Professional Documents
Culture Documents
William Walters
To cite this article: William Walters (2004) Secure borders, safe haven, domopolitics, Citizenship
Studies, 8:3, 237-260, DOI: 10.1080/1362102042000256989
Gates cut into the Wall’s continuity, truces of going and coming:
exchanges with the idea of outside, with the field and the
garden. Instants of risk and betrayal, capture and farewell. Antic-
ipations of journeys and pilgrimages. John Bunyan. Apertures
between life and death: the path out to the dissenters’ burial-
ground. To Blake and Defoe in Bunhill Fields. To the madhouses,
hospitals and markets that sustain, and give meaning to life with-
in the walls. To Curtain Row, Shoreditch, and the first plays of
Shakespeare and Ben Jonson … Aldgate, Bishopsgate, Moorgate,
ISSN 1362-1025 Print; 1469-3593 Online/04/030237-24 2004 Taylor & Francis Ltd 237
DOI: 10.1080/1362102042000256989
William Walters
appeals process, and simplify deportation procedures for unsuccessful cases. The
aim is to create ‘a quick, high-quality, highly-managed system, which will assist
those in genuine need of protection. And enable us to return swiftly those not in
need of protection’ (p. 15). In addition to this rationalization of the asylum
process, further improvements to border controls are proposed, including more
overseas liaison work by British officials, cooperation with European partners,
and pre-travel screening and intelligence-related activity.
The White Paper draws an equation between enhanced immigration and
asylum controls and an improved sense of citizenship and community within
British society. ‘Strong civic and community foundations are necessary if people
are to have the confidence to welcome asylum-seekers and migrants. They must
trust the systems their governments operate and believe they are fair and not
abused’ (p. 3). In other words, a modernized regime of immigration control is to
promote ‘integration with diversity in modern Britain’—the subtitle of the White
Paper. For all its language of modernization, the White Paper is, at least in this
respect, still within the racialized logic that has marked Britain’s approach to
immigration policy since the 1960s. This is an approach based on the fear that
‘uncontrolled’ immigration will inevitably result in ‘racial tension’ (cf. Geddes,
2003, p. 36). Strict immigration controls are therefore rationalized not as a wilful
expression of state racism, but as interventions that, on the contrary, are to
improve ‘race relations’ (Baldaccini, 2003, p. 1).
But if the White Paper continues a relatively well-established convention that
sees immigration as a threat to domestic order that calls for careful management,
it also contains a second, more positive view of migration. In this second view
we find migration affirmed as ‘a consistent feature of human history’; a force
which can bring ‘huge benefits: increased skills, enhanced levels of economic
activity, cultural diversity and global links’ (p. 9). To this end the White Paper
proposes to strengthen existing ‘routes’ as well as create new ones, by which
certain forms of migrants might enter the UK much more easily. These include
a Highly Skilled Migrant Programme ‘to enable the most talented migrants to
work in the UK’ (p. 12), but also improved access for certain forms of
low-skilled, casual work. Operating at different ends of the employment spec-
trum, both initiatives are to improve the supply of labour to the UK economy,
to ‘meet the challenge’ of a globalizing environment.
As in many Western European countries, British immigration policy had taken
the position since the early 1970s that there was no longer a significant need for
‘primary (economic) migration’ (Baldaccini, 2003, p. 1). Because it makes a
strong argument for a more positive approach to economic migration, and
because it lays this over what had previously been an almost exclusive concern
with tough asylum measures, the White Paper has been hailed as part of a
‘remarkable shift in immigration policy and practice in the UK’ (Düvell and
Jordan, 2003, p. 302).
Governing Security
One could certainly read Secure Borders, Safe Haven as an important moment
within the history of UK immigration policy. It could also be read in light of
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William Walters
New Labour and its themes of modernization, community, and social inclusion
(Young, 2003). However, my purpose in this paper is somewhat different. I want
to use the White Paper as the basis for a discussion of the governance of
security. My argument is that we can relate Secure Borders to the emergence of
a relatively new domain of concepts and practices, a space which is contributing
to a redefinition of the relationship between state, citizenship and territory. What
is this space? Empirically speaking, it is identified by different names in different
places. Perhaps its most visible expression is in the United States with the
complex of policies, programmes, but also subjectivities and identities associated
with ‘Homeland Security’. But it is echoed in many other national and regional
settings. The Canadian government has recently created a new portfolio for
Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness. Its task has been framed as ‘Secur-
ing an Open Society’ (Privy Council Office, 2004). In the European context it
finds its institutional expression in the programme which began with the
Schengen agreement, but which has now been taken up by the European Union
as it attempts to remake itself as an ‘area of freedom, security and justice’
(European Commission, 1998).
The relative novelty of this emerging space is perhaps reflected in the
problems one encounters in naming it. Political activists sometimes speak
disparagingly of Fortress Europe or Fortress Australia, drawing attention to a
certain siege mentality which invests it (Klein, 2003). But while Fortress X may
be valid as a polemical intervention, the image of walled nations and continents
only vaguely conveys a sense of the mechanisms of power at stake. Ole Waever
and his colleagues speak of ‘societal security’ emphasizing that the focus of
insecurity has shifted from the geopolitical space of interstate relations to threats
to society (Waever, 1995, 1996). This suggests a useful history of what they call
‘securitization’. But the concept of societal security embodies the old state/so-
ciety dichotomy, a formulation which fails to do justice to the mutability of
political space and the inventiveness of power.
Bigo’s concept of an ‘internal security field’ is an important contribution since
it foregrounds questions of bureaucratic power. According to Bigo we are facing
a situation where policing and security agencies have successfully institutional-
ized a new domain where otherwise separate activities and concerns are linked
in a seemingly natural manner. He speaks of a ‘“security continuum” that
stretches from terrorism to regulation of asylum rights, including drugs, action
against crime, clandestine immigration, and migratory flows’ (Bigo, 1994,
p. 164). Within this continuum we see a ‘transfer of illegitimacy’, a transfer that
operates not just at the level of signification but institutional practice, such that
questions of asylum and migration become ‘security’ much more than human
rights or citizenship questions. Increasingly this continuum is organized on a
transnational basis (Bigo, 2000).
Domopolitics
The first aim of this paper is to contribute to the task of mapping this emergent
space of security and offering some ways to analyse the kinds of rationalities,
subjectivities, knowledges and spatialities that it sets in motion. I want to suggest
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Domopolitics
that with a document like Secure Borders, Safe Haven we are in the presence of
domopolitics.
What is domopolitics? Foucauldian genealogies of government have noted
that the line of emergence which gives us modern political economy can be
traced back to the Greek notion of oikos, meaning household. Until the middle
of the eighteenth century one finds in texts of political oeconomy an image of
rule in which the state is conceived as a vast household requiring the wise
stewardship of a patriarchal sovereign (Dean, 1999, p. 201). This householding
image of governance is largely displaced with the rise of liberalism: ‘the
economy’ comes to be seen as a more or less autonomous sphere, possessing its
own immanent laws and regularities, and calling not for regulation in all its
details but indirect government at a distance. However, Paul Veyne reminds us
that history has generated a great diversity of ways of governing a people:
‘practices for dealing with “the governed” may vary so widely over time that the
so-called governed have little more in common than the name’ (Veyne, 1997,
p. 150). If modern political economy echoes the project of government in the
image of the household, domopolitics refers to the government of the state (but,
crucially, other political spaces as well) as a home.
The Latin word domus means house or home. It is closely related to the verb
domo which can be literally translated as ‘to tame’ or ‘break in’ (today we would
say domesticate). However, it was also possible to use the word domo more
metaphorically: to speak of the act of conquering or ‘subduing men or communi-
ties’.3 I want to propose domopolitics as an analytic which captures certain
significant features and tendencies within the political meaning and governance
of security today.
Domopolitics implies a reconfiguring of the relations between citizenship,
state, and territory. At its heart is a fateful conjunction of home, land and
security. It rationalizes a series of security measures in the name of a particular
conception of home. Of course there is a history to the understanding of
homeland and a notable variance in its meaning across countries (Robin and
Stråth, 2003). However, in a great many of these uses it has powerful affinities
with family, intimacy, place: the home as hearth, a refuge or a sanctuary in a
heartless world; the home as our place, where we belong naturally, and where,
by definition, others do not; international order as a space of homes—every
people should have (at least) one; home as a place we must protect. We may
invite guests into our home, but they come at our invitation; they don’t stay
indefinitely. Others are, by definition, uninvited. Illegal migrants and bogus
refugees should be returned to ‘their homes’. Home as a place to be secured
because its contents (our property) are valuable and envied by others. Home as
a safe, reassuring place, a place of intimacy, togetherness and even unity, trust
and familiarity. Hence domopolitics embodies a tactic which juxtaposes the
‘warm words’ (Connolly, 1995, p. 142) of community, trust, and citizenship,
with the danger words of a chaotic outside—illegals, traffickers, terrorists; a
game which configures things as ‘Us vs. Them’ (Stasiulis, 1997, p. 203). Bigo
is right to suggest that the politics of internal and transnational security both
mobilizes and plays upon fear and unease to legitimate itself (Bigo, 2002). But
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William Walters
besides these negative forces, it also plays upon the positive image of home.
These are some of the contours of the domological.
But there is a second aspect to domopolitics—domo as conquest, taming,
subduing; a will to domesticate the forces which threaten the sanctity of home.
Domopolitics is not reducible to the Fortress impulse of building walls, strength-
ening the locks, updating the alarm system. It contains within itself this second
tendency which takes it outwards, beyond the home, beyond even its own
‘backyard’ and quite often into its neighbours’ homes, ghettos, jungles, bases,
slums. Once domopolitics extends its reach, once it begins to take the region or
even the globe as its strategic field of intervention, then the homeland becomes
the home front, one amongst many sites in a multifaceted struggle.4
None of this is meant to suggest that the game of internal security is about to
supplant that of social security. What I am arguing is that the games of
Homeland Security and Secure Borders are in competition for political capital,
fiscal resources, and public space with the social state. Domopolitics does point
to a reordering and a re-hierarchicizing of political priorities.
Having proposed domopolitics as an analytic for certain developments in the
governance of security, and suggested that we can bring out its rarity through
certain comparisons with the model of social security, let us now return to the
White Paper. To what extent is domopolitics expressed in Secure Borders, Safe
Haven? Conversely, what empirical light can this particular text shed on
contemporary changes in the governance of security and citizenship?
Insecure Societies
What is the nature of the insecurities which underpin the White Paper? How are
they understood? Here again a comparison with the game of social security is
helpful. For it reveals significant mutations—and absences—in the way that
security and insecurity are framed.
Mobile worlds are open worlds. But this openness, this form of freedom that
is associated with the political construction of extended social and economic
spaces renders them vulnerable. ‘At the heart of our challenge lie those who will
take advantage of global movements to traffic or smuggle migrants’ (p. 16). The
danger is posed by the proliferation of illicit and clandestine mobilities—the
movement of illegal immigrants, drugs, biohazards, contraband, weapons, terror-
ists, and so on.
The White Paper certainly engages in Bigo’s ‘transfer of illegitimacy’:
immigration and asylum are tainted by their semiotic and institutional proximity
to a range of mobile ‘bads’ which exploit the liberalized spaces of globalization.
But there is more we can say about its production of insecurity. Perhaps one of
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William Walters
the most striking things about the discussion of security one finds in the White
Paper, but also in most documents of this kind, is the non-social character of its
problematic. What do I mean by this? Here the comparison with social security
is instructive.
In framing his famous blueprint for social security, William Beveridge
identified ‘five giants’ which any truly ‘comprehensive policy of social progress’
would have to defeat. These were Want, Disease, Ignorance, Squalor, and
Idleness (1942, p. 6). By linking these scourges together in this way, we should
observe in passing how Beveridge contributed to the territorialization of ‘social
security’ as a particular security field. But the point I want to emphasize here
concerns the way these problems were understood, and the space and logic of
governance this opened up.
Despite his use of vaguely Victorian language in naming his giants, Beveridge
situates them within a social space. The nineteenth century located the causes of
unemployment or squalor largely in an explicitly moral conception of persons
and their communities. The condition of the poor was seen to be linked to moral
defects and bad habits.6 While twentieth-century social policy retains a moral
view of its subjects (for example, its gendered view of the family), it is no longer
prepared to reduce its explanation of their condition to their personal actions.
Instead, and this is what distinguishes it, modern social policy identifies various
social and economic processes which are the underlying cause and explanation
for poverty, unemployment, ignorance and so on. The theorists of social security
aspired to many ends, not least, as Keynes observed, the aversion of a fuller
socialization of private property (Cutler et al., 1986, p. 26). But foremost among
these was to govern not primarily by shaping the conduct of individuals, as was
the case with philanthropy, but by acting at the level of the social, that is,
engaging with these social and economic processes. Here the apparatus of social
insurance was pre-eminent as a technique which would redistribute income over
time and between classes, and socialize risk across the social/national body. But
other techniques were equally important, including the complex of ‘Keynesian’
measures to manage the national economy, and national schemes for every-
thing—from mass education to public broadcasting.
Secure Borders, Safe Haven also reveals a land stalked by giants: ‘people
trafficking’, ‘illegal working’, ‘war criminals’,7 and ‘abuse’ of the asylum
system. But they do not inhabit a ‘social’ domain. There are certainly specific
references to what we might call the wider structural context. For instance,
developments associated with ‘globalization’—such as advances in communica-
tions technology and transportation—are cited as underpinning the rising mo-
bility of people (p. 23). Likewise, ‘our strong economic position’ as well as
historical cultural factors are given as reasons why the UK appears as such a
popular destination for migrants (p. 24). And, not surprisingly, it is recognized
that flows of refugees are the consequence of violence and instability in many
parts of the world. But the White Paper is hesitant about whether these
fundamental causes of displacement might be managed. ‘Globalisation’, it
observes, ‘means that issues previously considered “domestic” are now increas-
ingly international’ (p 25). But the reverse is not the case, apparently. There is
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Dividing Practices
Disentangling the many motives—from seeking better economic
prospects to seeking protection—which people have for coming
to the UK is not always easy. But we need to do more to ensure
that clear, managed routes into the UK exist so that people do not
use inappropriate routes to effect their entry. (p. 13)
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Domopolitics
as a response to the increasing mobility of the global poor (Bort, 2002; Nevins,
2002); and, of course, the acts of ‘September 11’, an event that exposed the US
national territory and its citizens to a form of political violence from which they
had previously been largely exempt.
With this in mind, we can observe that the White Paper is about much more
than reforms to asylum, immigration and nationality policies. But it is not just
a contribution to the re-bordering of the UK either. This becomes apparent once
we reconnect our discussion to the world of social security. Whether it is
Beveridge’s diagram of a socially-insured society, or Keynes’ diagram of a
managed economy, the welfare state did not equate security with border controls,
but with the governance of social and economic processes. Certainly, there was
the assumption that social security would address the needs of a bounded
national community. But the boundaries of that community were not instruments
of security in their own right.
Within the logic of Secure Borders, the state is actualized as a territorial
state, albeit in a new form. Weber is famous for defining the state in starkly
territorial terms, as that form of ‘human community that (successfully) claims
the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory’
(Weber, 1958, p. 78, his italics). Insofar as the domopolitical elements within the
White Paper emphasize border controls as interventions whose task is to carve
out a secure and pacified space of order within a dangerous world, perhaps we
should observe that a quasi-Weberian identity is being re-emphasized for the
state.
Many of these measures are codified in the Schengen Convention, which came
into effect in 1996 and catalysed the development of new forms of cooperation
in policing, immigration and asylum policy within the EU. Schengen paved the
way to the removal of the ‘internal’ borders of its member-states, ‘compensating’
the ‘security deficit’ created by this move by inventing a new border—the
‘external frontier’—which is to protect their combined territory. For this reason
Schengen has been described as an ‘experiment’ and a ‘laboratory’ (Monar,
2003). One of the interesting aspects here is that each state becomes responsible
for Schengenland’s security. As Balibar astutely observes, ‘from now on, on
“its” border … each member state is becoming the representative of the others’
(Balibar, 2002, p. 78). Put differently, as ‘Europe’ becomes ‘enlarged’, this
means that France’s border begins in Poland and so on. Hence, Schengen might
be considered as a signal moment within this deterritorialization of the national
border.
Britain is not formally a member of Schengen, though it retains a right to opt
in to its arrangements on an issue-by-issue basis (Uçarer, 2003). If it is not
prepared to fully entrust its border controls to its European partners, there is
nevertheless plenty within the White Paper to suggest that Britain is not an
exception to this move of deterritorialization. Among its observations and
proposals implying this move are: airline liaison officers deployed ‘overseas’ to
help prevent ‘improperly documented passengers’ travelling to the UK (a tactic
of interception at a distance) (p. 92); a visa regime imposed on countries that
systematically ‘abuse … our controls’ (the identification of rogue migration
states) (p. 93); ‘mobile task forces’ as part of a new emphasis on ‘intelligence-
led’ control (mobile borders) (p. 96); and ‘juxtaposed controls’ which relocate
passport control functions in certain French ports servicing the UK (p. 94).
There is clearly much to support the thesis of deterritorializing borders. But
some caveats and cautions are also in order. First, it would be mistaken to
assume this is all driven by the inexorable logic of the surveillance society.
Security professionals may have a stake in ever-expanding surveillance systems,
but the White Paper suggests that the main dynamic driving this dispersion of
the border as something else. It is the more practical end of reconciling territorial
security with economic liberalism. It is the challenge of devising systems of
security that are compatible with government conducted in the image of the
‘mobile world’ discussed above. These measures are about identifying and
separating flows of people. Like Schengen, they are as much about speeding up
the movement of (certain categories of) people as they are anything else. Seen
from this perspective, border controls will no longer define the edges of the state.
In the future they will operate as a policing mechanism inside a global territory.
Israel may be building its own Wall of Jericho, but the borders imagined by the
White Paper are more like membranes than walls.
Second, we should avoid the overly dramatic position which assumes that
internal controls on populations (such as identity checks) are entirely new. They
are doubtless becoming more intense, widespread and perhaps more sophisti-
cated. But many continental European countries in fact have considerable
experience in this field. For instance, Belgium adopted a system of registration
for nationals as well as aliens as early as 1846, and from World War I required
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Domopolitics
all residents to carry identity cards (Caestecker, 1998). Whereas Britain, Canada
and the US have historically favoured what Brochmann (1999) calls ‘external
controls’ at the border, ‘internal controls’—such as identity checks—have been
more common in continental Europe. If there is a deterritorialization of frontier
controls, it did not happen overnight, or as some kind of ‘post-9/11’ phenom-
enon, but rather as the result of multiple processes, each with their own timing,
their own play of forces.
Third, it is important not to speak in overly general terms about ‘the border’,
as though all borders were going the same way. The White Paper speaks
positively of how British liaison officers and pre-clearance activities in the
Czech Republic have successfully ‘disrupt[ed] the flows of those who do not
qualify’ (p. 17). But we have to emphasize that this is not a mutual process. The
Czech government is not stationing its officials in Heathrow airport.13 The
deterritorialization of the border follows specific trajectories and gradients;
controls are exported from the core to the periphery. Their movement mirrors
both the pathways created by migrants (for example, entering Germany from
Ukraine through Poland), but also the relative wealth and political power of
states (Mezzadra and Neilson, 2003) and the North/South ‘citizenship divide’
(Bakan and Stasiulis, 2003).
So we have two lines, then. Along the first the state is reterritorialized as a
particular place, a territory with an inside and an outside. Along the second its
border controls are dispersed and laid over other states, intergovernmental
organizations, private agents like airlines, and mobile task forces. In the space
between these two lines we find something new. It would be mistaken to regard
this as merely the reassertion of the sovereign state; as though, after the
excitement about globalization dies down, and the dust settles, we find the
state—still standing, still sovereign. For that would obscure the changes at work.
What emerges between these two lines are new configurations of power, new
conceptions of territory and control—Schengenland, Homeland, zones of
confidence, smart borders, areas of freedom, security and justice, perimeters,
extra-territorial zones. Future research will need to examine these and other
spaces in terms of their implications for our understanding of sovereignty,
territory, and much else besides.
Under what circumstances could citizenship fail to be for citizens? What kind of
citizenship are we dealing with? The vision of immigration policy which the
White Paper articulates is not reducible to border controls, however sophisti-
cated. As the subtitle suggests, the question of ‘integration with diversity’ is also
at stake. To this end there are a series of proposals as to how to ‘prepare’
immigrants for citizenship, including language training, ‘education for citizen-
ship’, and a ceremony to celebrate the acquisition of citizenship (a sort of civic
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William Walters
graduation day). Immigrants are to become better acquainted with the rights and
responsibilities of being a British citizen.
But this task of integration does not stop with the recent immigrant. What is
perhaps more interesting is the way it problematizes the host population. The
following observation is particularly telling:
Strong civic and community foundations are necessary if people
are to have the confidence to welcome asylum seekers and
migrants. They must trust the systems their governments operate
and believe that they are fair and not abused. They must have a
sense of their own community or civic identity—a sense of shared
understanding which can both animate and give moral content to
the benefits and duties of citizenship to which new entrants aspire.
Only then can integration with diversity be achieved. (p. 9)
This is the source of the anomaly we just noted: a situation where, apparently,
citizens do not experience ‘citizenship’. We noted earlier how domopolitics
exists in tension with oikos, that is, with liberal political economy. But here we
see how it intersects with another terrain, a governmentality which Nikolas Rose
identifies as ‘etho-politics’:
Etho here is for ‘ethos’—the sentiments, moral nature or guiding
beliefs of persons, groups or institutions. By etho-politics I mean
to characterize ways in which these features of human individual
and collective existence—sentiments, values, beliefs—have come
to provide the ‘medium’ within which the self-government of the
autonomous individual can be connected up with the imperatives
of good government. (Rose, 1999, p. 477)
In the White Paper we can see that questions of integration and citizenship—and,
more specifically the explanation for the 2001 civil disorder in Bradford, Oldham
and Burnley—are being reframed on an ethopolitical terrain. For the integration
of newcomers is posed as a specific kind of problem. It is one where the grossly
unequal distribution of property, income and employment in the UK is de-em-
phasized. Instead, the emphasis is placed on explicitly ethical objects and
variables—a space of values, identities, and communities.
The White Paper is speaking to a sort of citizenship and identity deficit in the
UK. Generally speaking this deficit is manifested, and perhaps in part caused, by
a loss of faith in governmental systems—parliamentary, church, and the admin-
istrative system. In this instance it is a problem of ‘trust’ and ‘faith’ in the
asylum and immigration system. This mistrust is then displaced into relations of
unease and hostility between citizens and immigrants. Hence the reform of the
asylum system, and immigration management more generally, becomes impera-
tive. These systems must be seen to work by the public. Only then will people
‘have the confidence to welcome asylum seekers and migrants’.
Within this ethopolitical conception of citizenship we find questions of trust
are privileged. However, this emphasis on trust is more than just rhetoric.
Instead, it is possible to identify governmental mechanisms through which trust
is to be produced.
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Domopolitics
concerns the social and political practices that challenge the formal definition of
citizenship. He insists there is an irreducible element here—’an autonomous
space of subjective action than can force significant institutional transformations’
(Mezzadra and Neilson, 2003, p. 22). It follows from this that we might see
migratory movements as ‘themselves a practice of citizenship that, over the past
ten years, has placed more pressure on the borders of formal citizenship’ (p. 22).
Through their assertion of what Mezzadra calls a right to flee, a right to move
and to reside elsewhere, migrants can pose a challenge to the formal order of
states and citizenship. A complementary argument is made by Peter Nyers in his
analysis of the possibility of ‘abject cosmopolitanism’ (Nyers, 2003). Drawing
on Bonnie Honig’s work on ‘taking subjectivities’, he observes how the political
struggles of non-status migrants can articulate an expanded view of citizenship
through the way that they interrupt the political order and challenge understand-
ings of who can speak, who can occupy political space.
If migratory movements involve an assertion of subjectivity, a right to flee
oppression whatever its nature, or simply to live otherwise and elsewhere,
domopolitics resists this assertion. It mobilizes images of home, a natural order
of states and people, of us and them, in such a way as to suppress and deny these
subjectivities. It casts the mobilities of survival and the assertion of a right to
settle as ‘illegal’ and ‘dangerous’. Domopolitics is an attempt to contain
citizenship, to uphold a certain statist conception of citizenship in the face of
social forces that are tracing out other cultural and political possibilities. That
Western societies are presently diagramming themselves in terms of domopoli-
tics is not necessarily a sign of the strength of official definitions of citizenship,
but perhaps of their weakness.
Acknowledgements
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the
International Studies Association, Montreal, March 2004. I am grateful to
participants for their comments, and especially to Barry Hindess, Daiva Stasiulis
and Peter Nyers who acted as discussants. I would also like to thank Simon
Dalby, Aaron Doyle, Christina Gabriel, Pat O’Malley and Bo Stråth for discus-
sions and encouragement. Funding was generously provided by Canada’s
SSHRC.
Notes
1. Procacci is quoting Honore Frégier, Des classes dangéreuses dans les grandes villes, Vol. 1 (Paris, J.B.
Baillière, 1840), p. 50.
2. Unless stated, all page numbers are page references to this document.
3. Cassell’s New Latin Dictionary, D.P. Simpson (London, Cassell), pp. 201–2.
4. Simon Dalby (2003) has argued that ‘Homeland Security’ offers a new geographical terminology to
distinguish spaces and forms of security within a much wider imperial arrangement of power.
5. Ó Tuathail emphasizes that we should avoid a simple equation between these new forms of ‘deterritorial-
ized threats’ and the end of modern geopolitics. Instead, they are ‘layered upon a state-centric and
territorially delimited “national security” problematic’ (Ó Tuathail, 1999, p. 19). This is made quite clear
by George W. Bush, who insists that the US will hold responsible those states which host or assist those
agents the US regards as ‘terrorist’.
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6. Procacci explains how, in the context of the politics of poverty, ‘morality’ means something quite specific.
It is not a matter of identifying philanthropists as being ‘pedantic moralists’ gripped by a nostalgia for the
past. Rather, ‘“Morality” signifies a discursive mediation which allows a whole range of technologies to
be brought to bear upon the social as behaviour’ (1991, p. 158). Morality is a discourse that formulates
‘the poor’ as its privileged category, as a series of adversaries who undermine a condition of social order.
It is also a discourse which is remote from the ‘statistical-mathematical’ discourses whose rise, at the end
of the nineteenth century, will allow for the disaggregation of the poor, and the reformulation of the social
question in terms of abstract categories like unemployment and income.
7. ‘The Government … is … committed to ensuring that those who have been involved in the commission of
war crimes and crimes against humanity are not able to abuse the hospitality of the UK’ (p. 19).
8. Elsewhere I have argued that the strategy of European integration associated with Jean Monnet is precisely
this (Walters, 2004). To the European space of interstate relations, a space characterized by geopolitical
conflict, it applies a technology of planning and modernization that had hitherto featured only ‘within’
states. That is, it seeks to bring security to ‘Europe’ by constituting it as the site of a planned economy.
Here interstate rivalries and insecurities can be sublimated in a game of mutual cooperation towards goals
of economic productivity and growth. If the welfare state ‘dedramatized’ (Donzelot) the war of classes,
perhaps we can say the common market dedramatizes a space that was previously governed as a
intra-European balance of power.
9. ‘An environmental and anti-imperialist analysis refuses to be silent on the role of rich nations in creating
the conflict from which people flee, and points out the significance of (European and) British colonialism
in creating contemporary patterns of migration to places people identify as the mother country or speak
the language of. Economic conditions often result from the political decisions taken by Western
governments, the World Bank and the IMF’ (Alldred, 2003, p. 153).
10. There is much we might learn by exploring the resonances and dissonances associated with the
contemporary treatment of asylum-seekers and historical responses to the mobile poor. On this note see,
inter alia, Bhutta (2001); Lucassen and Lucassen (1997); Seabrook (2003); and Sassen (1999).
11. This paragraph draws on my previous work; see Walters (2002, pp. 571–2).
12. Although movement across borders within Europe may have been only lightly controlled by states,
population movements within empires was, perhaps, a different matter. In the words of Talleyrand,
Napoleon’s foreign minister, empire is ‘the art of putting men in their place’. As the example of the
transportation in the 1840s of indentured Indian servants to British imperial possessions like Mauritius and
Natal suggests, modern empires invented numerous methods to regulate the movement of their subjects
(Pagden, 2003, pp. xxiii–xxiv; see also Tinker, 1974).
13. However, see the growing literature on the ‘externalization’ of EU controls. This examines the dynamics
by which so-called ‘applicant’ countries adopt EU type border controls in order to prove their fitness for
membership in its club (Grabbe, 2000; Lavenex and Uçarer, 2003).
14. I am grateful to Peter Nyers for pointing me towards these further implications of the antiviral metaphor.
15. Some other recent and noteworthy attempts to open up conventional understandings of citizenship include
Isin (2002) and Hindess (2000).
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