Letter Writing and the Use of Royal and Imperial Seals in Ethiopia prior to the

Twentieth Century
Author(s): RICHARD PANKHURST
Source: Journal of Ethiopian Studies , JANUARY 1973, Vol. 11, No. 1 (JANUARY 1973),
pp. 179-207
Published by: Institute of Ethiopian Studies

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41988572

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 Letter Writing and the Use of Royal and
Imperial Seals in Ethiopia prior to the
Twentieth Century
by RICHARD PANKHURST
Letter writing in medieval Ethiopia was not a common practice,
for considerable reliance was placed on oral communication. There
were, however, occasions, particularly when sending messages to
foreign lands, when use had to be made of writing. Such letters were
normally written in Ge'ez, the literary language of the country, though
because of the prevalence of Arabic throughout the Middle East,
that language was sometimes employed when communicating with
rulers or other personages of the area, while to assist foreign inter-
course translations in other languages, notably Portuguese in the six«
teenth century, might also be prepared.
One of the earliest letters known to have been written from Eth-
iopia was sent by Emperor Yeshaq I (1414-1429) in 1428 to King
Afonso of Aragon proposing an alliance. A generation or so later
Emperor Zär'a Ya'eqob (1434-1468) wrote a letter to the Ethiopian com-
munity in Jerusalem, the first such work known to be extant, which
was published some years ago by the modern Ethiopian historian
Täklä Sadeq Mäkurya. A work of four fine pages of parchment it
was written in Ge'ez and the top of the first page is illustrated, like
many a manuscript of the time, with a line of haräg , or border design.1
Letter writing in this period was, however, apparently not common,
for early in the sixteenth century the Portuguese priest Francisco
Alvares explicitly states of the Ethiopians that "their custom is not to
write to one another, and their messages, communications, and em-
bassies, are all by word of mouth."2 He goes on to state that Emperor
Lebnä Dengel (1508-1540) in deciding to write to the Portuguese was
in fact breaking with tradition, for he declares, wrongly, as we have
seen, that "with us they began to get the habit of writing." Describ-
ing the manner in which Lebnä Dengel wrote to the Portuguese in
1521 he observes:

"The Prester John's clerks never stopped writing the letters which
we were to carry for the King of Portugal and his Captain Major:
and they spent a long time over them,

writing, all the books of the Epistles of St. Paul, of St. Peter, and

1. Täklä-Sadeq Mäkurya, V empereur Zera Yaicob et sa letter à la communauté

éthiopienne de Jerusalem (Jerusalem); K. Wessel, Christentum am Nil (Reck"
linghausen, 1964), pp. 43-52. On häräg see E. S. Pankhurst, Ethiopia , A Cultura '
History (Woodford Green, 1955), p. 179.
2. C. F. Beckingham and G. W. B. Huntingford, The Prester John of the Indies
(Cambridge, 1961), II, 376.

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St. James were present, and those that they held to be the most
learned studied them, and then began to write their letters in their
Abyssinian language, and other letters in Arabic, and also others in
our Portuguese, which the monk who had guided us read in Abys-
sinian, and Pero de Covilham turned them into Portuguese, and Joam
Escolar, the clerk of the embassy, wrote them, and I, by order of the
Prester, helped to make the language agree, for it is very difficult to
translate Abyssinian into Portuguese: thus the letters were made for
the King our lord in three languages, Abyssinian, Arabic, and Por-
tuguese."3
These letters, the originals of which have since disappeared, were,
according to Alvares, "written on sheets of parchment," and were
prepared, for reasons of safety, in duplicate, one set being placed "in
one little bag of brockade" and the other in "another little bag."4
The position of letter writing a century or so later was well
summed up by the seventeenth century German historian of Ethiopia,
Job Ludolf, who, doubtless informed on these matters by his Ethio-
pian friend and informant Abba Gregorios, observes that when "the
King Writes his Letters to Forrain Princes" he made use of Arabic,
but that "Private persons seldom write Letters, nor do they know the
method of sending them", and he adds:
"But if any one has a desire to write, he goes to the Scribe of
the Province, who is call'd, Pahase Hagare [a. mistake, as the Latin
edition of Ludolf makes clear, for UIC sâhafé hagär ]5 and
for a small Sum of Money causes him to Compose them an Epistle
and you must know that the Exordiums of their Epistles are various
in their Forms, for that in the Elegancy of their first Addresses, they
place the chiefest ornament of their Complements."6

* # *

The influence o
practice in Ethi
sentation of the Cross. An early letter, written by Lebna Dengel's
son, Emperor Gâlawdéwos (1540-1559) to King João III of Portugal in
1543, and now housed in Lisbon, begins with an intricate and fully
representational drawing of the Crucifixion.7
Drawings of this kind, no other example of which is extanct,
required both time and artistic skill, and therefore presumably could
only have been used for communications of unusual importance.
The superscriptions of epistles of lesser moment must therefore have
necessitated simpler representation of the Cross.

3. Ibid , II, 377.

4. Ibid., II, 377. On the Arabic letters of Lebna Dengel's envoy Mathew see:
Cartas do Bispo Matheus a et Rei D. Manoel (Coimbre, 1907).
5. J. Ludolf, Historia Aethiopica (Frankfurt, 1681), Book IV, Chapter III, p. 48.
6. Idem., A New History of Ethiopia (London, 1684), p. 383.
7. S. P. Pétridès, Le livre ďor de la dynastie salomonienne d*Êthiopie (Paris,
1964), p. 112.

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 By the early seventeenth century at least it appears to have been
common practice in Ethiopia to begin letters with the sign of the
Cross surrounded by the four Ethiopie letters of the word
Iyäsus , i.e. Jesus, arranged around the cross in the following manner:

K ?

A* ft

The above symbolism was employed in t

ten by Emperor Susneyos (1607-1632) to the Medici in 1616, and
subsequently published by the Jesuit scholar Beccari,8 and is likewise
to be seen in a letter from Emperor Iyasu I (1682-1706) to King
Louis XIV of France written in 1687.9

The use of the Cross and ři.?ň«ň Iyäsus motif was evidently
not restricted to royal letters, for we find it on no less than eight
letters written by Abba Gregorios to Ludolf in 1650 or 1651.10
sfc :£ î{;

Seals, no example of which is however known to the present

writer, seem also to have been used on royal letters of this period, for
the Jesuit Jerome Lobo declares that "the seal of the Emperor of
Ethiopia is a lion holding a cross with this legend Vicit leo de Tribu
Juda". Ludolf likewise avers:

"The King's Seal which they use in Sealing their Letters, is a

Lion holding a Cross, with this Motto: The Lion of the Tribe of
Judah has won."11

The existence of this symbol in seventeenth century Ethiopia is

confirmed by the Jesuits, who produce representations of it in their
writings, and are followed in this by subsequent European map-makers,
all of whom indicate that the kings of Ethiopia had on their arms a
representation of the Lion of Judah holding a cross, in mo9t cases
one with two sets of arms like the Cross of Lorraine.12 Ludolf, who
himself reproduces such a representation, explains the reason which
lay behind the Lion of Judah symbol as follows:
"The Habessines . . .call'd the Posterity of their Kings Israelites :
neither do they think any other persons worthy of the Scepter but the

8. C. Beccari, Rerum Aethiopicarum Scriptores Occidentales (Roma, 1903-17)

I, 264, XI, 377.
9. France, Ministère des Affaires Etrangères, Mémoires et Documents, Asie 2,
Indes Orientales, 1635-1734.
10. J. Fleming, iCHiob Ludolf, " Beitragen zur Assyriologie und vergleichenden
semitischen Sprachwissenschaft (1890), pp. 570, 572, 580; idem. (1891), pp. 63,
67, 69, 70, 74.
11. M. Le Grand, Voyage historique ďAbyssinie (Paris, 1728), p. 253; Ludolf, A
New History of Ethiopia , p. 105.
12. Pétri dès. opt cit., pp. 232-3.

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Male Issue of Menilehec; for that reason bear the Lyon in their
Royal Coats, with this Impresse, The Lion of the Tribe of Judah
has overcome: to demonstrate that they are descended from the Tribe
of Judah and the Lion of David "

The German Ethiopicist adds that "Gregory also averr'd to me

the same things, and that the Book wherein those things were record-
ed, was caird the Glory of the Kings , and was of great authority
among them; and that no person in Ethiopia doubted of the Truth
thereof."13

The significance of the Lion of Judah as the symbol of the

Ethiopian monarch is confirmed by the late seventeenth century French
traveller Charles Poncet who states that the Emperor Iyasu I on end-
owing one of his vassals with fiefs "sends to the person he has made
choice of to be his feudatory a head-band (bandeau) of taffeta, upon
which are written these words in golden letter: Jesus, Emperor of
Aethiopia, of the tribe of Judah, who has always vanquished his ene-
mies."14 The Scottish trveller James Bruce likewise subsequently reported
that the "kings of the race of Solomon" had as their "device a lion
passant," and as their motto "Mo Anbasa am Nizilet Solomon am
Negadè Jude ; which signifies "the lion of the race of Solomon and
of Judah hath overcome."' Discussing the supposed history of this
device he adds:

"The Portuguese missionaries, in place of a lion passant, which is

really the king's bearing, have given him, in some of their publications
a lion rampant, purposely, as is supposed, to put a cross into the
paw of this Jewish lion; but he is now returned to the lion passant,
that he was in the time of Solomon, without any symbol either o
religion or peace in his paws."15
The Lion of Judah apparently still held great importance in royal
symbolism, for, again according to Bruce, at the time of the Emperor'9
accession the governor of Aksum presented the sovereign with "two
lions and a fillet of silk, upon which is wrote VA/o Anbasa am Nizilet
am Negadé Jude - The lion of the tribe of Judah and race of Solo-
mon hath overcome' Confirming Poncet's earlier report the Scotsman
adds that this formula also "serves as a form of investiture of lands
that the king grants, a ribband bearing this inscription being tied round
the head of the person to whom the lands are given."16
* $ * ♦

At least one
is also report
Emperor Täk
Arabic, to th

13. Ludolf, A N
14, W. Foster,
teenth Centur
15. J. Bruce, Tr
16. Ibid., II, 281.

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were given by Le Grand and Bruce. The latter says it seemed to him
4 'of the few that are authentic among those many which have been
published as coming from Abyssinia."17 This letter is interesting in that,
according to the same authority, it carried some kind of device which, he
states, was "not the king's seal, but. . .the invention of some Mahometan
employed to write the letters," and embodied the formula:18
Jesus son of Mary
Son of David Israel, Edom, Isaac
Race of Solomon.

There is no other evidence of the use of this device.

♦ * *

The evidence
still common
tion. The Brit
the Cross wa
Language,"19
to Ras Wäldä
the Abyssinian
Salt reproduc
corporating an
he gives as ft
so later by hi

K f

ft- ft

The correct lettering, which resembles that w

Gregorios a couple of centuries earlier, is, however, seen in a letter
which Ras Wäldä Sellasé gave Salt for King George III in 1810. In
this letter the small triangles have been added at each end of the
Cross and the lettering is written in a circular rather than a vertical
manner.22

The symbolism of the Lion of Judah, though not apparently used

on any letters of this period now extant, was still well known, for
Salt recalls that Ras Wäldä Sellasé when entrusting him with the afore-
mentioned epistle, presented him personally with a good chain and

17. Le Grand, op. cit , p. 173; Bruce, op. cit., II, 517-18.
18. Ibid., II, 518. See also E. A. Wallis Budge, A History of Ethiopia (London,
1928), II, 430.
19. H. Salt, A Voyage to Abyssinia (London, 1814), figure 5, plate opposite
p. 302.
20. Ibid., p. 145.
21. Ibid., figure 5, plate opposite, p. 302; C. T. Beke, "The Highlands of Aethi-
opia," Westminister Review , March 1844, No. 80, p. 209.
22. Great Britain, Foreign Offce, 1/1, p. 73.

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medalion "on which were engraved the armorial bearings of the
Abyssinian emperors".23 This engraving, as shown by an accompaying
illustration in Salt's book, consisted of a lion facing rightwards and
in front of it the cross of Lorraine.24

The conception of the Lion and the Cross were, as we shall see,
soon to exert a dominant influence on the development of Ethiopian seals.

* * *

The first seals of which we have record in nineteenth century

Ethiopia, come from Tegré province, and consist only of writing with
little or no decoration. They seem to have been used invariably with
ink rather than sealing wax. The earliest seal appears, together with
the afore-mentioned hand- written Cross, on Ras Wäldä Sellasé's letter
of 1810 to King George III, and takes the form of a rectangular
block, 3 cm. high by 3.5 cm. wide, with a slightly ornamented border
and four lines of Arabic 25 There are two etched lines under all but
the last lines of writing, thus more or less dividing the seal into four
panels. The use of Arabic on the seal, as in the text of the letters
of former times, was presumbly a matter of convenience in view of
the widespread proximity of Arabic-speaking peoples. The seal, the
known examples of which are by no means easy to read, proclaims:
Al-wathiq bi al-malik al-qudus Ras Walda Sellasé bin Kifl lyasus 1217//.

"He who puts his trust in the holy king Ras Wäldä Sellasé
son of Keflä lyasus [the year of] 1217 [A. H.]"
There is no evidence of Ras Wäldä Sellasé using a seal in any
other language.

* * *

The subseque
which appears to have been modelled on that of Wäldä Sellasé, made
use of Ge'ez instead of Arabic.26 This seal comprised a rectangular
block 4 cm. high by 3.75 cm. wide, the corners of which were cut
off. The text consists of four lines of writing with a plain border and
three central lines under the writing, which divide the space, like the
seal of Wäldä Sellasé, into four roughly equal panels. The text in the
seals available for study is unfortunately more or less illigible.
A significant development in the evolution of Ethiopian seals
seems to have occurred during the time of Däjjazmac Webé (1839-
1855), the first ruler whom we know actually to have used the Lion
of Judah motif on his seals. He in fact at one time or another is
known to have employed at least three such seals, in each of which
the lion was accompanied by a cross.

23. Salt, op. cit., p. 377.

24. Ibid., figure 6, plate opposite, p. 302.
25. F.O., 1/1, p. 73; British Museum, Additional MS. 19,343, f. 1.
26. F. O., 1/2, p. 6; B. M., Add. M. S. , 19,343, f. 42 .

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 The first of Webé's seals, which appears on a letter to Queen
Victoria in 1841, is circular, 4 cm. in diameter.27 It contains a small
spindly representation of a lion, only about 1.5 cm. from head to tail,
which faces to the left with a simple but relatively tall cross on its
back, the animal being framed by a circle 2 cm. wide. This device is
surrounded by Ethiopian lettering in a scalloped frame. The text,
which draws attention to Webé's descent from his father Däjjazmac
Haylä Maryam, the ruler of Samén, who is, however, here referred to
merely as Däjjazmac Haylu, states s ahft, s s pfifr s Ajf
Däjjazmac Webé Yä Däjjazmac Haylu Lej., i.e. " Däjjazmac Webé Dä-
jazmač Haylu's son."
The Protestant missionary C.W. Isenberg, who was asked to trans-
late the letter bearing this seal, found the latter difficult to read, and,
assuming that the name of Webé's father was given in full, states that
Haylä Maryam, the second of the names on the seal, was "not. . .
distinctly engraved". The missionary gives the additional historical
information that "this seal is a new one which he [Webé] did not
yet possess in 1838."28
♦ * *

The second of Webé's seals, which was used on a letter of 1845

to King Louis Philippe of France, was a square block resembling the
earlier seals of Webé and Säbägadis with sides measuring 4 cm.29
It contained a highly stylised representation of a lion which faced to
the right, instead of left in the earlier seal, and is again surmounted
by a fairly tall cross. A new feature is that Webé's name and title are
now given in Arabic as well as Ge'ez but there is no mention of the
ruler's father. The text thus reads, in Ge'ez s flH L s Däjjazmac
Webé , and in Arabic, Dijazmat Webé.
* * *

Half a decade
based on the li
which is remin
ing 3.4 cm. hig
slightly better d
The text differed from that of the first of Webé's seals in that it made
use, like the second, of both Ge'ez and Arabic, but omitted reference
to the ruler's father. It merely declares: î Däjjazmac
Webé, and, in Arabic Dijazmat Webé.
He * *

Seals were by now apparently also used at Gondär which was

still the nominal capital of the sorely disunited empire though in

27. F. O., 1/3, p. 148. On Webé see also R. Perini, Di qua dal Marèb (Marèb-
Mellàsc (Firenze, 1905), p. 213.
28. F. O., 1/3, p. 148.
29. A. E., Correspondance Politique, Massawa, 1, f. 141.
30. F. O., 1/7, p. 80.

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actual fact the centre of government only of Amhara province. Ras
Ali Alula (d. 1866) placed one such seal on a letter which he sent
to Queen Victoria in 1844.31 It consists of a small rectangular block
1.7 cm. high by 2.5 cm. wide with corners cut off, a thin border
decoration, and a rather ornate Arabic text which declares:
(J*
Ras Ali al Habashi
Ras Ali the Abyssinian

An apparently identical seal, which on this occasion made use of

ceiling wax, was affixed by Ras Ali to his treaty with Queen Victoria
in 1850.32 Above it was added in Amharic the words ft A* ' "ťW* '
Ali Negusä Habeša , i.e. "Ali King of Abyssinia."33 The use of wax,
which, as we have seen, was not normal in Ethiopia, may well have
been adopted at the suggestion of the British who invariably employed
it in their treaties.

* * *

By the middle of the century at least the Lion of Judah motif

was also employed in Amhara province. The nominal Emperor of this
time Sahlä Dengel (1832-1840, 1841-1855) had a seal, a wax imprint
of which was affixed to the afore-mentioned Anglo-Ethiopian treaty as
the British Consul Plowden says, "by order of the Ras," i.e. Ras Ali.34
This seal, the details of which are very difficult to discern, is circular,
around 4.5 cm. in diameter, and consists of the representation of an
animal which may be presumed rather than actually identified as a
lion facing leftwards and surmounted by what appears to be a minute
cross, possibly in imitation of the seal earlier employed by Webé.35
The modern Swedish historian Sven Rubenson, who finds it impossible
to vouch for the identity of the cross on the seal, is nevertheless
convinced that the beast is actually carrying it, for he asserts that it
has "a very small cross or sword in his left front paw."36 It is
possibly significant in view of the transitory and usually very nominal
character of imperial rule at Gondar that the seal has no text, and
could therefore be used by a succession of sovereigns.
* * *

Ras Ali seems also to have made use of the Lion of Judah motif.
A letter of 1852 to Queen Victoria bears a circular seal, 3 cm. in
diameter, consisting of a plump-footed, round-faced and almost bear-
like lion which faces leftwards in a pose possibly copied from the
last of Wubé's seals, but, unlike the latter, makes no use of the cross,

31. F. O. ,93/2/1.
32. F. O., 93/2/1.
33. Great Britain, House of Commons, Correspondence respecting Abyssinia 1848-
1868 (London, 1868), p. 39.
34. Idem,, p. 39.
35. F. O., 93/2/1.
36. S. Rubenson, "The Lion of the Tribe of Judah, Christian Symbol and/or
Imperial Title," Journal of Ethiopian Studies (1956), III, No. 1, p. 81.

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this omission being perhaps due to Ras Ali's Muslim affiliations.37
This seal, like that of the Sahlä Dengel, has no wording, and could
also have served any ruler.
♦ * *

Säwa, at this p
empire, appear
part of the cen
employed the Lion of Judah motif. King Sahlä SelJasé (1813-1847)
for example apparently preferred the old device of the Cross circumsc-
ribed by the letters hS <Vň Iyäsus , as is evident from the fact that when
he had to sign the Anglo-Ethiopian treaty of 1841, which was nego-
tiated by Captain W.C. Harris, he counter-balanced the British royal
arms with this symbol which was affixed in red sealing wax, perhaps
the first time such wax was in fact used in Ethiopia.38
Harris, reporting on the sealing in his book The Highlands
of Aethiopia , notes that after the king had signed the treaty "the
imperial signet, a cross encircled by the word 'Jesus', was then attached
by the scribe in presence of the chief of the church, the Dedj Agafari,
the Governor of Morat, and three other functionaries who were sum-
moned into the alcove for the purpose."39
The use of this seal, and the envoy's description of it as "the
imperial signet," was subsequently discussed by the redoubtable Beke
who expressed the view, incorrect as evident from the facts given in
the present study, that this was "the first seal that Abyssinia has
produced." Drawing attention to what he considered a "curious fact"
about the seal he expressed surprise that the symbol of the cross and
the word "Jesus", which, as Salt said, had been a " common sign
usually prefixed to Ethiopie letters," and, as Beke says, "consequently

should have been "exalted to the dignity

Reiterating that this was "a curious fact, h
tion," Beke concludes:
"Can the Abyssinians generally - or at least such of them as are
subject to the King of Shoa - have been interdicted the use of the sign
since the time of Mr. Salt? We should suppose it must be so, for in
so despotic a country, the people generally are surely not allowed to
place the 'imperial signet' on their letters ad libitum ."40
How far Beke was correct in the above suppositions we have no
means of telling, but it would appear probable that the Iyäsus motif
was in fact rarely used as a seal, and probably only by the sovereign.
* * *

Sahlä Sellasé's
himself 'Bäsha Wäräd, made no use of any seal in his letter of

37. F. O., 1/7, p. 79.

38. F. O., 93/94. See also E. Ullendorf? and C. F. Beckingham, "The First
Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty," Journal of Semitic Studies (1964), IX, No. 1, p. 187;
Rubenson, op. cit., pp. 81-2.
39. W. C. Harris, The Highlands of Aethiopia (London, 1844), II, 386.
40. Ibid., p. 209.

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 1849 to Queen Victoria, an omission which would seem to suggest
that the rulers of Säwa were still unaccustomed to the use of seals.41

A few years later, however, in November 1851, he wrote a letter to

Captain S.B. Haines, the British Agent at Aden, the original of which
has thus far not been traced, but which, according to the printed
English translation, bore a seal with the obscure signature "Dedjasmaj
Jeleel bin Saheh Selassee."42

* * *

The advent o
stage in the e
coronation this remarkable innovating sovereign employed a Lion of
Judah seal, which, though possibly influenced by earlier seals of Webé,
was destined itself to exert a formative influence on all subsequent
Ethiopian seals. This important seal was employed by Téwodros on
most if not all of his diplomatic correspondence, including a letter
written to Said Pasha of Egypt as early as 1857, as well as, four
years later, on the Emperor's epistle of 1861 to Queen Victoria which
led to the famous dispute with the British Government.43
This seal, which is circular, has a diameter of no less than 5.5
cm., being thus considerably larger than any previous Ethiopian seal
of which we have record. The central design is a large and fairly
realistically drawn lion standing on a stretch of ground with clearly
defined tufts of grass. The animal, which was some 3 cm. long, faced
to the right, that is to say in the opposite direction to two out of
three of Webé's lions. The beast wore a crown surmounted by a cross,
this being indeed, as far as we know, the first time that the Lion
of Judah was ever crowned. (The representation of the royal emblem
as given by the Jesuits, Ludolf and others is always of a lion without
a crown). Around this device there were a series of concentric circles,
each of them acurately defined.
This impressive seal followed the tradition already established by
Webé in carrying writing in both Ge'ez and Arabic. The Ge'ez text
declares Tbiv : s Negusä Nägäst Téwodros
zä Ityopya , i.e. "King of Kings Téwodros of Et
Arabic more picturesquely proclaims :
Al-mii ay y ad bi-nisra Tawudrus malik al-Habasha
in victory Téwodros king of Abyssinia [or of the
(

Téwodros' seal was captured by the British at Mägdäla in 1868

and was then taken to London where it was kept in the Victoria and
Albert Museum until its return to Ethiopia in 1965 44 The artifact, as

41. Great Britain, Correspondence respecting Abyssinia 1 848- Í 868 , pp. 27-8.
42. Ibid., pp. 64-5.
43. Egypt, Abdine Archives, Cairo, Bahr Berra, Carton 19; F. O., 1/11, p. 226.
See also Gäbrä Sellasé, Chronique du règne de Ménélik II (Paris, 1930/2), I,
98; R. Acton, The Abyssinian Expedition (London, 1868), p. 75; S. Rubenson,
King of Kings Téwodros of Ethiopia (Addis Abäba, 1966), p. 56. On the
history of the title of King of Kings, see W. Vycichl, "Le titre 'Roi des
Rois,' " Annales d'Éthiopie (1957), II, 200-1.
44. Acton, op. cit., p. 66.

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noted by press correspondents at the time of its capture, was finely
constructed, and was described by Acton, in the Illustrated London
News of June 20, 1868, as follows:

"The Imperial seal

and sent as a present by Bishop Gobat, the Anglican Bishop of

Jerusalem, to King Theodore. The work on the handle of the seal,
and in fact all the work, except the seal itself, is evidently European;
but the style of art in which the lion of Ethiopia is executed is
clearly the production of quite another school. Both this and the
inscription were no doubt done at Jerusalem or in Egypt. The handle
of the seal is formed of four kinds of stone, namely lapis lazuli, blood
stone, red cornelian, and white cornelian. These are clasped together
by four hands of gold with chased ornament. The seal is of solid
gold, richly chased.""45
Acton's observations on the origin of the seal are not confirmed
from other sources, the place of the seal's workmanship being still an
open question though it is beyond dispute that the workmanship was
technically superior to anything previously seen in Ethiopia.
The great seal of Téwodros was important, it may be concluded,
in that it made an impact on seal-making throughout Ethiopia for
the next generation. All royal seals after this are indeed circular and
based on a Lion of Judah which therafter always faces to the right.
The seal of Téwodros was thus the original prototype of the Lion of
Judah insignia of modern times.

* * #

In Tegré Negu
Negusé Agäw, f
is clearly a crude imitation of Téwodros' seal, which he used when
writing to Emperor Napoleon III of France in I860.46 The lion on
Negusé's seal, like that of Téwodros' wears a crown surmounted by a
cross, but differs from its predecessor in that it stands in the air,
its body fitting inconveniently in the circle reserved for it on the seal.
Negusé's lion had moreover a grotesque face, almost reminiscent of a
swine, and a curious stalk of a tail ending somewhat absurdly in a
little bunch of hairs.

An entirely new feature of this rather artless seal is the use on it

of French as well as Ethiopie, a phenomenon which is perhaps not
surprising in as much as Negusé was a protégé of France and hoped
for an alliance with Napoleon III. This was indeed both the first
and last time a European language was used on an Ethiopian royal
seal. The text on the letters available for study is, however, illigible
except for the Ethiopie word Ityopya and the French
"D'Ethiopie."
* * *

45. Illustrated London News, June 20, 1868. See also Acton, op. cit., p. 66.
46. A. E. Mémoires et Documents, Abyssinie, 2, f. 49.

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 In Säwa a few years later Menilek (1865-1913) on escaping from
Mägdäla in 1865, soon also adopted a Lion of Judah seal which he
placed on a letter to Queen Victoria as early as 1867.47 This seal,
which was in some ways reminiscent of that of Téwodros, and
identical to it in size, embodies however, a very different, and some-
what craven lion, with a flourishing bush of a tail. This animal, unlike
those of both Téwodros and Negusé, stands on the base of the circle
which surrounds it, and differs from the earlier animals in that it
wears no crown. This latter feature, which can hardly have been
accidental, may perhaps have been recognition on Menilik's part that
Téwodros was still the only truly crowned head of Ethiopia. The seal,
which unlike that of the latter Emperor, employs only Ethiopie and
makes no use of Arabic, nevertheless claims imperial status for its
sovereign, employing exactly the same formula as that used by Téwo-
dros, namely 7ťbi*> s s 9°'è''ì s Negusä Nägäst
Menilek zä Ityopya , i. e. "King of Kings Menilek of
* * *

A year or so
this seal redrawn, apparently so that the Lion of Judah could be
crowned. The new seal, which retains its predecessor's size, appeared
on a letter which Menilek sent to Queen Victoria in 1870.48 The
animal on this seal is clearly a copy of that on the seal of Téwodros,
but is a little more crudely drawn, and has a slightly different twist to
its tail. More handsome and sprightly than the lion on Menilek's
earlier seal, it has a crown identical to that on the seal of Téwodros,
but stands in the air, the artist not having made any attempt at depic-
ting the ground beneath it. The seal is once again written only in
Ge'ez, and bears the same inscription as its predecessor, namely
* IPfcAJl « li A? f * Negusä Nägäst Menilek zä Ityopya , i. e.
"King of Kings Menilek of Ethiopia."

* * *

Meanwhile in Tegré Däjjazmac Kassa (1857-1889) at about this

time also acquired a Lion of Judah seal which he placed on a letter
to Queen Victoria in 1870.49 Apparently modelled once again on the
seal of Téwodros, and of the same size, it bore a slightly smaller
and rather different lion with a slimmer body, sharper face, more
elaborate mane and a curious tail slightly like a snake poised to strike.
The crown was also dissimilar to that of Téwodros, and had two
outward pointing peaks, though once again surmounted by a cross.
The animal stood in the air near the base of the circle which sur-
rounded it. The text, which, like that of Menilek, was only in Ge'ez
declared £#71*7^ s s Cfcrt s "»Wí-Í* s Däjjazmac Kassa,

47. F. O., 1/20, f. 215.

48. Great Britain, India Offee, Rassam Papers, F. 103, p. 16, see also Gäbrä
Sellasé, op. cit., I, 148.
49. F. O., 1-28. See also R. P. Dimothéos, Deux ans de séjour en Abyssinie
(Paris, 1971), I, 159.

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Re'esä Mäkwonent zä Ityopya i. e. "Dajjazmač Kassa, head of the
notables of Ethiopia."
* * *

Kassa's rival Gobazé Gäbrä Mädhen, on assuming the title of

Emperor Täklä Giyorgis (1868-1870), likewise employed a circular
Lion of Judah seal of the same size as those of the rulers of Säwa
and Tegré though considerably crudér.50 The lion, which like that on
the first seal of Menilek is uncrowned, seemingly floats in the seal
with no ground to stand on; the animal is more poggy than usual,
particularly in the legs, has a ridicuously thick tail, and is unique
in having small spots all over its body almost like a leopard. The
text, which is once more only in Ge'ez, introduces a novel style by
placing the Emperor's name, Täklä Giyorgis, before his title, King of
Kings of Ethiopia, thus employing a different word order from that
used by either Téwodros or Menilek. The writing, which is again
unusually crude, declares *HiA ' * ttw s
Täklä Giyorgis Negusä Nägäst zä Ityopya , i.e. "Täklä Giyorgis Ki
of Kings of Ethiopia."
* * *

Däjjazmac Kas
Emperor Yohannes IV, and was obliged to have a new seal to express
his new name and rank.51 This seal is of the same size and general
appearance as its predecessor. The lion maintains its petite appea-
rance, but has a somewhat longer and more flowing tail. The animal
is moreover placed a little higher in the central portion of the seal
so that it stands somewhat quaintly in the air without any ground
beneath its feet which as a result become somewhat more prominent.
The animal wears the same rather distinctive doubled-peaked crown
surmounted by a cross which we have seen in the earlier seal of
Kassa. A new feature of the crown of Yohannes, and one which was
destined to be copied and developed further in subsequent seals, was
the placing of a small cross in the lettering immediately before and
after the Emperor's name.
The text of the seal is rephrased to express the sovereign's name
and imperial status which are now asserted, in both Ge'ez and Arabic,
this being the first time that the latter language had been employed
on an Ethiopian seal since the time of Téwodros. The text thus dec-
lares in Ge'ez s s fvirfffc * HJi.'hf'W Negusä Nägäst
Yohannes zä Ityopya , i. e. "King of Kings Yohannes of Ethiopia."
and, in Arabic Yuhana malik muliuk al - Habasha >
i. e."Yohannes King of Kings of Abyssinia."
* * *

50. I. O., Secret Letters from Aden, 1869. See also Dimothéos, op. cit., I, 129;
Gäbrä Sellasé., op. cit., I, 134.
51. G. Rohlfs, Meine Aíission in Abessinien (Leipsig, 1883), end illustration
and cover; see also Earl of Mayo, Sport in Abyssinia (London, 1876),
cover; G. Massaia, I miei trentacinque anni di missione nelV alta Etiopia
(Roma, 1921-30), X, 55; Gäbrä Sellasé op. cit., I. 156.

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 The above-mentioned seal of Yohannes was only used for a few
years, for it was shortly afterwards redrawn, apparently because the
Emperor, who ruled of course at Aksum, the renowned Seyon of
Ethiopia, wished to change his royal title from "King of Kings Yo-
hannes of Ethiopia" to the more impressive "King of Kings Yohan-
nes King of Seyon of Ethiopia."
A new seal, which served for at least four years, was now pro-
duced, which is found on letters from the Emperor to Queen Victoria
and Lord Granville, in 1872, as well as on one written to the Queen
by Yohannes' British adviser General Kirkham in the following year.52
The lion on this seal is an almost exact copy of that on the Empe-
ror's earlier seal, but has a slightly more upright tail, and a more
ornate, though perhaps less visible cross on its crown. The animal
moreover no longer stands in the air, but on a thin white line pre-
sumably intended to indicate the ground beneath it. The circular frame
around the beast is likewise more ornate, and consists of four concen-
trati circles instead of two as formerly. The small cross in the let-
tering before the Emperor's name is retained, but the one after it is
omitted, possibly for lack of space. The text, which is once again in
both Ethiopie and Arabic, declares Tbiv s s fvh'Jfl s s
fth/frťk? ' Negusä Nägäst Yohannes Negusä Seyon zä Ityopya
i. e. "King of Kings Yohannes King of Seyon of Ethiopia." The holy
city of Aksum, having presumably no significance for possible Muslim
readers of the seal, is not mentioned in the Arabic text which merely
reads, 1 Yuhana muliuk malik al-Habasha , i. e.
"Yohannes King of Kings of Abyssinia".
* * *

Meanwhile in
lution of the
entirely diffe
This important seal, which, like that of Tewodros, was to exercise a
major influence on subsequent seal-making, is found on Menilek's
letters of 1872 to Queen Victoria, and of 1878 to King Umberto of
Italy.53

This seal included an entirely new principle in that the lion and
lettering were both elevated instead of being indented as in former
seals, and thus appear black against a white background, instead, as
formerly, white on a black background. The design also has several
new features. The lion, which, as was by now usual, wears a crown,
is for the first time made to carry a cross in its paw. This cross,
which is reminiscent of that reproduced by the Jesuits and Ludolf in

52. F. O., 1/27 B, 95/731. See also E. Ullendorf? and Abraham Demoz, "Two
Letters from the Emperor Yohannes of Ethiopia to Queen Victoria and
Lord Granville," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (1969),
XXXII, part 1, pp. 135-42; J. de Coursac, Le règne de Yohannes (Paris,
1926) end paper.
53. F. O., 95/731; Italy, A.S.M.A.I., 36/1. See also De Coursac, op. cit., p. 331;
Italy, A.S.M.A.I., 36/1. See also De Coursac, op cit.f p. 331; Gäbrä Sellasé,
OP. Cit. y I, 110.

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the seventeenth century and by Salt in the nineteenth, is in fact an
immense Cross of Lorraine with two sets of arms ornamented at
their ends. The ground on which the animal stands is clearly indicated
and is indeed much more prominent even than in the seal of Téwod
ros. The result is, however, by no means successful, for the cross
covers the crown, which is therefore scarcely discernable, while the
lion's paws can scarcely be distinguished from the ground on which
they are supposed to stand. Another new aspect of the seal was that
instead of the single small cross which Yohannes had placed before
his name in his last seal Menilek employs two as Yohannes had
earlier done, i.e. one immediately before and the other immediately
after his name and title, as well as five smaller crosses, one between
each word on the seal.

The text, the writing of which is far more sophisticated in work

manship than any earlier seal, also contains several innovations.
Menilek, who places his name before his title, as Täklä Giyorgis had
done, now for the first time omits the name of Ethiopia, but instead
makes use of a slogan directly referring to the Lion of Judah legend.
It declares, q°h ' JťJílA « moa anbäsa zä emenägädä
Yehuda , i. e. "The Lion of the Tribe of Judah hath conquered
phrase already current, as we have seen, at the time of Bruce. Ano
new, and curious, feature of the seal is the spelling of the sovereig
name as 9°' Menyelek instead of the more usual
Menilek.

The text, as in Menilek's earlier seals is entirely in Ge'ez, there

being no attempt to follow Yohannes by making any use of Arabic.

* * *

Menilek's sea
holding a cros
Yohannes to a
1876 he theref
with a view t
that of Mene
among them o

This seal, w
centimetre w
Menilek's, alm
old on engrav
lettering was
crown remain
except in so f
cross in its pa
having two se
ornate, the tw
tom of the cr
limbs of the e

54. F. O., 93/2/

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cing a slogan about being victorious, in this case a statement to the
effect that "The Cross has prevailed over the tribe of Ismailites" - a
phrase presumably intended to refer to the Emperor's victories over
his Egyptian enemies in the battles of Gura and Gundet, in 1875 and
1876 respectively.
As a result of the addition of this slogan the seal comprises two
rows of writing instead of one as was the case up to this point, and
the inscription, as in the Emperor's earlier seal, is in both Ge'ez and
Arabic. The outer line of Ge'ez thus proclaims l'ha* s s fvMfl '
frO s Negusä Nägäst Yohannes S eyon zä Ityopya i,e.
"King of Kings Yohannes Seyon of Ethiopia," while the inner
' 1°h * V1& 5 mäsqäl moa nägädä Esmaél , i . e. "The
Cross has prevailed over the tribe of Ismalites." The same ideas are
very exactly expressed in the Arabic which says: ¿U.*
<^c' kSòs. Malik al Muluk Yuhana malik
asSalib qhalaba Umat Isma'il , i. e. "The King of Kings Yohannes
Sahyun bil Habasha King of Zion in Abyssinia; the cross defeated the
people of Isma'il."
* ♦ *

After the agr

1878 the latter
and to relinqu
of King of Säwa
exactly the sam
to the origina
previous title s Negusä Nägäst , but, placing his name
once more before his title, calls himself : 1 Menilek
Negusä Säwa, i. e. "Menilek King of Šáwa". He continues, ho
to use the slogan of <7°^ 8 MQA s moa anbäsa zä eme-
nägädä Yehuda..
The seal was produced in two versions, one with embossed design
and lettering as its predecessor and the other engraved as in most
Ethiopian seals of the period. The first, embossed, type is found in
Menilek's letters to King Umberto of Italy of February 2 and
March, 26 1989, in which their author styles himself "King of Šáwa,
Kafa, Harär and the Galla lands," and is also reproduced by Borelli
who asserts that it was made in Italy. This seal, though similar in
design to that of 1872, embodies several significant changes which
render it artistically superior to its predecessor.55 The lion is now
entirely redrawn so as to stand clearly on the ground without any
confusing background as employed in the earlier design. The animal
now holds a more slender cross formed of a single pair of arms - no
longer a Cross of Lorraine, and for the first time a thin flowing
flag or banner has been affixed to it. The cross, which is now more

55. A.S.M.A.I., 36/6/53; J. Borelli, Éthiopie méridionale (Paris, 1890), p. 180.

See also p. 104. The production of one of Menilek's seals, it is not clear which,
was arranged, according to Professor Carlo Giglio, by on Italian Angelo Pulini,
secretary to Count Antonelli's mission of 1888-9. Pulini was the son of an eng-
raver who, in Giglio's opinion, actually undertook the work. (Private communi-
cation from Professor Giglio, 17.7.1972) See also Italy, Ministero degli Affari
Esteri, V Italia in Africa (Roma, 1952), II, 181.

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like a staff, is no longer upright, but is held by the lion in a graceful
sloping manner, thus, as Rubenson notes, creating "a striking similarity
between this lion and the Paschal Lamb, which did not exist in the
earlier seals."56 This realignment of the cross has the additional
advantage that the lion's crown, which had previously been more
or less covered by the cross, is now easily discernable. The crown,
which is quite different from that on previous seals, is curved at the
top and surmonted by a cross, the whole design having apperently
been influenced by the crown then used by Menilek, a sketch of
which was later reproduced by the Italian traveller Cecchi.57
* * *

The second v
on Menilek's l
in a letter to
black backgrou
described, but
effective. The lion on this latter seal is reminiscent of that in the
other seal, and holds the cross bearing the flag in the same charac-
teristic posture, but the animal stands in the air without any ground
beneath it. The beast's face is moreover slightly less well defined, and
the cross on the crown is smaller, being indeed no more than two
intersecting white lines as opposed to the outlined artifact on the
embossed variant of this seal. The lion on the engraved seal is also
somewhat larger as well as cruder, and is circumscribed by two addi-
tional lines of border decoration, the result being to give the ensemble
a crowded appearance totally lacking in the other, more elegant, seal.
The embossed seal was artistically the more seminal in that the
Lion of Judah there depicted served as the prototype for later seals,
and has indeed remained basically unchanged right down to the present.
* * *

Menilek at around this time also had a private seal, which is

found for example on a letter to the Italian envoy Antonelli in 1886.
A small rectangular seal slightly curved at top and bottom it measured
1.6 cm. high by 1.3 cm. wide, and consists of a flat European-type
crown above a large representation of the Ethiopian letter 9° , i.e.
the initial for the name Menilek.

* * *

On becoming Emperor, after the death of Yohannes in 1889,

Menilek was obliged willy nilly once more to change his seal in order
to express his new imperial status. Three different types of seal were
now struck.59

56. Rubenson. "The Lion of the Tribe of Judah, Christian Symbol and/or Im-
perial Title," p. 83.
57. A. Cecchi, Da Zeila alle frontiere del Caffa (Roma, 1886), II, 588.
58. Italy, A. S. M. A. I., 36/1,2, 36/3/25; Borelli, op. cit., p. 106. See also Gäbrä
Sellasé, op. cit., I, 236.
59. A.S.M.A.I., 36/3/25.

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 The first and principal seal, which was already affixed on the
famous Wečalé treaty on May 2,1889, and is also found on most
other treaties as well as official documents of Menilek's reign as Emp-
eror, is large, and measures 7.5 cm. in diameter, that is to say a
centimetre wider than even the great seal of Yohannes.60 This new
seal of Menilek is engraved so as to print white on black, but is
modelled on the last of Menilek's embossed-type seals. The lion of
Judah once more stands in the manner of the Paschal Lamb, holding
a thin cross with a banner, and standing firmly on the ground without
any background to interfere with the beauty of its lines. Though this
seal is essentially a replica of the embossed seal the cross on the
crown is less elaborate than in that seal, and is indeed in this respect
identical to the engraved variant of the earlier seal.
The text on this imperial seal, which like all those of Menilek,
is solely in Ge'ez, without any use of Arabic, retains the sovereign's
motto that "the Lion of the Tribe of Judah hath conquered," but
proclaims him "Menilek King of Kings of Ethiopia". The ruler thus
reverts to the title he had used a generation earlier before the treaty
of Lice, though, as we have seen, he had then phrased his name
and title differently as "King of Kings Menelik of Ethiopia."
The text on Menelik's imperial seal thus reads:
s Tfbi» s Vl/*^ " 8
<P°i s hTM s s ßü-t *

Menilek Negusä Nägäst zä Ityopya

Moa Anbäsa zä emenagäda Yehuda
i.e. "Menilek King of Kings of Ethiopia.
"The Lion of the Tribe of Judah has conquered."
The second of Menilek's imperial seals is no more than an em-
bossed variety of the above. The only difference between this seal and
that already discussed is that it appears on a white as opposed to a
black background, and that the cross on the crown, is better defined,
as was already the case, it will be recalled, in the earlier embossed
seal.61

Menilek's other seal, which was rarely used and seems to have
been discarded at an early stage, is found on a letter sent to Vittorio
Emanuele, then Prince of Naples, on August 23, 1889, shortly before
the Ethiopian sovereign's coronation as Emperor.62 This seal, which

60. F. O., 1/32; A.S.M.A.I., 36-6-53, Menelik to Umberto, Hamlé 26, 1881 E.C.,
36-17-160, Menilek to Umberto, 22.8.92. See also J. I. Eadie, An Amharic
Reader (Cambridge, 1924), p. 105; H. Le Roux, Ménélik et nous (Paris, n.d.),
p. 436; P. H. G. Powell-Cotton, A Sporting Trip through Abyssinia (London,
1902), p. 251; M.S. Wellby, 'Twixt Sirdar and Menelik (London, 1901), p. 4;
J. Duchesne-Fournet, Mission en Éthiopie ("1901-1903) (Paris, 1908-9), I, 67;
A. Cipolla, NeW impero di Menelik (Milano, n.d.), p. 21; L. De Castro,
Nella terra dei Negus (Milano, 1915), II, Saggi di lettere etiopici No. 1;
G. Montandon, Au pays Ghimirra (Paris, 1915), plate 1; S. Rubenson, Wichale
XVII. The Attempt to establish a Protectorate over Ethiopia (Addis Abäba,
1964), pp. 70, 78.
61 . Duchesne-Fournet, op, cit., I. 67.
62. A.S.M.A.I., 3/6/54, Menilek to Principe di Napoli, 23.8.1889.

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is identical in size to the other imperial seal, differs from it in being
of the embossed variety so that the design appears on a white back-
ground. Bearing an almost identical lion, though with the slightly better
fashioned cross as depicted in the previous embossed seal, this seal has
a half circle of ornamental leaves beneath the lion for which there is
no parallel on any other Ethiopian royal seal.
The wording appears in two lines, as in the last of Yohannes'
seals, and the text is slightly different from that on Menilek's other
seal in that the Emperor is more pompously referred to as t
9°'fo h ' s }x1lth'ñ<h,C dagmawi Menilek seyumä egziabhér , i. e.
"Menilek the second, appointee of God." His title llfc
Nagusä Nägäst zä Iîyopya , i. e. "King of Kings of Ethiopia," also
appears in this seal, as in the other, but it is on a different line from
his name and does not therefore so clearly refer to it. The Lion of
Judah slogan also appears in this seal, as in the other, more widely
used, imperial seal.

* * *

The practice
by now also w
all Ethiopian n
The importa
Menilek did n
one and possi
have been sen
Carnegie in 1
to write to th
year, denying
"His Majesty
people who ha
various paper
sible, that all
made known. H
you should ha
be very gratef
the offender."6

A subsequent
was reported
Love, who not
discovered du
that of Empe
Sadak, in 190
to the late Su
mission to Co
liave visited t

<53 . Letter in t
Pankhurst, "W
Ethiopicist?" Et

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sedly for the Emperor, a seal in exact reproduct of that used by him.
In the company with Hadji Abdul 1 Sadak at the time was Sarkis
Terzian, an Armenian resident of Abyssinia, who upon paying for the
seal retained the receipt for the amount paid, which he still holds."
Reporting that Hadji Abdul 1 Sadak had later proceeded to New
York on December 15, 1905, where he was "received by President
Roosevelt on presentation of a letter signed with the bogus seal
of Emperor Menelik," the Vice Consul adds, "Both Hadji Abdul 1
Sadak and Sarkis Terzian were arrested early this week and are now
in chains pending the result of inquiries made through the French
Legation here as to which of the above named parties had ordered
the seal in Paris."

Emphasising the serious conquences of the forgery of 1905 Lo

concludes:

"It appears that since that time many documents have been for-
ged to the personal benefit of people other than the Emperor and
more serious developments may result from the expected information
from Paris, at which time the matter will be taken up by the high
court of the Aufa [sic] Negus."64
Subsequently it transpired that Haji Abdul 1 Sadak rather than
Terzian was the guilty party, but he seems to have been treated with
leniency, for Love later reported on June 1, 1911, that the former
"has just been released from prison here. The makers of the seal, in
Paris, were communicated with through the French Legation here,
and confirmed the purchase, considerable delay being caused owing
to a change of management of the firm."65
The question of the forgery came to the Ethiopian court where Terz-
ian testified that his colleague "had a seal made like the Emperor's",66
and Dr. Mérab is therefore apparently in error in his assertion that it
was the Armenian who had arranged for an imitation of the great
seal of Menilek to be struck in Paris.67

* * *

Despite such difficu

an important featur
Judah, as represented on Menilek's latter-day seals, has continued
basically unchanged down to the present day.

64. U.S.A., National Archives, Records of the Department of State relating to

the Internal Affairs of Ethiopia (Abyssinia), 1910-29, 410, No. 48.
65. Ibid., No. 57.
66. Eadie, op. cit., pp. 151, 161.
67. P. Mérab, Impressions ďÉthiopie (Paris, 1921-9), II, 108.
68. E. Littmann, "Sigilli abissini," Rassegna di studi etiopici (1941), I, 217-225;
S. Euringer, "Osservazioni sui 'Sigili abissini' di E. Littmann", idem (1942)
II, 333-5; R. Pankhurst, "Ethiopian Noblemen's Seals of the Late Nine-
teenth and Early Twentieth Centuries: a First Selection," Ethiopia Obser-
ver (1972), XV, 3, 141-53.
The author world express thanks to Haggai Erlich and Ibrahim Abdi for trans-
lations from Arabic.

- 198 -

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Crucifixion on a letter of 1543 from Emperor Lebnä Dengel to King Joao of Portugal.

Cross and íyãsus motif on a letter of 1655 from Abba Gregorios to Ludolf.

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 The Lion of Judah symbol , as reproduced in Ludolf* s Commentar ius of 1691.

Cross and lyäsus motif

English translation of as reproduced , incorrectly , by
the device on a letter of Emperor Täklä H ay mano t /, as
reproduced by James Bruce. Henry Salt in 1814.

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Cross and Iyäsus motif on a letter of 1810 from Ras Wäldä Sellasi of Tepré to
King George III of England.

Seal of Ras
Wäldä Sellasé of Tegré. Seal of Däjjazmat
Säbagädis of Tegré .

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 1841 Three seals of Däjjazmat Webé of Te gré.
1845. 1852.

Seal of Ras Ali.

Seals of Emperor Sahlä Dengel (left) and Ras Ali (right) .

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 Cross and Iyäsus seal
Seal of Ras Ali. used by King Sahla Sellasi
on the Anglo-Ethiopian treaty
of 1841.

Seal of Emperor Téwodros. Seal of Negusé, the ruler

of Tegrè.

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 M e ni lek' s first seal of
Menilek's second seal ,
1865, employing the title of
employing the title Negusä Nágãst,
Negusä Nägästy with the with the lion crowned.
lion uncrowned.

Seal of Dãjjazmat Kassa

( Subsequently Emperor Yohannes ) . Seal of Emperor Taklä Giyorgis.

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 Emperor Yohannes ' first Emperor Yohannes ' seal
seal as Emperor. employing terms
Negusä Nägäst and Negusà Seyon.

Meni/ek's seal of 1872.

the first to use the slogan Emperor Yohannes * seal
44 The Lion of the Tribe of Judah employing the formula " The Cross
hath conquered has prevailed over the tribe of Ismailites"

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Two versions of Men i lek' s seal with the title Negusä Säwa. Left embossed ,
right engra ved. -

Menilek's principal seal as Emperor , 1889. The engraved variety.

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Menilek's private seal.

Meni lek' s principal seal as

Emperor , 1889. The embossed variety.

Seal rarely used by Menilek as Emperor , bearing the title "Men i lek the second ,
appointee of God as well as "King of Kings of Ethiopia

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