Sociology Compass 8/6 (2014): 770–778, 10.1111/soc4.

12171

Black Authenticity: Defining the Ideals and Expectations in

the Construction of “Real” Blackness
Jenny Nguyen* and Amanda Koontz Anthony
Department of Sociology, University of Central Florida

Abstract
This review presents an overview of research on Black authenticity. As the definition of Black authen-
ticity is often not made explicit in literature, the complexity and nuance of this cultural resource can
be overlooked. We explore two trends of Black authenticity present within literature, which we label
as commodifying realness and legitimating membership. Beyond offering a working definition and re-
view of these trends, this review also attempts to highlight the importance of the interconnectedness
between controlling images and individuals’ negotiations of Black authenticity. We conclude by sum-
marizing the importance of studying Black authenticity and suggesting future directions for research.

The pervasive socio-cultural and research interest on authenticity is exemplified by the range
of material focused on authenticity, from self-help books (e.g. McGee 2005; Swann 1996) to
postmodern concerns for finding the real self (Erickson 1995), to commercially authenticat-
ing commodities and tourism (e.g. Koontz 2010). Generally, construction of authenticity
involves successful signification of what is accepted as “real” or “true” for cultural products
and individuals’ identities. At the same time, this widespread interest appears to have dispersed
research efforts, and researchers increasingly define authenticity as a socially constructed
“moving target” (e.g. Fine 2004; Peterson 2005, 1094). A need is present to connect research
lines to better understand how authentication processes of cultural figures, products, and self-
identities influence each other. Contributing to this effort, we examine research across various
contexts on one form of authentication: Black authenticity.
Focusing on Black authenticity is important for two reasons. First, definitions of authen-
ticity continue to be compartmentalized, so that connections between cultural and individual
authentication needs specification. Second, definitions of Black authenticity are often not
explicit, concealing complexities in constructions of Black identities. To address these trends
and connections between definitions, we reviewed literature across sociological fields,
including media and popular culture, the arts, education, and identity research. We first
reviewed literature specifically referencing “racial authenticity” and “Black authenticity”
before expanding the review to include research identified as reflecting Black authenticity
processes. This inclusive examination revealed the construction of Black authenticity as a cul-
tural resource, which can be drawn from, but also constrain, individuals’ identity construction.
We broadly define Black authenticity as a cultural resource legitimized through ideologies,
actions, and interactions (see, e.g. Harris and Khana 2010; Mcleod 1999; Shipley 2007;
Wilkins 2012). Black authenticity includes ideals and expectations that affects what it means
to “be Black” in relation to personal, public, and cultural identities.1
This definition allows for an exploration of classed and raced limitations in Black identity
construction, including how Black authenticity can be drawn from and challenged in iden-
tity construction (see Collins 2004; West 1993 on the origins of Black authenticity). To
extrapolate, we review two related processes: (1) commodifying realness – Black authenticity

© 2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.

 Black Authenticity: Ideals and Expectations 771

as a product of controlling images, and (2) legitimating memberships – Black authenticity in

terms of personal and group identity construction. We recognize that based on these pro-
cesses, blackness is not one dimensional nor static, but instead consistently shifting and chang-
ing alongside racial discourses. Within this, we discuss how Black authenticity reflects
dominant socio-cultural ideologies and perpetuates intersectional inequalities, with a partic-
ular focus on gender and class.
Commodifying realness
Authenticity can be seen as commodified in relation to forces of cultural production, including
when authenticity affects how individuals or cultural products fare in a market context. In Black
authenticity, commodifying realness refers to the construction of limitations for what is ac-
cepted as legitimately “Black” within a market context and how forces at this level perpetuate
particular, accepted representations of Black authenticity. These portrayals uphold White norms
through two seemingly representational polarities: (1) the othering of constructed Black culture
and identities and (2) applications of White ideals to Black bodies (see Anthony 2012; Bendix
1997; Schwalbe et al. 2000 on othering). We first briefly review the current context of new
racial rhetoric before reviewing controlling images (stereotypical representations) in relation
to othering and ideals; we subsequently concentrate on hip-hop, due to its prevalence in Black
authenticity research.

New racial rhetoric

As race and blackness reflect political and ethical power struggles, racial discourse changes over
time, which in turn affects racial identity legitimation (West 1993; Winant and Omi, 1992).
Traditional racial discourse overtly stereotyped Blacks as “inferior and undesirable,” becoming
the groundwork for new racial rhetoric (Entman 1992, 360; see Wilson et al. 2003 on the his-
tory of minority stereotyping). Current new racial rhetoric, including colorblind ideology,
perpetuates White norms through “anything but race” arguments (e.g. claiming differences
based on work ethic or natural segregation; see Bonilla-Silva 2003; Cashmore 2008; Collins
2004; Hughey 2012). Shifts in the construction and legitimation of Black authenticity follow
these shifts in racial rhetoric and conceptions of blackness. For example, in the 1980s and
1990s, authentic blackness was specified to stereotypes of working-class and poor Blacks; in
contrast, middle-class Blacks were portrayed as closer to middle-class Whites (Collins 2004).
As middle-class images endure, however, they arguably can be as influential as working-class
portrayals in defining what it means to “be Black.”

Othering
Oppressive othering entails a dominant group defining a morally or intellectually inferior
group, including through the use of racial ideologies (Schwalbe et al. 2000). Dominant cultural
ideologies also shape controlling images, or stereotypes that make “social injustices appear nat-
ural, normal, and inevitable parts of everyday life” (Collins 2000, 69). As they are racialized,
gendered, and classed, images will influence people differently based on cultural, individual,
and contextualized experiences (Collins 2000; Emerson 2002; Wilkins 2012). Even so, control-
ling images portrayed in popular media create and perpetuate popularized symbolic identities
that offer limited representations of blackness. The power of these controlling images derive
from their history and prevalence; while restrictive, they are generally accepted, taken-for-
granted, and shape what is considered normal (Collins 2000; Schwalbe et al. 2000).

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772 Black Authenticity: Ideals and Expectations

Constructions of Black authenticity upholds oppressive othering through maintaining

standards of whiteness – “turning subordinates into commodities” (Schwalbe et al. 2000,
423) by limiting Black representations within media to negative working-class portrayals.
Black men are typically represented as an other through images of hyper-sexualized thugs
or players (Collins 2000; Wilkins 2012c). These images perpetuate Black men as dangers
to White women and threats to White men’s masculinity (Hall 1995). Othering images of
Black women perpetuate traditional racial stereotypes and double marginalization, as related
to historical oppression of Black individuals and women (e.g., Baker 2005; Crenshaw 1991).
The hyper-sexualized hot momma and Jezebel, asexualized mammy, or classed welfare-
recipient and baby-momma each emphasize either over- or under-sexed derogatory stereo-
types (Emerson 2002, 117; see also Davis 2004; Davis 2005; Rose 2008). Repercussions of
othering images extend to policy issues – even critical areas like welfare reform have been
affected by gendered images of what it truly means to be a black woman (see Davis 2004
on these repercussions). Additionally, the extension of black men portraying “male
mammies” – in movies like Madea and Norbit – not only perpetuates negative stereotypes
of Black women, such as the exaggeration of the overweight mammy, but exemplifies the
commodification and objectification of men and women deriving from othering images
(Chen et al. 2012).

White ideals
Commodified controlling images also present ideal Black identities, maintaining ideals asso-
ciated with White standards of beauty and personality traits. Portrayals can thus appeal to a
collective conscience by fitting into the U.S. White frame, in which a White individual is
conflated with “an American person” (e.g. Entman and Rojecki 2000, 54; see Feagin
2010; Wilson et al. 2003 on White frames). In accordance to new racial rhetoric, controlling
images that seemingly erase color are becoming more prevalent for men and women. These
controlling images perpetuate the commodification of Black authenticity, including “selling”
individuals in popular media through holding all to White standards (Collins 2004; Sharpe
and Curry 1996). While these images may be associated with whiteness instead of an authen-
tic other, they uphold a ceiling in accepted Black identity constructions.
Like othering, these controlling images are gendered, framing what an ideal Black man or
woman should look and act like. For both men and women, authentic blackness is
constrained by representations limited to a simplified duality. Middle-class images distance
from, and yet perpetuate, the same working-class images representing what middle-class
individuals should not be, making them “safe” for consumption (e.g. Artz 1998; Collins
2004; Ford 2011:40; Hughey, 2012; Tucker 2007). For instance, television shows, movies,
and magazine advertisements – directed at White audiences – perpetuate common controlling
images of the matriarch, Sapphire, and Jezebel. Traditional stereotypes of Black women as
mothers and “mules” are upheld, while also strictly constraining women to a middle-class
“Black” respectability (Collins 2004, 54, 147). Advertisements also “adhere to White stan-
dards of beauty,” or lighter skin, thinner lips, and straighter hair (e.g. Emerson 2002; Hazell
and Clarke 2008, 6), as light skin is associated with beauty, a higher class standing, and assim-
ilation (Collins 2004; Ford 2011; Hall 1995; Hunter 1998, 2002; Ross 1997; Wolf 1991). This
is still reflected in Black cultural spaces, including Black beauty pageants or homecoming
queens at historically Black universities (Hunter 1998).
In relation to men, the Black buddy or friendly sidekick limits black men to a one-sided,
often comical, sidekick role. Bill Cosby’s character in The Cosby Show was a Black buddy safe

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 Black Authenticity: Ideals and Expectations 773

for White consumption – a friendly character “who visited their [audiences’] living rooms”
for entertainment purposes (Collins 2004, 167). This reflected an early example of new racial
rhetoric’s integration into the “marketing formula” for television as a profit-making industry
(Cashmore 2008, 630). Other individuals whose public representations can be defined as
marketed “Black buddies” include athletes like Michael Jordan and Tiger Woods. These fig-
ures are seen as physically black, but support a colorblind ideology that racial hierarchies are
of the past, with the implicit caveat that representations must still fit within boundaries of
commodified realness (Collins 2004; Gallagher 2003). White ideals thus shape the second
side of commodified realness; as opposed to an other, Black authenticity maintains White
standards of physical beauty and subservient attitudes as ideals for Black women and men.

The realm of hip-hop

Within hip-hop, being black is still an outward marker of authenticity because of a tradition-
ally Black market. However, Black artists must still conform to othering images, such as
“the cool pose, the Black thug, [and] the Black ho” (Rose 2008, 87) or face allegations of
“selling-out” (McLeod 1999, 141). While the theme of commodified realness is therefore
still present in the realm of hip-hop, hip-hop research also highlights the fluidity of Black au-
thenticity, including White appropriation of and counter-actions to controlling images.
The strength and fluidity of Black authenticity as a cultural resource is evident through the
influence of White artists and audiences on Black authenticity. White artists adopt markers of
Black authenticity to mask their White identity, as exemplified by Eminem’s success
(Armstrong 2004; Hess 2005; Watkins 2005). Rapper Kon Artist’s endorsement of Eminem’s
Black authenticity is seen through his statement, “That nigga ain’t white. He got white in
him, but he ain’t white” (Armstrong 2004, 36). White hip-hop artists like Eminem, Vanilla
Ice, and the Beastie Boys construct their authenticity within the confines of Black authenticity,
exemplifying the fluidity of authenticity as a cultural resource (Hess 2005).
White frames and audiences affect the portrayals of Black authenticity in hip-hop; White
audiences make up 75 percent of those who purchase hip-hop music, helping to define – and
purchase – what is accepted as Black authenticity (Armstrong 2004, 339). As Queen Latifah
stated, Black label owners know that white hip-hop artists can be successful because “White
kids want their own hero” (Armstrong 2004, 339). White frames in hip-hop can be seen by
White artists’ stories corresponding with American Dream cultural ideologies through their
emphasis of individualistic, rags-to-riches success stories. Hip-hop commodification, argu-
ably, plays a similar role to shows like The Cosby Show (Collins 2004); while often referencing
lower-class black authenticity, hip-hop still offers a safe, distanced place for White audiences
to interact with authentic Black culture. This containment is seen in the use of Black vernac-
ular by White rappers even while Black vernacular itself is chastised by White parents
(Johnson 2003, 5). Conceptions of blackness, as indicated by Means Coleman (2003, 55),
is limited and “bound by commercial and consumerist constraints” that, often times, does
not explicitly emerge from within black culture.
At the same time, women have faced both challenges and opportunities in relation to
Black authenticity portrayals. They typically have appeared as dancers and models in music
videos, reproducing “stereotypical notions of black womanhood” (Emerson 2002, 116). As
more women become artists themselves, however, hip-hop represents a platform with more
opportunities for rearticulating these images through portrayals of independence, working in
collaboration, and constructing their own space (Carby, 1987; Davis 1998; Emerson 2002,
124). In relation to current trends in hip-hop, there also exist nuances in construction of

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774 Black Authenticity: Ideals and Expectations

Black authenticity, in which middle-class artists actively work to uphold or question and
challenge working-class commodified controlling images (e.g. George 2005; Ogbar 1999).
These represent examples of fluidity, where popular media is a platform that can be used
to both perpetuate traditional images and to rearticulate what is defined and accepted as
authentic (see, e.g. Baker 2005; Emerson 2002; Schooler et al., 2004).
Research on cultural representations and products thus suggests Black authenticity is
constructed through commodified controlling images. Commodified realness reflects the
dualistic nature of Black authenticity – while it constructs the “ideal” black person in terms
of white norms, it also perpetuates inequalities through upholding stereotypes of Blacks as the
“other.” At the same time, actors and audiences interpret authenticity and can uphold or
change definitions through their own actions and purchases. As Black authenticity does not
derive solely from a market context, we therefore next explore the intersectional exchanges
between commodified realness and legitimating membership.

Legitimating membership
A second trend in research on Black authenticity includes processes of legitimating member-
ship, or the construction of expectations and self-identities that legitimate group membership.
Legitimating membership involves individuals’ constructions of authentic blackness in con-
junction with expectations held by others (e.g. Khanna, 2011). These processes are particu-
larly salient in children’s and adolescents’ transitions between peer groups and life stages, as
they work to maintain a coherent sense of self while also addressing racialized group norms.
Controlling images of black authenticity become expectations and “ideals for certain groups
to achieve” (Baker 2005, 16); this section, therefore, addresses how commodified realness af-
fects individuals’ everyday interactions and identity construction.
Complexities in adolescents’ construction of Black authenticity can derive from conflicts
between the lived experience and expectations for Black authenticity, which vary within
interactions and an individual’s desired group association. As children develop their self-
identities, they will distance or embrace certain identity characteristics to position themselves
amongst particular peer groups; in the process, they actively respond to black authenticity, as
shaped by white frames and within localized communities (see Rollock et al. 2011 on differ-
entiating from parental racial socialization). For instance, the use of Black vernacular is an au-
thenticating method for Black youths in New York City (Kromidas 2012). This can uphold
stereotypes of Black authenticity, as connected with being in the lower class and living in the
ghetto, while also creating peer-group solidarity. On the other hand, middle-class blackness
is “raced as Black but cultured as White” (Harris and Khana 2010, 640). Black middle-class
children may, therefore, develop strategies of action through observation, adjusting how they
signify their identities according to other racial groups’ responses. The result can be a
“not-me” identity (McCall 2003, 17), separating from traditional Black stereotypes, includ-
ing use of language or accent, to gain acceptance in white middle-class circles (Rollock et al.
2011). The dualities of othering and white ideals are once again prevalent as individuals
construct self-identities and respond to what it means to be authentically Black, according to
working-class or middle-class expectations.
These classed dualities extend through transitions into higher education, as Black students
face challenges in what it means to be “Black enough.” Students often uphold controlling
images in their constructions of self and others, based on accessibility and acceptance of these
images (Ford 2011). Black college men are constrained in their presentation of Black
masculinity by the “stereotypical and situational constructions of pretty boys, sellouts, gay or
bisexual men, and thugs” (Ford 2011, 51). For instance, one Black college male summarized

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 Black Authenticity: Ideals and Expectations 775

a common experience of thinking at a subconscious level that, “I’ll just default to this thug per-
sona, this hard persona, and I know that will be accepted because I’m supposed to be like that
anyway” (Ford 2011, 46). Students can thus feel they are being held accountable and judged
according to these controlling images. However, Black men can also distance and refrain from
acting out these stereotypical images through strategies of “moderate blackness,” or emotional
restraining methods that are used to “get along well” with Whites through the construction of
an “easygoing” character (Wilkins 2012b, 36). This is, nonetheless, still a response to controlling
images of the dangerous or angry Black man. This consciousness of controlling images, how-
ever, exposes individual initiative in responding to imposed stereotypes of Black authenticity.
Black men can then face difficulties in self-identity construction, as they feel they must respond
to these images through conforming, resisting, or a combination of the two (Hunter and Davis
1992; Majors and Billson 1992; Staples 1982).
Transitions to higher education also bring forth challenges for Black students; being both
highly visible and yet marginalized can lead to a sense of “black alienation” (Shingles 1979,
268; Wilkins 2012ab). These transitions can be a threat to “authenticity and a sense of selfhood”
(Reay 2002, 403). Students face difficult situations as they discover and develop new identities,
while also upholding a familiar and cohesive self. For example, many middle-class Black women
struggle because their class status mattered more in peer groups prior to college, but after
entering college, peers held them to working-class stereotypes because of their skin color
(Wilkins 2012a). To maintain cohesive identities, they perpetuated othering of lower-class
Black students while developing authentic middle-class Black identities (Wilkins 2012a). As
Black students enter into higher education, they are faced with negotiations of Black authentic-
ity as they seek new community memberships and group commitments (e.g. Ford 2011).
Community membership and the maintenance of Black authenticity can entail a “complex
identity dilemma” in balancing pressures from cultural ideologies, community norms, and the
need to create a cohesive sense of self (Reay 2002; Wilkins 2012c, 184). Both Black men and
women face commodified controlling images in terms of establishing an “authentic” Black
identity. Because of socialization and expectations, individuals negotiate their identities to
either fit in or be distinguished from commodified images, which can lead to identity
dilemmas in the presentation of an authentic self (Ford 2011).This negotiation can transition
over time, according to new social contexts and reference groups, including the community
they are directly responding to and/or desiring to be a part of. Legitimating processes of Black
authenticity, therefore, involve ongoing negotiations in terms of group norms and expecta-
tions of a Black identity.

Conclusion
Black authenticity is a cultural resource commodified by popular media and legitimized
through individuals’ actions and interactions. In this review, we discussed two trends in
research on Black authenticity: commodifying realness and legitimating membership. In
commodifying realness, Black authenticity is a product of controlling images constructed
through popular media, and a marketing formula stemming from new racial rhetoric. In
legitimating membership, individuals negotiate their identity based on expectations deriving
from controlling images and interactions with peers. As we focused on literature that helped
to defined Black authenticity, we discussed othering, White ideals/frames, hip-hop, and
adolescence responses to constructions of blackness. These trends highlight the importance
of interconnectedness between commodified realness and individuals’ negotiations of Black
authenticity, including students’ use of stereotypes to negotiate collegiate interactions and
hip-hop artists’ management of their public identities in commercialized markets.

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776 Black Authenticity: Ideals and Expectations

Constraints of Black authenticity are revealed through classed and gendered ideals, along
with derogatory constructions of the “other” based in traditional racial stereotypes. In closely
reviewing research on Black authenticity from a variety of premises, the complexity and
nuance of new racial rhetoric and a colorblind society is brought to the surface. As the
colorblind ideology continues to create an illusion of equality by perpetuating dominant
ideologies, Black authenticity is being sold and consumed as a cultural product by White
consumers and audiences. Black authenticity exposes issues of White frames and minority
marginalization that Black individuals may face in pursuing an “authentic” identity.
Based on this review, it is suggested that future research continues to analyze connections
between the multiple boundaries of authenticity. While we know that controlling images are
connected to Black authenticity, as people can internalize and use media-constructed idealized
images to evaluate themselves (Baker 2005; Frisby 2004), additional research is needed, for in-
stance, to address how these contradictory messages affect Black women’s sense of an authentic
self – whether or not Black women can be authentically Black while adhering to White stan-
dards. 2 Overall, more research is needed that addresses processes of Black authentication, which
would increase understandings of sexuality and move beyond a dichotomous gender divide
(see research on Black sexuality and advertisements for exceptions, e.g. Baker 2005; Childs
1999; Dafur 1997). Relatedly, research should continue exploring if there is a standard of
authenticity, including specifying if whiteness is a standard and, if so, what whiteness means
in authentication processes. We must recognize that processes of racial authenticity exist and
that this identity involves the intersection of race, class, gender, and beyond this, ethnicity –
which lacks thorough investigation. By recognizing and addressing the complexity of Black
authenticity, we can better address issues of racial inequality across different fields of research.

Short Biographies
Jenny Nguyen is currently a doctoral student in the Department of Sociology at the University
of Central Florida. Her research interest is in social inequalities with a focus on race/ethnicity
and education. She holds a B.A. from Texas Christian University and an M.S. from Oklahoma
State University.
Amanda Koontz Anthony is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at the University of Central
Florida. Her primary areas of interest include culture, social inequalities, and identities. Her cur-
rent research includes an intersectional focus on inequalities in market presentations of
“uthenticity,” the creative process, and identity construction through life stage transitions.

Notes
* Correspondence address: Jenny Nguyen, Department of Sociology, University of Central Florida, Orlando, FL, USA.
E-mail: Jenny.Nguyen@knights.ucf.edu

1
Expectations also include what traits can be considered “real” or “true.” Connotational variance should be noted; for
instance, if one views the welfare queen image as “true,” this can have real and negative consequences. We also emphasize
the importance of not reifying black authenticity, but rather the processes constructing a cultural resource and identities.
2
This need is even exemplified by researchers’ various interpretations of meanings; e.g. interpretations of The Cosby
Show by Collins [2004], upholding white norms vs. Hopkins [2012], validation of lived experience.

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Further Reading
Armstead, Ronni. 2007. ’Growing the Size of the Black Woman: Feminist Activism in Havana Hip Hop.’ NWSA
Journal 19(1): 106–117.

© 2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Sociology Compass 8/6 (2014): 770–778, 10.1111/soc4.12171
 Black Authenticity: Ideals and Expectations 779

Caughy, Margaret O., Saundra M. Nettles and Julie Lima. 2011. ‘Profiles of Racial Socialization among African
American Parents: Correlates, Context, and Outcome.’ Journal of Child and Family Studies 20(4): 491–502.
Daily Shaundra B. and Wanda Eugene. 2013. ‘Preparing the Future STEM Workforce for Diverse Environments.’
Urban Education 48: 682–704.
Demo, David H. and Michael Hughes 1990. ‘Socialization and Racial Identity among Black Americans.’ Social Psychology
Quarterly 53(4): 364–374.
Grant, Jacquelyn 1982. ‘Black Woman and the Church.’ Pp. 141–152 in But Some of us are Brave: Black Women Studies,
edited by Gloria T. Hull, Patricia Bell Scott and Barbara Smith. Old Westbury, N.Y.: Feminist Press.
Harris-Britt, April, Cecelia R. Valrie, Beth Kurtz-Costes and Stephanie J. Rowley. 2007. ‘Perceived Racial Discrimina-
tion and Self-Esteem in African American Youth: Racial Socialization as a Protective Factor.’ Journal of Research on
Adolescence 17(4): 669–682.
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Nobles, Wade. 1974. ‘Africanity: It’s Role in Black Families.’ The Back Scholar 5(9): 10–17.
Peterson, Richard A. 1999. Creating Country Music: Fabricating Authenticity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Sutherland, Marcia. 1993. Black Authenticity. Chicago, IL: Third World Press.
Thornton, Michael C. 1997. ‘Strategies of Racial Socialization among Black Parents: Mainstream, Minority, and
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Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Waters, Mary C. 1996. ‘Optional Ethnicities: For Whites Only?’ Pp. 444–454 in Origins and Destinies: Immigration, Race
and Ethnicity in America, edited by Silvia Pedraza and Ruben G. Rumbaut. CA: Wadsworth.
William, Swann B. 1996. Self- Traps: The Elusive Quest for Higher Self-Esteem. New York: Freeman.

© 2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Sociology Compass 8/6 (2014): 770–778, 10.1111/soc4.12171