THE ROUND TABLE

2018, VOL. 107, NO. 6, 819–820

https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2018.1546924

OPINION

Challenges and Opportunities Facing Civil Society

Organisations in the New Malaysia
Thomas Fann
Electoral Reform Activist, Malaysia

The political mega-quake that hit Malaysia on 9 May and which ended the 61-year rule
of the dominant National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN) coalition was a scenario many
in civil society were unprepared for.
In the decades of struggle against the hegemonic BN, where many civil society
organisations (CSOs) and the opposition shared the same causes, the line between the
two were often blurred. Many CSOs were labelled and perceived as pro-opposition
entities, and many of their leaders joined the opposition parties and some even ran for
office.
The political landscape in Malaysia took on a new hue, as the new Alliance of Hope
(Pakatan Harapan, PH) government now has a comfortable majority of 126 in the 222-
member parliament. PH also controls eight out of Malaysia’s 13 state governments.
Not only was the transition of power unexpectedly peaceful, but also the new
opposition is in disarray. The new main opposition, BN, is both discredited and
weakened with the exodus of component parties and lawmakers.
A month after the election, BN’s state chapter in Sarawak pulled out to become
the Sarawak Parties Alliance (Gabungan Parti Sarawak). The Pan-Malaysian Islamic
Party (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia, PAS) remains a standalone party in the opposition.
Notwithstanding the changed political landscape, the new government is haunted by
the toxic legacy of decades-old ethno-religious politics.
Post-election criticisms of Malay rulers by some PH figures and the appointment of
non-Malays to the key positions of finance minister, attorney-general and chief justice
were used to fan up fear that the ethnic majority Malays would lose their preferential
position under PH.
The PH manifesto’s promise to recognise the Unified Examination Certificate,
a standardised examination for Chinese-medium community-run high schools in
Malaysia, has also been twisted into a challenge to national unity and to the status of
Malay as the national language.
With a friendlier government, a weakened opposition and toxic identity politics,
CSOs must recalibrate their focus to remain relevant and effective in pushing their own
agendas. While they lose activists to recruitment by the new government, CSOs also get
opportunities to build on what they have achieved so far.
The PH’s manifesto made numerous references to empowering and engaging CSOs
in the law-making and policy-forming process. It even promised to appoint

CONTACT Thomas.fann@gmail.com
© 2018 The Round Table Ltd
820 T. FANN

representatives from civil society to be commissioners in the Malaysian Anti-

Corruption Commission and in the Election Commission.
CSOs must hold the PH government accountable not only to these CSOs-related
promises, but also to all 60 promises in the coalition’s manifesto. Monitoring the
fulfilment of the manifesto is not a mere fault-finding exercise. Unfulfilled or broken
promises will erode the integrity of the new government very quickly.
CSOs need to position themselves as credible and constructive critics to keep the PH
government in check. They can also play the role of being a bridge between the new
government and the citizens. After decades of having to deal with a largely unrespon-
sive government, many ordinary citizens have very high and sometimes unrealistic
expectations of the new government. PH’s delays in fulfilling such expectations,
whether due to inexperience in government or in having to deal with legacy obstacles,
can quickly turn hope into despair and from despair into anger.
Grassroot CSOs or individuals could take ownership of their communities and
organise themselves into problem-solving groups to engage with their elected repre-
sentatives and municipal councillors. They could gather feedback from the people,
categorise the issues and propose solutions to their elected or appointed representatives,
thus acting as community brokers. In the event of communal conflicts or tensions,
CSOs can play the role of peacemakers by bringing the groups together to foster greater
understanding, trust and respect.
With a more open media environment, CSOs should also seize the opportunity to
undertake public education on key public interest issues such as democracy, human
rights, social inclusion and sustainable development.
The idiom ‘make hay while the sun shines’ is true for CSOs during this period of
openness and access to governments at the federal, state and local levels. The important
roles that CSOs play in society must be recognised and formalised. Resource persons
and experts in civil society can be consulted or drawn on board by governments
through avenues such as legislative caucuses, committees and task forces.
CSOs must cease to be viewed as vehicles or incubators controlled by their friendly
political parties. Instead, they should position themselves as an independent, construc-
tive and proactive positive force in nation building. And there is no better time than
now for CSOs and all stakeholders to come together and build a truly just, harmonious
and prosperous New Malaysia for all.
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