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Vol. 11 No. 3 DOI: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.

113120
October 2020 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp

370 Too many Stages, Too Little


Time: Bureaucratization and
Impasse in the Social Safety
Net Program in Indonesia

KHAERUL UMAM NOER1*; NI LOH GUSTI


MADEWANTI2
AFFILIATION:
1
University of Muhammadiyah
Jakarta, Indonesia
2
Droupadi Research Institute, ABSTRACT
Indonesia Since its first announcement in March 2020, the number of positive confirmed
patients as well as patients under surveillance has increased exponentially. Rec-
CORRESPONDENCE: ognizing the impact of Covid-19 on the poor, the government reallocated
umam.noer@umj.ac.id expenditure budget by increasing the amount of aid to the community. This
paper focuses on social safety net policies, mainly in Sembako Program as non-
CITATION: cash social aid. This aid is actually not any new programs, as it have been around
Noer, K. U., & Madewanti, N. L. G. since 2017, but the Covid-19 pandemic is adding to the economic burden of
(2020). Too many Stages, Too the household so the aid is increased in amount. This paper puts the emphasis
Little Time: Bureaucratization and on how the actual social safety net policy must be implemented, not only look
Impasse in the Social Safety Net at how policies are carried out, but also look at how policies should be carried
Program in Indonesia. Jurnal Studi
out, as well as predict their impact when they are done. It is undeniable that the
Pemerintahan, 11(3), 370–400.
problem of bureaucratization always comes up in every policy, with no excep-
ARTICLE HISTORY: tion for social aid policy. By mapping out obstacles, this paper provide a number
Received : June 26, 2020 : of key solutions for resolving the problem
Accepted: October 23, 2020 Keywords: Covid-19, social safety net, social aid, poor family, Sembako Card

INTRODUCTION
On March 2, 2020, at the National Palace, the Presi-
dent of the Republic of Indonesia, Joko Widodo, together
with the Minister of Health of the Republic of Indone-
sia, Terawan Agus Putranto, announced the first Covid-
19 case in Indonesia. Since then, up to April 30, there
have been more than 10,118 confirmed cases, with 792
deceased, and 1,522 recovered, and these data are only
the confirmed data of people suffering from Covid (Idham
2020). Outside of this data, the missing data numbers
are suspected to still be very large. Since its inception,
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the number of people with Covid has increased exponentially, 371


and they are spread in almost all provinces in Indonesia, with
Jakarta as the epicenter. With so many regions confirming posi-
tive patients with Covid, the government has had to take sev-
eral important policies to stop the spread of Covid, especially in
the society.
The government’s policy to stop the spread of Covid was not
only carried out by the central government, but also the provin-
cial government. Among the various policies taken, one of the
most impactful is Large-Scale Social Restrictions, promoted by
Minister of Health (2020). This policy, simply speaking, instructs
everyone to stay at home, limit all social activities, dismiss schools,
close all entertainment venues, limit public transportation, and
ask offices to close their activities – with exception to very im-
portant things like hospitals, government agencies, food supply
stores, logistics, fuel and banking.
With a large-scale social restriction policy in place, which is a
continuation of various policies to ask everyone to work from
home and learn from home, the impact is immediately felt in
the community, especially for the poor whose income is highly
dependent on daily wages (Djalante et.al 2020). Preventing
greater turmoil in the community, then on March 20, the Presi-
dent of the Republic of Indonesia issued a Presidential Instruc-
tion 4/2020 on refocusing activities and reallocation of budgets
that focused on the government’s efforts to change the portion
of the budget, which was initially more towards infrastructure
and human resource development, into a budget for disaster
management. These budgets will be reallocated to the Covid-19
prevention budget and the provision of social safety nets in the
form of social aid, both cash and non-cash.
There are three interesting focuses of this presidential in-
struction: loosening of interest payments and installments for
one year for lower class people who take vehicle loans and stimulus
of giving subsidies on interest difference for those taking subsi-
dized home ownership loans. This stimulus policy was taken
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372 because the impact of Covid which significantly slowed down


the economy, in addition to the government’s efforts to main-
tain people’s purchasing power. In addition to providing hous-
ing credit stimulus, the government also provides a social safety
net in the form of direct cash aid and non-cash aid to encourage
household consumption (Sugianto 2020). The government pro-
vides additional aid with the amount of fifty thousand rupiahs,
so that each family who receives a Kartu Sembako (Basic Needs
Card) will receive two hundred thousand rupiahs per month
for six months. In addition, the government has allocated more
than ten trillion rupiahs, through the Kartu Pra-Kerja (Pre-Em-
ployment Card) scheme, where each card holder will get an in-
centive of one million rupiah per month for three months.
One of the most major policies is the Hope Family Program
(Program Keluarga Harapan/PKH) and the Sembako Program (see
Suharto2015, Suleman & Resnawati 2017). The two programs
are actually different, but are interrelated with one another.
Both of these programs are implemented by the Indonesian
Ministry of Social Affairs as part of the social safety net pro-
gram intended for poor households in Indonesia. For the Hope
Family Program, as of April 15, the government has distributed
a budget of 16.4 trillion rupiah, out of a total ceiling of 37.4
trillion rupiah. The distribution of the budget has calculated
the additional target families of as many as eight hundred thou-
sand households. As for Sembako Program, the amount distrib-
uted will reach 14 trillion rupiah, covering the distribution pe-
riod of May 2020. The budget has also included the addition of
targeted families of beneficiaries in the midst of the Covid emer-
gency period (Astuti 2020).
As states in the Regulation of Ministry of Social Affair 10/
2017, the Hope Family Program is a conditional social aid pro-
gram aimed for poor families determined as Beneficiary Fami-
lies (Keluarga Penerima Manfaat/KPM or just simply stated as
Family). The Central Statistics Agency stated that the number
of poor people in Indonesia in September 2019 numbered to
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24.79 million, with the number in urban areas reaching 9.86 373
million and in rural areas amounting to 14.93 million. In order
to receive benefits from the program, the recipient must meet
several existing criteria. Criteria for Hope Family Program ben-
eficiaries are intended for the poor and vulnerable families reg-
istered in the Integrated Data of Poor People Category Han-
dling Program (Victoria 2020, Putri & Noer 2020).
In addition to Hope Family Program, the state also provides
non-cash food aid known as the Sembako Program. The program
began in 2016, and is effectively running since 2017 by provid-
ing Non-Cash Food Aid (Bantuan Pangan Non-Tunai/BPNT) to
Family, since the beginning of 2020, this program has been de-
veloped as a Basic Needs Program (Sembako Program). In addi-
tion, the Sembako Program expands the types of commodities
that can be purchased so that they are not only rice and eggs as
in the previous Non-Cash Food Aid program. This is an effort
of the Government to provide Family an access to staples with
other nutritional content. This condition was later changed
based on the latest instructions (Presidential Instruction 6/2020),
that the initial aid fund of one hundred fifty thousand per month
was raised to two hundred thousand rupiah, including the real-
location of School Operational Aid (Bantuan Operasional Sekolah/
BOS) and Village Funds (Dana Desa) for handling Covid-19 in
the community.
Although it has been done since 2017, moreover with the
large amount of aid funds provided, no significant problems
should occur in channeling aid to poor families in Indonesia,
but the factual condition shows it is not the case. As will be
explained further, the social safety net policy, on paper, is very
good and beneficial for the poor. But factually, to obtain this
aid, it requires one to go through a bureaucracy and very long
and tiring stages, so that often the aid is not on target.
This paper focuses on the social safety net policy for poor
families, mainly the Sembako Program. This paper puts the em-
phasis on how the actual social safety net policy must be imple-
Vol. 11 No. 3
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374 mented. At this point, this paper not only look at how policies
are carried out, but also look at how policies should be carried
out, as well as predict their impact when they are done. By de-
scribing the related policies, the next step is to map the obstacles
and problems, especially in the earliest stages of policy imple-
mentation: in the data collection process and validation. By look-
ing at these two aspects, this paper will open the perspectives
and further research opportunities, that in the efforts to deal
with Covid-19, the Indonesian government is still confused and
trapped in an impasse over the bureaucratic process which actu-
ally makes the problem of poverty to never be resolved.

SOCIAL SAFETY NET, REVISITED


Research on social safety nets can be divided into three cat-
egories: how programs are implemented, the role of facilitators,
and criticism of programs. The first category, focus on the model
of policy implementation and praise that the program is run-
ning very well and actually reduces poverty in the community.
Nazara & Rahayu (2013), Suharto (2015), Nainggolan &
Susantyo (2018), and Sasmito & Nawangsari (2019) for example,
their studies support the role of the Hope Family Program as a
social protection program, which is very successful in overcom-
ing poverty in Indonesia. With a focus on income support scheme
through conditional cash transfer, this program contributes to
poverty alleviation, especially in improving access to education
and health. This research tends to ignore that not all recipients
are poor groups who really need help, because they are more
focused on how policies are implemented, how the mechanism
for transferring funds, and how the recipients respond to the
assistance provided. Another studies by Suryana, Sugiana &
Trulline (2016), Marnah, Husaini, & Ilmi (2016), Putri & Noer
(2020), and Razali & Putri (2020) examine how program recipi-
ents respond in education and health services. In this case, they
tend to see two different sides: on the one hand, how beneficia-
ries use the full potential of the program, and on the other
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hand how recipients are actually reluctant to use the assistance 375
they receive. This happens for two reasons: First, the recipient’s
ignorance of all the potential assistance they have, so they do
not use the services and facilities provided. Second, refusal to use
assistance can arise from organizers who carry out discrimina-
tory actions, for example refusing to serve until deliberately slow-
ing down services, so recipients of assistance are reluctant to use
the services available.
The second category is research that focuses on field assis-
tance teams. Research by Aminuddin & Sari (2016), Aminuddin
& Syirah (2016), and Rahmawati & Kisworo (2017) for example,
explains that the program facilitator team must carry out four
main points: facilitator, educator, community representative, and
have knowledge of various technical matters related to the pro-
gram. These studies found major obstacles that were often faced
by the team, including difficulties in verifying and validating
recipient data that had to be done manually, moving locations
of assignments that often made the process of adaptation to the
new environment, information and/or policies that often
changed suddenly, and locations of assistance that were difficult
to access.
The third category focuses more on criticism of social safety
net policies. Research from Lee & Hwang (2016), Suleman &
Resnawati (2017), Restianti (2017), Ayuningtyas & Rahaju (2018),
Dehani, Hernawan, & Purnamasari (2018), Miranda, Sunyata,
& Arifin (2019), Alexandri (2020), and Wulandari, Muchsin, &
Khoiron (2020) criticized the program only as a top-down policy,
from the government to the people. As the community is a pas-
sive recipient of the policy, so the policy tends to fail to lift pov-
erty in the community. This happens because of the lack of com-
munity social participation in implementation and supervision.
In beneficiary data collection, for example, although this pro-
gram has significance in providing access to education and health
services, in its implementation many poor families who should
receive assistance are missed due to invalid data. Likewise in
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376 monitoring and evaluation by the community, because this pro-


gram is not a bottom-up program, there is no participation and
involvement of the community in this program, which, in most
indicators used by the government, can be a successful policy
indicator. On the other hand, some studies tend to blame the
poor as recipients of the program, which still makes the assis-
tance provided be limited to short-term assistance - for example
to pay debts, not in the long term. So, that the process of pov-
erty alleviation is only patching the holes, rather than solving
the root of the problems.
The most crucial issue is, the various studies above missed
one crucial point: bureaucracy. The implementation of the pro-
gram, the process of implementing the social safety net created
by the state, how the executive apparatus implements the policy,
how the policy actually helps the poor, and the obstacles that
arise in the process are the consequences of the bureaucracy.
The critiques that programs are not on target, wasteful in the
budget, lack of community participation in preparing the policy
agenda or overseeing the course of the policy. Such criticism is
indeed necessary, but ignores one fundamental phenomenon:
that a very long bureaucratization process is a universal phe-
nomenon and inherently within policy. So criticizing policies
without understanding how a policy should be carried out, and
how the policy makers and policy implementers respond when
problems arise is careless and arrogant. On the other hand, to
add to the complexity of the problem, this study will look at
how a policy must be implemented in a quick time, especially in
a pandemic such as now, which in a certain degree, will add to
the complexity of the implementation problem of the policy
itself.
Schmidt, Shore-Sheppard, & Watson (2016) note that when
discussing food safety in the social safety net program, it is im-
portant to discuss the technical matters discussed in field imple-
mentation. The study of Mutchler, Li, & Xu (2018) for example,
uses an elderly index, seeing that social safety nets are not very
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successful in establishing a stable economy and benefiting the 377


wider community, especially for older people. How does the
policy actually close access for the elderly because of the com-
plexity of the bureaucratic issues. At this point, research on so-
cial safety net policies must not only look at how policies are
carried out, but must also look at how policies should be carried
out, as well as predict their impact when they are done. So that
the resulting criticism will be able to provide input for improve-
ment, especially when a policy must be carried out immediately.

RESEARCH METHOD
Initially, this research was not actually intended to study the
social safety net within the framework of Covid-19, because this
research had been carried out since 2018. This research looked
at on how the implementation of the Sembako Program were
being carried out. This program is not new programs that are
deliberately created to help the community in the midst of the
Covid-19 pandemic, as the program have been around since 2016
and have started running since 2017. However, the programs
are currently in the spotlight, because it becoming the backbone
of the social security program for poor people that were directly
affected by Covid-19. By making this program as the main social
safety net programs, it is important to see how policies are for-
mulated and must be implemented in various regions. To sup-
port the research, we collected various policy documents, talked
with Sembako Program officers and implementers of data verifi-
cation and validation, and interviewed various stakeholders in
four cities: Depok City, Bekasi City, Bogor City, and South
Tangerang City in relation to the implementation of this pro-
gram, before Covid-19 and when the Covid-19 pandemic took
place.

SOCIAL SAFETY NET POLICY


Social security is basically an institutionalized intervention
designed by the government and the private sector to protect
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378 the community from various risks arising from themselves, as


well as from their environment. Conceptually, social security
consists of social aid and social insurance. Social aid, or what is
often referred to as public aid, can be in the form of money,
goods or social service benefits without regard to contributions
or premiums from the beneficiary. While social insurance is a
guarantee that is only given to participants in accordance with
their contribution, namely premiums or savings allocated (Hill
et.al 2017, Hardy, Smeeding & Ziliak 2018). Social safety nets
are general policies taken by the state to protect citizens, both
from the impact of poverty that is structurally present, or pov-
erty that arises as a result of natural disasters that directly affect
the household economy (Brinch, Hernæs, & Jia 2016, Hardy
2016, Basu 2017).
According to the Law 40/2004 on national social security
system, the government is obliged to organize social security pro-
grams, from social health insurance such as the National Health
Insurance (Jaminan Kesehatan Nasional), where there are certain
groups whose contributions are covered by the government, to
social security in the form of social aid both cash and non-cash.
The government has various social aid programs, such as Direct
Cash Aid (Bantuan Langsung Tunai), which was first given in 2004
to prevent the decline in people’s purchasing power as a result
of the conversion of kerosene to natural gas fuel for households.
But this Direct Cash Aid model has drawn a lot of criticism
because it is often not on target. The social aid model currently
used by the government is the provision of conditional social
aid through Sembako Program, running by the Ministry of So-
cial Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia, and other program
such as Direct Cash Aid – coordinated by Ministry of Interior.
The program target poor families, aimed at maintaining the
economic survival of the family. The Sembako Program provides
aid that is converted into food products that can be purchased
at outlets or e-Warung that have been previously designated,
both in terms of place and amount of goods.
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The Sembako Program is a nutrition social protection of the 379


community provided in the form of food social aid to Benefi-
ciary Families from low income groups/poor people and vul-
nerable families. This program is based on nine main regula-
tions, namely:

TABLE 1. REGULATIONS ON SEMBAKO PROGRAM

Regulation Number Focus


Law 40/2004 National Social Security System
Law 20/2019 State Budget and Expenditure Fiscal Year 2020
Presidential Decree 63/2017 Distribution of Non-Cash Social Assistance
Presidential Decree 82/2016 National Inclusive Financial Strategy
Presidential Decree 76/2013 Management of Public Service Complaints
The Minister of Finance Expenditures for Social Assistance for
Regulation 254/PMK.05/2015 Ministries and Institutions
The Minister of Finance Amendments to the Minister of Finance
Regulation 228/PMK.05/2016 Regulation 254/PMK.05/2015
The Minister of Social Affairs Integrated Social Welfare Fund Management
Regulation 5/2019
The Minister of Social Affairs Amendment to Ministry of Social Affairs
Regulation 11/2019 Regulation 11/2019

The main output of the program is food social assistance aimed


to reduce the expenditure burden of poor and vulnerable fami-
lies in meeting their food needs (Ministry for Human and Cul-
tural Development 2020). This program was previously known
as Rastra (Prosperous Rice/Beras Sejahtera) Subsidy, and began
to be transformed into Non-cash Food Aid (Bantuan Pangan Non-
Tunai) in 2017 in 44 selected cities. Furthermore, in 2018 the
Rastra Subsidy program was completely transformed into a so-
cial food aid program that was channeled through the non-cash
scheme and the Rastra Social Aid Programs. At the end of 2019,
the food social aid program in all regencies/cities will be imple-
mented using a non-cash scheme. The Non-cash Food Aid is an
effort by the government to transform forms of aid into cash-
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380 less through the use of electronic cards given directly to Benefi-
ciary Families. The social aid is channeled by using the banking
system, which can then be used to obtain staple food in e-
Warung, so that Beneficiary Families can also get more balanced
nutrition.
The issue of nutrition becomes very crucial in the provision
of social aid. Based on data from the Central Statistics Agency,
the Food Poverty Line (Garis Kemiskinan Makanan) has a major
contribution to the formation of the Poverty Line (Garis
Kemiskinan). In addition, the price stability of staple food affects
the reduction in poverty. The existence of the Sembako Pro-
gram will reduce the burden of spending on poor families in
terms of food, so as to ensure that some of the basic needs of
the poor are met. On the other hand, the development of the
type of food obtained from this program will be able to improve
the nutrition/intake of the community, especially children from
an early age so that it will have an influence on reducing stunt-
ing in the future.
Social safety net programs, in particular the Sembako Program,
aim to: (a) increase food security at the Family level as well as
social protection and poverty reduction mechanisms, (b) increase
the efficiency of distribution of social aid, (c) increase public ac-
cess to financial and banking services, (d) increase non-cash trans-
actions in the agenda of the National Non-cash Movement, (e)
increase economic growth in the regions, especially micro and
small businesses in the trade sector, and (f) in the long run, pre-
vent stunting by fulfilling nutrition in the First 1000 Days of
Life. The Sembako Program is not provided in cash, but is trans-
ferred to the accounts of each Family. The amount of the ben-
efits of the Sembako Program is Rp150.000/family/month. The
aid cannot be disbursed in cash and can only be exchanged for
food that is determined for the Sembako program at the e-
Warung. However, during the Covid-19 pandemic, the amount
was raised to Rp.200.000/family/month for six months.
The payment instrument used as a medium for distributing
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the Sembako Program aid funds is the Sembako Card. The card 381
thus functions as a transaction tool, so that at the time of the
utilization of the aid, it must be brought by the recipient of the
program. The Sembako Card stores the value/amount of the
benefits of the groceries program owned by Family, then they
must utilize the entire Sembako Program aid fund, because the
Sembako Program aid funds cannot be disbursed in cash. As is
usually the case with ATMs issued by banks, Sembako Card also
contains the names of Family Administrator, Sembako Card
number, distributor bank names, and complains hotline. The
usage of this card utilizes Personal Identification Number which
is the full responsibility of Family Administrator, because are
not allowed to be held and kept by parties other than Benefi-
ciary Families.

HOW THIS PROGRAM HAS TO BE RUN?


The social safety net policy through social aid is basically aimed
at all poor people in need. However, bearing in mind that this
aid is not provided free of charge, but rather conditional aid,
there are a number of criteria that must be met so that families,
not individuals, are entitled to receive this aid. The beneficiary
unit of the social aid program is the Family. However, for distri-
bution needs, the Family must determine one name, especially
women, in the Family Card as the Administrator who will be
the owner of the food aid account.
The beneficiaries of the Sembako Program are the Family with
the lowest socioeconomic conditions in the implementation area
whose names are included in the List of Beneficiaries (Daftar
Penerima Manfaat/DPM). This list was established by the Budget
User Authority at the Ministry of Social Affairs, sourced from
Integrated Social Welfare Data that can be accessed by the Pro-
vincial Government and City Governments through the Next
Generation Social Welfare Information System (Sistem Informasi
Kesejahteraan Sosial Next Generation/SIKS-NG) application in
the Food Social Aid (Bantuan Sosial Pangan/BSP) menu. The list
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382 in Sembako Program which has been examined and finalized by


the Local Government and approved by the Regent/Mayor is
reported to the Ministry of Social Affairs through the integrated
application.
The implementation of this program is carried out in stages,
going up from the neighbourhood level to the central govern-
ment, and back down to the Family as program beneficiaries.
There are two phases so that the Beneficiary Family can receive
social assistance, and each phase has its own stages. The first
phases is the data collection and coordination carried out at the
government level, this phase is carried out within six stages (Table
2)

TABLE 2. COLLECTING AND COORDINATING PHASE

Stages Task
1 Instruction for the data collection from Ministry of Social Affairs to all
level of government, from Provincial level to City/Regency level
2 The City/Regency ask Social Aid Facilitator to collect the data
3 The collection of data by visit the prospective beneficiaries, the process
of collecting and verifying the data begin
4 Prospective beneficiaries provide a number of personal data
5 The Social Aid Facilitator provide all the data to the City/Regency level
government, then the City level forward it to Provincial level
6 The Data then collected by the Ministry of Social Affairs
7 The Ministry of Social Affair coordinates with the Ministry of Finance,
Ministry of Interior, and Channeling Banks
8 The Ministry of Finance transfers social assistance funds
Source: Ministry for Human and Cultural Development (2020)

The collection of Beneficiary Families is conducted at the


beginning of the year, starting in January-March. At this stage,
the data collection is not only aimed at families who have previ-
ously received assistance and are still entitled to receive further
assistance, but also to receive new assistance. If the data collec-
tion process is carried out for continued recipients, then a vali-
dation process is carried out by the social assistance facilitator.
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Assuming that the data collection process runs smoothly, all data 383
must have been entered into the Next Generation Social Wel-
fare Information System in March so that the process can pro-
ceed to the next stage: coordination at the ministerial, provin-
cial and city level. It is clear that the coordination phase must be
carried out in stages and carried out at the latest for three
months, starting from April to July, so that the funding needs
for social assistance can be budgeted in July, which will be in-
cluded in the State Revenue and Expenditure Budget submit-
ted in August for next fiscal year. This stage of coordination
becomes very crucial, because through this stage policies are
made and coordinated with all stakeholders.
In the coordination phase, the first step is coordination at
the central government level, carried out between the Ministry
of Social Affairs and related Ministries through the Central Food
Social Aid Coordinating Team forum and reported/consulted
to the Controlling Team. Coordination is done to obtain input
and direction related to program implementation policies. In
addition, coordination is carried out to ensure the implementa-
tion and consistency of legal basis, mechanism and stages of pro-
gram implementation, as well as various other administrative
procedures. After the process is complete, the program is
brought down to the provincial level. After that, the provincial
government through the Provincial Level Food Social Aid Co-
ordinating Team forum coordinated in stages with the city gov-
ernment level in regards to every stage of managing and imple-
menting the Sembako Program in the local community, starting
from funding support through city budget, budget ceiling coor-
dination and beneficiary family data verification, socialization,
complaints handling, monitoring, and other support needed.
After that, the program was further brought down to the
city level through the City Level Food Social Aid Coordinating
Team forum coordinate in stages with districts and villages/sub-
districts for all stages of program implementation, starting from
preparation of regional budget funding and/or Village Funds,
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384 verification and validation of candidate data in the Next Gen-


eration Social Welfare Information System menu, Sembako Card
registration and distribution process, checking the existence of
recipient, education and socialization, monitoring, and com-
plaints handling. The city government then coordinates with
the Channeling Bank to arrange the registration schedule or
Sembako Card distribution in each village/sub-district and en-
sure the involvement of village/sub-district officials in the pro-
cess.
FIGURE 2. DISTRIBUTION OF SEMBAKO CARD PROCESS

Source: Ministry for Human and Cultural Development (2020)

The city government provides support for facilities and infra-


structure, education and outreach, ease of permission, exemp-
tion or relief of permit fees and tax facilitation to e-Warung in
accordance with statutory provisions, and coordinates with the
Channeling Bank regarding location mapping and selection of
food traders to become the e-Warung. The implementation of
the Sembako program at the city level is coordinated by the City
Level Food Social Aid Coordinating Team. Implementation at
the District level is coordinated by the District level Food Social
Aid Coordinating Team. Implementation at the village/sub-dis-
trict level is supported by the local village/sub-district apparatus
and social aid facilitators. Assuming that all processes are com-
pleted in June, then in July, the entire budget will be submitted
to the Ministry of Social Affairs to be submitted as part of the
Ministry of Social Affairs budget for the next fiscal year. At the
same time, around May-June, the social assistance budget sub-
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mitted in the previous fiscal year was transferred from the Min- 385
istry of Finance to the Ministry of Social Affairs.
The second phase is the distribution of social assistance from
the Ministry of Social Affairs to Beneficiary Families. This phase
consists of seventeen stages which can be divided into three parts:
verification and re-validation of beneficiary data, the distribu-
tion of basic food goods, and reconciliation of basic food goods
(Figure 2).
The verification and validation of beneficiary data is carried
out for one month, and in the process, there are ten stages that
must be passed. It starts with the City level Food Social aid Co-
ordinating Team, village/sub-district apparatus, and Food So-
cial Aid Facilitators facilitating the Channeling Bank during the
Sembako Card distribution process to Family. Education and
socialization can be done simultaneously during the distribution
process. The Family Administrator that must be present from
at the time of Card distribution are those who are determined
as Administrator, which is the name that is listed as the owner
of the food aid account. If Administrator is not present during
distribution, the village/sub-district apparatus and Food Social
aid Facilitator actively check the existence of Family with special
treatments. In order to verify, the Administrator must bring
supporting documents such National ID Card, Family Card and/
or other documents which may proof the actual identity of per-
son concerned.
During the distribution process, channeling bank officer
checks the appropriateness of the data with documents provided.
If the data in the Sembako Card matches the identity documents,
then the Administrator must complete and sign the account
opening form provided by the Channeling Bank. If the data on
and the identity documents are not appropriate, for example
there are differences in the names, addresses and/or identity
numbers, the Distribution Bank officers coordinate with village/
sub-district apparatus to match the data with the population
administration data in their area. If the Administrator is proven
Vol. 11 No. 3
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386 to be the right person, then the village/sub-district may provide


a statement related to this matter. With a certificate from the
village/sub-district, the Channeling Bank officer gives a form
for opening a food asistance account to be completed and signed
by Administrator to obtain a Sembako Card and PIN.
After going through ten stages, which must be completed
within one month, the next stage is the distribution of basic
food cards. The deadline for the end of the distribution process
is determined by the Ministry of Social Affairs, this process is
usually determined no later than five weeks. If the Sembako
Card distribution exceeds the specified deadline, the Food So-
cial aid Coordinating Team sends a letter of approval request
that is accompanied by a report on the reconciliation results of
the Sembako Card distribution to the Ministry of Social Af-
fairs. The process of distributing the Sembako Card can be con-
tinued after the Ministry of Social Affairs issues their approval.
The last stage is data reconciliation. After the Sembako Card
distribution process ends, for data reconciliation, the Channel-
ing Banks in the regions submit reports on the results of the
Sembako Card distribution to the Regency/City Food Social
aid Coordinating Team and the Channeling Bank at the cen-
tral [headquarter] regarding: (a) List and number of Adminis-
trator that have obtained the Sembako Card and its accessories,
(b) List and number of Administrator that have failed to be
given and its accessories along with the reasons. This process is
carried out no later than two weeks. The Sembako Card that
are not distributed are deactivated and deposited by the Chan-
neling Bank in the regions, and kept for up to one fiscal year or
until the completion of inspection by the audit team.

TIERED DATA COLLECTION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS


In term of policy, social assistance is carried out every month
by transferring to a Family account that can be accessed by the
Administrator, although in practice, assistance is given every two
to three months. The issue of social assistance can be traced at
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every stage, especially the issue of data collection and coordina- 387
tion between institutions which takes longer than it should, caus-
ing an impasse in the process of distributing aid. In this case,
there are two impasses that arise: First, the data collection pro-
cess and very long tiered coordination cause the data used as a
reference becomes invalid. Second, the emphasis is that the re-
cipient must have an Identity Card that practically eliminates
poor families without an e-National ID Card to receive assis-
tance.
The first crucial stage lies in the process of registering of Family
into the Next Generation Social Welfare Information System
owned by the Ministry of Social Affairs. In order for a Family to
be registered as a Beneficiary Family, they must record all the
information needed. There are sixteen data items that must be
owned by each Family, which must be listed in the SIKS-NG
(Table 3).

TABLE 3. DATA COMPONENTS THAT MUST BE COLLECTED BY THE FAMILY

No Data Required
1 Population Identification Number (Nomor Induk
Kependudukan/NIK) of Administrator
2 Administrator ID number in Social Welfare Integrated Data
3 Integrated Database ID number in Integrated Social Welfare Data
4 Social Aid account number, if any
5 Sembako Card number, if any
6 Administrator name (prospective account holder)
7 Family Card Number
8 Place of birth of Family Administrator
9 Date of birth of Family Administrator
10 Maiden name of biological mother of the Administrator
11 Hope Family Program participant number, if any
12 Hope Family Program status, if applicable
13 Name of the head of family
14 Names of other family members
15 Family residence address
16 Area code (province, regency/city, district, village/sub-district)
Source: Ministry for Human and Cultural Development (2020)
Vol. 11 No. 3
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388 This data collection process must be carried out immediately


in February-March so that existing data can be directly inputted
into the system. When the Ministry of Social Affairs, usually at
the end of January, sends a circular to all social aid facilitators to
start collecting data, the data collection process must be carried
out immediately. The main challenge begins when the circular
which requires the data collection process is often late in the
hands of social aid facilitators. Although the circular was signed
in mid-January, the letter was only received in mid-February, or
even in the beginning of March.
In chasing against the deadline, the social aid facilitator must
immediately record all Family in their area. In general, each
sub-district has two social aid facilitators as Person in Charge,
most of them only have one. The main challenge lies in the size
of the work area. Sawangan District, Depok for example. It has
160,856 inhabitants spread across 142 hamlets and 618
neighboourhoods. If each neighbourhood has five poor fami-
lies, it means that in Sawangan alone there are 3,090 families
which must be record, verify, and validate in only 60 days. The
problem is even more complicated when the policy requires that
the recipient of assistance must be women in the family.
At the very beginning, this social aid was intended for any-
one representing the family, but since 2017, the aid has been
specifically intended for women as the Administrator. The Ad-
ministrator is determined in the following priority order: (1)
prioritize on behalf of women in the family, either as head of
the family or as the partner of head of the family, (2) if not,
then a family member of women over the age of 17 years old
and have an e-ID, (3) if the Family does not have any female
member over 17 years old, then the Administrator is a male
head of the family, (4) if there is not any, then male family mem-
bers over the age of 17 and have an e-ID, (5) if the Family does
not have any family members aged 17 years and over and has a
population identity document, then the Family can be repre-
sented by other family members in one Family Card or guard-
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ian who has not been registered, (6) for Family who are Hope 389
Family Program recipients, what is meant by the Family of this
program is refering to individuals who have been designated as
Hope Family Program Administrator.
Along with the data collection process for new beneficiaries,
the data verification and validation process was also carried out
for beneficiaries whose names were already in the system. These
data are then sent to the Population Data Center of Ministry of
Interior. The Family management data that has been registered
must then be verified by the existing population system at the
Ministry of the Interior, thus data from the Ministry of Social
Affairs would be brought over and validated. If the data passes
the validation process, then the data will be returned to the
Ministry of Social Affairs for verification and validation by so-
cial aid facilitator by conducting a field visit. If the Family is
declared to have passed verification and validation, then the
data will be forwarded to the channeling bank to open the aid
account. The data is used as a reference for the channeling bank
to open a food aid account for each Family collectively and print
a Prosperous Family Card or Sembako Card.
Assuming that data entered into the system is valid and can
be processed immediately, this process is often only completed
in the mid to late April. Consequently, the coordination time
at the ministry level will be delayed because they have to wait
for incoming data, which usually only takes place in mid-May.
This resulted in setbacks at the provincial and city level also ex-
perienced a setback, usually coordination at the provincial level
only took place at the end of June, and coordination at the City
level in mid-July. The results of coordination at the lower level
will be brought back to the ministry level to be included in the
State Revenue and Expenditure Budget which must be approved
in August, so that delays at the lower levels will have a serious
impact on the budget budgeted by the Ministry of Social Af-
fairs.
In line with time, and the difficulty in conducting validation
Vol. 11 No. 3
October 2020

390 and verification required by the policy, what happens on the


ground is that the latest data on beneficiaries are not used be-
cause they have not passed the verification and validation stages.
This occurs when the data collection, verification, and valida-
tion stages are carried out simultaneously, causing confusion of
data at the lower level, resulting in data being mixed up in the
system. Because the State Revenue and Expenditure Plan had
to go to the House of Representatives at the end of July, the
incoming data was not validated and verified. This causes double
data, the recipient has died, and the family that has entered the
welfare category but is still included in the List of Beneficiaries.

THE CURSE OF NATIONAL ID CARD


One of the main obstacles in the process of data collection,
verification, and validation actually lies in the basic policy: that
social assistance is only given to Indonesian citizens as evidenced
by identity cards and is categorized as poor. Both of these pre-
requisites are basic provisions that must be fulfilled so that the
Beneficiary Family can enter the Beneficiary List. The owner-
ship of National ID cards, especially e-ID, is a classic problem in
population data collection in Indonesia. One crucial problem is
that not all Indonesians have ID, not to mention an e-ID which
is the main prerequisite for the Family to be recorded as a List
of Beneficiaries. Various studies have shown that although the
National ID is mandatory, the ownership, especially in rural
areas, is still very low (Nurtjahyo 2014). One of the reasons is
the requirement based on marriage registration. The popula-
tion registration model in Indonesia is based on the assumption
that all marriages must be registered, and become one of the
prerequisites for making a ID, both for the parent ID card and
the Child Identity Card (Kartu Identitas Anak/KIA) (Irenes &
Setiamadani 2019).
Marriage registration in Indonesia is a classic problem that
cannot be resolved, especially with the number of child mar-
riages and marriages that are not recorded (see Grijns et.al 2019).
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A serious consequence of unregistered marriages is that the 391


marriage is not recognized by the state, and therefore every child
born cannot obtain a birth certificate and cannot be entered
into the Family Card. As a consequence, the children cannot
obtain their civil rights as well as other rights as citizens. At the
family level, unregistered marriages also cause vulnerability for
women, one of which is that women, especially from poor fami-
lies, cannot get social aid.
If the issue of ID cards ownership is still a crucial issue, then
another problem that is also similarly serious is that priority is
given to residents with ID Cards coming originally from that
region. This is inseparable from the data collection model car-
ried out by neighbourhood level in their respective regions. In
Depok and Bekasi, for example, housing and settlement com-
plexes are mostly filled by migrants who work in Jakarta. These
workers are very rarely at home, even though one of the pre-
requisites for obtaining aid is verification and validation of the
data through face-to-face meetings and interviews conducted by
the social aid facilitation team. As a result, because the house is
always empty, and because the related neighbourhood appara-
tus do not want to be bothered with data collection of residents
who are migrants from other regions, their names are not in-
cluded in the List of Beneficiaries. Another scenario is that, even
though their names are included in the list, but since at the
time of the verification and validation process, which is only
one time, it failed to be conducted, the name of the prospective
beneficiary is considered not passing the verification and data
validation.
The data verification and validation process is a process that
must be carried out by each beneficiary candidate. This process
will look directly into the condition of Family by seeing whether
they are truly incapable, or as the Law 52/2009 stated as the
Pre-Prosperous Family (Keluarga Pra-Sejahtera). Pre-prosperous
families are families that do not meet one of the six Prosperous
Family indicators, or indicators of basic family needs, which in-
Vol. 11 No. 3
October 2020

392 clude: (1) family members generally eat twice a day or more, (2)
family members have clothes that are different for occasions at
home, work/school and traveling, (3) a house occupied by the
family has good roof, floor and walls, (4) if a family member is
sick then he/she is taken to a health facility, (5) if a couple of
childbearing age wants to have a family planning - they can af-
ford to - go to contraceptive service facilities, and (6) all children
aged 7-15 in the family go to school. If the candidate does not
meet any of these indicators, the name will be included in the
list to be submitted as a Beneficiary Family.
The problem is, if you follow the six established poverty crite-
ria, it will be very difficult for social aid facilitators to register,
because they not only have to visit each house, but make sure
each family is truly worthy of assistance by visiting the kitchen,
bedroom, and bathroom. In practice, with very limited time, all
that is done is checking the physical form of the house and a
brief interview that focuses on daily income, daily expenses, and
the number of family members. On the other hand, there are
many stories of how people outsmart these regulations by mak-
ing one of the ugliest houses in the neighborhood and claiming
it as his own, or making up stories about daily income and rou-
tine expenses. Because there is no obligation of the facilitator to
check the truth of the story, all the results of the interview,
supported by outdated housing, directly make the interviewee’s
family a poor person who deserves help.
Often families whose names are listed as Beneficiary Lists
have died, or no longer live there and are replaced by relatives
or others. Initially, in terms of rules, the person could not get
help because it was the name of another person that was re-
corded, but since 2019 there were rules that allowed the change
of name of beneficiaries. Although there is a policy that Admin-
istrator has the right to be replaced by other family members,
or Family can move their domicile, but in practice, the imple-
mentation of this policy requires the Administrator to follow
the process from the beginning again, which means it will take
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a very long time to carry out all stages from the beginning. In 393
some cases, when the validation process was carried out by the
social aid facilitator, it was found that the Family was actually
able and was no longer entitled to the aid program, but when
the aid was stopped the Family raised a protest to the
neighbourhood apparatus and the facilitator team, and again,
due to reluctance to cause greater commotion, the channeling
continued.

THE FRAGMENTED POLICY


The social safety net aid policy launched by the central gov-
ernment through the Sembako program is basically aimed at
helping poor families to maintain their household financial con-
dition, especially in the current pandemic. But this policy is very
bureaucratic, with almost no room for any maneuver. This policy
provides a very narrow space for implementers in the field; so-
cial aid facilitators only have until the end of April to complete
the entire validation and verification process, especially for new
recipients. Although Sembako Card funds have been transferred
from the central government, but in its implementation in the
field, it takes two weeks for the fund to arrive from the central
to reach the recipients. Thus, it takes more time for Family to
be able to get the social aid they really need.
The data verification and validation process is carried out
periodically, generally at the beginning of each year. Specifically
in Covid-19 conditions, this process is hampered because this
process is usually done by gathering several Family recipients or
prospective recipients at the neighbourhood level to be inter-
viewed together. After the interview process is carried out, field
monitoring is carried out directly to the beneficiary’s home.
Within the framework of the current Large-Scale Social Restric-
tions, it is not possible to conduct a validation process at the
neighbourhood level, which has an impact on the data valida-
tion process at the home level that it cannot be carried out, thus
the current Sembako Program is using the data from the previ-
Vol. 11 No. 3
October 2020

394 ous year. Consequently, there are a lot of middle-income vul-


nerable households, who as a result of Covid did not get any
income, actually should be categorized as poor but were not re-
corded as List of Beneficiaries because the data used was the
previous year.
The government is not unaware of this problem. The Minis-
try of Villages, Disadvantaged Regions and Transmigration
(2020) has issued a policy to open up opportunities for the use of
Village Fund to provide aid. Some municipalities act quickly by
relocating village fund budget for social aid. In Depok for ex-
ample, in each district there are on average more than two thou-
sand names of potential recipients of social aid, both from the
reallocation of village fund as well as regency/city social aid pro-
gram. But the problem goes back to that of data, that the names
must be rechecked again by social aid facilitator, because there
are overlapping names in the data. The village ministry requires
that the beneficiaries are those not registered as List of Benefi-
ciaries who get routine fund aid from Hope Family Program,
thus the field officers must list the names registered as recipi-
ents of aid for later verification and validation, which if passed
the process, then these names will be submitted to the city gov-
ernment for aid.
For social aid facilitators, time is a luxury they don’t have.
Because all social aid policies in Indonesia are based on invalid
and unreliable data, which makes the social aid facilitators to do
multiple function, and be the backbone of data collection from
below while ensuring aid is channeled to each Family. On the
one hand, social aid facilitators are required to administratively
be obidient and orderly, by carrying out all administrative pro-
cedures in the form of field verification and validation to all
beneficiaries. On the other, the Large-Scale Social Limitation
policy is an obstacle that appears precisely in the midst of a very
narrow time period of verification and validation. This raises
problems in the field and opens up the potential for the aid to
not be received on time and on target.
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In practice, as can be predicted, what happens is overlapping 395


assistance. There is a possibility that someone will get double
assistance, a basic food card and Direct Cash Assistance that
comes from village funds, and there is also the possibility that
someone who is actually eligible will not receive any assistance.
In some areas, to facilitate the distribution of aid, assistance is
not provided in the form of money transferred into the
recipient’s account, but is directly converted into a number of
items with a nominal equivalent to the amount that must be
received by the Beneficiary Family. The policy taken by this lo-
cal government violates the central government policy, that aid
must be transferred to the recipient’s account, not converted
into food.
To solve the problem of social assistance impasses, there are
actually several stages that can be cut. The most important thing
is to make several stages of data collection run in parallel, with-
out the need to wait for the process of verification and valida-
tion of data at each stage. The Ministry of Interior actually has
population data integrated through e-ID data records. Using this
data, the Ministry of Social Affairs can immediately begin the
process of data verification and validation, without having to
ask for the names of recipients deposited by each region. In the
same process, the Ministry of Social Affairs can communicate
with the Channeling Bank, or through the Ministry of State-
Owned Enterprises, bearing in mind that all Channeling Banks
are state-owned banks. At the same time, because beneficiary
data is in the Next Generation Social Welfare Information Sys-
tem that is connected with the Channeling Bank, it is not nec-
essary to do initial data collection from the neighbourhood level.
This will save time up to 45 working days, and greatly save costs,
because the data collection is only done for new recipients, not
for families who have previously received. If the problem from
the Ministry of Social Affairs is to ascertain how the use of so-
cial assistance is carried out by aid recipients, the easiest and
fastest solution is to consolidate data from a service provider
Vol. 11 No. 3
October 2020

396 bank. The bank is certain to store expenditure data for each
recipient, due to the use of an ATM card system that is only
used in certain stores. By consigning data at the local level, it
can be seen carefully how the use of the Sembako Cards by Fam-
ily.
On the other hand, the manual data collection model is in-
tended to see the condition of the recipient directly, which is
done through home visits by social aid facilitators. In this case,
the main actor is not the Ministry of Social Affairs, but the
Ministry of Villages, Underdeveloped Regions and Transmigra-
tion and the Ministry of Interior. The Ministry of Villages and
the Ministry of Interior, through the Village Consultative Body,
annually hold village development meetings. In this activity,
which was attended by many elements of the village peoples,
ranging from the village government, the community, to reli-
gious leaders, could be scheduled to discuss the data collection
on the poor in the village. The problem is, in the Village Devel-
opment Plan Deliberation activities, the subject of discussion is
the Village Fund Allocation, which is almost entirely ascertained
to be used for infrastructure improvement. If this activity is sched-
uled to build integrated data on the poor in the village, by or-
dering all neighbourhood heads to report the poor population
in their area, then this will greatly facilitate the social aid facili-
tators, because all that is left is to request data from the village
government. Or if the Ministry of Social Affairs insists that the
data collection process must be carried out by the facilitator,
then the Ministry of Social Affairs must increase the number of
social aid facilitators, not at the village level, but at the hamlet
level. So that simultaneous data collection can be faster and
easier to do.
So the final problem lies in the policy that social assistance
can only be given to those who have an e-ID. The only solution
for this is to change the policy, which originated from the Min-
istry of Social Affairs itself. Without changing its position, it will
be very difficult to get out of the legality trap of beneficiaries of
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social assistance, even though the Ministry of Interior has openly 397
acknowledged that e-ID data has problems in collecting data. So
using data that is clearly problematic will only create potential
new problems in policy.

CONCLUSION
So, what can be learned from the impasse in the implemen-
tation of social safety net in Indonesia during this pandemic
period? At this point, the social safety net policy developed by
the government actually faces its biggest challenge ever: time
and energy. When the Sembako Card program aid policy was
implemented, it was not imagined before that time was a very
non-negotiable condition. The data collection model that must
be carried out periodically, every social aid facilitator that must
carry out formal data collection every year, with various forms
to be filled in, pages of documents to be signed, and hundreds
of data that must be verified and validated. Each social aid facili-
tator produces an average of more than one thousand docu-
ments annually, and these documents must be kept for cross
checking by the Ministry of Social Affairs and the Audit Board
of the Republic of Indonesia.
Bureaucratization model with tiered stages, both in data col-
lection, implementation, and reporting provides very limited
space for maneuver, especially in pandemic conditions that re-
quire policy issuance in quick time. This was slowly responded
by the state when issuing a social safety net policy. When the
President decided to reallocate the budget, what was envisioned
as a quick response, turned out to take more than thirty days to
be done, and even then with the risk that the aid provided was
not necessarily right on target. When the state decides on real-
location, the state often forgets the bureaucratic problems that
are actually made by the state itself. Then it becomes an inter-
esting question to explore in the future, how to model the data
collection of the economically poor citizens so that when the
pandemic happens again, the state does not need to waste a
Vol. 11 No. 3
October 2020

398 long time to provide aid to its citizens.


On the other hand, social assistance policies in Indonesia
show a phenomenon that is almost never finished: fragmenta-
tion between ministries. Various ministries choose to go their
own way, not coordinating let alone sharing data. This causes
each ministry to have its own database which is a waste of time
and energy. This can actually be avoided, especially in a pan-
demic like today, where time is a luxury that is not owned by
government.

THANK YOU NOTES


We would like to thank all social aid facilitators in Depok,
Bogor, Bekasi and South Tangerang regions for their informa-
tion, as well as to all Family recipients who were willing to be
interviewed during the distribution process.

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