloriarum demonstra-
tiones, edited by Vasile Grecu (Bucharest 1958).
CJH 1000-1526. evi /6rvenyczikkek [The Law Articles <issued> between
1000 and 1526] (=CJH, Ml, edited by Gyula Nagy, Sandor Kolosvari,
Kelemen 6vari Kelemen, Dezs6 Markus (Budapest 1899) [we use the
conventional abridgement, although it stands also for the series].
Codex Codex episto/aris saeculi decimi quinti (= MMP, II, XI-XII, XIV) (Krakow
1876-1894), edited by August Sokolowski, Joseph Szujski (I), Anatol
Lewicki (II, Ill, [IV]); 4 volumes.
I, 1384-1492 (1876); II, 1382-1445 (1891); Ill, 1392-1501 (1894);
[IV] Index auctorum saeculi XV ad res pub/icas Poloniae spec-
tantiam (/ndex)(1888). ,
Cadice R[aimondo]. A[medeo]. Vigna, Cadice diplomatico de/le co/onie tauro-::
liguri durante la signoria dell'Ufficio di S. Georgia. MCCCCLl/1-MCCC;
CLXXV (=ASLSP, VI-VII), Genova, 1868-1879); 3 volumes.
I, [1453-1459] (1868-1870); 11-1, [1460-1472] (1871-1874); 11-2,
[1473-1475; 1453-1475] (1876-1879). .
Critobul (1963) [Michael Kritobulos] Critobul din lmbros, Din domnia Jui Maha-
med al II-lea (1451-1467) (From the History of Mehmed II. 1451-1467],
edited by Vasile Grecu (Bucharest 1963).
(1983) [Michael Kritobulos] Critobuli Jmbriotae Historiae (=CFHB, XXIIJ:'
edited by Dieter R. Reinsch (New York 1983). ...
Cronici turce§ti Cronici turce§ti privind /ari/e romane. Extrase [Turkish Chronicles re,-
garding the Walachias. Selections] (Bucharest 1966-1980); 3 volumes._
540
th th
I, Secolul XV-mijlocul secolului XVII [15 Century-Mid 17 Cen-
tury], edited by Mihail Guboglu, Mustafa Mehmet, (1966).
Cronicile slavo-romane din secolele XV-XVI ,[!ublicate de loan Bogdan
th
[The Slavic-Romanian Chronicles of the 15 -16 Centuries edited by
loan Bogdan], edited by P[etre]. P[etre]. Panaitescu (Bucharest 1959).
loan Mihalyi de Ap9a, Diplome maramure§ene din secolele XIV §i XV

[Fourteenth and Fifteenth Century Charters from the Maramure9 (Ma-
ramaros) <Land>], (Sighet (Sziget) 1900; reprint Cluj-Napoca, 2000).
(1711-1712) [Jan Dlugosz] loannes Duglosii seu Longini, Historiae
Polonicae libri XII (Lipsiae (Leipzig) 1711-1712), 2 volumes.
(1883, 1887/ 1863-1887) [Jan Dlugosz], Jan Dlugosii Senioris Canoni-
ci Cracoviensis Opera omnia, edited by Alexander Przezdziecki (Leip-
zig-Krakow 1863-1887); 15 volumes.
XIII-XIV, Historiae Polonicae libri XII (1883-1887).
uocurnerne Bra§OV loan Bogdan, Documente privitoare la relafiile Tarii Romane§ti cu Bra-
§OVUI §i Ungaria in secolele XV §i XVI [Documents regarding Wala-
th
chia's Relations to Bra9ov (Kronstadt, Brass6) and Hungary in the 15
th
and 16 Centuries] (Bucharest 1905).
nn,-unoPn,tP moldovene§ti Mihai Costachescu, Documente moldovene§li inainte de !}tefan eel
Mare [Moldavian Documents prior to Stephen the Great] (la9i 1931-
1932); 2 volumes.
II, Documente inteme. Urice (ipsoace), Surete, Regeste, Tradu-
ceri. 1438-1456. Documente Exteme. Acte de imprumut, de oma-
giu, tractate, so/ii, privilegii comerciale, salv-conducte, scrisori.
1387-1456 [Domestic Documents: Charters, Regests, Transla-
tions. 1438-1456. Foreign Documents: Letters of Credit, Hom-
mage Deeds, Treaties, Embassies, Trade Privileges, Safe-Con-
ducts and Letters. 1387-1456] (1932).
nnrurn,,r,tP SBB- Stoica Nioolaescu, Documente slavo-romane cu privire la rela(iile !arii
Romane§ti §i Moldovei cu Ardealul in secolele XV §i XVI. Privilegii
comerciale, scrisori domne§ti §i particulare din archivele Sibiului, Bra-
§Ovului §i Bistrifei din Transi/vania [Slavo-Romanian Documents re-
gardini the Moldavia's and Walachia's Relations to Transylvania in
the 15 and 16th Centuries. Commercial Privileges. Princely Charters
and Private Documents from the Archives of Sibiu (Hermannstadt,
Szeben), Bra 9ov (Kronstadt, Brass6) and Bistri\a (Bistriz, Besztrece)]
(Bucharest 1905).
Documente turce§ti Documente turce§ti privind istoria Romaniei [Turkish Documents on
the History of Romania] (Bucharest 1976-1986); 3 volumes.
I, 1417-1774, edited by Mustafa Ali Mehmet(1976).
DRH Documenta Romaniae Historica (Bucharest 1965-2007); 52 volumes
[so far]/ 4 series.
A. Moldova (1975-2007); 18 volumes; II, 1449-1486, editors Leon
$imanschi, Georgeta lgnat, Dumitru Agache (1976); Ill, 1487-1504,
editors Constantin Cihodaru, Ion Capro§u, Nicolae Ciocan (1984).
B. Tara Romaneasca [Walachia] (1966-2007); 25 volumes, I,
1250-1500, edited by P[etre].P[etre]. Panaitescu, Damaschin Mioc
(1966).
541
C. Transilvania (1977-2007); 8 volumes, XI, 1356-1360, ecitec by

9tefan Pascu (1981).
D. Rela/iile in/re Tarile Romane [The Relations between the Ro-
manian Countries] (1977); 1 volume, I, 1222-1456, editors 9tefan
Pascu, Constantin Cihodanu, Konrad G. GOndisch, Damaschin
Mioc, Viorica Pervain.
Ducas (1958) [Michael? Dukas] Ducas, lstoria Turco-Bizantina. 1341-1462
[The Turkish-Byzantine History. 1341-1462], edited by Vasile Grecu
(Bucharest 1958)
EO Erdelyi okmanytar: oklevelek, levelek es mas irasos emlekek Erdely 16-

rtenetehez. Codex diplomaticus Transsylvaniae: diplomata, epistolae et
alia ins/rumen/a litteraria res Transsylvanas illustrantia (=MOLK, II, 26,
40), editor Zsigmond Jak6 (Budapest 1997-2004); 2 volumes [so far].
I, 1023-1300(1997); II, 1301-1339(2004).
Epistolae Pontificiae Epistolae pontificiae and concilium florentiunum spec/antes (= CF, I,
1-3), ecited by Georg Hofmann (Rome 1940-1946), 3 volumes.
I, Epistolae pontificiae de rebus ante Concilim Florentinum gestis
(1418-1438) (1940); Ill, Epistolae pontificiae de ultimis actis con-
cilii florentini annis 1440-1445 et de rebus post concilium gestis
annis 1446-1453 (1946).
Fejer Georgius [Gy6rgy] Fejer, Codex diplomaticus Hungariae ac ecciesias-

ticus ac civilis (Buda 1829-1844), 11 toms/ 43 volumes.
X, 1382-1437 [in 8 volumes] (1834-1843); XI [one single volume],
1438-1440 (1844).
Fejer-Hunyad Georgius [Gy6rgy] Fejer, Genus, incunabula et virtus Joannis Corvini
de Hunyad, regni Hungariae gubematoris (Buda (Ofen) 1844).
FHDR Fontes Historiae Daco-Romanae (Bucharest 1965-1982); 4 volumes.
IV, Scriitori §i acte bizantine, secolele IV-XV [Byzantine Writers
and Documents. 4th-15th Centuries], edited by Hora\iu Mihailescu,
Radu Lazarescu, Nicolae-$erban Tana§OCa, TudorTeoteoi (1982).
GVU Deere/a Regni Hungariae. Gesetze und Verordnungen

edited by Ferenc Dory, Gy6rgy B6nis, Geza Erszegi, Zsuzsa
Vera Bacskai (Budapest 1976-1989); 2 volumes.
[I], 1301-1457 (1976); [II], 1458-1490 (1989).
His/aria [Giovanni Maria Angiolello] Donado Da Lezze, His/aria

edited by l[oan ]. Ursu (Bucharest 1910).
His/aria PPG Historia Po/itica et Patriarchica Constantinopoleos. Epirotica (=
[Ill]), edited by Immanuel Bekker (Bonn 1849).
542
Abridgements
Eudoxiu de Hum1uzaki, Documente privitoare la istoria romilnilor [Do-

cuments regarding the History of the Romanians] (Bucharest-Cemau\i
(Czemovits) 1887-1942); 15 (17) toms/ 45 volumes.
1-2, 1346-1459 (1890); 11-1, 1451-1575; 11-2, 1451-1510 (1891); 11-
3, 1510-1530 (1893); 11-4, 1531-1552, <all the abovementioned vo-
lumes were> edited by Nicolae Densu§ianu (1894); XV-1, Acte §i
scrisori din arhivele ora§elor ardelene Bislrifa, Bra9ov, Sibiiu, 1358-
1600 [Documents and Letters from the Archives of the Transylva-
nian Cities Bistri\a (Bistriz, Besztrece), Bra§OV (Kronstadt, Brass6),
Sibiu (Hem1annstadt, Szeben), edited by Nicolae lorga (1911 ).
1290-1690 lstoria Tani Romilne§ti 1290-1690. Letopise/ul Cantacuzinesc [The

History ofWalachia. 1290-1690. The Kantakuzenos Chronicle], edited
by Constantin Grecescu, Dan Simionescu (Bucharest 1960).
Die byzantinischen Kleinchroniken. Chronica Byzantina breviora (=CF

HB, XII, 1-3) editor Peter Schreiner (Vienna 1975-1979); 3 volumes.
I. Text (1975); II. Historischer Kommentar(1977).
Zsigmond Jak6, A kolozsmonostori konvent jegyz6k6nyvei [The
Protocolls of the Convent of Cluj-Mana§tur (Kolozsmonstor, Abts-
dorf)] (Budapest 1990); 2 volumes.
I, 1289-1484; II, 1485-1553 (1990).
Edgar Artner, Magyarorszag mil a Nyugati Kereszteny muvelodes ve-

dobastyaja: a Vatikanai Leveltamak azo okiratai, melyek oseinknek a
Keletrol Europa/ fen yegeto veszedelmek el/en kifejet erofesziteseire
vonatkoznak (cca. 1214-1606) [Hungary as Propugnaculum of Wes-
tern Christianity: Documents from the Vatican Secret Archives (ca.
1214-1606)], edited by Szovag Kornel (Budapest 2004),
[Domenico Malipiero], Annali veneti dall'anno 1457 al 1500 de/ Sena-
tore Domenico Malipiero ordinati e abbreviati dal senatore Francesco
Longo (=AS/, VII, 1), edited by Agostino Sagredo (Florence 1843).
(1934) [Galeotto Marzio] Galeottus Martius-Namiensis, Commentarius
elegans de Matthiae Corvini Hungariae regis, egregie sapienter, ioco-
se, die/is et factis ad inc/ytum ducem loannem Eius Filium, edited by
Laszlo Juhasz (Leipzig 1934).
(1979) Galeotto Marzio, Matyas kiralynak kival6, boles, trefas monad-
sair6/ es tetteir6/ sz6I6 k6nyv [Booklet on King Matthias' Exquisite Wise
and Amusing Words and Deeds], translated by Tibor Kardos (Buda-
pest 1979).
Ivan Nagy, Albert B. Nyary, Magyar diplomacziai emlekek. Matyas ki-
raly korab6I 1458-1490 [Souvenirs ofthe Hungarian Diplomacy: The
Age of King Matthias. 1458-1490] (= MHH, IV, 1-4) (Budapest 1875-
1878); 4 volumes.
I, [1458-1465] (1875); II, [1466-1480] (1876); Ill, [1481-1488] (1877).
543
MKL Vilmos Frakn6i, Matyas kiraly levelei. K0!0gyi Osztaly [King Matthias'
Letters. Foreign Section] (Budapest 1893-1895); 2 volumes.
I, 1458-1479 (1893); II, 1480-1490 (1895).
MHS Viaceslav Makusev, Monumenta Historica Slavorum Meridionalum
vicinorumque popu/orum e tabularis et bibliothecis italicis derompta
(Warsaw (Warszawa), Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehervar) 1874-
1882); 1 tom/ 2 volumes. l
1-1, Ancona-Bononia-Florentia (1874), 1-2, Genua, Mantua, Me- •·i',_l.
diolanum, Panonnus et Taurinum (1882).

1
N
J
Notes Nicolae lorga, Notes et extraits pour servir a /'histoire des croisades
au XV'siecle (Bucharest 1899-1916); 6 volumes. •I
l
·
1
I (1899), II (1903), Ill (1909); IV, 1453-1476; V, 1476-1500 (1915); ·.
VI, 1501-1547 (1916). ·
p
Pannonius (1987) [Janus Pannonius], Janus Pannonius osszes munkai [The Com-
plete Works of Janus Pannonius], edited by Sandor V Kovacs (Buda-
pest 1987).
Piccolomini Der Briefwechse/ des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini(= FRA, II, 61, 62, 67/
68), edited by RudolfWolkan (Vienna 1909-1918), 4 volumes.
I, Briefe aus der Laienzeit (1431-1445) (1909); II, Bnefe afs Pnesler
und Bischof van Tries/ (1447-1450) (1912), Ill. Briefe van seiner.
Erhebung zum Bischof van Siena bis zum Anfang des Regens,
burger Reichstags (23. September 1450-1. Juni 1454) (1918). ,
Piocolomini-Commentari(ij (1584) [Pius II (Aeneas Silvio Piocolomini)] Pius Secundus Ponti/ex
Maximus, Commentarii rerum memorabilium quae temporibus s ·
contingerunt (Rome 1584).
(1981) [Pius II (Aeneas Silvio Piocolomini)] / commentari di Enea SMo
Piccolomini, edited Giuseppe Bernetti (Milan 1981); 2 volumes.
(1997) [Pius II (Aeneas Silvio Piccolomini)] Pio II (Enea Silvio Piccol
mini),/ commentari, edited by Mino Marchetti (Siena 19972);2 volum
Piccolomini-Europa (1551) [Pius II (Aeneas Silvio Piocolomini)] Aeneae Sylvii Pii II Pon'
ficis Maximi, Europam sui temporis uarias continentem historias, .i
Idem, Opera quae extant omnia (Basel 1551 ).
PRK Oas Register des Patriarchats van Konstantinopef (Registrum patria
chatus Constantinopofitani (=CFHB, XIX, 1-3) (Vienna 1981-2001);
volumes [so far]. ··
I, 1315-1331, edited by Herbert Hunger, Otto Kersten (1981); 11
1337-1350, edited by Herbert Hunger, Otto Kersten, Ewald Kisli
ger, Caroline Cupane (1995); Ill, 1350-1363, edited by Johan
Kader, Otto Kersten, Martin Hinterberger (2001 ).
Que/fen Kar1 Nehring, Que/fen zur ungarischen Au/3enpolitik in der zweiten Ha

te des 15. Jahrhunderts (1-11), LK, XLVII (1976), 1, pp. 87-120; 2,
247-268.
544
Abridgements
R
Raguza J6zsef Gelich, Lajos Thall6czy, Diplomatarium relationum reipub/icae
regasane cum regno Hungariae. Raguza es Magyarorszag osszekot-
teteseinek okleveltara (Budapest, 1887).
Ransano (1977) [Pietro Ransano] Petrus Ransanus, Epithoma rerum Hungar-
icum id est annalium omnium temporium fiber primus et seagesimus,
edited by Peter Kulcsar (Budapest 1977).
(1985/ 1999) [Pietro Ransano] Pietro Ransanus, A magyarok tortene-
tenek rovid foglalata [Short History of the Hungarians], edited and trans-
lated by Laszlo Blazovich, Erzsebet Galantai (Budapest 19851, 19992).
Raynaldus (1691/ 1692-1727, respectively 1747-1756) [Odorico Rinaldo], Anna-
/es ecclesiastici ab anno MCXCV/11 ubi desinit Cardinalis Baronibus
auctore Odorico Rayna/do accedunt (Cologne 1692-1727, respectively
Lucca 1747-1756; editor Giovanni Domenico Mansi); 21 / 15 volumes.
XVIII, Ab anno 1417 usque ad annum 1458 (1693); XIX, Ab anno
1459 usque ad annum 1492 (1694), respectively XI, Ab anno
1453 usque ad annum 1487 (1753).
Regeste Bra§0V loan Bogdan, Documente §i regeste privitoare la rela(iile Tarii Roma-
ne§ti cu Bra§ovul §i Ungaria in seco/e/e XV §i XVI [Documents and
Regests regarding Walachia's Relations to Bra~ov (Kronstadt, Bras-
s6) and Hungary in the 15th-16th Centuries] (Bucharest 1902).
Regesten Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des ostromischen Reiches: von 565 -
1453, edited by Franz Dolger <and> Peter Wirth (Munich 1932-1965).
Teil 5. M, Regesten van 1341-1453 (1965)
Regestes Jean Darrouzes, Les regestes du Patriarcat de Constantinople (Paris
1972-1991); 1 volume [series] (7 fasc.).
I, Lesactesdespatriarches, 7, 1410-1453(1991).
Reichstagakten (Albrecht) Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Konig Albrecht II. (=ORTA,
A, XIII-XIV), edited by Gunther Hodl (Gotha-Gottingen 1908-1925 [re-
print 1957]); 2 toms/ 3 volumes.
1-1,2, 1438(1908-1916); II, 1439(1925).
s
Sanudo [Marino Sanudo II Giovanne],/ diarii di Marino Sanuto (MCCCCXCV/-
MDXXX/11) dal/'autografo Marciano ital. cl. VII cod. CDXIX-CDLXX VII,
editors Guglielmo Berchet, Frederico Stefani, Nicolo Barozzi, Rinaldo
Fulin, Marco Allegri (Venice 1879-1903); 58 volumes.
II, 1498-1499(1879-1880); Ill, 1499-1501 (1880).
Scholarios ([George (Gennadios) Scholarios] Oeuvres completes de Georges
Scholarios, edited by Louis Petit, Xenophon A. Sideris, Martin Jugie
(Paris 1929-1936); 8 volumes.
I, Oeuvres oratoires, traites theologiques sur la Providence et lame;
II, Traites polemiques sur la procession du Saint-Esprit (1929); Ill,
Oeuvres polemiques, questions theologiques, ecrits apologetiques
(1931 );IV, Polemique contre Plethon, oeuvres pastorates, ascetiques,
liturgiques, poetiques. Correspondance. Chronographie (1935).
SD Nicolae lorga, Studii §i documente cu privire la istona romanilor [Stu-
dies and Documents regarding the History of the Romanians] (Bucha-
rest 1901-1916); 32 volumes.
545
Ill, Fragmente de cronici §i §liri despre cronicari [Fragments from

Chronicles and Data on Chroniclers] (1901); XXIII, Acte straine din
arhive/e Ga/Wei, vechii Prusii §i Teri/or de Jos (Dccuments from the
Archives of Galicia, Old Prussia and the Lower Countries] (1913).
Sphrantzes (1966) Gecrgios Spharantzes, Memorii. (1401-1477). in anexa: Pseu-
do-Phrantzes: Macarie Melissenos, Cronica (1258-1481) [Memoirs.
1401-1477. Appendix: Pseudo-Phrantzes: Makarios Melissenos, Chro-
nicle. 1258-1481], edited by Vasile Grecu (Bucharest 1966).
(1990) [Georgios Sphrantzes] Giorgio Sfranze, Cronaca (=CFHB,
XXIX), edited by Riccardo Maisano (Rome 1990).
Szekely Ok/eve/tar Szekely Ok/eve/tar [The Szekler Archive], edited by Karoly Szabo (1-
111), Lajos Szadeczky (IV-V) [1~ Series] (Kolozsvar (Cluj, Klausenburg)
1872-1896); 5 volumes.
I, 1211-1519, (1872); Ill, 1270-1571 (1890), V, 1296-1603 (1896).
Syropou/os (1660) (Sylvester Syropoulos] Vera historia unionis non verae inter
graecos et /atinos, sive, Concilii Fiorentini exactissima narratio scrip/a
per Silvestrium Sguropu!um, edited by Robert Creyghton (The Hague
1660).
(1971) [Sylvester Syropoulos] Les Memoires du Grand Ecclesiarque de
l'Eglise de Constantinople Sylvestre Syropoulos sur le Concile de Flo-.;:)
rence (1438-1439) (= CF, II, 9), edited by Vitalien Laurent (Rome 1971). _/
T
Teleki J6zsef Teleki, Hunyadiak kora Magyarorszagon [The Age of the
Hunyadis in Hungary <with Pictures and Plates>] (Pest 1840-1857); )!
12 volumes. >j
II, Hunyadi Janos, Lasz/6 kiraly es Hunyadi Lasz/6 acelmetszetii :j
kepeivet (184211852); 111, Matyas kiratr, Szilagyi Mihaly es II. Pius_ :j
papa aczelmetszeta kepevet (1843/ 1853); V, Matyas kiraly, Kin~ ·1
zsi Pal es Friderik csaszar aczelmetszeta kepevel (1846/ 1856); X, C
Albert kiraly es Erszebet kiralyne ifjukori aczelmetszeta k(;pevel, ·
es het hasonmassal (1853); XI, V.Lasz/6 kiraly aczelmetszetil k9'
pevel es het hason-massal (1855); XII, Sz/lagyi Erszebet eczelme;>:
tszetil kepevel es ket hasonmassal (1857).
Teleki Ok/eve/tar A R6mai Szent Birodalmi Grof Szeki Teleki Csalad Ok!eveltara [The k: :
chive of the Teleki Family, Count of the Holy Roman Empire, Branch
of Sic (Szek, Secken)], edited by Samu Barabas (Budapest (1895); 2;?
volumes.
II, 1438-1526(1895). _}
Tevarih-i Die altosmanischen anonymen Chroniken (Tevarih-i At-i Osman):,)
Text und Varian/en, editor Friederich Giese (Breslau (Wroclaw), Leirr''
zig 1922-1925); 2 volumes.
I. Text und Variantenverzeichnis; II. Obersetzung.
Thur6czy (1746/ 1766) [Janos Thur6czi/ Thur6czy] loannis de Thur6cz, Chro-'f',
nica Hungarorum, in SRH, I (1746), pp. 39-291 [re-edited in1766 in·
Vienna (Wien, Bees) and Trnava (Nagyszombat, Tyrnau)].
(1978) (Janos Thur6czi/ Thur6czy] loannis de Thur6cz, A magyaro~°'
kr6nikaja [The Chronicle of the Hungarians], translated and edited by;
Janos Horvath (Budapest 1978). 0
546
Abridgements
(1985) [Janos Thur6czi/ Thur6czy] Johannes de Thurocz, Chronica

Hungarorum (Budapest 1985-1988); 3 volumes.
I, Tex/us, edited by Erzsebet Galantai, Gyula Kristo; 11-1, 2, Com-
mentarii, by Elemer Malyusz, with Gyula Kirst6.
Tursun Bey (2007) Tursun Bey, La conquista di Constantinopoli, edited by Jean-
louis Bacque-Grammont, Michele Bernardini, Luca Berardi (Milan
2007).
u
Ub. Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der Deutschen in Siebenburgen, (Her-
mannstadt (Sibiu) - Bucharest 1892-1991 ); 7 volumes.
IV, 1416-1437, editor Franz Zimmermann (1937); V, 1438-1457,
editor Gustav G0ndisch (1975); VI, 1458-1473, edited by Gustav
G0ndisch, Hertha G0ndisch and Gernot Nussbacher (1981); VII,
1474-1489, editor Konrad G. G0ndisch (1991).
Unrest Jakob Unrest, Osterreichische Chronik (= MGH, I, NS, 11 ), edited by
Karl Grossmann (Weimar 1957; reprint Munich 1982).
Ureche (1958) Grigore Ureche, Letopiseful Tarii Mo/dove/ [The Chronicle of
the Land of Moldavia], edited by P[etre]. P[etre]. Panaitescu (Bucha-
rest 1958).
(1991) Grigore Ureche, Letopiseful Tarii Moldovei [The Chronicle of
the Land of Moldavia], edited by Tatiana Celac (Kishinev 1991 ).
Vitez /ohannes Vitez de Zredna opera quae supersunt, editor Ivan Boronkai
(Budapest 1980).
VMHH Augustinus Theiner, Vetera monumenta historica Hungarica sacram
illustrantia (Rome 1859 [1860]); 2 volumes.
II, Ab lnnocentio PP. VI. usque ad Clemen/em PP. VII. 1352-1526.
VMPL Augustinus Theiner, Vetera monumenta Poloniae et Lithuaniae gent~
umque finiamarum historiam illustrantia (Rome 1860-1864) 4 volumes.
II, Ab loanne PP. XX/II. usque ad Pium PP. V 1410-1572 (1861).
w
Wadding (1931-1964) Luca Wadding, Anna/es Minorum seu trium ordinum a S.
Francisco instftutorum, edited by P Giuseppe Maria Fonseca (Quarac-
chi 1931-1964'); 32 volumes.
XII, 1448-1456 (1932); XIII, 1457-1469 (1933).
Wavrin (1858-1863) [Jean de Wavrin] Jean de Wavrin, seigneur du Forestel,
Anchiennes cronicques d'Engleterre, edited by Emilie Dupont (Paris
1858-1863); 3 volumes.
(1864-1891) [Jean de Wavrin] John de Wavrin, lord of Forestel, A Co-
llection of Chronicles and Ancient Histories of Great Britain, now Called
England, editor W.E.L.C.P. Hardy (London 1864-1891 ); 5 volumes.
(1927) Jean de Wavrin, La campagne des croises sur le Danube
(1445). Extrait des Anciennes Chroniques d'Angleterre, editor Nicolae
lorga (Paris 1927).
(1968) [Jean de Wavrin] Jehan de Wavrin, Expedifia de pe Dunare
(1445) [The Danube Expedition 1445], in Calatori, I (1968), pp. 81-122.
547
z
Zsigmond Zsigmondkori Ok/eve/tar (Documentary Archive of Sigismund's Age]
(=MOLK, II, 1, 3, 4, 22, 25, 27, 32, 37, 39, 41), general-€ditor(s) Elemer
Malyusz <and> Ivan Borsa (Budapest 1951-2004); 9 volumes (so far].
I, 1386-1399 (1951); 11-1, 1400-1406 (1956), 11-2, 1407-1410, (1957);
Ill, 1411-1412 (1993), IV, 1413-1414 (1994); V, 1415-1416 (1997);
VI, 1417-1418 (1999), VII, 1419-1420 (2001); VIII, 1421 (2003); IX,
1422 (2004).
Out of every collection of documents or multiple volume editions, only those volumes that
were quoted by the authors were also listed. Given the fact that in some cases, the Romanian
one, for instance, in terms of (traditional) historiography, the Middle Ages 'stretched'/ 'stretch'
until the early 1800', 'adjusting' thus the content of a collection, namely in the late 19fu century,
the reasons for this choice are rather obvious. Consequently, it should be also added, that, in
spite of their sometimes poor quality, such collections are still of great value in the 2000'.
Collective Works and Repertories
Completing this last list of abridgements was probably the most difficult task for it could
have involved the most significant amount of personal bias. Therefore, the list was reduced to
just a few Hungarian and Romanian titles. To these titles we have added one that is defining
by the concepts, actions and times which made John Jancho Hunyadi a hero of Christendom.
Archonto/6giaja Pal Engel, Magyarorszag vi/agi archontologiaja 1301-1457 [The Secu-

lar Archontology of Hungary. 1301-1457] (Budapest 1996); 2 volumes.
Between Worlds Between worlds (=MHG, NS, general-editor loan-Aurel Pop, I, 1-4),
editor Alexandru Simon (Cluj-Napoca 2007-2008).
I. Stephen the Great, Matthias Corvinus and their Time, edited by
Laszlo Koszta, Ovidiu Mure 9an, Alexandru Simon (2007).
Crusades A History of the Crusades, general editor Kenneth M. Setton (Phila-
delphia, Madison, 1958-1989), 6 volumes.
VI, The Impact of the Crusades on Europe, edited by Harry W
Hazard, Norman P. Zacour(Madison 1989).
Hunyadi Matyas Hunyadi Matyas. Emtekkonyv Matyas kiraty halalanak 500. evtor-x,
du/6jara (Matthias Corvinus: On the 500fu Anniversary of the Death
King Matthias], edited by Gyula Razso, Laszlo V Molnar (Budapest
1990).
Matyas Kiraly Matyas Kiraly Emlekkonyv szmetesemek otszaseves fordul6jara
1440-1940 [In the Memory of King Matthias on the 500fu Anniver-
sary of his Birth], edited by lmre Lukinich (Budapest 1940); 2 volumes.
Nobilimea Nobilimea romaneasca din Transilvania. Az erdelyi roman nemesseg
[The Romanian Nobility of Transylvania], edited by loan Dragan and
Marius Diaconescu (Satu-Mare 1997).
One aspect is once again worth noting. John Hunyadi enjoyed and ejoys a 'popularity' com-
parable to that of the great rulers of East-Central Europe. The sources are far frcm being few in
number. Still, no collective volume has so far been devoted to him. And more have to come.
548
List of Illustrations
A picture is worth a thousand words is a statement that could have well belonged also to
John Hunyadi, not only to his son Matthias Corvinus, though he was much less focused than
the future king on artistic representations is well known. The images selected for this volume
try therefore to reflect an age and its modern 'forms of acceptance' and not so much to pro-
vide an 'illustrated history' of the 1400' based on the still quite few in number, in East-Central
European terms, late medieval images connected to John Hunyadi's years, their spirit and
impact. Nevertheles, the distribution of the images aims to suit the content of each study in
the volume and the titles of the sections. Hence some rather familiar images paired with the
th
first half of the 15 century have been omitted. Likewise, other, less known or at least used,
ITTustrations were used in order to put into perspective the written message of the studies.
The Cote of Arms above the Entry to the Spiral Staircase of the Castle of Hunedoara
(photo from the personal collection of the editors) ....................................................... 15
The Main Entrance into the Kalemegdan Fort of Belgrade (photo from the personal col-
lection of the editors) ........................................................................................... 16
; The Cote of Arms granted by King Ladislas V the Posthumous to John Hunyadi in 1453
(MOL, DL 24762; 1" of February 1453) ....................................................................29
. One of the Two Fifteenth Century Images of John Hunyadi in the 1488 printed version
of Thur6czy's Chronicle (photo taken from the copy of the chronicle preserved in the library
of the monastery from Sambata de Sus) ................................................................... 30
Memorial Stone, in Serbian and Hungarian, commemorating the Battle of Belgrade

(photo from the personal collection of the editors) ....................................................... 31
John Hunyadi's Statue of Pees (photo from the personal collection of the editors; the statue
th
·· sculpted by Pal Patzay was unvealed on the 12 of August 1956) .................................. 32
The 'Strong Wife, Widow and Mother' (Elisabeth Szilagyi) (romantic image taken from the
12" volume of the Tefeki collection) ........................................................................ 33
The 'Weak King' (Ladislas V Posthumous) and the 'Evil Adviser' (Ulrich von Cily) (photo
from the personal collection of the editors; painting by Bertalan Szekely (1870) in the National
HLmgarian Gallery) ............................................................................................. 34
The Mourning of the 'Fallen Heir' (Ladislas Hunyadi) (photo from the personal collection of
the editors; painting by Viktor Madarasz (1859) in the National Hungarian Gallery) ........... 34
The Modern Face of the Uncrowned King: John Hunyadi in Szeged (photo from the per-
sonal collection of the editors; Hunyadi Matyas Square in Szeged) ................................ 67
The Unexpected Heir who became King: Matthias Corvinus' Statue of Cluj (photo from the
per-sonal collection of the editors; statue (1902) sculpted by Janos Fadrusz) ................... 68
The Resurection in a Graduate from the Bibliotheca CoNiniana (Orszagos Szechenyi

Konyvtar ["Szechenyi National Hungarian Library], Budapest, Codices, Cod. Lat. 424; edited in
Ne/ segno de/ corvo. Libri e miniature def/a biblioteca di Mattia Corvino re d'Ungheria (1443-
1490), editors Paola di Pietro Lombardi, Milena Ricci (Modena 2002), no. 52, p. 282) ........ 95
Pulpit of Giovanni da Capistrano (St. Stephen's Cathedral in Vienna) (photo in the per-
sonal collection of the editors) ..................................................................................................96
Emperor John VIII Palaeologus on the Way to Florence (photo in the personal collection of
the editors; detail from the fresco by Benozzo Gozzoli, in the Cappe//a dei Magi, at Palazzo ·•
Medici Riccardi, in Florence) ................................................................................97
The Roads of Pius II to Ancona (photos in the personal collection of the editors; details from
the frescos, by Pituricchio, in the library of cathedral of Siena depicting Pius !l's career, from
him kneeling before Eugenius IV, then before Calixtus Ill, when he received his cardinal's hat,.;/
to his arrival in Ancona, on his first and last actual crusader journey) ............................. 98 S
The Cathedrale of Alba lulia (photo in the personal collection of the editors) .................. 155 ·l
The Shrine in the Monastery of Bistrita (photo in the personal collection of the editors; ac- '.l
cording to tradition the saint is Gregory Dekapolites, but new, as well as older evidences, se- ·,
em to indicate that the reclics belong in fact to John Capestran) ................................. 156
Cardinal Bessarion in a Miniature (BNM, Guillaume Fiche!, Rhetorica (Paris 1471), c. 7'; the
,,fl
then (Latin) patriarch of Constantinople receives a copy of the book from the author) ......... 156/f
John Hunyadi on a Stained Glass Window (photo in the personal collection of the editors; mo,.
dern image from the Castle of Hunedoara) .............................................................. 156
The Tombstone of John Vrtez (from Balazs Dercsenyi, Gabor Hegyi, Erno Marosi, J6zseff·
Torok, Katolikus temp/amok Magyarorszagon [Catholic Churches of Hungary] (Budapest}
1991), fig. 16) .............................................................................................. 156
Hussite 'Chariot Fortress'(ONB, Cod 3062 f. 148'; copy from Osterreichische Geschichte/
edited by Herwig Wolfram, V, Alois Niederstatter: Das Jahrhundert der Mitte: an der IM3nda
vom MittelalterzurNeuzeit. 1400-1522(Vienna 1996), p. 344) .............................................. 175
;;
The Estates of John Hunyadi in the Early 1450' (frequently reproduced map, first edited by:
Lajos Elekes, Hunyadi{Budapest 1952), p. 274) ...................................................... 176,
Matthias Corvin us' House of Birth of Cluj (photo in the personal collection of the editorn;
the present-day aspect of the house/ inn, in the 1440', after the re-renovations of the late 1800;
and 1900') ....................................................................................................... 177,
The Mural in the Matthias Loggia in the Caste of Hunedoara (photo in the personal col,r
lection of the editors) ..........................................................................................178,
The Castle of Hunedoara (photo in the personal collection of the editors) ..................... 178,
'i'
Matthias Corvinus (the painting, perhaps one of Matthias' most stylish representations, ex:
traded from the catalogue of the exhibition Scha//aburg 1982. Matthias Corvinus und die Rli;;
naissance in Ungam (Vienna 1982), was authored by Andrea Mantegna) ....................... 179,;
550
The 'Engagement Picture' of Ladislas V Posthumous and Magdalene of Valois (photo

in the personal collection of the editors; Kunsthistorisches Museum, Gemaldegallerie, Vienna;
th
the wooden engraving was dated to the 16 century, although there are evidences which
suggest that the portrait(s) were made in view of Ladislas' marriage, which never took place.
Another copy is preserved in the Budapest Museum of Fine Arts and dated, in general, a
few decades earlier, in the 1480'-1490') .................... .. ....... .. ............................ .. 180
John Corvinus (Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen, Munich; the painting depicting the

grandson of John Hunyadi, commisoned probably in the perspective of his marriage to Bianca
Maria Sforza, which eventually did not take place, in the last years of his father's rule, was
published in Schallaburg'82 Matthias Corvinus und die Renaissance in Ungarn, no. 117, p.
2~ .......... ...... ......... ............. ......................... .. .. ........... ................ ............ .1W
Sigismund of Luxemburg (photos in the personal collection of the editors; Kunsthistorisches

Museum, Gemaldegallerie, Vienna; painting (1433) attributed to Pisanello) ................... 203
The Tombstone of Nicholas Ujlaki (in the Franciscan Church of Ujlak (llok); from A Magyar
nemzet tortenete (The History of the Hungarian People]. general-editor Sandor Szilagyi, IV ,
Vilmos Frakn6i, A Hunyadiak es a Jagel/6k Kora (1440- 1526) [The Age of Hunyadis and the
Jagellos (1440-1526)] (Budapest 1896), p. 176) .............. .. .. .. .... .. ...........................204
The Tombstone of Denes Szecsi (from Erik Fugedi, Uram, kiralyom ... A XV szazadi Magyar-
th
orszag hatalmasai (My Lord, My King ... Power Relations in 15 Century Hungary] (Budapest
1974), fig. 12) ..................................................................................................204
th
The Charter of the Hunyadi-Garai-Ujlaki League of 1450 (17 of June 1450; edited in
Teleki, X, p. 262; published by Bela Czobor, lmre Szalay, Magyarorszag mukincsei [Hungary's
Collectables]. I (Budapest 1897), p. 99) ................................ .. .... .. .............. .... .............204
The Franciscan Convent of Szeged (photo in the personal collection of the editors) ........ 223
Images from Roberto Valturio's De re militari from the Early 1460' (Biblioteca Estense
Universitaria, Modena, Cod. Lat. 447; formerly in the Bibliotheca Corviniana; from Ne/ segno
def corvo. Libri e miniature de/la biblioteca di Mattia Corvino, no. 10, pp. 161 -163) ..... ....... .224
The Greek Rite Church from Streisangeorgiu (Hateg Land) (photo in the personal collection
of the editors) .... ..... .. .. .. .... ..... ......... ...... ... ... ... .... .. .. ... ........ .. .. ... ................... ...... 225
The Black Church of Bra§ov (photo in the personal collection of the editors) .. .... ... ..... .... 226
The Surviving Medieval Synagogue of Buda (Tancsics Utca; photo in the personal callee-
~) . .. .... . .. . . . ..... . ... ... . . . .. .. . . .. . . . . .. . . . ... . ...... . . ... . .. . . .. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . ~
Gold Florins issued by John Hunyadi as Governor of Hungary (private collection) ...... 274
The Ruins of the Severin Fortress (photo in the personal collection of the editors) .......... 274
The Siege of Constantinople in a French Miniature from the Late 1400' (BNF, Ms. fran-
c,:ais 2691 (Jean Chartier, Chronique), f. 246v) ....................................... .. ... . ...... ..... 307
Europe after 1453 and the Ottoman Expansion (maps from From Hunyadi to Rak6czi.
War and Society in Late Medieval and Early Modern Hungary, edited by Janos M. Bak and
551
Jo/Jn Hunyadi and /Jis Time
Bela M. Kiraly (New-York 1982), inner cover, and Colin Imber, The Ottoman Empire, 1300-
1650. The Structure of Power(New-York 2002), Appendix: List of Maps) ..................... 308
The Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople in a 12'" Century Miniature (BAV,
Cod. Gr. 1162 (James of Kokkinobaphos, Orationes encomiasticae in ss. virginem deipa-
ram), f. 2') ...................................................................................................... 309
Sultan Mehmed II (photo in the personal collection of the editors; National Gallery London;
portrait (1480) by Gentile Bellini) ......................................................................... 310
Emperor Frederic Ill and his Monogram (photo in the personal collection of the editors from
the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Gemaldegallerie, Vienna copy from the late 1400', attributed
to Hans Burgkmair the Elder, of the now lost original from 1468; the monogram was published
by Peter Diem, Die Symbole Osterreichs (Vienna 1995), p. 192) .................................... 310
II Palazzo Ducale in Venice (photo in the personal collection of the editors) ................. 311
The Letter sent by the Council of Genoa to Prince John Hunyadi (24th of February 1454)
(ASG, A.S, Diversorum, 3041, nn) .......................................................................312
The Athens Statue of Constantine XI as Great Martyr and 'Semi-Official' Saint (photo in
the personal collection of the editors) ......................................................................312 ·.
The 'Castle' of Cetatea Alba and the Part of the surrounding Fortifications (photo in
the personal collection of the editors) ..................................................................... 365
The 'Modern-Day' Bran Fortress (photo in the personal collection of the editors; like the ca-
stle of Hunedoara, but still to a lesser extent, it has suffered numerous and predominantly ma-:
dem alterations in relation to its medieval aspect) ......................................................366.
Silver Denar issued by Peter Aron (from George Buzdugan, Octavian Luchian, Constantin .•
C. Oprescu, Monede §i bancnote romilne§ti [Romanian Coins and Banknotes] (Bucharest
1977), no. 599, p. 79) ........................................................................................ 366
,,,,,,
th
Turkish Riders of the 15 Century (printed by Johannes Adelphus, Die TOrkische Chronic~]
(Strasbourg 1516); published by Robert Schwoebel, The Shadow of the Crescent: The RenaiS'/l
sance Image of the Turk (1453-1517), (Nieuwkoop 1968, the plates between pp. 8-9) ....... 397cfl
,<;,:J
The Battle of Varna: Illustration from Martin Bielski's 1564 edition of his Polski Kronik~x,i
(image from the copy in the Biblioteka Jagiellonska [Jagiellonian Library] of Crakow of Bielski's,J
Kronika wszystkiego swiata) ................................................................................39?,~
t}>M
The Battle of Baia: Illustration from the 1488 printed Version of Thur6czy's Chronicl~il
(photo taken from the copy of the chronicle preserved in the library of the monastery fro111j
Sambata de Sus) ............................................................................................398tl
Wladislaw I (Ill) in the 1488 printed Edition of Thur6czy's Chronicle (photo taken from the;j
:~-·~'"' '" "' " " "'· ... .. . . . . . . . . . . . . ·' " j

copy of the chronicle preserved in the library of the monastery from Sambata de Sus; tt shou\~ll
be noted that he was depicted as at least a 40 year old in this image, though at the time of h1~Jlll
death, from which less than fifty years had elapsed by the time Thur6czy's work was print~;fl
~
An Early Modern Image of Skanderbeg (from Dominicus Custos, Atrivm heroicvm Cae-
sarvm, regv[m] alirvmque svmmatvm ac procervm. Qui intra proximum seculum vixere, aut
hodie supersunt, IV (Augsburg 1600), f. 33') ......................................................... .400
Murad ll's Tugra (adapted online image from Suha Umur, Osman/1 Padi§ah Tugralan [The Tu-
gras of the Ottoman Sultans] (Istanbul 1980), appendix, plates) .....................................400
The Central Part of the Giant Fresco depicting the Siege of Belgrade in the Church of
Immaculate Conception of Virgin Mary in Olomouc (1468) (photo in the personal collec-
tion of the editors; Capestran is portraited in the center, while, depending on interpretations,
Hunyadi is holding the flag, or watching the battle from the tower to Capestran's left) ..... .435
The Fortress of Golubac (photo in the personal collection of the editors) ..................... ..436
The Fortress of Smederevo (photo in the personal collection of the editors) ............... .436
John Capestran in the Center of Olomuc Fresco (detail; photo from the personal collec-
tion of the editors) .......................................................................................... .463
John Hunyadi's Early Modern Tombstone in the Cathedral of Alba lulia (photo from
Magyarorszag muemlekei [Statuary Monuments of Hungary], edited by Gyula Bar6 Forstner, I
(Budapest 1905), fig. I) .................................................................................... .464
Unlike the times of his first major protector (Sigismund of Luxemburg) or those of his son
(Matthias Corvinus), 'the decades of John Hunyadi' have never been the object of a major ex-
hibition or of an album, a situation which can best be explained by the fact that he was no mo-
narch, nor did his great political career last more than 15 years. Even so, supplementary ex-
planations are needed and, in this respect, one must not forget the overall 'rustical' milieu at
the Hungarian court, during Matthias Corvinus' reign, prior to the arrival of Beatrice of Aragon
(a socio-cultural aspect which was strongly and, to a certain extent, undeservedly, underlined
by Antonio Bonfini). In any case, the situation had a direct and rather substantial impact on our
choice of information. Consequently, the image selection had to focus on message and im-
pact, to be expedient, in relation both to the 'medieval requirements' and to the 'modem neces-
sities. The same applies also for the cover of the present volume, intended to respect both tra-
dition and the spirit of the age, namely of those features which were defining for the medieval
and the modern lives of the low-born noble from Ha\eg who became governor of Hungary.
John Hunyadi's 'Classic Image' from the 1488 printed Version of Thur6czy's Chronicle
(photo taken from the copy of the chronicle preserved in the library of the monastery from
Sambata de Sus)
A Report on the Anti-Ottoman Actions of Jancho Hunyadi from 1454 (ASM, A.D.S., Po-
tenze estere, Turchia-Levante, cart. 647, fasc. 1, nn; 10~ of October 1454; detail)
As a politician, Hunyadi was well aware of the importance of propaganda. Yet, he was
far from being the 'PR' statesman which Matthias became. This might also provide a comple-
mentary answer to why made an immense fortune and did not fail to become a legend too.
553
List of Authors
Aiming to provide the reader with a better picture of the volume and the conference of
2006, we have drafted this less than extensive list of authors. From the authors lists of publi-
cations we have selected only their major studies connected to the topic of this volume. Like-
wise, we have to add that all data given reflects the status of the authors at the time of the con-
ference and during the following year and a half, when the volume was prepared. Some of the
editorial facts listed below can provide the reader with a few clues regarding the major themes
studied by contemporary Hungarian and Romanian medieval scholars. The language of the
presentation of the authors is that of their studies or the one personally chosen by them.
A to D
Vladimir Agrigoroaei. B. 1979. Teaching assistant, "Dimitrie Cantemir" Christian University

(Bucharest), Faculty of History. lngenieur d'etudes of the Centre National de Recherche Scienti-
fique (CNRS) project: TRANS-MEDIE. Five Centuries of Translations into French (1 /h_ 1rfh Cen-
turies.). Ph.D. Student, University of Poitiers, CESCM (Centre d'Etudes Superieures de Civilisa-
th
tion Medievale), with a thesis on The First Translations into French (11 - 12" Centwy.). Co-foun-
der of Patzinakia (www.patzinakia.ro); He has published several articles concerning historical
approaches of medieval literary texts. He currently prepares an edition of the medieval French
Apollonius of Tyre (London MS) soon to be published in the C/assiques Gamier collection.
E-mail Address: vladimir.agrigoroaei@gmail.com
Dr. Emanuel Antoche. N. 1970. Ecole des Hautes Eludes en Sciences Sociales (Paris). Atta-
che de recherche au laboratoire ESA 8032 du Centre Nationale de la Recherche Scientifique
(CNRS), Etudes turques et ottomanes (Paris); Membre permanent de la Commission fram;aise
d'Histoire Militaire (Chateau de Vincennes). Specialisation dans les relations diplomatiques et
militaires de la France avec !'Europe Orientale et le monde ottoman (XV"-XVllle siecles). Auteur
d'une trentaine d'articles et eludes concernant l'histoire des relations internationales en Europe
Centrale et Orientale (XV"-XVllle siecles). Co-editeur de la nouvelle serie de MHG (2007-)
Mel: antoche@live.fr
Dr. Matei Cazacu. N. 1946. Chercheur, Centre National de Recherche Scientifique (CNRS). II a
une licence d'histoire de l'universite de Bucarest (1969) et un dipl6me de !'Ecole Nationale des
Charles, Paris (1977). Docteur en histoire et civilisation du monde byzantin et post-byzantin
(Paris I Pantheon-Sorbonne, 1979). Specialiste de la Roumanie et du monde balkanique, ii en-
a a
seigne l'universite Paris IV Sorbonne et l'lnstitut National des Langues et Civilisations Orien-
tales (!NALCO). Parmis ses publications: L'Histoire du prince Dracula en Europe centrale et ori-
entate au XV' siecle (2006\ Dracula (2004); Gil/es de Rais (2005).
Mel: cazacu@wanadoo.fr
Dr. Michela Dal Borgo. N. 1961. Ricercatore, Archivio di Stato di Venezia, directrice. Ricerche
dedicate ale relazioni tra la Republica di Venezia ed ii Levante (XIV-XVI secc ). Autrice di lavori
riguardanti l'edizione e la catalogazione di documenti del museo. Ha pubblicato anche van sag-
gi sul tema della Tarda Crociata.
lndirizio mail: mdalborgo@libero.it
lulian-Mihai Damian. N. 1975. Ricercatore, Accademia di Romania (Roma)-Universita "Babe~-

Bolyai" (Cluj)-Scuola Normale Superiore (Pisa). Sta preparando due tesi Frati Minari e confine
sud-orientale def Regno d'Ungheria dall'eta di Giovanni Hunyadi al/a conquista ottomana
(1526) (a Pisa) e Giovanni da Capestrano e la Tarda Crociata (1456) (a Cluj-Napoca). Ha usu-
fruito di vane borse di studio a Budapest, Cracovia, Genova, Pisa, Roma e a Venezia et ha pub-
blicato vari saggi sul tema de la Tarda Crociata. Co-editore de la nova serie di MHG (2007-).
lndirizio mail: iulian.damian@gmail.com
Dr. $tefan Damian. N. 1949. Professore. Universita "Babe9-Bolyai" (Cluj-Napoca). Storico e

letterato, autore dei romanzi e dei libri di racconti (Nunta (Le nozze), 1980, Pisica de Eritreea (II
gatto d'Eritrea), 1986, Racconti di Transilvania, 1998), ha pubblicato saggi sulla letteratura ro-
mena e italiana. Autore di numerosi traduzioni di letteratura e storia. II professore ha presen-
tato i risultati delle sue ricerche a convegni organizzati in Italia e Romania. Ha pubblicato
saggi anche sul tema della Tarda Crociata con particolare nfenmento a Giovanni da Capestrano.
lndirizio mail: stefanndamian@yahoo.it
Dr. loan Dragan. N. 1954. Chercheur, Departement Cluj des Archives Nationals Roumains, di-
recteur. Professeur-associe de l'Universite «Babe9-Bolyai» de Cluj-Napoca. Sa these (Nobili-
mea romaneasca din Transilvania 1440-1514 [La noblesse roumaine de Transyl vanie. 1440-,;"
1514]), a re9u le prix Dimitrie Onciul de l'Academie Roumaine (2001). Auteur des nombreuses ·
eludes. Editeur-en-chef de la revue Mediaevalia Transi/vanica (M7) (Satu Mare-Cluj-Napoca),
des 2001 ; co-editeur des documents medievals du royaume hongrois concemant Jes Roumains
de Transylvanie (par example: fzvoare privind evul mediu romanesc. Tara Ha(egului in secdu/ a(
XV-lea [Sources concernant le Moyen Age Rournain. Le Pays de Ha\eg au XV" siecle], 1989);
Co-editeur de la nouvelle serie de MHG (2007-).
Mel: ioan.dragan@gmail.com
Dr. Ana Dumitran. 8. 1969. Researcher and Senior Curator, National Union Museum (Alba
Julia). Head of the History Department. Author of several books and studies on Confessiona.\
and Ecclesiastical Relations in Transylvania, with particular emphasis on the early modem.·
period (e.g. Religie ortodoxa--Religie reformata. lpostaze ale identita(ii confesionale a romanifo{
din Transilvania in secolele XVI-XVII [Orthodox Religion-Reformed Religion: Aspects of the Cp<:
fessional Identity of the Transylvanian Romanians. 16th-17'" Centuries], 2003). Recently, sh..·
has turned to the topic of society and art in the Romanian environment on which she has
blished extensively. Editor of reviews and journals, co-editor of sources and of collective wo
Co-editor of the new series of MHG (2007-).
E-mail Address: anadumitran@yahoo.com
Flo L
Dr. Andrea Fara. N. 1976. Assegno di ricerca, Dipartimento di Scienze Economiche e

dali, Luiss, Libera Universita lntemazionale degli Studi Sociali "Guido Carli" (Roma). Dottore
556
List of Authors
cerca in Storia, Universita degli Studi di Pisa e Universita "Babe§-Bolyai" di Cluj-Napoca, con una
tesi sulle lstituzioni politiche e vita eco-nomica su una frontiera dell'Europa medievale. I Sassoni
di Transilvania dal XII al XVI secolo. Attivita scientifica in corso: darestia e crisi economica dal
periodo preindustriale al mondo contemporaneo (con particolare riferimento all'aerea carpato-
danubiana, alle odierne Ungheria e Romania). Ha presentato i risultati delle sue ricerche a con-
vegni organizzati in Italia e Romania e ha pubblicato vari saggi.
lndirizio mail: ndrfara@gmail.com
Dr. Gyorgy Feiszt. B. 1950. Researcher, Vas Country Archives (Szombathely), deputy director.
His area of reseach includes medieval urban and family history, sigillography, heraldry, the cul-
tural history of Szornbathely, topics on which he has published several studies and books: (e.g.
Ravid magyar cimertan es pecsettan [Concise Historical Treatise of the Hungarian Heraldry and
Sigillography], 1986, or Vas megye cimerkonyve [The Coats of Arms of the Vas County] 2004).
E-mail Address: gyfeiszt@gmail.com
M. Marcella Ferraccioli. N. 1943. Ricercatore, Biblioteca Musec Correr (Venezia). Laureata in

Lingue e Letterature Straniere presso l'Universita di Venezia, gia professore presso lstituti di ls-
truzione secondaria. Autrice di lavori riguardanti l'edizione e la catalogazione di documenti del
museo (XV-XIX secolo) riguardanti i Balcani, !'Europa Centro-Orientale overo ii Mediterraneo.
lndirizio mail: giangir@unive.it
Dr. Gianfranco Giraudo. N. 1941. Professore Ordinario di Filologia Slava presso l'Universita
Ca' Foscari (Venezia). Fondatore dell'Associazione ltaliana di Studi Ucraini, direttore della Stu-
dia Balcanica Venetica; curatore delle collane di monografie Ucrainica ltalica, Oriente e Occi-
dente, Studi sul/e minoranze e Slavika Politika. Autore di circa 140 lavori (tramite: Orakula, Con-
tributi al/a storia de/le idee po/itiche nell'Europa Orientate al/a svolta def XV secolo, 1972; Les-
sico giuridico, politico ed ecclesiastico de/la Russia def XVI secolo, 1994; co-autore) dedicati alla
lessicografia storica, ai rapporti interconfessionali nell' Europa orientale, ale relazioni tra la Re-
publica di Venezia ed ii monpo slavo, ai rapporti della Russia con ii Caucaso e l'Asia Centrale.
lndirizio mail:giangir@unive.it
Dr. Laszlo Grof. B. 1933. Researcher, Oxford Military College. Founder of the Carta Hungarica
(Sarvar, The Museum of Nadasdy Castle). His unique collection of 111 maps from the various
editions of Abraham Ortelius's Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (1570-1612) is now housed by the Na-
tional Szechenyi Library], in Budapest.
E-mail Address: lgrof@lightfoots.co.uk
Sorin lftimi. B. 1970. Researcher, Romanian Academy, Institute for European Studies (la§i).
Author of several studies related to Moldavian mentality and rituals of power in the Middle Ages
and the Earty Modern Age. His researches focus on medieval political and cultural relations, with
particular emphasis on the influence and courts of the ladies of Moldavia.
E-mail Address: sorin_iftimi@yahoo.com
Guneo, lo,1ksel. B. 1976. PhD Student, Ecole des Hautes Eludes en Sciences Sociales (Paris).
After graduating from the Department of Political Sciences of the francophone Galatasaray Uni-
versity in Istanbul (2002), started to prepare a Ph. D with Professeur Gilles Veinstein on the Ot-
557
toman diplomacy in the age of Selim II (1566-1574). Author of studies and articles on Ottoman
diplomacy and warfare in the age of expansion.
E-mail Address: gunesiisiksel@yahoo.com
Dr. Andras Kiss. G. 1922. Archivist, Rumanisches Nationalarchiv, Kreisarchiv Cluj, Stellzweig
Klausenburg. Forschungsschwerpunkte: Geschichte des Mittelalters, Stadtegeschichte und Ge-
schichte S0dosteuropas. Sein Spezialfachgebiet isl die Geschichte der Stadt Klausenburg, zu
der er mehrere Aufsatze und Bucher verfasst hat (z.B. Forrasok es erte/mezesek [Quellen und
Erklarungen]. 1994; Mas forrasok, mas ertelmezesek [Mehrere Quellen, mehrere Erklarungen].
2003).
E-mail Adresse: korunk@mail.dntcj.ro
Dr. loan-Vasile Leb. G. 1953. Universitatsprofessor, ,.Babe9-Bolyai" Universitat (Klausenburg).

Priester. Doktor der Universitat Heidelberg mil einer Arbeit Ober Die Entwicklung der orthodox-
alt katholischen Beziehungen bilateral und im Rahmen der okumenischen Bewegung (1981;
Titel anerkannt in 1989). Dekan der Fakultat fOr Orthodoxe Theologie. "Babe9-Bolyai" Universi-
tat (2000-2004). Autor mehrer Bucher (z.B. Die Rumanische Orthodoxe Kirche im Wandel der
Zeiten, 1998). Gastprofessor an der ,.Ludwig-Maximilian" Universitat, M0nchen (2006-2007).
E-mail Adresse: lebioan@yahoo.com
Dr. Antal Lukacs. B. 1955. Associate Professor, University of Bucharest. Main fields of interest:
medieval charters on the Romanian nobility of Transylvania, the Fagara§ Land in the Late Mid-
dle Ages, institutional structures and political relations in the southern parts of Transylvania and
in the mountainous regions of Walachia. Author of books (e.g. Tara Fagara§ului in Evul Mediu
(secolele XIII-XV!) [The Fagara§ Land on the Middle Ages. 13"'-16"' Centuries], 1999] and stu-
dies related to these topics and editor of documents (e.g. Documente fargarii§ene [Documents
from the Fagara 9 Land], I, 1486-1630, 2004) dealing with these socio-political matters (late 1400'-
late 1600').
E-mail Address: antal_lukacs@yahoo.com
Maria Lupescu Mako. B. 1970. Teaching Assistant, ''Babe9-Bolyai" University (Cluj-Napoca),

Alumna of the Central European University (Budapest) and recipient of several scholarships of
the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Co-editor Erdelyi okmanytar. Codex diplomaticus Trans-
sy/vaniae, general editor Zsigmond Jak6, II (2001 ). Author of several studies on medieval Tran-
sylvania, with particular emphasis on the history of the mendicant orders and the medieval re-
ligious life. She is currently preparing two PhD Thesis, Noble Society and Material Culture in Med-
ieval Transylvania. Noble Testaments from Transylvania prior to 1540 ("Babe9-Bolyai" Univer-
sity), and Catholic Piety in Medieval Transylvanian Towns (Central European University).
E-mail Address: marialupescu@yahoo.com
MtoN
Dr. Bogdan-Petru Maleon. B. 1975. Lecturer, "Alexandru loan Cuza" University (la 9i). PhD.
Thesis: Orthodox Secular Clergymen in Mediaeval Moldavia (11'-tff' Centuries). Research
topics: Institutional dimension and the social statute of secular clergy in the Byzantine Common-:,
wealth, ideology, symbols, rituals of power in the post-Byzantine world (especially the rituals of•
558
List of Authors
war and violence as attribute of princes). Author of books and studies and co-editor of volumes
on Church and politics in the Late Middle Ages. Co-editor of the new series of MHG (2007-).
E-mail Address: maleonb@uaic.ro
Dr. Szabolcs Marton. B. 1978. Researcher, University of Szeged. His main topics and re-
search themes focus on the everyday life in medieval and early modern Europe, in particular
in Hungary. Special attention was given to the wine and alcohol culture in the investigated time
spans. On the other hand, other studies have been devoted to the question of medieval Hun-
garian sources. Co-editor of Medievisztikai tanulmanyok [Medieval Studies], IV (2005) and
author of Az italok es az italozas tortenete jegyzet [Notes on the History of Drinking] (20062)
E-mail Address: szabolcsmarton@tvnetwork.hu
Lorand Madly. B. 1978. Researcher. Romanian Academy, "George Baritiu" Institute of History,
(Cluj-Napoca). PhD student of the "Babe~-Bolyai" University with a thesis on Rela(iile sa§ilor
ardeleni cu autorita(ile austriece in deceniul neoabsolutist [Relations between the T ransylvanian
Saxons and the Austrian Authorities in the Decade of Nee-Absolutism]. Research topics: the
history of the Transylvanian Saxons in the Modern and Early Modern Age; the German historio-
graphy from Transylvania; the Transylvanian law system and custumary law. Editor of docu-
ments (e.g. Vierhundertfunfzehn Tage in v½en. Das Tagebuch der siebenburgisch-sachsischen
Nationaldeputation (1850-1851 ), 2007). Co-editor of the new series of MHG (2007-).
E-mail Address: lmadly78@yahoo.de.
Dr. J6zsef Marton. B. 1952. Professor, "Babe~-Bolyai" University (Cluj-Napoca). Dean of the
Faculty for Roman-Catholic Theology (2004-). Author of several books and editor of volumes
of collective studies devoted to the culture and society of the Hungarian Catholic community of
Transylvania in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age.
E-mail Address: jmarton@rocateo. ubbcluj. ro
Dr. Andreea Marza. B. 1978. Teaching Assistant, "Babe~-Bolyai" University (Cluj-Napoca). Spe-
cial field of expertise: Medieval Latin. She has recently defended a thesis on Aeneas Silvio Pic-
colomini. Author of several studies discussing his personality and age, and in particular the
question of the later crusades in relation with the papal policy of the mid 1400'.
E-mail Address: dejka78@yahoo.com
Daniela Monica Mitea. 8 . 1980. Ph.D. Student, "Babe~-Bolyai" University (Cluj-Napoca). She
is preparing a thesis on Relations between Hungarian Kingdom, Transylvania, Walachia and
Moldavia (1438-1541), from various economical, political, cultural and religious standpoints, on
the strength of archival sources, edited information and modern historiography. Author of seve-
ral studies dealing mainly with the diplomatic relations between Hungary and Walachia, the ty-
pology of feudal relations between East-Central European political power structures.
E-mail Address: danymitea@yahoo.com
Dr. Dan loan Mure:;;an. N. 1974. Chercheur, 'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Science Sociales
(Paris). Boursier Hermes de la Maison des Sciences de l'Homme (Paris, 2006-2007) et Vasile
Parvan de l'Academie Roumaine (Rome, 2004-2006). Membre du Comite Franr;ais des Etudes
Byzantines (Paris). Specialiste en histoire byzantine medievale et en l'histoire de la croisade
559
John Hunyadi and his nme
tardive (XIV-XVI' siecles). Principaux domaines de recherche: l'histoire du Patriarcat cecume-

nique de Constantinople, l'histoire du Patriarcat latin de Constantinople, le Concile de Florence
et la croisade tardive, la «redecouverte» de !'Europe de l'Est. Auteur des nombreuses etudes sur
l'histoire ecclesiastique byzantine et roumaine. Co-editeur de la nouvelle serie de MHG (2007-).
Mel: danioanmuresan@gmail.com
Dr. Ovidiu Mure§an. B. 1951. Associate Professor, "Babe9-Bolyai" University (Cluj-Napoca).

Author of several studies and books (e.g. Umanism, Rena§fere §i Papalitate in secolul al XV-lea
[Humanism, Renaissance and Papacy in the 1400'] (2005). Research topics: the cultural history
of East-Central Europe in the Middle Ages; Humanism and politics in the 1400'; the history of
the Later Crusades: the early prints of Central Europe and their social context; the German and
Romanian historiographies of the 20~ century. Co-editor of the new series of MHG (2007-).
E-mail Address: muresanu@gmail.com.
Dr. Cam ii Mure§anu. N. 1927. Membre de l'Academie Roumaine. Doyen de la Faculte d'His-
toire de l'Universite «Babe9-Bolyai» (1968-1970, 1980-1988), directeur de !'Institute d'Histoire
«George Bari\iu» de l'Academie Roumaine, Cluj-Napoca (1995-2007). Specialiste en histoire me-
dievale et moderne universelle, auteur des plusieurs livres et plus d'une centaine des etudes
{dont Na/iune, nationalism, evolu/ia na/ionalitii/ilor[Nation, nationalisme, !'evolution des nationa-
lites], (1996); John Hunyadi. Defender of Christendom (2001 ); in templu//ui Janus [Dans le tem-
ple de Janus] (2002). Depuis 2002, membre de Sud-Ost Europa Gesel/schaft (Munich-Berlin).
Mel: gbarit@cluj.astral.ro
Dr. Petre$. Niisturel. N. 1923. Chercheur, CNRS (Paris). Ancien maitre des conferences a
l'Universite Paris IV-Sorbonne et a l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales. Specia-
liste de l'histoire des institutions byzantines, avant et apres 1453, et des rapports entre le Mont
Athas et les Pays Roumains, le sujet de sa these (1979). Auteur de nombreuses etudes traitant
de ces questions (par example: Le Mont A/hos et /es Roumains. Recherches sur /eurs rela-
tions du milieu du XIV' siec/e a 1654, 1984; (en collaboration): «Biens du monastere Sainte-
Sophie de Trebizonde dans plusieurs bandons du pays a la charniere de la conquete (1461)»,
Byzantion, LX, 1990; ou Droits sur la terre de labour dans les Balkans et en Anatolie a l'epoque
ottomane (Xl\f-XVI' siecles)», SOF, L, 1991 ).
Mel: petre.nasturel@ehess.fr
PtoS
Dr. Istvan Petrovics. B. 1953. Associate Professor. University of Szeged. His special field of
research is medieval Hungarian and European social and urban history, but his research inte-
rests also include medieval church, legal and military history, in particular in the area between
the rivers Danube, Tisza (Tisa) and Maros (Mure9). Dr. Petrovics was involved in several na-
tional research programs, the most important of which was the publication of a medieval Hun-
garian historical lexicon (Korai magyar torteneti /exikon, of 1994), and in various Tempus JEPs
and Socrates/ Erasmus programmes. He has published 3 books and more than 30 studies.
E-mail Address: petrovics@hist.u-szeged.hu
Dr. Paul Philippi. G. 1923. Ors. h.c. Emeritierter Universitatsprofessor (Hermannstadt). Leiter
des Diakoniewissenschaftlichen lnstituts der Ruprecht-Karls Universitat Heidelberg (1971-1986).
560
List of Authors
Professor an der Theologischen Fakultat in Hermannstadt (1983-). Verfasser mehrer Arbeiten

zur Geschichte der Siebenburger Sachsen und zum umfassenden Thema der ethnischen Be-
ziehungen in Rahmen der christlichen Gemeinschaft (z.B. (Herausgeber): Die Siebenburger
Sachsen. Wer sie sind und was sie wollen. Cine sTnt §i ce var sa§ii din Ardea/. Eine Darstellung
aus zuverlassiger Que/le (wahrscheinlich van Bischof F. Teutsch}, mit einem Vorwort van Nicolae
lorga. Rumanisch-deutsche Textedition van 1919. 1969; Ruckwirkungen der Adelsgesetzgebung
unter Ludwig dem Gror3,en ( 1351) auf die siebenburgische Gruppenautonomie. in: Gruppenau-
tonomie in Siebenburgen. 500 Jahre siebenburgisch-sachsiche Nationsuniversitat. 1990).
E-mail Adressse: secretariat@ev-theol.ro
Dr. loan-Aurel Pop. N. 1955. Professore ordinario di Storia medievale e storio-grafia presso la
Facolta di Storia dell'Universita "Babe~-Bolyai" (Cluj-Napoca). Membro corrispondente dell'Ac-
cademia Romena (2001-). Nel 1989 ha conseguito ii dottorato in storia con una tesi sulle istitu-
zioni romene della Transilvania (Trecento-Cinquecento), per la quale ha vinto ii Premio George
Bari( dell'Acca-demia Romena (1991 ). Visiting Professor presso l'Universita di Pittsburgh (1991-
1992). Direttore del Centro Culturale Romeno di New York (1994-1995) e dell' lstituto Romeno
di Cultura e Ricerca Umanistica di Venezia (2003-2007). Dal 1993 direttore del Centro di Studi
sulla Transilvania di Cluj. Ha scritto numerosi volumi d'autore e studi, sulla storia delle istituzioni
medievali, la storia della Transilvania, la formazione delle nazioni, le fonti latine medievali.
lndirizio mail: i_a_pop@yahoo.com
Dr. Cosmin Popa-Gorjanu. B. 1974 B. 1974. Lecturer, "1st of December" University (Alba-
st
lulia). BA in History-Archeology (1997: "1 of December" University), MA in Medieval Studies
(1998: "Babe~-Bolyai" University), MA and PhD in Medieval Studies (1999, 2004: Central Euro-
pean University of Budapest). Main research interest: the history of the nobility of medieval
Hungary, in comparative perspective with the various other nobilies in medieval Europe.
E-mail Address: pgcosmin@yahoo.com
Dr. Eniko Ri.isz-Fogarasi. B. 1966. Associate Professor, "Babe~-Bolyai" University (Cluj-Napo-

ca). Vice-dean of the Faculty of History and Philosophy. She defended her PhD thesis on the
privileges and duties of the urban settlements of medieval Transylvania in 1999 (the thesis was
published in 2003). In 2005, she organized in Cluj-Napoca an international conference devoted
to the City in the Middle Ages. Author and editor of studies and collections of documents regar-
ding the medieval cities and towns. Main research topics: County nobility in the medieval Voi-
vodate of Transylvania, medieval Transylvanian welfare and "social care"; women in the med-
ieval and early modern history of Transylvania. Co-editor of the new series of MHG (2007-).
E-mail Address: enikorf@gmail.com
Dr. Tudor Salagean. B. 1968. Researcher, National Museum for the History of Transylvania
(Cluj-Napoca), head of the History Department. Specialist in the history of medieval Transyl-
vanian institutions and official expert for the preservation of the Transylvanian cultural heritage.
Author of several books (eg: Transilvania Tn a doua jumatate a secolului al XIII-lea. Afirmarea
regimului congregational [Transylvania in the Second Half of the 13th Century: The Rise of the
Orders], 2003; Tara lui Gelou. Contribu(ii la istoria Transilvaniei de nord Tn secolele IX-XI [The
th th
Land of Gelou. Contributions to the History of Northern Transylvania in the 9 -10 Centuries]),
studies and articles devoted to medieval Transylvania, based on extensive researches in the li-
braries and archives of Budapest and Rome. Co-editor of the new series of MHG (2007-).
E-mail Address: tsalagean@yahoo.com
561
Dr. Ferenc Seb6k. B. 1963. Associate Professor, University of Szeged. In 2005, he defended
his PhD thesis, a source publication on the history of the Anjou age (1301-1387). His resear-
ches focus on the medieval history of Hungary and Europe. So far, Dr. Sebok has published
several studies on late medieval political, military history and historiography. Lately, Dr. Seb6k
has been involved in the editing of the documents of the Anjou age in Hungary (AO). Co-editor
of the new series of MHG (2007-).
E-mail Address: sebokf@hist.u-szeged.hu
Alexandru Simon. B. 1979. PhD Student. "Babe 9-Bolyai" University (Cluj-Napoca) with a the-
sis on East-Central Europe and the Concept of Gate of Christendom (1456-1526). Author of
books (lately: !}tefan eel Mare §i Matia Corvin. 0 coexistenta medie valil [Stephen Ill the Great
and Matthias Corvinus: A Medieval Coexistence], 2006) and studies on East-Central Europe
(1300'-1500'), on the Walachias and the Romanians of the Hungarian realm. Researches in
the archives and libraries of Budapest, Genoa, Milan, Rome, Paris, Venice and Vienna.
E-mail Address: alexandrusimon2003@yahoo.com /@gmail.com
Zsolt Simon. B. 1975; Research Fellow. Romanian Academy, "Gheorghe $incai" Institute of
Socio-Humanistic Research (Targu Mure9). He has studied medieval history at the "Babe~
Bolyai" University (Cluj-Napoca) and at the Central European and "E6tv6s Lorand" Universities ,
(Budapest). Winner of the 2006 debut prize of the Society of the Transylvanian Museum. Au-
thor of several studies that focus on the economic, fiscal, urban and administrative history of·'
Transylvania in the Middle Ages and in the Earty Modern Age, on the documents regarding the
history ofTargu Mure9 (Marosvasarhely, Neumarkt).
E-mail Address: simonzsolti@yahoo.com
Dr. Florin Dumitru Soporan. N. 1977. Researcher, "Babe9-Bolyai" University (Cluj-Napoca).

He has successfully defended a PhD thesis on Natiunea Medievala in Eurc:!i,e Centrala §i da
Rasilrit (secolele XIII-XV/) [The Medieval Nation in East-Central Europe (13 -16ti Centuries),·.
in 2006. Author of several studies devoted to the question of medieval national ideologies in ·
East-Central Europe as well as to the matters of the rise of the House of Habsburg to power at
the borders of Christendom. His other research topics are: the late medieval and early modem
Romanian historiography, world economics and their impact on modern society.
E-mail Address: florian_d@clicknet.ro
i'.T
Dr. Peter Szabo. B. 1957. Lecturer, "E6tv6s Lorand" University (Budapest). Author of studies~"
and Books on late medieval Hungarian culture and civilization (e.g. A magyar a/lam szO/etese'
[The Birth of the Hungarian State] (1999). Dr. Szab6's researches deal in particular with the;
questions of the cult of saints and with rituals of chivalry in Western and Central Europe, as/
well as the culture and political society of the Transylvanian Principality (1500'-1600'). \
E-mail Address: szabopeter@chello.hu '
At the end, but not in last place, we would like to thank two other historians for their sup-~
port: Dr. Gabriel T. Rustoiu (National Museum of Union, Alba lulia), a young director at the time_,
0
of the 2006 conference, and Professor Dr. loan Bolovan, director of the Center for Transylva-
nian Studies (Cluj-Napoca) of the Romanian Cultural Institute, at that time. We would also like to,t
thank Dr. Mircea Hava, mayor of the City of Alba lulia, and Dr. Istvan Szentpeteryi, vice-consu
of the Hungarian Republic in Cluj, for their indorsment of the conference of August 2006. '
562
Lucrarc cxccutatii la
lmprimcria .,A RDEALUL'. Cluj
B-dul 21 Deccmbric nr. 146 Cluj-Napoca
Tel.: 4 1387 1 Fax: 413883
Com. nr. 80 124/2008
Plates
Gyorgy Fe.iszt,
Heraldry in the Age of the Hunyadis, Ill-XII
Laszlo Gr6f,
Belgrade: A Cartographic View, Xllf-XXX/1
Fig. 1
Fig. 2
Ill
Fig. 3
Fig. 4
IV
Fig. 5
Fig. 6
V
Fig. 8
VI
Fig. 9
Fig.10
VII
Fig. 11
Fig. 12
VIII
Fig.13
Fig. 14
IX
Fig.17
''-1~ .. \ <'IT , ••,

ttiu\ H•• l"t nl"'•
•~. ,nh ,t t·,
t(l•iu1t'"•'· < k,•r.1., ,le
<1'.,,IH 11·r, 11,l;",,U1, •'4.( ,.,_
'•h' ut ~' -1 ·._ 1 uu~ u· n,1uu11 ,._,lv,:1
, ., t,•n" \t,~.i;.,,., ~ , . , \ ~""• ts~
_J,
Fig. 18
XI
Fig. 19
XII
1. C. Ptolemy, Pannonia (Ulm 1482)
(general view)
2. P. Santini da Duccio, Manuscript map of the lower Danube (c. 1470)

Belgrade as beo grad
(detail)
XIII
,4
... ... r
·_ . - .~ t --
~
, . ·. . ....., ___
..
3. Ottoman manuscript plan of Belgrade (c. 1520).
(general view)
4. Hieronimus Munzer's map of Germania Magna (1493)

Published by Hartman Schedel in the Uber Cronicarum
Belgrade
(detail)
X IV
5. Lazarus, Map of Hungary, 1528.
(general view)
xv
,.. • ;J "\
,,', ,, L~
<'\_ "-h
~-?
::-:,-~q--~:o---_-~ ,>uoyo_,, ~. ~ t
u=::.:::~~----il .Jt!.fi.~~
- ' .
~- -t •l.-} l~e
--.=- • ~
~ •. ·'·[!},
~ -,. .:-nio.
' ~
~-¥'_~y~;.,.,_1,
.... ....A,· _i ~ ~ / ~- -- . A
~; \.. ~· . ~J,.,~nu.,· ._ . \ T HRA I
10. J. Honterus, Map of Hungary and the Balkans (1548)
Belgrade is named bellogradu[m]
,,;mi·
(detail)
-
.... - -
110.0• Zetwa ~
Bo
Rednck ytlitiaf~t
0 • .
~" ;; 1'ttrilld
,....
~
'''"
• Ir.._,
XVIII
12. W. Lazius, Regni Hungariae (1556)
Lazius's map shows Belgrade with the names ofGriechischweissenburg and Nandora/ba
(detail).
13. Antonio Salamanca, Austria e Ungaria (1560)

Belgrado
(detail)
XIX
14. W. Lazius, Map of Hungary (1570)
In A. Ortelius' Theatrum Orbis Terrarum
(general view)
xx
1'1111111'1 •
,w,_f),,tlN,:,.
,-,,/Jf,.
~-c~~-
15. W. Lazius, Map of Hungary (1570)
Belgrade is named Griechischweissenburg, Nandor alba and Taurunum
(detail)
16. J. Sambucus, Ungariae (1579)

Also published in A. Ortelius' Theatrum Orbis Terrarum
(general view)
XXI
la. • lM.l& '
.,. 'i,_Czqmz -
~ ~ ~ ID/j
~ME..SK.WS
VNG-t\R.TAE LOC.A._
17. J. Sambucus, Ungariae (1579)
Belgrado
(detail ).
.MOESI
18. A. Ortelius, Pannonia et 11/yrici (1590)

The roman fort of Singidunum is marked (erroneously) as Taurunum
(detail)
XXII
·1 t
j~Pt.~
.)t•l l 3•
(' ' • ,-! .§ I
• J
i
•
19. G. Mercator, Hungaria (1585)

(general view)
XXIII
~
< :rJe;!, ·· :• 0 • ~ "l;t· I' ✓ Temfin. --
----',_
'llilea&
·aachmeghe e · 0 r.:Jii,,,~eL_~"o. ~
i C.
L _ ~-. deferta
J___
perl,k., o
L
tu
0
, .w
•
O
;f ~ 4
~--:Teimfa.,r
~- S,.miann,10 !BylJ G ki,an o o
~ ~ Pe.fl ~ 2(rtzs "·· ,
~ ~ ..A-"',.,
,,.J'<ll....,,..~llF
11
r-:Fewlm,r o Cz111111, ~ Crtf}o ~
~"' ,.. 'l(ere~- 0
oo ? Jlt. ':/"""' ~L-:-_
Q~ ~$
~-3: -:rer~ '
~ ~
t., ,1f:.
:::,- ID
c.--s::0 ~...
g,!_W91fJ IV
'1)r1t;11114,
~"Jµ~ .
'TeulJw41' ~
. -?J~c'v-
~ ~:, nr-, J .A.t'UI 0
Ill -. ::C .M(lfl, f/4
-=' ~ § ,r ,.. ·v, rreme!Y O
g- l
:a! 1.
, r.Ja_
':/
1
Cgre:
Setwll1'
arons . ~amp·
0
1s1 ~ •e,v o
<ci co
[ ~ 13ewu-
0
.1._ _
.J..
.,.L
T~'II\.._) r:JiJ
m l." I
'Xe!! . JJi:J, ,
gi
a. 'DomI
l
::,
Ser,
2- ,s 'Lm,acz, .
~
ti'
ru
I
~gez. ~ ? /\/~~
s.
;
7
··,.,,IC'1t, , , ,
1 ·1- '.BfflC.r. <jrie,1,!fab rwcjffenbwr}
,t,~
~ rs'J:e~~ ---
J3ant:z. _
_o
a .. 13_clgrak vel XanJorall,a
I
21. J. Speed, Hungary (1627) ..

Speed's map of Hungary in its first ed1t1on
(general view)
XXV
rog-luenfis.
I,
coi:n1ta..
Bdlf$)
.ineg-.h~
eferta P. ·
S~/.J.v.r®
'ijl; F~.,.
•.11m:}>
;/ttr
FcJ/,r,
~
lli.i&£ t LL
22. J. Speed, Hungary (1627)
The highly decorative map is strikingly similar to Mercator's in every detail, from whom he 'borrowed' it
(details)
{q,~r,,.... ~---~.,._
2rDS . •»"t"¾,,,-, ..:
";l(t••t_,ofJ;,:..
,o,if,
:z_";:ti;,d.'PJjJir( ....; - -:. ;.:'"-~
,
I!' J!i61l.
· _,,, ~ 5.J ~
:;~•r.,lC... ,
~ ;'" ~ ~
~ ~ ~ -
'Crr...;
~ .... - : . ' ,.&, ..a. '- J"
,J,ct~ ;-v>J•""~,u•I\J;1 •. . '.M1ofamlo.
i,6'-'2mfu , , ~J"~.;;o,.:r-.}..a,v. h.,
,. ~ ~[ .. ; ~- . ._..d.-
lf'd'""' .,J;._ , . -~r,,.. . .
lmfi: , "'=',,_ !/" ,i)'_f\},,a-r,,.~ ,-t-.2. . Pm
. ,,.,11:,]~p: \,M&~ ...!w vtt1us ~
a5J.,muHw11 S.J.., ,
-<j-3-J'". . •
· )(o"N S
Xar
I.
it>rl"
!
~
23. G. De Jode, Hungaria (1594)

De Jode was the first cartographer to include historical data on his maps
(detail)
XXVI
f lV~CAJUA:. TOTLVS VTl
"PAI\} ·
24. G. De Jode, Hungaria (1594)

(general view)
25. J. Hoffmann's map (1664)

His map of Hungary also shows historical data
(detail)
XXVII
um..,,,
<7-'l' 111Ao GrieC'S Vh •
Sol'imA11ttO ~
1. T.-ir.Jc • 1.51.0
27. J. Bruynel, Hungariae (1683)

(detail).
XXVIII
Er.,nu•li; o
x._ 1456
28. H.A. Chatelain's atlas (II/ 1708)

Map of Hungary showing Belgrade
(detail).
29. H.A. Chatelain's atlas (11/1 708)

The map of Hongrie appeared as part of the Atlas Historique.
(general view)
XXIX
~
:l~
~
·i.
;~
l'i
1j. ~
~
i
~·
34. T.C. Lotter's map (1788)
Belgrade is placed at the centre of his theatre of war map which shows distances and German postal
intervals
(detail)
XXXII
.,....
~:::
v ~
, -~,-; ~
,., ~ ·-
r
~I'".,
,.., ~
,...
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. Q.. :r- - ~
:Sfl:Il ne-973-l!l'.,£-'.ll-2
972-97?,-77&4-38-4

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John Hunyadi and His Time Cluj Napoca 20

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Metanees

Associazione per le Relazioni Culturali

Melanges d'Histoire Generate

Cesare Alzati (Catholic University, Milan), Krysztof Baczkowski (Jagellonian University,

General Editor of the Series

Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Nationale a Romaniei

Melanges d'histoire generale, I / ed.: loan-Aurel Pop, Alexandru Simon. - Cluj-Napoca :

Extincta est lucerna orbis:

In Memoriam Zsigmond Jak6

Ana Dumitran, Lorand Madly, Alexandru Simon

Alexandru Simon ('Babe~-Bolyai" University, Cluj-Napoca)

Other Volumes in the Section

Other Sections of Melanges d'Histoire Generale Nouvelle Serie

II. Spaces and Beliefs

Ill. Conflicting Legacies

Introduction to the Volume

Editors Note...................................................................................................................... .................. 13

The Man and the City

Camil Mure'?an, Battles for Belgrade (Beograd, Nandorfehevar) ... .............................. 17

A. Time, Image, Belief

I, Chronicles, Histories and Historians

2. Modern and Early Modern Points of View

M. Marcella Ferraccioli, Gianfranco Giraudo, Minimalia Hunyadiana: Livres et manuscrits

1. Greek and Latin Structures of Faith

2. Legends and Propaganda of the 1400'

I. Family, Life and Ties

1. Spaces, Women and Men of Confidence

2. Authorities and Areas of Influence

II. Relations, Connections, Resources

1. Duties, Freedoms and Finances

2. Ideological and Practical Aspects of an Age

Joan-Vasile Leb, A Byzantine Humanist between Catholicism and /slamism: Georgius

Sorin lftimi, La politique de Jean Hunyadi en Moldavie .............. ..........................................367

11. The Battles

Ferenc Sebek, John Hunyadi as a Military Leader............................................... .. .401

Laszlo Grof, Belgrade: A Cartographic View......................................................... 437

From Failure to Legend

Dan loan Mure§an, Le Royaume de Hongrie et la prise de Constantinople. Croisade et union

Abridgements ........................................................................................... .523

Archives and Libraries .............................................................................. 523

Plates .......................... . ........ . ... ......................................... .. ................. 1-XXXII

loan-Aurel Pop ("Babe~-Bolyai" University, Cluj-Napoca)

Ana Dumitran (National Union Museum of Alba lulia)

Lorand Madly (Romanian Academy, "George Bari,iu" Institute of History Cluj-Napoca)

Alexandru Simon ("Babe§-Bolyai" University, Cluj-Napoca)

The Main Entrance into the Kalemegdan Fort of Belgrade

Ni meme les personnalites historiques n'ont echappe a ce corsi e ricorsi, comme

Pour esquisser la personnalite du commandant qui en 1456 a defendu Belgrade (Beo

C'etait un acte de courage que de glorifier l'histoire du peuple roumain et de la

Dans ce contexte interne et international !'auteur presente la carriere de Jean Hunyadi,

Presente au debut comme un grand general, stratege, tacticien, so!dat courageux et

l'enfance passee en Transylvanie, parmi Roumains, Hongrois, Sicules, la presence a cote

Roumanie de /a decennie obsedante. En depit de ces distorsions (liees plut6t au contexte

i~mi.:birn~:p.mC(~:3 ~)on b1cs 111\'rio d1 mn11i:ribci('\'£ ape fP.JllJIJ

HA OBOII l\ECTY 22 ,l~;I,\ 11156. f<.i/LHHE !'156. JULIUS 22·ENBELGRAD

Memorial Stone, in Serbian and Hungarian, commemorating the Battle of Belgrade

John Hunyadi's Statue of Pees

The 'Strong Wife, Widow and Mother' (Elisabeth Szilagyi)

The Mourning of the 'Fallen Heir' (Ladislas Hunyadi)

Great men are necessal)I,

Piccolomini's De Europa provides generous space for detailed depictions of Hunyadi's

Aeneas Silvio Piccolomini', a standing representative of Italian Renaissance, was aware

1. Important locations mentioned in Jean de Wavrin's 1445 Danube crusade account

2. Probable reconstruction of the Giurgiu fortress

;i lirkirothers and John's uncle was Gaspar Morsinai.