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Perceptions of the Socio-Economic

and Cultural Impact of Tourism in Sri
Lanka
a
Sadrudin A. Ahmed
a
Faculty of Administration , University of Ottawa
Published online: 24 Feb 2011.

To cite this article: Sadrudin A. Ahmed (1986) Perceptions of the Socio-Economic and Cultural
Impact of Tourism in Sri Lanka, Canadian Journal of Development Studies / Revue canadienne
d'études du développement, 7:2, 239-255, DOI: 10.1080/02255189.1986.9670157

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02255189.1986.9670157

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 Perceptions of the Socio-Economic
and Cultural Impact of Tourism in Sri Lanka*
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SADRUDIN A . AHMED
Faculty of Administration, University of Ottawa

ABSTRACT

The literature dealing with the socio-economic impact of tourism shows a great deal
of concern about that impact in host countries whose per capita income andlor culture is
very dz@erentfrom that of theforeign tourists. However, there is paucity of empirical studies
dealing with the socio-cultural impact of tourism. Tojill this gap, data were collectedfrom
both representativis of the Sri Lunkan middle class andfrom tourists to understand their
perceptions of the impact of international tourism on Sri Lunka. Results indicated that
tourism was perceived to create economic prosperity, to have little impact on culture and
tradition but to lead to some growth in vices such as prostitution. In general, it appeared
that by taking a planned, gradualist approach to tourism development, the Sri lankan
government had avoided the severe negative impact that tourism can have on a country's
socio-culturalfabric. This coaainment was also attributed to a very rich history and tra-
dition of the country which prepared the inhabitants to deal with the injlow of tourists.

Les recherches traitant de l'incidence du tourisme sur la societh ont montre' une
certaine prkoccupmionface aux Gets possibles du tourism occidental sur les pays Etes
dont la culture et le niveau de vie sont radicalement diffe'rentsde ceux des touristes. Tou-
tefois il manque d'enqugtes empiriques touchant l'incidence du tourisme sur la socikte' et
I'e'conomie des pays sous-de'veloppe's.
Pour aider a combler ce vide, une collecte de donnkes a kte' faite auprPs d u n
kchantillon de touristes au Sri Lanka et d'un certain nombre de sri Lankais de classe
myenne duns le but de comprendre leurs perceptions de l'incidence du tourism occidental
sur le Sri Lmka. Les rksultats de cette enqdte ont montre' que le tourism ktaitpercu comme
crkateur de prospirite' kconomique, ayant des @ets minirnes sur la culture et les traditions
sri lankaises. Par ailleurs le tourisme e'tait perp comme ayant augment6 la prostitution.
I1 semblerait qu'en p r e n a ~une approche graduelle etplan$ke, le gouvememnt sri lankais

* The author wishes to acknowledgethe aid provided by the Canadian InternationalDevelopment Agency
and the Faculty of Adminisbation and Commerce, University of Jayewardenepura, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka.
 240 CANADIAN JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

ait riduit les d e t s dgatifs gkniralement engemirks par le tourisme. Cette maitrise des
effets nigatifs du tourisme est igalement attribuie aux traditions et a l'histoire du pays
qui ont pripare' les citoyens afaire face sum touristique.

INTRODUCTION

In today's business world, increasing concern is being expressed about marketing

strategies that do not take into account the long term implications for consumers and for
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the society in general. Of particular concern are marketing practices in the less developed
countries (LDCs). For example, aggressive marketing by Nest16 of its infant formula has
been held responsible for a downward trend in breast feeding leading to an increase in infant
morbidity and mortality in LDCs (Post and M a s h Sethi, 1979). Tobacco manufacturers
are accused of aggressively marketing high nicotine content cigarettes in LDCs in order
to offload their excess stocks resulting from reduced demand in the developed nations and
thus contributing to the ill health of the residents of LDCs (Ottawa Citizen, 1983). Similar
objections are also being levelled at the indiscriminate marketing of tourism in the LDCs
(Smith, 1977; De Kadt, 1979; Noronha, 1977). Underlying these objections is the implicit
assumption that LDC societies are fragile, with limited exposure to Western culture and
practices and therefore, they are particularly susceptible to incurring the negative conse-
quences of these marketing actions.
Due to the decline in demand for primary products in world markets, governments
and businessmen in LDCs are focussing attention on tourism as an important new industry
for LDCs. The economic importance of tourism arises m d y from its potential as a some
of foreign exchange earnings. A tourist industry, moreover, has a particular advantage for
LDCs in that it caters to a market in which world demand for the service is growing at a
rate faster than either the growth in per capita income or in population, and tourism could
be the largest industry in the world by the year 2,000 (Kahn, 1979).
Because of the high financial cost of developing a tourism ~nfrastn~cture and because
of the various social and cultural impacts that tourism may have on host societies, tourist
destination LDCs often concern themselves with strategic marketing planning. Strategic
marketing planning decisions will determine whether tourism is developed at all, what type
of tourists are attmcted, how fast the industry grows, and the size of the benefits it generates.
To help such planning decision-making, the present study examines the perceptions of both
the consumers and the members of the society at large, of the impact of tourism on a par-
ticular LDC, namely Sri Lanka, with a view to ascertaining the impact of present tourism
marketing strategies on Sri Lankan society. In order to understand how and why the per-
ceptions are held and what public and private measures can be taken that are both in the
interest of the consumers and the society at large, the study also attempts to identify the
individual differences in the perceptions held.
Sri Lanka is an island just south of India. From north to south it has a maximum length
of 270 miles giving it a land area of 25,300 square miles. In 1982, its population was es-
timated to be 14.7 million. Agriculture is the principal occupation of its inhabitants whose
per capita income was US$150 in 1979. Buddhism is the predominant religion practiced
by about 70% of the population, followed by Hinduism, Islam and Christianity. The society
is structured along caste lines. Many inhabitants are strict vegetarians, and abstain from
alcohol. Education has been free and the literacy rate is 96%.
Sri Lanka, though not necessarily identified as a tourist paradise, possesses a number
of possible tourist attractions. The natural beauty of its beaches, lakes and mountain scenery
 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL IMPACT OF TOURISM IN SRI LANKA 241
is outstanding. In the north-central part of the island are the majestic ruins of an ancient
civilization. The island's long stretch of virtually unexploited coastline with abundant
sunshine provides a welcome escape to the European tourist especially during the winter
months. The cost of accommodation and other tourist services compares favourably with
that of other parts of the world. Since 1966, both government and business in Sri Lanka
have been focussing special attention on the tourism industry.
Tourist arrivals increased from 18,969 in 1966 to 370,742 in 1981. The largest
contributor was Western Europe accounting for two thirds of the total traffic (Annual
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Statistical Report, 1982). Since 1976 there has been a gradual decline in the proportion
of tourist nights spent in the better class establishments, from 71% in 1976 to 57% in 1980.
There was, as a consequence, an increase in the proportion of nights spent in less expensive
types of accommodation such as guest houses, private homes, schools (Gamage, 1981).
When tourists from highly industrializedsocieties are inhPduced into an economically
underdeveloped country such as Sri Lanka, the contrast between the two societies is apt
to be stark. The tourists' usual patterns of consumption are altered while on vacation and
this temporarily lavish expenditure takes place within an economy where many people live
a marginal existence.
The most notable impact of tourism on traditional values is that social and human
relations are brought into the economic sphere. In Cyrpus, for example, most people not
k t l y engaged in the tourism industry are said to see the encounter not as cash-generating
activity, but as an o p p o d t y for genuine human rapport. However, where there are hordes
of tourists, the situation is diierent: human relations become commercialized (Andronicou,
1979; De Kadt, 1979).
Certain changes in sexual morality or patterns of behaviour are also attributed to
tourism. It has been said that prostitution flourishes in tourist resorts (Joshi and Sharpston,
1973; Thurot, 1976). Bouhdiba (1976) and the French consulting firm, Group Huite (1979)
report on the activities of young Tunisian males, who make themselves available to women
tourists and, to a lesser extent, to the homosexual tourists. Bouhdiba concludes that the
role of tourism in changing values is undeniable.
In the realm of values and attitudes tourism has not, it seems, led to a great deal of
change that is highly vahed. Two instances of positive change are: the easing of authori-
tarian intergenemtional relations and the widening of acceptable activities for women. Local
values have also benefited w h e tourists
~ have placed a high value on elements in the local
environment which were previously taken for granted by the local population. In the
Seychelles for example, the need to consprve the natural environment as a major tourism
asset, as well as the tourists' admiration for the island's rare species, have obviously stirred
local pride (D. Wilson, 1979). Similarly, in Malta, under the influence of tourists, there
is a greater r,wareness and appreciation of things Maltese, not only historical monuments,
but also arts, crafts and even locally produced wine (Boissevain and Serracino, 1979).
In addition to the changes in behaviour and values attributable to the direct interaction
between the local population and tourists, demonstration effects are created from merely
observing tourists (Noronha, 1979; Harrison, 1979). Greenwood (1976) found that young
Basques have come to adopt a style of life similar tc that of the middle-class tourists they
have seen. D. Wilson (1979) tells of the adoption of imported tastes in the Seychelles and
Malta. Bouhdiba ( 1976) found that the desire to satisfy certain secondary needs, taken over
from the tourists, has led to juvenile delinquency in Tunisia.
As Smith (1977) points out, interpersonal conflict between hosts and guests is
minimal when their respective standards of living are similar. However, situations where
 242 CANADIAN JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

this is not the case are vividly described by many authors (Britten, 1981; Cleverdon, 1979;
Bryden, 1973; Jafari, 1973). Tourism may also have an impact on the natural and cultural
resources of a country (Twardzik, 1978).
Lee (1977) evaluates the effectiveness of the tourist industry in Yucatan, Mexico,
as a vehicle for promoting economic development in an underdeveloped area of Latin
America. He found that the existing class shucture and the requirements of modem tourism
combined to prevent the expansion of the local tourist industry so as to implement economic
develo~mentin Yucatan.
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ihus we see that many authors have now turned their attention towards the impact
of tourism on the local inhabitants of the LDCs. In fact, their studies have been concerned
with both the industrialized and developing nations. At the industrialized nation level, the
issue is more commonly that of tourism's social, psychological and economic impact at
the community level (see Young (1973) and Murphy (1980) for Great Britain; see Butler
(1975) and Thompson, Crompton and Kamp (1979) for Ontario, Canada. Pizarn (1978),
for example, found that heavy tourism concentration in a destination area such as Cape
Cod, Massachusetts led to negative resident attitudes towards tourists and tourism in general.
He also points out that the m& dependent an individual is on tourism, the more favoumble
the attitude. Thompson, Crompton and Kamp (1979) found that Corpus Christi residents
were supportive of prolonged-stay visitors. They found that there was a consensus between
the three critical decision-making sectors: voters, public sector personnel and entrepreneurs.
Murphy (1981)found that the aesthetics and community impact of tourism were indentified
as concerns in three Canadian resort towns. Pearce (1980) states that 11% of his respondents
anticipated negative reactions to the travellers. Urban residents were more friendly to foreign
tourists than were nonurban residents. Jenkins (1980) states that uncontrolled tourism can
also cause long-term social problems.
To deal with these issues, at the level of developed nations, Jenkins (1980) argues
that the host country governments must intervene to achieve the full benefits of tourism.
Their policies should be based on sound compmtive interdisciplinaryresearch. At the level
of LDCs, careful planning of international tourism (Gearing, Swart and Var, 1976) has
been recommended. Von Hauenschild (1978) has shown how a model of international
tourism marketing can be developed for a newly industrialised country (NIC) such as South
Korea. The planning and management of tourism in Malaysia provides an appropriate case-
study of the contribution tourism can make to the economy of NICs and how &ism can
be stimulated in such cases (Wells, 1982).
In summary, the literature shows there is a great deal of concern about the impact
of tourism on the sociocultural and economic well-being of host countries, and espec&ly
on those countries whose per capita income andlor culture is very different from that of
the foreign tourists. However, there is a paucity of empirical studies dealiig with the socio-
cultural impact of tourism. Given the fact that the unique impact of tourismcm a host nation
is difficult to isolate, this lack of definitive empirical studies is understandable. However,
a few studies which measure the perception of tourism by inhabitants of the host country
have been reported (Groupe Huite, 1979 for Tunisia, Sethna, 1979 for Jamaica, and Belisle
and Hoy (1980) for Santa Marta, Colombia). But these few studies have generally failed
to take into account the perceptions of the consumers, namely the tourists themselves. These
perceptions are important not only from the point of view of establishing optimum tourism
product strategy but also from the point of view of educating the consumers so that their
negative impact on the host nations can be minimized (Sethna, 1981, Wirtz, 1981). De
Kadt ( 1979) states that in Gemany, for example, the government has produced booklets
 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL IMPACT OF TOURISM IN SRI LANKA 243
that describe certain tourist destinations accurately, objectively and realistically. These
booklets are handed out to tourists going to these countries by the tour operators.
As stated earlier, it is difficult to isolate the real impact of international tourism on
the host countries' socio-cultural traditions. In fact, even the measurement of economic
impact is suspect. When an LDC is going through the process of modernization, many
agents of sociocultural change impinge on it. These include television, films, magazines
and other mass media vehicles; overseas travel by local inhabitants, education, urbanisation,
and promotion of new products. Therefore, in order to isolate the impact of tourism
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development, authors such as Noronha (1977) recommend that the decision-makers should
understand their citizens' perceptions and attitudes towards international tourism. In as much
as these perceptions are based on real factors, they can serve as a proxy for socioeconomic
impact. For this study, perceptions of a sample of English-speaking middle and upper-
middleclass respondents was sought in order to determine how this group views the impact
of tourism in Sri Lanka.
In order to assess the value of the perceptual data gathered from the Sri Lankan re-
spondents, three additional steps were taken. The first step was to make propositions based
on the literature as to the impact tourism might have on a country such as Sri Lanka. The
second step was to obtain the perceptions of the foreign tourists themselves about this
impact. The final step was to try to understand the individual differences in the perceptions
held by Sri Lankans and foreign tourists through multivariate analysis. It was felt that this
additional information might be useful for the strategic marketing planners of the tourism
industry.
Foreign tourists' perceptions, it was felt, would not only reflect their individual biases,
but would also provide a comparative view point. Many foreign tourists may have travelled
in more than one LDC. They are then able to judge tourism's impact on Sri Lanka in
comparison with those other countries. If tourists share the concerns of the nationals, they
should be more willing to accept new tourism policies designed to meet these concerns.
Where tourists do not share the concerns of the nationals, it should be possible to delineate
what educational efforts need to be directed towards the tourists and the guest country
tourism industry in order to make new policies acceptable.

I. PROPOSITION FORMATION

Each country is unique in its geography, resources, stage of economic development,

type of government, and so forth. Nevertheless, certain factors are relevant for making at
least a preliminary assessment of the impact tourism may have. Of particular importance
is the size of the country and its general level of development. Size refers not only to physical
land area, but also to the population and its density. In small countries, especially islands,
even modest tourist developments may exert considerable pressure with dramatic con-
sequences for the welfare of the inhabitants. Contacts between tourists and hosts can be
frequent and intense, especially if population density is high in the areas visited by the
tourists or if a large fraction of the population is employed in the tourism industry. On the
other hand, an economically growing community with an equitable distribution of wealth,
skills and education can count on the strength and resilience of the local social and cultural
institutions to face the negative impact of tourism.
In the following paragraphs an attempt is made to spec@ the factors associated with
the impact of tourism on a nation and to use these factors to derive specific pmpositions
 244 CANADIAN JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

with regard to tourism's impact on Sri Lanka. These propositions are drawn up simply to
guide the research approach. It is understood that the overall impact of tourism is a very
complex phenomenon and cannot be attributed solely to the few simple factors discussed
in this paper. Choice of the specific propositions to be studied was made after perusal of
Sri Lankan newspapers and magazines and a series of discussions with Sri Lankan tourism
officials, academicsand other knowledgeable individuals, to determine the issues that would
be particularly relevant to Sri Lanka. This list of issues was then compared with the concerns
expressed in the tourism literature to make the final selection.
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Tourism will be perceived to create economic growth, with prosperity for a few, to
increase prices, create more jobs, facilitate mixing with foreigners, increase the desire to
possess more material goods and to change habits of eating and dress. Tourism will not
be perceived to create injustices.
A number of authors have shown how tourism has helped the economic development
of the developing nations by increasing their gross national product and particularly their
foreign exchange earnings (see Boltvinik, 1979, for Mexico; and Cheung, 1979, for Hong
Kong). Smaoui (1979) has noted tourism's beneficial impact on employment in Tunisia.
With an already fairly well-developed tourism industry, the economic impact of tourism
is quite visible and well publicised in Sri Lanka (Tourism, 1979; Hettiarachi 1974; National
Report No. 44: Sri Lanka, 1978; Brauer, 1982). Although its impact on the Sri Lankan
labor force is small (in 1977, out of a total labor force of over 4 million, only 32,000 found
direct or indirect employment in tourism), it was nevertheless significant.
Some authors, however, have felt that the positive economic impact of tourism may
be exaggerated (De Kadt, 1979, Noronha, 1979). Certain goods and services have to be
imported. These may be direct imports of products like liquor and food, or i n d i i t imports
of raw materials for food preparation and fuel. Payments to tour operators and travel
agencies abroad, and expenses on publicity and promotion abroad have to be made in
foreign exchange. Therefore, the economic benefit from tourism to a developing nation
may turn out to be much lower than expected. In the case of Sri Lanka, it is estimated that
25% of the current tourism income is leaked to foreign countries (Gamage, 1981). Forster
(1964) claims that the presence of tourism creates a demand for sophisticatedproducts which
often have to be imported. This demonstration effect has been demonstrated in many
developingnations (Noronha, 1979)and by Greenwood(1976)in Spain, and Wilson (1979)
in the Seychelles and Malta. Therefore, it is expected that foreign tourism in Sri Lanka will
be perceived as creating a desire to possess more material things.
Economic distribution of the benefits derived from tourism is affected by the social
structure of a country and its political system (De Kadt, 1979). For example, in Puerto
Vallarta, Mexico, it was mainly large nonregional Mexican and foreign corporations that
were used for developing the tourism industry (Evans, 1979). In Cyprus, private enterprise
made huge illegal profits from tourism development in Farnagusta (Andronicou, 1979).
Bryden (1 973) provides examples of similar bad planning for countries in the Caribbean
region. Because of the more orderly development of tourism in Sri Lanka (Harris, Kerr,
Forster and Company, 1967), no such inequities have occurred there and tourism is not
perceived as creating injustice. However, given the fact that less than one per cent of the
labor force in Sri Lanka was employed in tourism-related industries, and a much smaller
proportion had better paying tourism jobs, one would expect that tourism should be per-
 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL IMPACT OF TOURISM IN SKI LANKA 245
ceived as creating prosperity for only a few. Sri Lanka has experienced a high level of in-
flation during the past decade (Annual Report, 1982). During these same years there was
a steady growth in the number of tourists visiting Sri Lanka. Thus, it should be expected
that tourism should be viewed as one of the causes of increasing prices.

B. PROPOSITION
2
Tourism will be perceived to have only a small effect on the culture, preservation
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of traditional values, and of religious beliefs in Sri Lanka.

Young people, and women especially, appear to benefit from tourism jobs, and their
resulting independence is supposed to weaken the authority of the family head. 'The impact
of tourism on people who come in direct contact with tourists and particularly on those who
work in tourism facilities can be very powerful. This is especially so in small or island
countries, which were relatively isolated until recently (De Kadt, 1979).
Frequently arts, crafts, and local culture have been revitalized as a direct result of
tourism. In many countries, regional or local manifestations of culture have come to be
newly appreciated by the local population. In some places this interest in arts and crafts
has been created (for Malta, see Boissevain and Serracino, 1979), and in others it has
reinforced a national sense of cultural identity and rediscovery (for Bali, see Noronha,
1979). This interest has found expression in new museums of history and anthropology,
the renewal of old citiis, the celebration of festivals through dance, drama, song, and
ceremony, and the creation of craft centers. Tourist demand has given an economic boost
to these developments.
Greenwood (1976) found that young Basques mimic the consumption patterns of
the tourists, dropping all signs of their Basque culture. Wilson (1979) tells of the adoption
of imported tastes in the Seychelles. Boissevain and Serracino (1979) found that the Maltese
have taken over the custom of eating out in restaurants on special occasions. Tourism is
also credited with the boom in the popularity of sailing among the Maltese.
Thus, the advent of tourism can bring about positive as well as negative changes in
the cultural miitions of a country, and the life style of its inhabitants. Sri Lanka is a country
with very strong cultural traditions stretching back thousands of years. Therefore, it is felt
that the negative impact of tourism on culture, tradition and life style will be resisted, and
the positive impact will be facilitated, resulting in only a small overall impact. The ratio
of tourists to local inhabitants is small in Sri Lanka, and most of those tourists are interested
primarily in beaches, climate and natural beauty. Therefore, the Sri Lankanltourist contact
will be limited. Consequently, the tourists' dirrect impact on Sri Lanka's cultural traditions
and religion should be limited (Nettekoven, 1979).

Tourism will be perceived to cause an increase in vices, namely, prostitution, drug

consumption, the corruption of young boys, and to result in a general decline in morality.
It will be perceived to have no effect on gambling and the consumption of alcohol.
As noted earlier, certain changes in sexual morality or patterns of behaviour are at-
tributed to tourism. Prostitution is said to flourish in tourist resorts. Juvenile deliquency,
and heterosexual and homosexual prostitution is present among the young boys (Joshi and
Sharpston, 1973; Thurot, 1976). All these vices were found to be present in Tunisia which,
like Sri Lanka is a country with a strong historical and cultural tradition (Bouhdiba, 1976,
 246 CANADIAN JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

Gmupe Huite, 1979).Tunisia also welcomes tourists who seek the sun and beaches. If these
negative impacts are found in Tunisia, one should expect similar negative impacts also to
manifest themselves in Sri Lanka. Consumption of drugs such as marijuana, hashish and
even cocaine has recently become quite prevalent in the Western nations. Therefore, one
should expect that in Sri Lanka some tourists will indulge in drug consumption. Sri Lankan
newspaper reports of such drug consumption (Rajasingha, 1982) would help form the
perception that tourism increases the consumption of drugs. Tourism has also been blamed
for a large increase in the prostitution and drug consumption in Thailand (Jenkins, 1980).
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Alcohol and gambling are old vices, present in most societies. Bouhdiba (1976)
seemed to indicated that tourism had significantly increased the actual consumption of
alcohol and indulgence in gambling by the local population. In terms of perceptions though,
Sethna (1979) found that his Caribbean respondents believed that tourism contributes to
drug use and crime, but not to in& alcohol consumption. Similarly, De Kadt (1979)
attributed increased alcohol consumption by locals in the Mexican resort town of
Zihuataneijo to the large number of unmarried male workers rather than to the influx of
tourists.

Tourism will be perceived to have little impact on the level of corruption, the dignity
of the people, justice, independence and goodwill towards foreigners.
As stated earlier, the overall impact of tourism depends on factors peculiar to a
country. As the discussion of the first three propositions indicates, one should expect tourism
to have a positive impact on the economy and a negative impact on demonstration effect
and morality. Given the very low standard of living of Sri Lankans, concern for economic
gain would be expected to predominate in the attitude formation, and to outweigh the
concern about vices and the demonstration effects of the tourists' life style. Therefore, one
would expect that, unless there are other historical, cultural and environmental factors
present, tourism should be perceived to have little effect on the creation of resentment to-
wards foreigners. The following paragraphs discuss these other factors.
The friendliness of the Balinese, and the fact that they willingly accept the rather
lowly jobs that go with serving tourists (and do so without loss of dignity) are cultural
characteristics underpinned by basic values and beliefs, partly secular, partly religious
(Noronha, 1979). Another place that appears to be rather like Bali in this respect (but without
the Hindu religious element) is Bermuda. There, too, people serve the tourists without being
subservient to them. Manning (1979) holds the view that this is at least in part because the
traditional values of the islanders have easily accommodated tourism, He argues that the
slave society was mediated by a paternalistic patronage system and a widely accepted folk
concept of Bermuda as a large extended family. Therefore, tourists are looked upon as the
parental figures whom Bermudans want to please and to make feel at home.
In certain excolonial societies (most Caribbean countries for example), the memories
of the colonizers' expressions of superiority and disdain in personal relationships (perhaps
in racial or e W c terms), is still alive among the population. In such societies, the personal
service encounters with the tourists evoke resentment based on feelings arising from those
memories (Calvo, 1974, Noronha, 1977). The Basques' long history of conflict with the
Spaniards rubs off on tourism, in part because of the way in which Spaniards have moved
in to dominate the industry locally (Greenwood, 1976).
 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL IMPACT OF TOURISM IN SRI LANKA 247
De Kadt (1979) claims that when tourism development is grafted onto a society where
poverty is still widespread and where many inhabitants do not share in the benefits brought
by tourism, negative attitudes toward tourists and resentrnent of their wealth and well-being
should cause no surprise. Wilson (1979)found that unemployed Seychelloisyouths resented
tourists in part because many of the jobs created by tourism have gone to girls rather than
to them. Similarly, many of the poor in Sousse have developed a disturbing sense of
frustration because they have few chances of satisfying the new desires aroused in them
by the tourists and their own richer compatriots (Bouhdiba, 1976).
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Although Sri Lanka was a British colony before independence, it did not have a large
number of British settlers. The British operated tea, rubber and coffee plantations, but no
slave labour was used. The country has been independent for thirty-six years. Therefore,
it is not expected that the kind of historical resentment felt towards white races in the
Carribean islands would exist in Sri Lanka. Tourism jobs in Sri Lanka are mostly in the
hands of males. Buddhism does not condemn servile professions nor does it promote
jealousy. So, the cultural factors also facilitate the adoption of tourism as a major industry.
Therefore, one would expect that tourism would be perceived to have a minimal effect on
the dignity of the people, on justice, independence, and goodwill towards foreigners.
Because of this lack of resentment towards foreigners, one would not expect that
tourism would be blamed for any general increase in corruption. The negative impact will
be viewed as related to specific vices that appear to be directly connected with tourism.
To summarize, the present exploratory study is an attempt to validate the above four
propositions. In order to gain further insight into why certain tourism-related perceptions
are held, these perceptions will be related to the demographic, psychographic and per-
sonality characteristics and value structures of the respondents. The data were collected
both from the Sri Lankan middle class and from tourists, and comparisons will be made
between the perceptions of these groups.

11. DESIGN OF THE STUDY

Responses from a sample of 121 English-speaking middle and upper-middle class

Sri Lankans and 201 international tourists provided the data for this study. Because of the
great diversity in the tourist population, in order to ensure that the sample represented a
large cross section of the nationalities of the tourists, it was decided to generate a tourist
sample that was larger than that of the Sri Lankans. The procedures and rationale employed
for selecting the sample is discussed below. The data were collected in the summer of 1982.
For the resident sample, 150 middle and upper middle class Sri Lankans were con-
tacted in the capital city of Colombo and the surrounding areas with a paper and pencil
questionnaire by M.B.A. students at the University of Jayewardenepura. No a priori data
to determine a sample universe or sampling frame exist for Sri Lanka, so in order to obtain
a reasonable representation of the sample universe, the greater Colombo area was divided
into thirty territories on the basis of a street map. Starting points in these territories were
selected randomly. Students approached occupants of five sepmte residences, that appeared
to be occupied by middle or upper income families and listed the number of occupants who
spoke English. If one or more occupant over the age of 18 spoke English at home, the in-
terviewer selected the appropriate interviewee through a random assignment procedure.
A questionnaire to be filled out by the appropriate household member was left and two call
 248 CANADIAN JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

backs were made to collect the data. "Not at homes" were eliminated from further con-
sideration. A quota of five appropriate contacts was set for each one of the territories. This
pmcedure generated a usable sample of 121 (80% response rate) Sri Lankans. Additionally,
65 families had reported that no members of their family spoke English.
The choice of English-speaking Sri Lankans was based on several factors. Firstly,
English is understood by a large number of middle and upper middle class Sri Lankans.
The major Sri Lankan newspapers and weeklies that shape public opinion are published
in English. As pointed out by Wilson (1979), the opinions and attitudes of the English-
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speaking Sri Lankans play an important role in the policy development process of the Sri
Lankan government. Given that the purpose of the study was to understand the perceptions
of socio-economic and cultural impact rather than to predict the size of the public that held
certain views, it was felt that for an initial study the choice of a restricted sample, although
somewhat flawed, might provide interesting insights.
The demographic profile of the Sri Lankan respondents indicated that the majority
of the respo~dents(69%) were married men of Sinhalese mother tongue (67%) between
the ages of 25 and 44 years (75%) with at least some post-secondary education. The sample
included respondents involved in the tourism business, other commercial activities, and
non-commercial activities (civil servants, teachers, lawyers, nurses, et cetera). Although
the sample profile cannot be compared against a broad universe, over-representationof more
highly educated subjects and under-representationof females may reflect the uneven dis-
tribution of the knowledge of English across different demographic groups.
With regard to the tourist sample, in order to obtain a reasonable representation of
the sample universe, the Greater-Colombo area was divided into 15 territories to cover the
hotels, guesthouses and private homes registered with the Ceylon Tourist Board. By using
the number of rooms and the average occupancy rate as a weighting factor, a quota for each
territory was determined. The establishments to be sampled were selected randomly.
Students, having achieved the co-operation of the establishments, approached the re-
spondents inside the establishments at systematic intervals. Three establishments refused
inter:icwing permission. They were replaced. Out of the 359 persons contacted, 300 spoke
sufficient English to answer the questionnaire. After accounting for refusals, terminated
completions and badly filled out questionnaires, a usable sample of 201 (66% response
rate) was generated.
The demographic profile of the respondents indicated that 22% of the respondents
fell between the ages of 18 to 24,34% between the ages of 25 and 34,29% between the
ages of 35 and 4 4 i d 14% were 45 and over. Seventeen different language groups were
i~cludedin the study, out of which 3 1% spoke German, 27% English and 23% French.
42% of the respondents were single, 54% married and 4% divorced, separated or widowed.
52% of the respondents had no children, 14% one child, 22% two children and 12% with
three or more children. In terms of educational achievement level, 27% had some high
school or elementary education, 16% had some post-secondary education, 16% had
completed university -and 41% had some graduate education. 67% of the respondents were
male and 33% female. In terms of the age, sex, nationality and occupational profile, the
sample population resembled the summer tourist population at large as profiled in the Ceylon
Tourist Board Report (Annual Statistical Report, 1982).
 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL IMPACT OF TOURISM IN SRI LANKA 249

The tourism impact items for the questionnaire were generated from discussions with
Sri Lankan academics, personal interviews with international travelers, and a review of
the relevant tourism and travel impact literature quoted in this article. Selection of the actual
questions to be administered was based on what the literature seemed to indicate would
be the impact of tourism and the issues that seem to be particularly relevant to the Sri Lankan
situation.
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The final questionnaire included 22 dependent variables and 86 independent vari-

ables. To determine the respondents' perceptions of the impact of tourism on Sri Lanka,
the dependent variables consisted on nine point modified semantic differential scales. The
independent variables consisted of Rokeach Value Scale (36 variables), (Rokeach, 1979),
Six dimensional Achievement Scale (6 variables), (Jackson, Ahmed and Heapy, 1976),
psychographic statements (33 variables), and travel-oriented objective items and demog-
raphics (11 variables). The objective and demographic items were somewhat different for
the Sri Lankans and the tourists.
Demographic variables have often failed to explain individual differences in the
public's views on social issues. The approach recommended to deal with this is to use a
battery of psychological variables to gain insight into the individual differences (Ahmed
and Jackson, 1979). Given that the purpose of the individual level analysis in this study
was to gain some insight rather than to validate hypotheses about the specific correlates
of the perceptions of tourism impact, a large battery of independent variables were included.

To evaluate and compare the mean perceptions of Sri Lankans and tourists, a t test
analysis was carried out. Table 1 presents mean responses of the tourists and Sri Lankans
and statistical significance of the mean differences between them. The analysis for the in-
dividual differences was carried out using factor analysis to group the tourists and Sri
Lankans' perceptions of the social impact of tourism, with correlations and multiple
regression analysis used to uncover possible relationships (see Ahmed, 1984 for detailed
discussion of procedures employed and the results uncovered).

111. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Table I presents the comparison of Sri Lankan and international tourists' perceptions
of tourism's impact on Sri Lanka.
On the positive side of the tourism issue, both tourists and Sri Lankans feel that
tourism creates economic growth (JI = 3.1,3.0), and more jobs (K = 3.1,2.7, Werence
significant at p 5 .017). On the negative side of the issue, both groups felt that foreign
tourism in Sri Lanka creates a desire for more things (TI = 2.8, 3.0), and corrupts boys
(TI = 6.4 both). Whereas tourists feel some concern that tourism creates prostitution
(51 = 3.7) Sri Lankan concern is stronger (TI = 3.1, difference significant at p 5 .003).
Significant differences in the negative perception held by both groups were observed for
increased drug use (JI = 4.0 vs 3.4, p 5 .003). Both tourists and Sri Lankans felt that
tourism changed dress habits (TI = 3.6, 3.9), increased alcohol use (TI = 3.8, 3.7), in-
Downloaded by [University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign] at 16:48 10 March 2015

CANADIAN JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL IMPACT OF TOURISM IN SRI LANKA 25 1
creased contact with foreignen (jT = 3.6,3.5), and caused a decline in morality ( j I = 3.9,
3.8).
It is interesting to note that both the tourists and Sri Lankans felt that tourism had
little impact on the distribution of prosperity, corruption, dignity of Sri Lankans, eating
habits, resentment of foreigners, culture, tradition, religion, justice, dependence and
gambling.
The overall picture that emerges from these results is that, except on the issue of
prostitution, drug use and jobs, there is general agreement between both the tourists and
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Sri Lankans on the impact of tourism on the country. Even on these issues, both groups
are on the same side of the scale.
Our results are largely in agreement with those reported by Sethna (1979), and Belisle
and Hoy (1980). Sethna collected his data dealing with the impact of tourism from a
stratified random sample of respondents from seven Caribbean countries (Grenada, U.S.
Virgin Islands, Belize, Curacao, Barbados, Cayman Islands, St-Kitts and Nevis). His
respondents felt that the benefits of tourism go to very few people, that tourism corrupts
young people, causes a decline in moral values, and increases crime, drug use, and pros-
titution. They also felt that tourism did not affect their culture and religion. Belisle and Hoy
(1980) found that the residents of Santa Marta, Colombia felt that tourism benefited the
local economy and employment but that the benefits accrued to a minority of the population.
Results of the present study seem to confirm the propositions laid out, except in the
case of alcohol consumption, gambling and eating habits. Exposure to Western foods
appears to have failed to break Sri Lankan taste for very hot spicy food. Besides, in addition
to Western foods, most resort hotels serve Sri Lankan foods, and therefore, most tourists
do try out and appear to enjoy Sri Lankan dishes. Sethna (1979) also found that his
Caribbean respondents perceived that tourists like Caribbean food. This symbolic
acceptance by the tourists of Sri Lankan food may have acted to reinforce the Sri Lankan
eating habits.
Alcohol and gambling are old vices. Nevertheless, it is quite possible that tourism
has created a demonstration effect on Sri Lankans. With the advent of tourism there has
also been a marked increase in the number of public drinking and gambling establishments.
It is likely that it is this increased availability of alcohol and gambling establishments that
is causing the perception of the tourism leading to increased alcohol consumption and
gambling.
According to Sri Lankan law, drug consumption and prostitution are strictly pro-
hibited. Gambling, alcohol consumption and nightlife are also strictly controlled. Because
tourists are more permissive with regard to alcohol consumption and sexual expression than
are the Sri Lankans, there is bound to be a demonstration effect here. The real challenge
for policy makers is to find ways and means to control the level of this effect.
In general, it appears that by taking a planned, gradualist approach to tourism
development as suggested by De Kadt (1979), the Sri Lankan government has avoided the
severe negative impact that tourism can have on a country's socio-culturalfabric. Moreover,
it appears that the tourists share the same concerns about this socio-economic impact on
Sri Lanka as the Sri Lankans themselves. Therefore, one may speculate that the tourists
in Sri Lanka, by and large, are respectful of the country's rich cultural and religious tradition
and deal justly and respectfully with the Sri Lankans. Such tolerant tourist behavior may
also have contributed to limiting the negative impact of tourism on Sri Lanka.
 252 CANADIAN JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

The sea of data generated by the multivariate analysis of 22 dependent variables with
the 86 independent variables, while providing some tentative indications of what type of
individual differences may exist among the respondents, did not reveal any new and dra-
matic insights into why they held the particular perceptions of the cultural and socio-
economic impact of tourism on Sri Lanka. It appeared that the perception of reality was
selectively distorted by respondents to reflect their own values, motives, beliefs and self-
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interest. Respondents who valued economic growth or were dependent on tourism for their
economic well-being were more positive about the impact of tourism. Respondents who
were traditional or were more concerned about the social and cultllral aspects of Sri Lankan
society were more negative about the impact of tourism. Consumer behaviour models have
dealt extensively with this phenomenon of selective distortion (see for example, Engel,
Blackwell and Kollat, 1979). Our results conform to these findings.

IV. IMPLICATIONS

Results of this study seem to indicate that whereas both tourists and Sri Lankans
perceive that tourism creates economic growth and jobs, they also perceive that the presence
of tourists results in increased prices, a desire for greater materialistic consumption on the
part of Sri Lankans, an increase in vice and immorality and in the corruption of the youth.
Tourism's impact on the traditional culture, religion, dignity of the residents and dependence
was felt to be minimal. Sri Lankans showed a greater concern with regard to prostitution
and drug use than did the tourists.
It is heartening to note that the negative impact of tourism on Sri Lanka's traditional
culture, religion and dignity appears to have been limited in scope. In addition to the eco-
nomic benefits, there is a possibility that some aspects of Sri Lanka's culture and traditions
have also benefited from the presence of tourists. What explains this containment of the
negative impact of tourism? Firstly, Sri Lanka is an old country with a very rich history
and tradition that has withstood the cultural shock imposed by Portuguese, Dutch and British
colonialism. It was, therefore, perhaps better prepared to deal with the inflow of tourists.
Secondly, successive Sri Lankan governments have taken a somewhat conservative ap-
proach to tourism development in Sri Lanka. Thus, it appears that there is a social consensus
on preserving Sri Lankan traditions against the arrival of more tourists. For example, in
spite of repeated pressure from some segments of the hospitality industry, the Sri Lankan
government has resisted creating a Bangkok- or Singapore-style night life in Colombo.
Given that the present tourists share most of the concerns about tourism that the Sri Lankans
do, it is possible that their behaviour is more respectful of Sri Lankans and thus less likely
to engender hostility on the part of Sri Lankans.
It is conceivable that given the relatively strong concern felt about prostitution and
drug consumption in Sri Lanka, continued expansion of tourism may be resisted by the
traditional professional elite sector which seemed to put greater emphasis on social growth
rather than on economic growth. Therefore, it is important that the question of the rela-
tionship between tourism and prostitution and the hard drug trade be studied, and if nec-
essary, more stringent actions be taken against these vices.
Tourists have to be. made aware of the greater sensitivity of the Sri Lankans to
prostitution and hard drugs. If any new actions are taken to curb these vices, the reasons
for taking these actions have to be explained to the tourists. In the meantime, it appears
 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL IMPACT OF TOURISM IN SRI LANKA 253
that the tourists who are traditional may be concerned about tourism's impact on Sri Lankan
culture. Therefore, in order to promote tourism among this group, it may be necessary to
point out how tourism has helped Sri Lanka to restore its historical sites, build museums,
improve access to game reserves, revive its ancient dances and handicrafts and provide
greater financial support for religious ceremonies.
Although the present impact of tourism does not appear to be extremely negative,
there is a clear danger for the future. As Plog (1972) and Cohen (1972) point out, when a
tourism destination becomes popular, the type of tourist changes from one who prefers
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adventure and a sense of discovery, to individuals who prefer familiar common activities
such as one finds in destinations like Miami Beach and Acapulco. Sri Lanka is gradually
becoming a country for sun resorters. Given the possibility of a foreign exchange crisis
created by the continuing depressed demand for commodity exports and the fall-off in re-
mittances from overseas workers, the temptation for the unlimited expansion of tourism
is very strong. Results of this study seem to suggest that uncontrolled expansion may
generate hostility, especially from tradition-minded elite groups.
Our present study indicates that the perceptions of both host nationals and tourists
can be used as input to the planning process. In fact, some developing countries such as
Bali (Noronha, 1979), and the Caribbean Islands (Sethna, 1979), have started collecting
data from the local population on the impact of tourism so as to improve their tourism
planning. Sri Lanka can benefit from such regular collection of data. For maximum benefit,
the data has to be collected on a longitudinal basis. Only thus can one discern changes in
the public's perceptions and take remedial actions.

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