A comparative and critical analysis of the 1956, 1962, 1973 and 1985 Constitutions

of Pakistan

1. 18th amendment of constitution enhance the autonomy of provinces KPPMS 2013 (Done)

2. Problems presently being faced to the federation of Pakistan. KPPMS 2018 (Done)

3. Make a comparative analysis of the Constitution of 1956 and amended Constitution of Pakistan
1973? CSS 2020 (Done)

4. What factors contributed to the delay of constitution making process in the early years of Pakistan?
Discuss in detail. CSS 2019(Done)

5. What are the major obstacles to the process of national integration in contemporary Pakistan?
Suggest remedies for success of the process. CSS 2019 (Done)

6. Discuss the Major issues during the constitutional making process in Pakistan in 1956, 1962 and
1973. CSS 2017

7. Islamic Provisions of 1973 Constitution of Pakistan CSS 2015 (Done)

8. Reasons for the failure of 1956 Constitution. CSS 2015 (Done)

9. Compare and critically examine the following under 1956, 1962 and 1973 (Reinstated in 1985 with
amendments) constitutions of Pakistan: (20)

(i) Delegation of Power (ii) No seats in Provincial Assemblies

(iii) Basic Rights (iv) Mode of Elections

(v) National Languag

CSS 2009

10. Give comparative analysis of the Islamic provisions of 1956, 1962 and 1973 Constitutions of
Pakistan. CSS 2013 (Done)

11. Make a survey of the role of Judiciary in Pakistan as the Guardian of the Constitution . CSS 2008

12. Write down variables by which political culture has not developed in Pakistan. CSS 2004

13. Ayub Khan’s 1962 constitution was highly centralized and therefore ultimately responsible for
creating political turmoil in the country. Discuss. CSS 2003

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1. Give comparative analysis of the Islamic provisions of 1956, 1962 and 1973 Constitutions of
Pakistan. CSS 2013

General Comparison of Constitutions of 1956, 1962, 1973

https://pakistanstudies.pk/2020/06/04/presentation-on-comparison-of-constitutions-of-pakistan-1956-
1962-and-1973/

Islamic Provisions Comparisons

The Constitution of 1956 included the following Islamic Provisions:

a) According to the Constitution of 1956, the country was named as “Islamic Republic Of Pakistan.”

b) The Objective Resolution was made a part of it which declared that Sovereignty of the universe
belonged to Almighty Allah.

c) According to Article 32, the President of Pakistan would be a Muslim and of 40 years of age.

d) Article 18, provided that the all citizens would be free to profess and practice their religion.

e) The constitution put a ban on liquor, gambling and prostitution.

f) According to Article 198, no un-Islamic law would be enacted in Pakistan.

g) The constitution provided for brotherly relations with Muslim countries.

h) The constitution included a provision for the establishment of an Islamic Research Institute.

i) It also provided for setting up an Islamic Advisory Council.

Islamic Provisions of 1962 Constitution of Pakistan

The Islamic provisions of the 1962 constitution are as follows

Islamic Preamble

It retained the Islamic Preamble of the 1956 constitution with some modifications.

Islamic Republic of Pakistan

In this constitution word the Islam was eliminated from Islamic Republic of Pakistan afterward it was
restored with first amendment.

No Un-Islamic Law
It was clearly stated that laws which are unacceptable to teaching Holy Quran and Sunnah will not
ordained.It was the duty of legislature to decide that legislation enforcing is violating the rules of Holly
Quran & Sunnah or not.

A Muslim Head of State

The Head of State would be a Muslim who should maintain unity and friendly relations among the
Muslim states.

Advisory Council of Islamic Ideology

The constitution recommend for the foundation is Council of Islamic Ideology. The basic aim of this
advisory council was to encourage Muslims of the country to stick their life to the principles of Islam
(Quran and Sunnah). This council will report to the Central Government.

Islamic Research institution

Pakistan constitution of 1962 provided for the establishment of Islamic Research Institution, Its functions
were:

to initiate a research on contribution of Islam in the fields of science, philosophy and culture

to make necessary actions to encourage research in Islamic history, philosophy, law, jurisprudence etc.

ISLAMIC PROVISIONS OF 1973 CONSTITUTION

The following are the Islamic provisions of 1973 constitution based on the principles of Holy Quran and
Sunnah.

1.Islamic Republic of Pakistan

Pakistan shall be known as "Islamic Republic of Pakistan".

2.State Religion

Islam shall be the state religion of Pakistan.

3.Sovereignty Belongs to Allah

Sovereignty over the entire Universe belongs to Almighty Allah and the authority bestowed by him on
men is a sacred trust which the people of Pakistan will exercise with the limits prescribed by Quran and
Sunnah.

4.Definition of a Muslim

The constitution also gives the definition of a Muslim.A person who believes in Tauheed or Oneness of
Allah,and in the prophet hood of Hazrat Mohammad (P.B.U.H) as the last prophet of Allah has described
as aMuslim.

5.A Muslim to be a President and Prime Minister

The constitution laid down that only Muslims shall be elected president and Prime Minister of
Pakistan.Non non-Muslim could hold these offices.

6.Islamic way of life

Steps shall be given to enable the Muslims of Pakistan to order their lives in accordance with the
fundamental principles and basic concepts of Islam.

7.Promotion of Social Justice and Eradication of Social Evils

The State shall take necessary steps for prosecution of social justice and eradication of social evils and
shall prevent prostitution,gambling and taking of injurious drugs,printing,publication,circulation and
display of obscene literature and advertisements.

8.Teachings of Holy Quran

The state shall try to make the teachings of Holy Quran and Islamiat compulsory to encourage and
facilitate the learning of Arabic language.

9.Strengthing Bond,with Muslim World

The state shall endeavour to strengthen fraternal relations among Muslim countries in order to promote
Islamic unity.

10.Council of Islamic Ideology

There is a councel of Islamic Ideology which shall guide the government in respect of Islamic
teachings,their implementation and propagation.Its chairman and members are appointed by
President.Although its advice is not binding on the government yet it is not easy for any government to
ignore or over rule its suggestion or opinion regarding any law.

11.Error Free Publication of Quran

The government shall endeavour to secure correct and exact printing and publishing of the Holy Quran.

12.Oath to Project and Promote Islamic Ideology

The federal and Provincial Ministers,the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the National and Provincial
Assemblies,the chairman of the Senate and the Governors and Chief Ministers of the Provinces also take
oath to preserve and protect the Islamic Ideology.

13.Ahmadi's A Non Muslim Minority

According to the second amendment of 1973 constitution,the Qadiani group or the Lahori group who
call themselves "Ahmadi's " were declared as Non-Muslim minority.

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2. What factors contributed to the delay of constitution making process in the early years of Pakistan?
Discuss in detail.

https://contentgenerate.com/reasons-for-delay-in-the-constitution-making-of-pakistan/

· The Islamic or Secular State

From the very beginning of Pakistan Movement there was an agreement that the state will seek
constitution to encourage Islamic ideology. There was pressure from the righteous parties over
government. The Constituent Assembly took time to define the precise relationship between the state
and Islam.

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3. Reasons for the failure of 1956 Constitution

1. One Unit:

In Pakistan, one unit was established for the convenience of governance. All the Provinces of West
Pakistan were joined together and made into one unit.

It was thought that it would eliminate the prejudices among Pakistanis but it proved to be a failure and it
also led to the failure of the 1956 constitution.

There were demonstrations in various parts of the country demanding one unit abolition. At last, the
government had to surrender before the demand, and the one unit was abolished in 1957.

2. Electorate Issue:

Another cause for the failure of the 1956 Constitution was the Electoral issue. There was a deadlock on
the determination of the electoral system in the country.

Awami League, the Republican party, NAP favored a joint electorate system while on the other hand
parties like Muslim League, Nizam-e-Islam party demanded a separate electorate system.

There was also a demand that in East Pakistan there should be a joint electorate system and in West
Pakistan, there should be a separate electorate system.

This electorate issue played havoc with the political system in the country and as a result, the 1956
constitution was abrogated and the Martial law was enforced in the country.
3. Unicameralism:

The 1956 constitution introduced a unicameral legislature. In other words, there was only one house
which was the Upper house.

For the success of the Federation, it is necessary that there should be two houses in the Parliament but
the framers of the 1956 constitution envisaged unicameralism for the country for which there was no
example in developed countries.

This unicameralism also created a lot of problems for Pakistan and the result was quite obvious. Martial
law was imposed in the country.

4. Lack of Proper Election:

People were demanding general elections which were promised by the president. But the ruler of the
state never fulfilled their promises which irritated people who started to demand immediate elections.
This non-fulfillment of promises also led to the failure of the 1956 constitution.

5. Misuse of Power:

The President who was given wide powers under the 1956 constitution misused those powers which
were given to him by the constitution. President behaved like a kingmaker. This misuse of powers was
one of the causes of the failure of the 1956 constitution.

6. Undue Interference by Head of State:

The head of state interfered unduly in the affairs of the country. Swift political changes in the country led
to the demand for a new constitution.

The head of the state played a very negative role. He adopted different Strategies for the dismissal of the
ministers from their offices. This undue interference on the part of the head of the state created a
situation in which a new constitution had to be introduced.

7. Greed for Power:

Governor-general Ghulam Muhammad and Prime Minister Nizamuddin were trying to have an upper
hand over the other and they were trying to curtail the power of the other. This greed for power led the
people to distrust their rulers and that was a very strong cause for the failure of the 1956 constitution.

8. Role of Army and Bureaucracy:

A country can not become a developed country unless and until it completes its Democratic process.
Unfortunately, there is only one people’s government which completed its five years.

The Other governments could not complete their period because of either leg-pulling by the politicians
or the intervention of the army which played Havoc with the democratic process. Bureaucracy played an
important role in the failure of the 1956 constitution
9. Lack of Education:

A country can become developed only when its people are well educated and it has a high literacy rate.
Unfortunately, the people were not well educated and the people were easily influenced by the
demagogues. This lack of education also led to the failure of the 1956 constitution.

10. Economic Crisis in the Country:

The economic crisis in the country damaged the image of Pakistan in the world. People were fed up with
this economic crisis in the country.

11. Weak Political Parties

In those days there were no organized and disciplined political parties. All were very weak and were
facing many sanctions. No party had absolute majority to form government.

Political parties were made and dissolved within a night. There was no rule of floor crossing.

12. Non-effective Role of Political Parties

Working of democratic systems depends upon the mechanism of party politics. Political parties
represent the public opinion but those days role of political parties was not effective.

Political parties were not educating and making opinion of public.

13. Socio-Economic Contradictions

After Feroz Khan Noon became PM, inflation went on its peak due to hoarding. This resulted in unfair
distribution of wealth. Rich was getting richer and poor was getting poorer.

So, we can say that socio-economic contradictions also played a role in failure of this constitution.

14. Lack of Political Training

There was lack of political training in the country. Many political parties made without any political goal.
Their fight against another for gain power. So, under these circumstances, development of parliamentary
system under this constitution failed.

15. Non Existence of Economic Equality

Non existence of economic equality in the country was a cause of failure of constitution. Constitution of
1956 described some principles for economic development of country, yet nepotism and feudalism
checked the constitution from implementing those principles. Finally, parliamentary system under this
constitution failed.

Conclusion

To conclude, it can be stated that constitutional history of Pakistan reveals that there has been a political
conflict between head of state and head of government, and such political conflict thas ofthen led the
country to political anarchy. And constitutions of Pakistan have either abrogated or suspended in such
political anarchy. As far as constitution of 1956 was concerned, it consisted of some positive
characteristics, but such political anarchy caused not only its abrogation, but also failure of its
parliamentary system.

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4. Problems presently being faced to the federation of Pakistan

Federalism is adopted to organize and administer relationship between federating units and the center. It
is a device to harmonize the sentiments of autonomy without affecting the unity of the state. National
affairs are managed by the center while local interests are administered by the provincial government.

Pakistan has inherited federal form of government from the colonial rule. Government of India Act 1935
provided for the establishment of federation. After independence on 14th August, 1947, the said Act was
adopted under Indian Independence Act 1947 as an interim constitution. Thus, politico-governance
system started with federal form of government. The constitution 1973 also provides for the
establishment of federation in the country. Currently, it is confronting with a few challenges.

The main features of the federal form of government may be written constitution, distribution of powers
between all tiers of a government with constitutional safeguards, protection of fundamental rights,
sovereignty of amending a constitution, rigid or flexible, bicameral legislature, supremacy of judiciary
subject to constitutional powers, separation of powers with checks and balances, equality among the
federating units and above all the supremacy of a constitution. 1973 constitution embodies all above
features. Thus, the federal form of government was introduced in Pakistan.

1. Ethnic Politics

There is hardly any state in the world, which is not ethnically plural. Pakistan is also no exception in this
regard. In fact, the majoritarian idea system both under democracy and military regimes caused ethno-
national mobilization and increased demographic tensions.

Ethnic entity is a positive thing but when it develops on the basis of hatred and for serving interest of a
group it becomes dangerous. Political parties play important role in parliamentary or presidential form of
government. Without them concept of election is not possible. They are bound to base on particular
ideology not prejudicial to national interest and public interest and work for the betterment of a state.
But when political party gets roots on ethnic basis having elements of hatred or is given image of ethnic
party then it may not play its due role in the political process of a country. It may affect unity of a country
and weaken a federation.

Inter–ethnic group conflicts in Pakistan have destabilized the political system and undermine foundations
of the state. The inter-tribal conflict in the tribal areas, the Sindhi, and non-Sindhi violent conflicts, Shia-
Sunni cruel and regressive activities have become a norm of Pakistani society

2. Overlapping Authority of Central Government

In federal form of government, constitution establishes, at least dual government ie Central Government
and government of federating units. The subjects are distributed through legislative lists between them.
1973 constitution provided federal legislative list, provincial legislative list and concurrent legislative list.
The Eighteenth amendment has done away the concurrent legislative list and the subjects mentioned in
it have been inserted in either of rest of the two lists. The constitution provides guarantee that one tier
of the government will not overlap the authority of other. The federating units of Pakistan particularly
small ones have complained against the central government in this regard. Consequently, it has created
sense of deprivation amongst them which needs to be removed in the interest of the federation.

3. Row Between Different TIers of Government

The federating units are complaining to the centre of not delegating powers in accordance with the
eighteenth amendment. The institutions of local government are complaining against provincial
governments of not entrusting powers which they need for their efficient functioning and ensuring
service delivery. Such type of row between different tiers of government may create hindrances in
nourishment and successful working of federation and democracy. The constitution has provided forums
to discuss matters which need to be resolved. If this constitutional framework is used, better
understanding may replace mistrust. It will ultimately strengthen the federation and constitutional
institutions may perform more efficiently.

4. Heridatary Form of Political Leadership

Heredity form of political leadership is also one of the challenges of federation in Pakistan. According to
the law, each political party, desirous of contesting elections, have to hold Intraparty elections in
accordance with the constitution of Pakistan, provisions of the Political Party Order 2002 and the rules
made there under. Intraparty elections are held in such a way that heredity leadership has got birth in
political parties except few. This trend stands unfavorable to the federation and the process of
democracy. It has decreased the chances of promoting democratic norms in political party. A political
party having no inner democratic framework may not play role for the promotion of democracy in the
country which is expected from it in a democratic country.

5. Religious Militancy and Intolerance

The crucial challenge for the federalism of Pakistan today is militant extremism which has left the society
terrorized due to consistent suicide attacks and target killings. Earlier Taliban and local militant groups
since 2001, that were responsible for such intolerance were mostly based in the tribal belt but now have
spread to the settled areas of Pakistan. Various sectarian groups have now also become a part of their
network and have led to acts of violence and terrorism. International agencies like Raw and Mosad in
disguise are also playing a crucial role in fueling extremism in the society. Undoubtedly the current
situation has challenged the sovereignty of state’s federalism with so many groups, organizations joining
hands in terrorist activities.

6. Linguistic Crises and Challenges

Pakistan has been and is still rich in lingual diversity. Even today, it has more than six major and about
fifty-nine small languages. This should provide the state a reliable source of cultural strength with unity,
while federation of Pakistan never treated this diversity to increase social capital nor tried to back up
national integration. The language controversy in which different organs of the state of West Pakistan
tried to make Urdu a vehicular language of Pakistan, invited strong reaction from Awami League of East
Pakistan who wanted to make Bengali a provincial language. Since the state favors English and Urdu,
regardless of whatever happened in the past, the languages of the government, corporate sector, media,
education etc, are English and Urdu. However, this issue has also divided the society in lower, middle and
upper classes e.g. “English as the language of the dominants/upper and uppermiddle class” and the rest
taken as marker of lower status. In the current situation, it appears that the Sindhis, the Pashtuns and
the Baloch have resisted elimination of their languages while the Punjabi middle class has completely
succumbed to the dominant English and Urdu oriented culture. Baluch and Saraiki on the other hand
demand their separate province and to make their languages official as well. However, the question
arises is whether we are willfully or unknowingly “slaughtering” our aboriginal languages. We should
treat this diversity of languages as cultural assets instead of liabilities.

7. Issue of Water Distribution

Another communal problem pertains to the river water resources. Sindh is thelower occupant of the
River Indus and its entire tributary, thus inheritedinalienable rights by virtue of international law. The
province of Sindh alongwith Baluchistan has been opposing constructing dams and barrages as
theycomplain that the province does not get their right share of river waterbecause of over use by rest
of the provinces. They also claim that theseprovinces divert water without the consent of the lower
riparian areas. As a matter of rights, equitable distribution of irrigation water among all provinces should
be instituted. Presently, the biggest issue on debate is that Punjab forcibly appropriates a major and
disproportionate share. This dispute is a persistence danger for the federation and a major source of
conflict among the provinces to build new dams, which should be resolved through federal principles
and international laws regarding water sharing.
7. Political and Social Exclusion

So far, Pakistan has neither proved to be a federal state in a true sense. There is a large gap between how
the bureaucrats and elite see the country and how common man of remote areas sees and feels the
country. Elections do held in Pakistan but true freedoms that are part and parcel of democracy continue
to remain absent. The bureaucracy though it be the military or civil, along with the elite class feels that it
is they who know how run the affairs of the state and that they have every right to rule. Access to
political andeconomic power now remains the privilege of the urban upper-middle class.Society,
ethnicity, and religion also continue to serve as instruments of marginalization, from which depleted
economic strength of religious and ethnic minorities as well as the lower-ranked hereditary occupational
groups suffer.This exclusion creates grievances that provoke people to violence. This is clearly the case in
Pakistan, where exclusion is determined on the basis of regional, ethnic, sectarian, and class identities.
For example, in Balochistan and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), grievances about
regional exclusion are a major driver of insurgency and rebellion. Similarly, exclusion based on ethnicity
and religion fuels violence in Karachi, Southern Punjab, Hazara and Gilgit Baltistan.

Access to political and economic power remains overwhelmingly the prerogative of the urban upper-
middle classes of the larger provinces. Class, ethnicity, and religion also continue to serve as instruments
of marginalization, evidenced partly by the depleted economic strength of religious and ethnic
minorities, as well as by the lower-ranked hereditary occupational groups.

9. Unequal Benefits of Citizenship

Few benefits of citizenship accrue to the residents of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA),
Provincially Administered Tribal Areas (PATA), Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK), Gilgit-Baltistan (GB),
Balochistan, parts of south Punjab, and areas where non-Muslim communities have settled. Such
postcolonial subjects continue to maintain only the most fragile association with formal citizenship, and
interact with a state that sustains itself by violating its own regulations. This is apparent, in the case of
the remote citizenry, brought out by the near-complete unavailability of basic state services in areas like
FATA, GB and other such areas. Prominent is the perpetuation of violence, together with discriminatory
legislation against religious minority groups (such as the 2nd Amendment and the blasphemy laws that
are consistently abused and exploited as an instrument of marginalization).

Conclusion and recommendations

It is distressing to note that even after sixty seven years of independence;Pakistan continues to struggle
with the same problems of federalism as it wasat the time of independence. Federalism endeavors to
create a political unioncomprising various regions and people on the basis of a mutually
agreedconstitutional structure. It grows over time if its institutions have the desire towork together in
democratic arrangements, for promotion of constitutionalismand socio-economic equity. It
accommodates different regional, ethnic, and linguistic identities and interests in a political union and
Pakistan wasestablished as a federal sovereign state in August 1947 on the same rational theories.
However, despite of broad consensus on the need of creating a federal system, Pakistan faced serious
problems in developing a working federal system which could ensure unity to promote harmony among
different political Units.

Recommendations

Thus the Federation needs a new social contract between the State and Provinces. The Constitution will
work as asocial contract among the people and constituent federating units of Pakistan only if;

• 18th Constitutional Amendment is fully implemented in letter and spirit.

• The military would have no role in politics and public life. The size of armed forces should be reduced
and these should have equal representation from all the provinces.

• .All the indigenous languages of Pakistan - Punjabi, Sindhi, Pushto, Balochi, Siraiki, Hindko and others -
would be given the status of national languages, while Urdu and English should remain the official
languages of inter-provincial communication. However, Provincial governments should be able
implement education and language policies according to their own preferences.

• Major recommendations are needed for promotion of cooperative federation in the country, to respect
the spirit of federal parliamentary democratic system for the supremacy of the constitutional
requirements inorder to run the governmental affairs through participation of all the federating units in
the decision making policies related to foreign and internal issues.

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5. What are the major obstacles to the process of national integration in contemporary Pakistan?
Suggest remedies for success of the process.

Obstacles to the Process of National Integration in Pakistan

1. Dysfunctional Education System of the Country

The failure of national integration in creating Pakistani man and woman has much to do with
dysfunctional educational system of the country which is unable to provide equal opportunities to
children to seek basic quality education. In the absence of a uniform educational system, particularly in
terms of curricula and mode of education, one cannot expect the youths of Pakistan, who are around 50
per cent of the population, to seek attachment with the land, values, culture, history and other
characteristics of the country. It should be state’s responsibility to provide free, compulsory and quality
education to all the citizens of Pakistan till high school regardless of their class, language, sect, religion
and place of origin.
2. Language Issue

In case of Pakistan, the situation is perplexed and rather challenging because it was created as a state
like Israel on religious grounds. While Jews from all over the world reached their new homeland along
with different cultures and became a majority in a land which was earlier called as Palestine, in case of
Pakistan, those who had migrated from India with a common language Urdu were a minority as local
people living in a new state already had their established languages and cultures. Therefore, for national
integration, whether in case of the United States or India, language was not a major issue as English and
Hindi, which were the languages of dominant groups in the two countries were adopted. In case of
Pakistan, Urdu was declared as a national language despite the fact that it was not the mother tongue of
the majority and was considered only as a lingua franca. As a result, conflict over national language
emerged in the formative phase of Pakistan when Urdu was rather imposed on the then East Pakistan.
Although, in 1956, Bengali was given the status of a national language along with Urdu, the damage was
done and Bengali nationalism became a major force culminating into the disintegration of Pakistan in
December 1971. The post-1971 Pakistan failed to learn lessons from the trauma of separation as
language riots in Sindh broke out when Sindhi was declared as a language of the province by the Sindh
Assembly in July 1972. Urdu is a mode of communication and is the language of the provinces of
Balochistan, KPK and Punjab yet, it is not the mother tongue of 90 per cent of the people of Pakistan.

3. Intolerance and Unacceptance of Each Other

It is not only language which matters as far as national integration is concerned but tolerance and
acceptance of each other regardless of variation in culture, class and religion also matters. Biases on
ethnic, cultural, lingual, religious or sectarian grounds can never lead to political or economic stability.
Pakistan’s predicament is prejudices and intolerance on the basis of language, place of origin and sect
still persists. For instance, in a TV channel interview, prominent nuclear scientist and the father of
Pakistan’s atomic bomb Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan bluntly talked of the alleged prejudices he had faced.
When people start identifying themselves with their language, culture, religion and sect and not with the
country, one cannot expect national integration to take place. When lingual and ethnic consideration
undermines merit in appointments and promotions, that country can never emerge as a unified nation.

4. Distribution of Natural Resources

Distribution of natural resources among the provinces is a dilemma of the national integration.
Balochistan is province having natural gas, gold, copper, oil, and chromites. Although having the rice
natural resources, the Balochies experience the uneven distribution due to lack of interest in province.
No provision of Govt. post and technical education, deprivation in every walk of life, none contribution in
Govt. strategies etc. Although, the central body always stated that the fiscal and administrative issues
has been resolved in Balochistan, in form of “Aghaz-e-Haqooq-e- Balochistan, 18th amendment and
National Finance Commission (NFC) Award”, this have been unproductive or not in favor of Balochistan.
Presently, progressive question about the structured of “Gawdar Port” being key transport centre with
Dubai. This plan have been launched 2001 or applied by Chinese Government. Moreover, the Balochies
completely neglected from this plan. Having natural resources, Balochistan is Centre of “Pakistan, Iran
and India Gas Pipeline”, it become time to time by balochi armed forces showing their disparity with
Government.

5. Regional Identities

Growing inclination towards regional identities instead of united Pakistan was another challenge.
Pushtonistan in erstwhile Frontier Province, Sindhu Desh in Sindh Province and several sub-nationalist
groups were operating in Balochistan. All such elements were supported by India, Afghanistan and other
international agencies with the aim of keeping Pakistan in perpetual state of destabilization. While
Pushtonistan and Sindhu Desh issues have been handled pragmatically by each successive government in
Pakistan, however, sporadic incidents of attacks on innocent civilian and government installations in
Balochistan are still going on at a low scale. While several political initiatives by the governments are
appreciable, however, more efforts are required to take the reconciliation process to a logical conclusion

6. Sectarianism and Extremism

The underlying issue in Pakistan has been delegation of religious interpretation to madrassa trained
clergy, which provided them the exclusivity and monopoly over religious issues. Matters worsened in
post Afghan Jihad scenario, when due to indulgence of external players the religiously divisive forces
thrived. Over a period of time, sectarianism has evolved as the most intricate challenge to Pakistan’s
security and stability. Seeds of conflict were sown when various religious denominations gave divergent
interpretations of Islam and insisted on the sole validity of their respective understanding of faith.
Instead of serving as a unifying force such myopic religious discourse has acted as a constituent of
division and disharmony in Pakistani society . Religion itself is not dogmatic and antiinnovation, however,
discerning interpretations and extremist tendencies in individual behavior sharpened due to the West’s
attempt to brand Islam and post 9/11 interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. Subsequent developments
resulted in promoting extremism, militancy, terrorism and hatred within Pakistan further complicating
the integration process

7. International Dimensions

India has consistently sought to fan separatist tendencies and overt support to secessionist elements in
Pakistan. The capture of Kalboshan from Balochistan and asylum request by Baramdagh Bugti and
Harbiyar Murri for stay in India are testimony to Indian involvement in fueling sub nationalist
propensities in Pakistan. The ongoing sectarian fissures in Islamic World is also casting negative
aberrations affecting Pakistan’s religious harmony. Moreover, delicate balancing between international
alliances and sectarian management within the country is the need of time, which warrants extra
ordinary pragmatism in management of this religiously sensitive and politically explosive environment.

8. Socio –Cultural Dimensions

Pakistan’s national integration predicament has to take into account both macro and micro level politico-
economic and social dimensions, which are disproportionate and unevenly distributed. Disparity
between rich and poor, misuse of power, lawlessness, selective application of law and multiplicity of
administrative mechanisms such as in FATA, PATA, FRs and Cat B Areas in Balochistan are breeding a
culture of negativism in Pakistan. Heterogeneity in social, cultural and ethnic outlook are the main
attributes of society in Pakistan. Ethnic divide in Pakistan has grown due to nonacceptance of cultural
and linguistic heterogeneity, power struggle between dominant and non-dominant groups and
problematic relations between center and provinces are major areas of concern. Moreover, Pakistani
social life is further fragmented around family and kin. In certain traditional aspects, kinship forms the
fundamental source of identity especially in remote regions across all the federating units in Pakistan,
resulting in relegating the primacy of national interests.

9. Governance and Economic Development

Weak governance in Pakistan is reflected in precarious law and order situation, social deficit, lack of
equal opportunities for progress, development and disillusionment among the people.10 The situation
has become even serious due to ongoing incidents of terrorism, though controlled to a large extent, yet
sneaking opportunities are exploited by terrorists, which have affected the fabrics of society and have
repeatedly generated heated media debates pointing fingers on the efficacy of security arrangements
thus adding to frustration in the society. Delayed justice, inefficient institutions, rampant corruption and
lack of accountability are some of the major contributory factors to the overall prevalent demoralization
in the society creating breeding grounds for religious schisms and space for provincial and ethnic
sentiments affecting the harmony and integration. Additionally, imbalanced provision of resources,
uneven infrastructural and industrial developments and lack of employment opportunities. All this
resulted in uneven development, disparity in economic well-being of people and the created space was
exploited by subnationalists sponsored by their foreign abettors. At the same time failure to address
water distribution and energy resources coupled with demands for the right to royalty has further
exacerbated the prosperity an integration of the country. Moreover, the disproportionate growth in
population vis-à-vis national resources has unfavourable effects for economic development and gives rise
to a number of social ills. The lack of development especially in Balochistan and Tribal Areas, which are
the poorest regions with under-developed infrastructure and lack of economic opportunities, therefore,
poverty levels are highest in these areas. Thus lackadaisical approach by successive governments has
generated alienation among the population and triggered militancy with serious consequences and
repercussions affecting national integration.

10. Ideological Identity

After 68 years of independence, voices are still resounding that revolve around political and ideological
construct of the State and the role that Islam has to play in it. As per Stephen P Cohen, “The most
significant struggle in Pakistan is not a civilizational clash between Muslims and non-Muslims but a
clatter between diverse conceptions and interpretations of Islam, predominantly how Pakistan should
implement Islamic identity in State’s outlook”. Unfortunately, the historical precedence empirically
proves that Islamic ideology as founding father’s vision, socialism during era of 1970s, Islamization
during 1980s and moderate Islam during years 1999 onwards have kept us debating on the very
fundamentals of our identity. As a result the policy makers remained embroiled in the issues which have
become very sensitive, heatedly debated and have made the society intolerant, while distracting from
other core issues affecting socio –economic prosperity and development. However Pakistan’s ideology
remains firmly rooted in its Islamic identity, such debates have invariably cast negativity and have been a
sources of persistent friction in the society and have kept the nation divided along religious-ethnic lines.

Way Forward

1. Ensuring Parliamentary Democracy:

A renowned columnist, Bakhtawar Bilal Sufi, writes in his article “Why Presidential?” that Pakistan is a
divided country. People from diverse backgrounds and different sub-national identities live here. Politics
in the country is also divided along ethno-linguistic lines. It is perceived that the torch-bearers of the
Sindhis is the PPP, for the Pakhtuns it is the ANP, for Punjab the PML-N and for Mohajirs the MQM. There
is no single national party. Under these conditions, the only system that will allow all these sub-national
groups to have say in the political process is a parliamentary form of government. Even presidential
democracy will fail to merge people under a single identity because it will enable only one group to
enjoy the maximum power. Thus, Parliamentary democracy is the best form of government for a country
like Pakistan to ensure the residents, belonging to diverse groups, are kept united under a single flag.

2. Timely distribution of finances to the provinces by the federal government under NFC award:

The federal government, each year, distributes finance to the provinces under National Finance
Commission (NFC) award. The 7th NFC award was agreed on 2010 for the period of 5 years. It expired in
2015, but has been extended every year since no progress has so far been made on a new award.
According to the 7th NFC award, the provinces get 57.5 per cent of the federal divisible pool. The
provincial share is distributed on the basis of multiple criteria with population having 82pc weight,
poverty and backwardness 10.3pc, inverse population density or area 2.7pc and revenue collection and
generation 5pc. Previously, it was distributed solely on the basis of population. After the introduction of
18th amendment, provinces require full and timely payment by the federal government to function
smoothly as more responsibilities and ministries are transferred from the Federal to the provincial
governments under the said amendment. Any delay or deduction in a payment may increase gulf
between the particular sub-national groups towards the people holding the rein of the federal
government. Hence, the timely and full payment of finance to the provinces under the NFC award play a
very important role in uniting the people of diverse backgrounds under a single identity.

3. Balance development in the provinces by equitable distribution of CPEC projects:

Balance development refers to the uniform distribution of projects in all the provinces so that the
residents do not fell alienated. It might be equal or in equal distribution based on the capacity of the
region. For instances, if the federal government is planning to construct 50 universities in Sindh province,
it may not build the same number in Baluchistan because of population difference, but, it must be bound
to invest in other projects to create a balance. Pakistan has been a victim of imbalance development
with the provinces like Baluchistan and KPK had long been ignored because PMN-N and PPP, being two
major parties, focus on Punjab and Sindh respectively. On the other hand, the military government often
transfers the development budget to its own institution. For instances, Musharraf received around $11.8
billion foreign aid from 2001 to 2007. He spent 80 per cent of this aid to upgrade the military.

At present, the federal government must focus to share the heavy investment under CPEC to the
provinces in equitable manner to achieve national integration. Already when Nawaz Sharif tried to
change the Western route of CPEC that passes through KPK and Baluchistan, it raised storm in KPK and
people gathered to protest against his decision. Parallel development projects under CPEC must be
initiated in all the provinces. If more projects are assigned to a particular province, it will raise a feeling
of hatred and acrimony among the people towards the residence of that province.

Equitable distribution of development projects is required while accommodating the local private sector
for creating ne entrepreneurial units, cementing the unified economy. The central government needs to
give priority to those projects, which generate economic mergers, inter-provincial interdependency, and
national integration

4. Due share to the provinces from their natural resources:

The main source of rise of separatist movements in Baluchistan is its natural resources. It contains, apart
from natural gas, a huge reservoir of copper and gold in Reko Diq town of Chaghai District. The people
of Baluchistan want an adequate share in their natural resources because they fear that the foreigners
would otherwise be benefitted. Under these circumstances, the central government must make an
ordinance to provide due share to the regional people from their resources. The model like “Alaska
Permanent Fund” should be introduced. The USA formed this fund to invest on the local people of Alaska
from where oil and gas was exploited. Around 10 per cent of the money obtained from exploiting of the
resources is spent on the welfare of the local people by providing them housing and fixed income. It will
ensure to keep Baloch to be united under a single flag.

5. Balancing the composition of Pakistan Army:

Pakistan army is among the most powerful institution of Pakistan. For the citizens, it is a prestige to
become a part of this institution. However, the officials from Punjab have long dominated the army
creating a feeling of alienation by the residents of other provinces that they are not trusted for the
sensitive job. Although the domination has been declined now and more soldiers are recruited from
other provinces as well, yet, the citizens of Punjab still dominate the army at an officer level. According
to Shuja Nawaz, around 67 per cent officers in Pakistan army are from Punjab. More alarmingly, the
officers from the other provinces are not trusted with the sensitive posts. Besides, the hereditary
appointments are also been witnessed. Thus, the ratio of officers from other provinces must be
increased in accordance to the population to create a sense of prestige among the people of all
provinces. It will help bringing national integration.

6. Empowered Local Body System

Empowered Local Body system is indispensable for Pakistan t keep people satisfied, narrowing down the
spread of mistrust, and reducing the separatist tendencies. Decentralization of power from provinces to
local bodies is a concrete measure to uninterrupted growth of the political process, ensuring integration
of the deprived folks into the mainstream political process.

7. National Political Parties

National political parties need to shed off their major reliance on provincial politics. They should
transform their role, behavioural pattern, political priorities, and party interests from regional politics to
more national politics.

8. Council of Islamic Ideology

The scope of Council of Islamic Ideology should not be onlyconfined to its role as an advisory body for
the legislature that whether or not laws are against the spirit of Qur'an and Sunnah. It should also
oversee any religious interpretation(s) given by madrassa-trained clergy to avoid divergent Islamic
interpretation, and verdict, causing extremist leanings in Pakistan. It is observed with concern that the
Friday sermon s of various mosques tend to generate deviations, and sectariandivides, thus flourishing
extremism. To curb this detrimental inclination, there is a dire need to develop a state-level single
national Friday sermon mandatory to be recited at the Friday congregational prayers, thus solidifying the
roots to national integration.

9. Role of Media in National Cohesion

Media plays an important role for cultural consolidation and national integration. A strong national
narrative should b broadcasted to counter the extremist and sectarian along with provincialism
narratives in the society.

Conclusion:

National integration is a process of bringing together culturally and socially distinct groups within the
unified geographical boundaries of National Integration: Challenges and Options for Pakistan the
country in order to create a sense of oneness among them integral to the national unity.

Thus, Pakistan has been facing the crisis of national integration since its creation. However, the issue can
be resolved if measures like ensuring parliamentary democracy and provincial autonomy, providing
timely payment of financial share to the provinces from the Federal government, guaranteeing equitable
distributions of development projects in the provinces under the balance development strategy, assuring
due share to the provinces from their natural resources and reforming the composition of Pakistan army
to include the residents from all the provinces on the basis of population, are taken timely. The issue is
very serious at the present stage. Hence, these measures should be carried out on immediate basis
without any delay.

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6. 18th amendment of constitution enhance the autonomy of provinces

1. Legislative Autonomy

The Amendment removed the most glaring obstacle in the path of legislative provincial autonomy, i.e.,
the vast Concurrent List of legislative subjects. With the deletion of the list, provinces shall enjoy
exclusive legislative powers concerning criminal law, contracts, transfer of property, labor welfare,
marriage and divorce, among other significant subjects.

The main function of the Parliament is to make laws for the good governance of the country. The
legislative autonomy deals with the distribution of legislative powers from center to provinces. In
Eighteenth Amendment the Mediation Committee and Concurrent Legislative List of the Fourth
Schedule have been removed from for the sake of provincial autonomy. Since the 47 Entries of
Concurrent Legislative list in the Fourth Schedule of the Constitution would be omitted under this
Amendment, the subjects for legislation were strictly bifurcated amid Federal-Provincial Assemblies.
Therefore the omitted entries of Concurrent List remain the subjects of provinces, where the Provincial
Assemblies shall have power to make laws for their respective province.

2. Administrative Autonomy

The administrative autonomy, deals two components, the relationship amid Federation-Provinces and
the special provisions to resolve the federation-provinces conflicts or conflicts amid provinces. In order
to strengthen provincial autonomy in administrative terms certain measures have been adopted under
the Eighteenth Amendment.

The Eighteenth Amendment has provided for effective participation of the Provinces in the process of
decision making at the Central level. Article 147 empowers a Provincial Government to entrust functions
to the Center. Despite the recognition of the concept of the provincial autonomy, the Provincial
Governments were permitted to entrust any of its functions to the Federal Government.

The Eighteenth Amendment, in its pursuit of participatory federalism, has revised and enhanced
Articles153 and 154 with the aim of reviving this unique mechanism. The 1973 Constitution has
conferred a prominent position to the Council of Common Interests to formulate and regulate policies
for the Federation in relation to a number of subjects, including Water and Power. Decision of the
Council of Common Interests has an obligatory effect unless the same is modified by the Parliament at
the instance of the Federal Government.31The Council of Common Interests is a noteworthy
constitutional institution which irons out differences, problems and irritants between the provinces inter
se and the provinces and the federation in respect of matters specified in Article 154. The Council is
responsible to Parliament, which in joint sitting may from time to time by resolution issue directions
through the Federal Government generally or in particular matters to take action as the Parliament may
consider just and fit and such directions shall be binding on the Council.

Legislative subjects under Part-II of the Federal Legislative List required a coordinated and
intergovernmental policy and the Council of Common Interests was to formulate and regulate policies in
relations to matters in Part-II of the Federal Legislative List and to exercise supervision and control over
related institutions. Council of Common Interests also acted as an intergovernmental forum to avoid
conflict between the policies of the provinces and the federation under vertical sharing of power and
encouraged cooperative federalism and strengthened provincial autonomy.

The Amendment also enhanced the role of the Council of Common Interests (CCI) in relation to subjects
of shared legislative interest between the center and provinces. The CCI has also been procedurally The
Endemic Crisis of Federalism in Pakistan mandated to meet once every 90 days, and a secretariat for it
has been established in Islamabad—steps designed to overcome its previously sporadic functioning.
While such incremental steps towards provincial autonomy (the Concurrent List abolition and CCI
enhancement) were crucial and also carried symbolic significance in the country, their success will hinge
on (a) the acquisition by the provinces, of the skills and capacity required to exercise their new
legislative and administrative authority; and (b) the success of the implementation commission in the
transfer of this authority.

3. Financial Autonomy

The Financial autonomy deals with the distribution of revenue, and property amid federation-provinces.
The National Finance Commission, like the National Economic Council is an extra-ordinary institution
which is to advise and make recommendation to the President in the financial matters.

The mandate of the National Finance Commission has been provided in Article 160. It has been made
binding that the share of a Province in any Award of National Finance Commission would not be less
than the share of that province as compared to previous award. Both the Federal and Provincial Finance
Ministries would be monitoring the implementation of the Award biannually and submit their reports
before both Houses of Parliament and the Provincial Assemblies. There is a constitutional mechanism
between the Federal Government and the Provinces to supervise carrying out of the Award and to keep
Parliament and Provincial assemblies abreast with the Award‟s implementation. The Eighteenth
Amendment was incorporated to ensure in increased devolution of financial revenues from the
Federation to the Provinces. It aims to forestall repetition of past inequities, when the financial resources
of certain Provinces were arbitrarily and drastically reduced. The Financial autonomy also covers natural
gas and hydro-electric power. The net proceeds of Federal excise duty on oil and natural gas and royalty
collated by the Federal Government on natural gas would be paid to the Province in which well-head of
oil or natural gas are situated. While the net proceeds of the federal duty excise on the oil levied at a
well-head and collected by the Federal Government shall not from part of the Federal Consolidated
Fund, but shall be paid to the Province in which the well-head of oil is located. This revision is intended
to make the Province in which the well-head is situated a beneficiary of its oil resources, a provision
already in place for natural gas

In terms of fiscal autonomy, the provincial share in the Federal Divisible Pool expanded to more than 50
percent and the transfer of General Sales Tax on services to the provinces in accordance with
constitutional provisions provided the provinces with autonomous sources of finances and enlarged the
provincial fiscal base.

4. Article 140-A was introduced setting minimum standards for the establishment of local government
bodies by the provinces, and fundamental rights such as the right to fair trial, right to education and
right to information were expanded. Article 140(A) provides for a viable solution, i.e. devolution of
“political, administrative and financial responsibility and authority to the elected representatives of the
local governments” to cater for intra-provincial diversity. This will ensure more equitable access to
resources within provinces and may go a long way towards pacifying grievances and reducing disparities
that have divided this country since its inception.

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