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AFTER the PTI-army ‘same-page’ relationship turned into a raging and ugly divorce,
one expected some reluctance from Shahbaz Sharif’s PML-N government in
contracting yet another fishy civil-military cohabitation arrangement. Instead, last
week the prime minister upped the military’s role in national affairs by another
notch. Henceforth all potential candidates for government posts, including civil
service officers awaiting promotions, must have their credentials check-marked by
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the ISI. To be screened are Supreme Court judges, top-level civil servants, university
professors, and many others.
Every intelligence agency — CIA, KGB, RAW, and Mossad included — provides intelligence on
foreign operations, does counterintelligence operations, identifies sleeper cells, etc. Everywhere
there is a temptation to use them against domestic opponents by casting them as anti-state.
Although robust political systems can resist this, Pakistan’s has certainly not. The government’s
new directive formalising the role of a military intelligence agency opens a can of worms.
Nabbing a mischievous Kulbhushan Jadhav from here or there is relatively easy — an Israeli-
made Pegasus system can do wonders. But evaluating the patriotism of those who were born and
live within Pakistan — and consider themselves loyal but free citizens — is complicated.
Certainly no intelligence agency is empowered to invent its own definition of patriotism. Instead it
must follow the Constitution as interpreted by parliament and judiciary. But in practice, one
question leads to the next.
Is an ‘anti-Pakistan element’ someone acting against the people of Pakistan or, instead, someone
opposed to a particular state policy? The visible usurpation of resources by the country’s ultra-rich
and ultra-powerful elite has blurred the boundaries separating national interests from personal or
organisational interests. That thieves run Pakistan is now a thoroughly mundane, boring,
universal accusation. Nevertheless, journalists or insiders exposing the theft of public resources
are branded unpatriotic instead of being celebrated as exemplary.
Still more problematic is the identification of individuals charged with being ‘anti-Pakistani’
because they oppose certain postures of the state. Pakistan’s political parties regularly accuse each
other of being traitorous and puppets of foreign masters. On matters of religiously inspired
militancy we have internal splits within the military, judiciary, and between politicians. How is
some poor mid-level intelligence officer, whether uniformed or civilian, to know what is patriotic
and what is not? This lies way above his pay grade.
Example: In a string of speeches, ex-PM Imran Khan claims the Islamic Republic of Pakistan
will shatter into three pieces unless the military establishment — which catapulted him into power
— reverses its new-found neutrality and places him back on top. He hints the army’s rank and file
should disobey its top leadership and has asked families of military personnel to join his ‘million-
man’ rallies. Some call it sedition. Should Khan — together with his minions and toadies — be
given a clean chit? Or, instead, declared traitor?
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Example: It was recommended in December 2019 through court papers submitted by the UK’s
National Crime Agency that Shahbaz Sharif be investigated for money-laundering, fraud and
corrupt practices. Three years later, NCA decided not to prosecute. This made PML-N crow
victory. But PTI says that withdrawal of the case does not constitute exoneration. It plausibly
points to other parts of Mr Sharif’s considerable wealth outside Pakistan. Until those allegations
have been cleared, should the current prime-minister be certified as a patriot?
Example: The security establishment is tasked to safeguard the life and property of Pakistanis
but some insiders are allied with terrorist groups. The case of Ehsanullah Ehsan — who oversaw
the horrific slaughter of hundreds of civilians and soldiers — is noteworthy. Have our intelligence
agencies successfully ferreted out those from within who allowed this captured terrorist to escape
to Turkey from a top security prison facility? Do the agencies have the capacity to police
themselves? Or prove that only true patriots fill their ranks?
Example: The Baloch belong to a multi-ethnic state but have long claimed mistreatment by a
Punjab-dominated centre. This led to four insurgencies in which thousands died. Some Baloch
resentment is based on facts, the rest is imagined. As for PTM, the tribals of Fata who asked for
humane treatment and protested discrimination were deemed traitors and stomped upon. In
ascertaining the patriotism of Pakistan’s “peripheral” nationalities, is it wise to use an intelligence
agency that is widely perceived as being staffed mostly by Punjabis? Will this help or hinder the
creation of a Pakistani national identity?
Seventy-five years from Pakistan’s creation, except for within Punjab, there is a widespread
feeling that Pakistanis have not gelled together as a nation. That thousands have gone missing is a
stain on the national conscience. While Imran Khan’s antics are generating unprecedented
polarisation, fault lines are everywhere — religious, ethnic, and political. As in the TLP’s march on
the capital, extreme violence has been normalised.
In contrast, although Bangladeshi groupings are far from friendly with each other, they are much
less violent. There, a national consensus exists on larger goals. Bangladesh could therefore
concentrate on manufacturing, trade, and greater opportunities for its citizens. As thick clouds of
doom and gloom envelop Pakistan, its former ‘colony’ exudes a sense of positivity and optimism
about its future.
This is so because Bangladesh is not a security-obsessed state. It openly prefers a strong country
over a strong army. People there don’t have their patriotism challenged at every corner by security
agencies. After some hiccups during the first four to five years, less military interference in daily
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affairs translated into greater national cohesiveness and a greater sense of well-being for its
citizens.
There are important lessons here for Pakistan. We cannot afford to keep the bulk of our national
energies focused on checkmating India and liberating Kashmir. This has allowed the security state
to dominate our lives. Human development and economic growth have been pushed into the
margins.
The ISI is a much vaunted and efficient organization. However, it is not trained or equipped to
help Pakistan attain prosperity and international competiveness. To burden it with new tasks is
unfair and Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif should undo his orders. The ballot box — with votes
cast responsibly and counted fairly — remains the best bet for Pakistan’s future.
Read more
Military, not Imran Khan, put forward 3 proposals to break political
deadlock: Mazari
On DawnNews
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لیوی میں اض حمزہ شہباز کی عبوری دنیا میں پہلی بار مشین میں بنے جگر کی انسان میں، شہباز شریف:منی النڈرنگ کیس
بڑھنے کا امک پیوندکاری ضمانت کی توثیق
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