20-06-22 Dawn Edititorial With Urdu

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BIWEEKLY BILINGUAL MAGAZINE 03455616237

Dawn Editorial 00-06-2022
NO.1
FOREIGN POLICY RETHINK

Located as the country is in a
tough neighbourhood ! , and
confronting "# multiple $% external and
internal & ' & ( crises, )*+ , it is essential that 0 / . -
Pakistan`s foreign policy123 4 is progressive567
and receptive : ; 89 to swiftly = 0< changing
global realitiesE CD >?@ AB , without compromising
I F GH on principles *JK . In this regard, L
Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari`s comments

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made at a think tank in Islamabad recently about the
need to engage M / N; OPQ with India, as well as
RST addressing UV the country`s ìsolation` Y WX
8 M
Z K in the international arena ` _ \ ]^ [ , are
food for thought.

r $ q )pklm ; n oM^g O h ijfQe dabc
|$M{$ Ny z= xvwu t r s
Mr Bhutto-Zardari was of the view } 8g ) that
disengagement ~ • with India had not worked in
Pakistan`s favour €, while calling for e$ ;*• ‚a
focus on economic diplomacy 0 ) M ƒ and
engagement „ ‰ ˆ„ …†‡ with this country`s eastern
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neighbour ST M Œ • @‹ 6Š . In particular, Ž b4
he said that disengagement ~ • specifically after
India unilaterally Ž •• made changes ‘’ “ N to
occupied ”• Kashmir`s special status O – —b4 in
2019 had not helped W ˜ ™š ` Q the Kashmir
cause, › or addressed rising Islamophobia in India
¢= œ•žŸ @ ¡ M Œe
“N O– —¨©Nª 2019 = ¥¦Ne§ £; *• b¤–
` Q -k «M¬=e§ ¢=œ•žŸ @ ¡ M Œe‘’••
® ˜™š
While arguing 0$¯$ that better tiesM¬° could have
aided ³ ± $² Pakistan in tackling ¢ these key
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issues=ijn ` with that country.
Considering the sensitivity of the matter, z µ¶N´Q
@ · the Foreign Office later said there had been
no change in Pakistan`s policy towards India, and

that while this country ¸ desired } ¹º
constructive engagement M¬ 0», Delhi`s ùnabated
hostility ¼$ 8½¾ ¿ N À$ impeded “ Â Ã ) ˆ e$ Á ; the
prospects MÄ Å of peace` The matter of ties
ÆQ)M¬ with India is indeed Ç $ complicated rÈ .
Pakistan`s position Éž)`Ê2 on India-held Ì Ë MŒ
Kashmir as well as R ST the condemnation ÍÎ of
anti-Muslim ÏÐ Ñ violence $Ò under BJP rule Ó Ô Œ
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ÍÖ N Õ 2 and the recent vile Á2 × remarks MØ
targeting @ ·Ù ¥P the Holy Prophet (PBUHÚ) is a
principled one® 8K – ˆ Û *JK . For there to be long-
lasting 2Ë$ peace in South Asia, the Kashmir issue
needs to be resolved N;ÝFÜ as per the wishes MÞ ß
UV of the disputed à á region`s âã people, while
antiä Muslim violence and prejudice å at the state
level ç æ e in India must end èº « immediately.
Yet, éê in order to resolve ë ; Ü these issues and
other irritants, ìí the option of engagement îï M¬
„ O‰ðñ is better than sabre-rattling. =; òG That is
why if either q é WE *+ $ country offers dialogue,
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there should be a positive reception 8ó from the
other, instead of @ô N an arrogant õ reaction. In
the long term, engagement is the only way to achieve

regional peace ö Wïã, with the ÷# alternative
being ø 8$ù perpetual Žú confrontation.û$ü
Moving beyond @ ¡ ýþ = the Pakistan-India
relationship, this government and all future

dispensations E* $ M -must adhere èº„ to a
foreign policy that is flexible, yet n does not
compromise @Ý GH on national interests. M $
Foreign policy should be above 7^– = petty Õž Õ
politics and party lines, 0 3$ R putting @
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Pakistan`s interests foremost. û A focus on
maintaining îï friendly relations M¬ $ with all
neighbours, as well as ST ST trade M and
investment0 )¸l links with states ST * e $
further afield, * will yield O diplomatic ƒ
dividends.O
M ST * e $STST E‡3- M¬ $ST * û
® r Ž ƒ= * $ 0 )¸l
Cementing … relations with traditional |
allies ST *$ such as China, Saudi Arabia, Turkey,
etc and improving Ù° ties M¬ with the US, EU, Iran,
Russia and others is important.
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Admittedly, !"ˆ Ž crafting #$ $ˆ Ù a foreign
policy that maintains a balance % îï` -w between all
these actors ,{` ˆ '& ( )*+ ` is a considerable - 3-
task, ¥P as some of these states are in direct
confrontation . /$0 Zr 1 O $q ˆ. û$ü with each
other. But for Pakistan, the most viable 2 3ïr$e = 4
option is to stay away „ $ from bloc politics,N0 5
0a and maintain % îï neutrality 0 $ 6Ý¿ to
ensure ë ;Ù 7 E M– it does not get
ensnared m8 8Ý E$ß in other people`s wars. *9W

>
r¿ N<?ð= 5 O $-.`Ê2 ;‡ ð¸ $: 5 q •0 5
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NO.2
DROUGHT EMERGENCY
‫ﻨﮕﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺤﻂ‬/ ‫ﺧﺸﮏ ﺳﺎ‬
‫ﺻﻮرت ﺣﺎل‬
ِ
Even now, @ when crop N *A ‚ yields have
declined, W B cattle Cž are dying,
agricultural E ˆD lands F are parched .G H and
millions $ IN*J^ do not have enough water for their
basic needs, there is little sign . M Ä R K that the
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authorities are as alarmed as e L they should be
over the current drought :TH emergency. For a long
time now, international bodies O $ have been
warning that water resources in Pakistan will dry

up ýMÝ H by 2025.
That the country`s per capita ON P water
availability QR$N&2 has dropped K from 5,060 cubic
metres per annum ^T in 1951 to a mere S 908 cubic
metres today, according to UNDPû T UVW
estimates * ' , is a depressing X l measure of
things N* u to come : ;þZT : Y . Despite the
facts$w – CD , warnings M[ and signs *\] ,
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comprehensively Ž ^Ý tackling _ the water crisis
issue does not appear þ ˜ ` to be on either the
government`s =¥¦ NÍÖaR or any political party`s
agenda b Õ 2daaR . Decades of =*cd$e short-
sighted : ;þ ` development and consumption
practices ; *f¦ g have turned the rivers in the

&
country into cesspools *h 0i of toxic jk waste klm=n.
Nearly 92pc op q92 of the Indus delta,rU §
.st$u rU § •rUvw xþ y z{ ë |}N~ ï
once known } Ý Ý w for its immensely r$e € ˆ•
richE flora M • and fauna, M ‚ has been destroyed
. ƒ r„ while the river itself now resembles … €† a
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nullah Y m Oi overflowing @ ‡ with plastic
waste. ˆ = O‰ Š‹ Meanwhile, Œ• $ the Ravi is
listed Ý Ž among the three most polluted r$e = 4
r$Jþ rivers of the world, while freshwater &2• lakes •
such as Manchhar and Keenjhar are also badly‘¦ 01
polluted . G r$Jþ and have contracted . “ ’ in size.
All this is a searing “ indictment û” of the state`s
policies and its mismanagement \• B of the
country`s water resources that are necessary . 0 /w
to sustain life,– p1Ex' business and growth.67
Pakistan`s failure \) on this front —s will ensure 7
ý MÙ an even more r$e é = & = r„

catastrophic ˜
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impact M ™ of climate šž change, to which = › the
current drought :T H r$wž in the country is
intrinsicallyœ Ž & ' connected. º $ The ongoing 0 Ý
heat wave,• N \ which has severely ‘¦ 01
aggravated e$ “ the prevailing 3 ‡ˆr$wž water
shortage, illustrates ž this. Consider z
Federal Water Resources Minister iT Qþ Ë 6
Khursheed Shah`s claims * {$ in the National
Assembly on Friday that up to 6,000 cusecs of water

èvaporated` Ý!= ÂM Ÿ while travelling a distance
@ · ¡ of 350km from Sukkur to Kotri barrages.
Moreover, *þ1 new research £ ¢ indicates r¤
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that severe ¥ heat-waves, • N \ of the kind N ›
estimated UV ¦ to have taken about G m §¨ 90
lives in India and Pakistan this year, will now be the

new normal 8©\ as they are 30 times more likely30
`Ä r$e ª to occur ; than before.
Meanwhile, the dreaded Á«ß rise •¬ of 2°C in global
temperatures M - 3 $ >? might translate ®^ ‘’
into an exponential :©¿ increase •¬ of up to 20°C in
South Asia.
If this does not call 2Â ˜ ° N 0 ¯ ¸ for steps Ml ±
ë ;² to stop our wasteful ways,µ¦ 8´ ; ³¬
revive · U x' ¢ ˆŒ¶ dying · « water bodies ³— &2
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while protecting @ · ¸¹ and conserving · & º
@ the limited water resources iT Qþ$ » we have on
a war footing, * $¼\¾ ˆ * $¼½
then what will? ¿¿¿ À -
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NO.3
ON REFUGEES
JUNE 20, marked as Ý eÁ bc World Ž >?
Refugee Day,`$ ) *Ã-rÂ has rolled Å$þˆ Äþ around
once again while the world is wracked by W Æ social
ÇQ and economic 0$È upheaval. : B Conflict É
8Ê ravages |$ WË$ W r„ Ukraine, while
Afghanistan sinks d ÝÌ$ ever deeper WÍ in the
mire 8Î$ under a totalitarian N `Ï Ð regime ÍÖ

>
bent on W Ó= ˆ Ò ˆ W Ñ w imposing ; Ô its
socially restrictive 2 ˆÕ ŽÖ× worldview `Ø>? . It is
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an unfortunate Û ÙB reality that the vast •
majority ÛÚ of refugees live in miserable 8 B
conditions M^ and are often Ú treated as Ý ÁÜ
lesser humans *+Ý 7 K by their hostßà `–Þ
countries. The coming year 8T ^ ;þ is likely á . to
bring @^ w increased hardship Mã W â¡ for them.
With an economic downturn : B setting in 2å7 ˆW ä
W , donor æ agencies O $ are likely to be `Ä );
resource-stressed ç ) iT K Wè as they make
arrangements to accommodate n o é N ;ê ˆ0 )$–þ
refugees in different regions *]ã of the world. Host
countries will also feel the economic burden ë† fQ of
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catering û• ) Á ß to refugee populations ë * $–þ
while also taking care of their own. It is times like

these that ì )‘¦ ¸ often provide .· íÚ M^ ¸
a fatal spark 0 î h`Ý to simmering ·ˆ ðþðþ ˆ@ ï
@ xenophobia and racism, and world leaders must
be increasingly r$e = ñ vigilant òó about protecting
refugees from more hurt and harm M ô Ãó than
they already face.

Mõ=*J ö¿
ú) ùZ ø®æ ÷
The Ukraine conflict Éˆ û ü must also not be allowed
to distract – ;ý3- the world`s obligation ûo to all
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the other refugee groups that need support. The
world should not need to be reminded ˜M / N;^$ $e
þº & that 6.7m refugees from Syria, 5.7m from
Palestine, 2.6m Afghans, 4m Venezuelans, 2.2m

Sudanese and nearly 1.1m Rohingya refugees also
need attention M /N3-éE and financial help $²:l .
There has been a tendency d ` for world powers
)* >? to dump ); the human cost )*+Ý &Ý
of war on developing nations, *ž] Ë 67 which,
though they are r ^ often struggling . l þ$ with
their own issues, ST ij play host .R $ $ )`–Þ
to more than 86pc of the refugees displaced ;
m prior to ˆñ = the Ukraine crisis. As the
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economic crisis intensifies, M¥ the powers
that w r have actively engaged . 2 ûZ in
conflict M? ˆ *9 over the past decades= *cd$
should take greater responsibility for refugees. It is

not fair. ˜4Á¸ or humane ˜ 0 $`Ý e of them `
ë to be quite eager * ˆ r to supply
ë bombs and bullets that keep wars going, but curse
. and complain . · Ûç when asked to
clean up Ý£ E ; ¥ ˜ ‚ the social mess Ö× ÇQ
xi they create W ; *• w in the pursuit of ;
their foreign policy games. ; 123 4
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Opinions
IS PAKISTAN
UNGOVERNABLE?
BY MALEEHA L0DHI 2022-06-20
IS the country becoming ungovernable? Several
factors seem to point in that direction. Governance
problems have mounted in the first instance due to
political discontinuities that have punctuated
Pakistan`s turbulent history. But today, the challenge
of governability is more imposing because of a
number of other factors in addition to long-standing
ones.
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The current political polarisation is the obvious new
factor. It is unprecedented despite Pakistan`s long
tradition of divisive politics. Never before have
people, society and families been so divided by their
partisan preferences as they are today and resistant
to accepting any view other than their own. The
uncompromising stance of the former ruling party
has sharpened this polarisation. It has eliminated any
middle ground and made political accommodation
near impossible. The confrontation between PTI and
the Rest has produced a situation in which
parliament has been left without an opposition and
the laws it has adopted bereft of wider consensus. As
differences appear unbridgeable, finding political
solutions to disputes is ruled out. With PTI intent on
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paralysing the system until it gets its way on early
elections, its conduct has created an unsettled
environment, making governing more difficult. This is
also testing the democratic system.
This situation is casting a shadow on state
institutions which are increasingly the target of
partisan attacks in the raging political battle.
Whether it is the establishment, judiciary or Election
Commission, if their stance or decisions are seen as
favourable to a political party, praise is showered on
them. If the opposite happens, they are criticised for
being biased. Imran Khan keeps questioning the ECP
and judiciary`s impartiality, with PTI trolls often
assailing these institutions on social media. His
criticism of the establishment, including accusations
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that it did nothing to stop the `foreign conspiracy`
against his government, is a pressure tactic to force it
to change course. Similarly, Khan has rejected
repeated clarifications by the military spokesman
that there is no evidence to support his claims of a
foreign conspiracy. The consequence of this stance is
to sow mistrust in state institutions among his fan-
like supporters, even beyond his base. This is
breeding cynicism and widening divisions in society.
Whether or not PTPs leadership understands the
deleterious effects of miring state institutions in
controversy it compounds the challenge of
governance. Rejection or defiance of the judiciary or
ECP`s decisions means undermining a rules-based
framework. Trust in institutions is the bedrock of
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democracy and the governance system, integral to
the ability to execute policies.
In a political landscape where there is lack of a civil
discourse, the exchange of bitter accusations holds
sway rather than sober debate on national issues.
Discussion of public policy is substituted by fact-free
efforts to demonise political rivals. This distracts the
government from governing and the opposition from
focusing on issues. When the political conversation is
only about how venal the other side is national
problems are neither seriously discussed nor solutions
offered to them.
What has made governance more problematic is
erosion in the state`s institutional capacity over the
years and the resultant deterioration in delivery of
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public services, which increasingly fails to meet
people`s expectations. Weakening of the instruments
of governance has meant that even the most well-
devised policy becomes harder to implement.
Postponed reforms, piecemeal tinkering and lack of

efforts to depoliticise the civil service have weakened
the government machinery over time. It has
undermined public confidence in government
institutions and made governance more onerous.
The most important and recurring factor driving the
country towards becoming ungovernable are
dysfunctional economic policies that have long been
pursued. Almost every government since the mid-
1980s acted in a fiscally irresponsible way and left
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the economy in worse shape for its successor to deal
with. Structural economic problems were left to
fester, confronting the country every so often with a
financial crisis that became a chronic threat to
stability. For the past four decades, failure to
mobilise enough domestic resources along with low
levels of savings and investment, meant successive
governments ran huge deficits in national
expenditure and on the country`s external account.
These twin deficits budget and balance of payments
were financed by printing more currency notes and
the inflow of funds from abroad through borrowing
and remittances from overseas Pakistanis.
Reliance on domestic and foreign borrowing and
bailouts landed Pakistan in a classic debt trap where
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more had to be borrowed to pay off old debt.
It also left the country living from one IMF tranche to
another. Moreover, bank borrowing at home served
as an immensely regressive measure because it
meant forced transfer of savings to the government
from people least able to bear the burden of
inflation, the most pernicious tax on the poor.
Economic management that relied on borrowing
allowed the country`s ruling elite to avoid and
postpone much-needed structural reforms, including
serious tax reform, that could have placed the
economy on a viable path. It also explains public
unwillingness to comply with policy measures
imposed on them by an inequitable system.
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This kind of economic management was reinforced
by successive governments civil and military. A
rentier ruling elite created a rentier economy. That is
why the structural sources of the country`s chronic
financial imbalances have remained unaddressed: a
narrow and inequitable tax regime, the energy
sector`s circular debt, bankrupt public sector
enterprises, a broken public finance management
system, an overvalued exchange rate, heavy
regulatory burden and a narrow export base.
The chickens have now come home to roost. The
country is in the throes of another financial crisis,
foreign exchange reserves have depleted, inflation is
at an all-time high, power shortages are placing an
unbearable burden on people, and an IMF bailout is
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being sought to avert default. It is true that the
Covid-19 pandemic and global economic factors have
exacerbated Pakistan`s economic plight.
Soaring international oil prices are further fuelling
the balance-of-payments crisis and inflation while
global shortages of LNG are compounding the
country`s power crisis today. Nevertheless, a weak
economy with little resilience to cushion such shocks
is the result of poor economic management by
reform-averse ruling elites concerned more with
preserving their own power than promoting the
public interest. The confluence of polarised politics
and economic turmoil is now pushing Pakistan into
the danger zone of becoming ungovernable. The
writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK & UN.
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SAVING THE INTERNET IN

PAKISTAN
BY USAMA KHILJI 2022-06-20
IN an effort to censor òbjectionable content`, the
Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) has
initiated another onslaught on the fundamentals of
the internet infrastructure in Pakistan by introducing
a local centralised Domain Name System and
attempting to block global DNS. If fully implemented,
this will significantly slow down internet speed in
Pakistan, increase the cost of internet services,
undermine privacy and effectively stunt Pakistan`s IT
sector expansion and advancement in technology
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and associated services.
Under the paternalistic garb of protecting Pakistani
citizens from òbjectionable content` on the internet,
the PTA has gone too far and is set to fracture the
fundamentals of how the internet was envisaged to
function.
There are multiple ways of blocking content on the
internet. Several have been employed previously by
the PTA in Pakistan. In 2006, it blocked the entire
blog-hosting website Blogspot among 12 websites for
two months because a blog by some insignificant
person somewhere in the world was deemed
blasphemous. In 2008, the blocking of YouTube by
the PTA made the channel inaccessible in several
parts of the world for two hours. In 2010, several
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websites including Facebook, YouTube and Wikipedia
were blocked at the Internet Service Provider level,
whereby ISPs were sent lists of websites to be
blocked.
In March 2012, the government requested tenders
for a URL filtration system, and the Canadian
company Net sweeper won the bid, despite efforts by
Bolo Bhi to write to them explaining that bidding for
such equipment would undermine human rights in
Pakistan. The filtering system changed the blocking
from ISP-level to centralise d blocking at the national
Internet Protocol level. This would also empower the
PTA to block individual IPs, which is the method or
protocol under which data is sent from one computer
to another on the internet.
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While these websites were blocked in the name of
blocking pornographic and blasphemous content,
access to several political and news websites was
also obstructed, especially those critical of state
policies. Rolling Stone among others remained
blocked for long, and many Indian news websites
continue to be inaccessible here. In a move that the
Islamabad High Court ruled against, the PTA even
blocked the Awami Workers Party`s website before
the 2018 election without any explanation.
In 2018, it was revealed that the PTA was taking
censorship and surveillance one step further by
setting up a Web Monitoring System for $18.5 million
purchased from the Canadian firm Sand vine that
sells Deep Packet Inspection technology. This would
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enable the PTA to block content and carry out
surveillance at internet gateways two of which exist
in Pakistan as internet traffic enters and leaves
Pakistan. It was done to monitor grey traffic of illegal
Voice-over-Internet protocol usage by call centres
and businesses, but the PTA is on record at the
Islamabad High Court as saying that the WMS will be
used to carry out mass surveillance over social media
activity by activists.
The latest move involves the PTA setting up a central
DNS. In simple terms, DNS is the phonebook of the
internet. When we enter a website or application
name to access it, we are quickly reverted to the IP
address of that particular website or application
because it is stored on the DNS. Effectively, DNS
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serves to translate the domain names to IP addresses
so that our browsers can read the desired page or
application. The PTA is doing this to be able to
exercise control over censoring the internet in
Pakistan through a centralised system.
The PTA now also wants to block global DNS. This is a
major point of contention with ISPs in Pakistan.
ISPs currently do not force customers to use their DNS
or global DNS. This is a global practice.
Blocking global DNS will have a terrible impact on
how Pakistanis use the internet. It will impact
Content Distribution Networks (CDNs) that bring
internet content to customers by geo-caching them,
meaning that they are preloaded on servers
geographically close to customers which enables fast
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loading and browsing.
There are five major CDNs that are functioning in
Pakistan currently: Akamai, YouTube, Netflix,
Facebook and Cloud flare. Their systems are
integrated with global DNS, and blocking the latter
will have a detrimental impact on their CDNs which
serve around 65pc of Pakistan`s total internet traffic.
Blocking global DNS and hence CDNs will mean that
all internet bandwidth in Pakistan will have to come
via underground submarine cables, which will
exponentially increase the cost of internet by three to
four times. The cost is already rising since it is paid in
dollars and the exchange rate is crashing.
Internet speed will further slow down because of this.
Several applications, including large business clients,
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such as Cisco, use global DNS and their functionality
will be impacted too if they are blocked.
A centralised DNS and blocked global DNS will also
undermine the privacy of internet users in Pakistan as
a local DNS will be vulnerable to state surveillance,
increased security threats by hackers etc, loss of
access to DNS block lists that protect users from
malware and viruses and the potential for abuse of
DNS data for commercial purposes among several
issues.
The world meanwhile is moving towards Web 3.0
which is defined by decentralised blockchain
technology rather than the centralised model of the
earlier two iterations. The concept of decentralised
autonomous organisation is defining the future of
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internet technology, but Pakistani authorities seem
to be going in the past in their obsession with control
rather than allowing citizens to accrue benefits of
faster, more private and lower-cost decentralised
internet. The PTA must scrap the proposal for
blocking global DNS, and move towards
decentralised DNS so that Pakistan`s IT sector can
grow, exports can rise and Pakistanis can compete
globally. The writer is director of Bolo Bhi, an
advocacy forum for digital rights.
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RIGHT TO SEEK SAFETY

BY ARIF AZAD 2022-06-20
WORLD Refugee Day is celebrated every year on June
20 to draw attention to the plight of refugees and to
honour their struggles and heroism. As well as
focusing on the rights, needs, dreams and aspirations
of refugees, World Refugee Day also seeks to
mobilise both public opinion and political will to
assist refugees not just in surviving troubled times
but also thriving in their adopted homes. This year`s
overarching theme espouses the right to seek safety
as a basic human right.
The right to seek safety is predicated on the notion
that refugees should be welcome wherever they
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come from; and wherever they are forced to flee they
should be entitled to safety and protection. According
to UN estimates, 79.5 million people were forcibly
displaced in 2019, 26m of them refugees. However, a
large portion of the refugee population is clustered
mainly in the developing world: nine out of the top 10
refugee-receiving countries are part of the
developing world, with the sole exception of Sweden.
This clearly reflects the uneven distribution of the
refugee burden and the hypocrisy of the developed
world that are reluctant to help people in need
despite their vast resources and their role in creating
the circumstances for the displacement of such a
large number of families from their homelands.
Moreover, in view of the exposed hypocrisy of the
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West in their contrasting treatment of Ukrainians
and Afghans, this year`s theme for World Refugee
Day assumes even greater significance.
While Europe has laid out the welcome mat for
fleeing Ukrainians, for the Afghans and those from
other undesirable countries it has proved to be an
impenetrable fortress.
Many commentators have noted the stark contrast
between the sympathetic media coverage of
Ukrainian refugees with the pejorative portrayal of
people from other conflict-ridden countries such as
Syria and Afghanistan. Political pundits were also
quick to detect racial undertones in the ensuing
coverage, with Western reporters openly describing
Ukrainian refugees as òne of them`.
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This approach has also reflected in the European
countries` openness and willingness to help displaced
Ukrainians. The UK government, for example, is
encouraging British families to take in Ukrainian
refugees in return for cash, while its home office has
introduced a new controversial scheme to repatriate
all asylum seekers reaching Britain through the
English Channel.
Meanwhile, Ukrainian refugees are being welcomed
into the EU for three years with no restrictions on
work, while the region works to close its borders and
tighten its asylum policies reserved for refugees
arriving from other regions. Like the UK, some
European countries are also actively deporting
refugees and asylum seekers, but at the same time
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welcoming Ukrainian refugees with open arms.
Meanwhile, closer to home, and reflecting the
Ukrainian conflict, is our own Afghan refugee crisis.
Pakistan has hosted Afghan refugees for over four
decades while the Taliban takeover has predictably
swelled the number of displaced people arriving at
our borders, despite the official policy of fencing the
Durand Line and not welcoming new refugees from
Afghanistan.
However, despite this, open spaces in Islamabad are
increasingly being occupied by refugees from
Afghanistan. The West, initially interested in taking in
a limited number of Afghan refugees, appears to
have simply moved on to the Ukrainian refugee crisis
where it has diverted the bulk of its funding and
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resources. While a large portion of the displaced
Ukrainians are beginning to return to their country,
this option, sadly, is not even available to a huge
section of refugees stuck in the developing world.
Needless to say, these two-faced policies run counter
to the spirit of this year`s Refugee Day`s key message
of non-discriminatory and rights based equal
treatment of all refugees wherever they come from
and wherever they flee from persecution or conflict.
The right of refugees to access safe and protected
spaces where they can thrive and flourish is at the
heart of refugees` rights and this year`s theme of
allowing displaced people to seek safe pastures.
The Ukrainian crisis further reinforces the importance
of non-discriminatory, fair and balanced asylum and
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immigration policies that treat all refugees equally
irrespective of where they come from, what the
pigment of their skin is, or what hierarchy of conflict
they are fleeing from. Not just governments, though,
the public too needs to rally behind the message of
the right of equal access to safety for all to give a
chance to people escaping hardship to thrive in their
adopted homes.
The writer is the author of Patient Pakistan:
Reforming and Fixing Healthcare for All in the 21st
Century, and has worked on refugee projects in
Lebanon, Syria and Greece. drarifazad@gmail.com
Twitter @arifazad5
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INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS
BY PARVEZ RAHIM 2022-06-20
INDUSTRIAL relations are the most critical
component of human resource management. Other
elements of HRM, such as recruitment, determination
of salary and perquisites, performance and job
evaluation, training and development, discipline
handling, etc may be handled through the skills and
experience of HR personnel. However, managing
industrial relations requires many other traits in the
individual, such as knowledge of labour laws, good
communication skills, patience, perseverance and a
cool temperament, analytical thinking and the ability
to handle crises.
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In the West, no distinction is drawn between the
terms èmployee relations` and ìndustrial relations`;
both are considered a common title for the industrial
relations function within personnel management.
Employee relations have been defined by the
dictionary of human relations, published by Oxford
University Press, as follows: `The term underlines the
fact that industrial relations is not confined to the
study of trade unions but embraces the broad
pattern of employee management, including systems
of direct communication and employee involvement
that target the individual worker.
In Pakistan, the term ìndustrial relations` is
considered a separate area, which is quite
comprehensively governed by the provisions of the
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Industrial Relations Ordinance, 1969.
As is evident from the following preamble of the
ordinance, its scope is quite large and encompasses
various activities of unions, management of forums
and collective bargaining: Àn ordinance to amend
and consolidate the law relating to the formation of
trade unions, the regulation of relations between
employers and workmen and the avoidance and
settlement of any differences or disputes arising
between them.
In most companies in Pakistan, employees are
divided into two broad categories: management and
non-management. The management employees are
placed in higher cadres and their terms and
conditions of employment are quite different from
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those of non management staff.
If there is a union in the organisation, the latter are
called ùnionised staff` and their terms of
employment are based on the provisions of a
collective labour agreement signed with the union.
Their employment is protected by labour laws and
does not depend upon the whims of the employer.
In companies where there are no unions, decisions
about periodical increases in salary and benefits are
taken unilaterally by management. Whether or not
non-management staff like such increases, they have
to accept them as there is no choice. In such
companies, the rights of workers guaranteed under
various labour laws are also not secure, as
management is not accountable to anyone to oblige
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them.
Till the late 1960s, union activities were confined to
public-sector organizations.
When the PPP took over the government in
December 1971, unions mushroomed in industrial
and commercial establishments.
Their activities accelerated to such an extent that
employers had to avail the services of industrial
relations managers to manage them. Most IRMs had
neither the experience nor the expertise to handle
tough situations, which gave a free hand to the
unions.
There was acute labour unrest in factories, leading to
disruption of operations, reduction in output and
even closure of establishments.
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This situation lasted till the end of the 1970s, after
which there was a sudden decline in the activities of
unions and their federations.
Nevertheless, the need for IRMs remains, to handle
disputes with unions if and when they arise.
Being a difficult area that requires tolerance and
strong interpersonal skills from practitioners, there is
an extreme dearth of competent industrial relations
professionalism the country.
Students are advised to learn through trial and error
and from mentors and case studies.
Here are a few tips which may help expedite learning
in the field: IRMs should maintain close liaisons with
external lawyers who represent their company in
employment-related court cases. Attending court
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along with the lawyer will give them an opportunity
to learn how the court perceives actions taken by the
organisation against employees. Based on learning
from the court, the IRM may amend their approach
while handling similar cases in the future.
It is also essential for IRMs to maintain a working
relationship with their counterparts in other
organisations for the purpose of information sharing.
They may learn about how similar situations were
handled by their counterparts. While interacting,
IRMs may become aware of work-related
information, which is important for them to know
and make use of if needed.
Besides the above, the best source for IRMs to
acquire knowledge and experience is their own
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organization, from where they can learn the art of
negotiating with the union, with its charter of
demands, sitting along with senior members of the
team. The writer is a consultant in human resources
at Aga Khan University
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BIWEEKLY BILINGUAL MAGAZINE 03455616237

FOREIGN POLICY RETHINK

tough neighbourhood ! , and

confronting "# multiple $% external and

internal & ' & ( crises, )*+ , it is essential that 0 / . -

Pakistan`s foreign policy123 4 is progressive567

and receptive : ; 89 to swiftly = 0< changing

global realitiesE CD >?@ AB , without compromising

I F GH on principles *JK . In this regard, L

Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari`s comments

RST addressing UV the country`s `isolation` Y WX

food for thought.

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disengagement ~ • with India had not worked in

Pakistan`s favour €, while calling for e$ ;*• ‚a

focus on economic diplomacy 0 ) M ƒ and

engagement „ ‰ ˆ„ …†‡ with this country`s eastern

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he said that disengagement ~ • specifically after

India unilaterally Ž •• made changes ‘’ “ N to

occupied ”• Kashmir`s special status O – —b4 in

2019 had not helped W ˜ ™š ` Q the Kashmir

cause, › or addressed rising Islamophobia in India

“N O– —¨©Nª 2019 = ¥¦Ne§ £; *• b¤–

` Q -k «M¬=e§ ¢=œ•žŸ @ ¡ M Œe‘’••

While arguing 0$¯$ that better tiesM¬° could have

aided ³ ± $² Pakistan in tackling ¢ these key

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Considering the sensitivity of the matter, z µ¶N´Q

@ · the Foreign Office later said there had been

no change in Pakistan`s policy towards India, and

constructive engagement M¬ 0», Delhi`s `unabated

hostility ¼$ 8½¾ ¿ N À$ impeded “ Â Ã ) ˆ e$ Á ; the

prospects MÄ Å of peace` The matter of ties

ÆQ)M¬ with India is indeed Ç $ complicated rÈ .

Pakistan`s position Éž)`Ê2 on India-held Ì Ë MŒ

Kashmir as well as R ST the condemnation ÍÎ of

anti-Muslim ÏÐ Ñ violence $Ò under BJP rule Ó Ô Œ

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targeting @ ·Ù ¥P the Holy Prophet (PBUHÚ) is a

principled one® 8K – ˆ Û *JK . For there to be long-

lasting 2Ë$ peace in South Asia, the Kashmir issue

needs to be resolved N;ÝFÜ as per the wishes MÞ ß

UV of the disputed à á region`s âã people, while

antiä Muslim violence and prejudice å at the state

level ç æ e in India must end èº « immediately.

Yet, éê in order to resolve ë ; Ü these issues and

other irritants, ìí the option of engagement îï M¬

„ O‰ðñ is better than sabre-rattling. =; òG That is

why if either q é WE *+ $ country offers dialogue,

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other, instead of @ô N an arrogant õ reaction. In

the long term, engagement is the only way to achieve

being ø 8$ù perpetual Žú confrontation.û$ü

Moving beyond @ ¡ ýþ = the Pakistan-India

relationship, this government and all future

foreign policy that is flexible, yet n does not

compromise @Ý GH on national interests. M $

Foreign policy should be above 7^– = petty Õž Õ

politics and party lines, 0 3$ R putting @

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maintaining îï friendly relations M¬ $ with all