WEEK 7: 1898 Declaration of Philippine Independence,

The Malolos Constitution and First Philippine Republic

LEARNING CONTENT
INTRODUCTION:
In the preceding lessons, we have discussed some primary sources
from two different historical periods, the pre-colonial and Spanish colonial
periods. For this week, we will analyze the historical content and context of
primary sources during the post-Spanish period, focusing on the birth of
Philippine Independence and the first Philippine Republic.
The Spanish regime lasted for about three hundred thirty-three years,
that was considered the longest regime in Philippine History. The Filipino
revolutionary forces under Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo proclaimed the sovereignty
and independence of the Philippine islands from Spanish colonization in
Kawit, Cavite on June 12, 1898. Then on January 23, 1899, the First
Philippine Republic was inaugurated after the promulgation of the Malolos
Constitution.

LESSON PROPER

1. 1898 Declaration of Philippine Independence

by: Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista (17
December 1830 – 4 December 1903), also
known as Don Bosyong, was a lawyer and
author of the Declaration of Philippine
Independence document. A distant relative
of the Rizal family, Philippine national hero
Jose Rizal always sought his advice during
his school days in Manila.
Bautista solicited funds to finance the campaign for the reforms in the
Philippines. He then became a member of the La Liga Filipino, Cuerpo de
Compromisarios, and La Propaganda. In 1896, the Spaniards arrested and
imprisoned him at Fort Santiago, as he was suspected for being involved in
the Philippine Revolution. He defended himself and was later released from
prison. He became the first adviser of President Emilio Aguinaldo in 1898,
and subsequently wrote the Declaration of Philippine Independence. On 14
July 1899, Bautista was elected vice-president of Tarlac's Revolutionary
Congress. He was later appointed judge of the Court of First Instance of
Pangasinan.

CONTEXT ANALYSIS
The Act of Declaration of Philippine Independence was written and was
read by Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista in Spanish and translated by Sulpicio
Guevara. It was written to use for the declaration of freedom of the
Philippines after the war against America and Spain. The declaration was
signed by 98 persons and at the end of it, emphasizing an American present
in there with no official role. It is said that there are American army officer
who witnessed. The main reason for having the declaration is to symbolize
that Philippines has the right to be independent and free from the Spaniards
and is no longer tied politically with them.
With a government in operation. Aguinaldo thought that it was
necessary to declare the independence of the Philippines. He believed that
such a more would inspire the people to fight more eagerly against the
Spaniards and at the same time, lead the foreign countries to recognize the
independence of the country. Mabini, who had by now been made
Aguinaldo’s unofficial adviser, objected. He based his objection on the fact
that it was more important to reorganize the government in such a manner
as to convince the foreign powers of the competence and stability of the new
government than to proclaim Philippine independence at such an early
period. Aguinaldo, however, stood his ground and won.
On June 12, between four and five in the afternoon, Aguinaldo, in the
presence of a huge crowd, proclaimed the independence of the Philippines
at Cavite el Viejo (Kawit). For the first time, the Philippine National Flag,
made in Hongkong by Mrs. Marcela Agoncillo, assisted by Lorenza Agoncillo
and Delfina Herboza, was officially hoisted and the Philippine National March
played in public. The Act of the Declaration of Independence was prepared
by Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, who also read it. A passage in the
Declaration reminds one of another passage in the American Declaration of
Independence. The Philippine Declaration was signed by ninety-eight
persons, among them an American army officer who witnessed the
proclamation. The proclamation of Philippine independence was, however,
promulgated on August 1 when many towns has already been organized
under the rules laid down by the Dictatorial Government.

CONTENT ANALYSIS
Every year, the country commemorates the anniversary of the
Philippine Independence proclaimed on 12 June 1898, in the province of
Cavite. Indeed, such event is a significant turning point in the history of the
country because it signaled the end of the 333 years of Spanish colonization.
There have been numerous studies done on the events leading to the
independence of the country but very few students had the chance to read
the actual document of the declaration. This is in spite of the historical
importance of the document and the details that the document reveals on
the rationale and circumstances of that historical day in Cavite. Interestingly,
reading the details of the said document in hindsight is telling of the kind of
government that was created under Aguinaldo, and the forthcoming hand of
the United States of America in the next few years of the newly created
republic. The declaration was a short 2,000-word document, which
summarized the reason behind the revolution against Spain, the war for
independence, and the future of the new republic under Emilio Aguinaldo.
The proclamation commenced with a characterization of the conditions
in the Philippines during the Spanish colonial period. The document
specifically mentioned abuses and inequalities in the colony. The declaration
says:
"...taking into consideration, that their inhabitants being already
weary of bearing the ominous yoke of Spanish domination, on
account of the arbitrary arrests and harsh treatment practiced by
the Civil Guard to the extent of causing death with the
connivance and even with the express orders of their
commanders, who sometimes went to the extreme of ordering
the shooting of prisoners under the pretext that they were
attempting to escape, in violation of the provisions of the
 Regulations of their Corps, which abuses were unpunished and
on account of the unjust deportations, especially those decreed
by General Blanco, of eminent personages and of high social
position, at the instigation of the Archbishop and friars interested
in keeping them out of the way for their own selfish and
avaricious purpose, deportations which are quickly brought
about. By a method of procedure more execrable than that of the
inquisition and which every civilized nation rejects on account or
a decision being rendered without a hearing of the persons
accused."
The above passage demonstrates the justifications behind the
revolution against Spain. Specifically cited are the abuse by the Civil Guards
and the unlawful shooting of prisoners whom they alleged as attempting to
escape. The passage also condemns the unequal protection of the law
between the Filipino people and the "eminent personages." Moreover, the
line mentions the avarice and greed of the clergy like the friars and the
Archbishop himself. Lastly, the passage also condemns what they saw as
the unjust deportation and rendering of other decision without proper
hearing, expected of any civilized nation.
From here, the proclamation proceeded with a brief historical overview
of the Spanish occupation since Magellan's arrival in Visayas until the
Philippine Revolution, with specific details about the latter, especially after
the Pact of Biak-na-Bato had collapsed. The document narrates the spread
of the movement "like an electric spark" through different towns and
provinces like Bataan, Pampanga, Batangas, Bulacan, Laguna, and Morong,
and the quick decline of Spanish forces in the same provinces. The revolt
also reached Visayas; thus, the independence of the country was ensured.
The document also mentions Rizal's execution, calling it unjust. The
execution, as written in the document, was done to "please the greedy body
of friars in their insatiable desire to seek revenge upon and exterminate all
those who are opposed to their Machiavellian purposes, which tramples
upon the penal code prescribed for these islands." The document also
narrates the Cavite Mutiny of January 1872 that caused the infamous
execution of the martyred native priests Jose Burgos, Mariano Gomez, and
Jacinto Zamora, "whose innocent blood was shed through the intrigues of
those so-called religious orders" that incited the three secular priests in the
said mutiny.
 The proclamation of independence also invokes that the established
republic would be led under the dictatorship of Emilio Aguinaldo. The first
mention was at the very beginning of the proclamation. It stated:
"In the town of Cavite Viejo, in this province of Cavite, on
the twelfth day of June eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, before
me, Don Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, Auditor of War and
Special Commissioner appointed to proclaim solemnize this act
by the Dictatorial Government of these Philippine islands, for the
purposes and by virtue of the circular addressed by the Eminent
Dictator of the same Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy."
The same was repeated toward the last part of the proclamation. It
states:
"We acknowledge, approve and confirm together with the
orders that have been issued therefrom. the Dictatorship
established by Don Emilio Aguinaldo whom we honor as the
Supreme Chief of this Nation, which this day commences to have
a life of its own, in the belief' that the is the instrument selected
by God in spite of his humble origin, to effect the redemption of
this unfortunate people, as foretold by Doctor Jose Rizal in the
magnificent verses which he composed when he was preparing
to be shot, liberating them from the yoke of Spanish domination
in punishment of the impunity with which their Government
allowed the commission of abuses by its subordinates."
Another detail in the proclamation that is worth looking at is its
explanation on the Philippine flag that was first waved on the same day. The
document explained:
"And finally, it was unanimously resolved that, this Nation,
independent from this clay, must use the same flag used
heretofore, whose design and colors and described in the
accompanying drawing, with design representing in natural
colors the three arms referred to. The white triangle represents
the distinctive emblem of the famous Katipunan Society, which
by means of its compact of blood urged on the masses of the
people to insurrection; the three stars represent the three
principal Islands of this Archipelago, Luzon, Mindanao and
Panay, in which this insurrectionary movement broke out; the sun
represents the gigantic strides that have been made by the sons
 of this land on the road of progress and civilization, its eight rays
symbolizing the eight provinces of Manila. Cavite, Bulacan,
Pampanga, Nueva Ecija, Bataan, Laguna and Batangas, which
were declared in a state of war almost as soon as the first
insurrectionary movement was initiated; and the colors blue, red
and white, commemorate those of the flag of the United States
of North America, in manifestation of our profound gratitude
towards that Great Nation for the disinterested protection she is
extending to us and will continue to extend to us."
This often-overlooked detail reveals much about the historically
accurate meaning behind the most widely known national symbol in the
Philippines. It is not known by many for example, that the white triangle was
derived from the symbol of the Katipunan. The red and blue colors of the flag
are often associated with courage and peace, respectively. Our basic
education omits the fact that those colors were taken from the flag of the
United States. While it can always be argued that symbolic meaning can
always change and be reinterpreted, the original symbolic meaning of
something presents us several historical truths that can explain the
subsequent events, which unfolded after the declaration of independence on
the 12th day of June 1898.

1. The Malolos Constitution and the First

Philippine Republic
by: Felipe G. Calderon

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Felipe Gonzales Calderon, known as the 'Father
of the Malolos Constitution", was born on April 4, 1868
in Santa Cruz de Malabon now Tanza), Cavite, to a
Spanish nobleman, Don Jose Gonzales Calderon, and
Doña Manuela Roca who was of Spanish-Filipino
blood. Calderon was the author of the Malolos
Constitution, which was enacted on January 20, 1899
by the Malolos Congress that established the First
Philippine Republic. The original was written in Spanish, which became the
first official language of the Philippines.
Notably, Calderon established two law universities -- Liceo de Manila,
the first law college in the Philippines, and the Escuela de Derecho (School
of Duties). He taught in both institutions. In 1904, he was appointed
member of a commission to draft a proposed Penal Code. He also
organized the La Proteccion de la Infancia (The Protection of Infants) that
established a humanitarian institution to protect and care for disadvantaged
children. His Encyclopedia Filipinas was published in 1908.
He died on July 6, 1908 at the age of 40.

CONTEXT ANALYSIS
After returning to the islands. Aguinaldo wasted little time in setting up
an independent government. On June 12, 1898, a declaration of
independence modeled on the American one, was proclaimed at his
headquarters in Cavite. It was at this time that Apolinario Mabini. a law, and
political thinker, came to prominence as Aguinaldo’s principal adviser. Born
into a poor indio family but educated at the University of Santo Tomas, he
advocated "simultaneous external and internal revolution," a philosophy that
unsettled the more conservative landowners and ilustrados who initially
supported Aguinaldo. For Mabini, true independence for the Philippines
would mean not simply liberation from Spain (or from any other colonial
power) but also educating the people for self government and abandoning,
the paternalistic, colonial mentality that the Spanish had cultivated over the
centuries. Mabini's The True Decalogue, published in July 1898 in the form
of ten commandments, used this medium, somewhat paradoxically, to
promote critical thinking and a reform of customs and attitudes. His
Constitutional Program for the Philippine Republic, published at the same
time, elaborated his ideas on political institutions.
On September 15,1898, a revolutionary congress was convened at
Malolos, a market town located thirty-two kilometer north of Manila, for the
purpose of drawing up a constitution for the new republic. A document was
approved by the congress on November 2,1898. Modeled on the constitution
of France, Belgium, and Latin American countries, it was promulgated at
Malolos on January 21, 1899, and two days later Aguinaldo was inaugurated
as president.
American observers traveling in Luzon commented that the areas
controlled by the republic seemed peaceful and well governed. The Malolos
congress had set up schools, a military academy, and the Literary University
of the Philippines. Government finances were organized, and new currency
was issued. The army and navy were established on a regular basis. having
regional commands. The accomplishments of the Filipino government,
however, counted for little in the eyes of the great powers as the transfer of
the islands from Spanish to United States rule was arranged in the closing
months of 1898.
The Treaty of Paris aroused anger among Filipinos. Reacting to the
US$20 million sum paid to Spain, La Independencia (Independence), a
newspaper published in Manila by a revolutionary. General Antonio Luna,
stated that "people are not to be bought and sold like horses and houses.
Upon the announcement of the treaty, the radicals, Mabini and Luna,
prepared for war, and provisional articles were added to the constitution
giving President Aguinaldo dictatorial powers in times of emergency.
President William McKinley issued a proclamation on December 21, 1898,
declaring United States policy to be one of "Benevolent Assimilation" in
which "the mild sway of justice and right" would be substituted for "arbitrary
rule." When this was published in the islands on January 4, 1899, references
to "American sovereignty" having been prudently deleted, Aguinaldo issued
his own proclamation that condemned "violent and aggressive seizure" by
the United States and threatened war.

CONTENT ANALYSIS
Excerpts from the Malolos Constitution
Article 3. Sovereignty resides exclusively in the people.
Article 5. The State recognizes the freedom and equality of all
religions, as well as the separation of Church and State.
Article 19. No Filipino in the full enjoyment of his civil and political
rights shall be hindered in the free exercise of the same.
 Article 20.1. Neither shall any Filipino be deprived of: The right of
expressing freely his ideas and opinions either by word or by writing,
availing himself of the press or any other similar means.
Article 20.2. Neither shall any Filipino be deprived of: The right of
joining any association for all the objects of human life which may not
be contrary to public morals.
Article 23. Any Filipino can find and maintain establishments of
instruction or of education, in accordance with the regulations that
may be established. Popular education shall be obligatory and
gratuitous in the schools of the nation.

Table of Titles
1. The Republic
2. The Government
3. Religion
4. The Filipinos and Their National and Individual Rights
5. The Legislative Power
6. The Permanent Commission
7. The Executive Power
8. The President of the Republic
9. The Secretaries of Government
10. The Judicial Power
11. Provincial and Popular Assemblies
12. Administration of the State
13. Amendment of the Constitution
14. Constitutional Observance, Oath and Language
 The Malolos constitution is the first important Filipino document ever
produced by the people's representatives. It is anchored in democratic
traditions that ultimately had their roots in American soil. It created a Filipino
state whose government was "popular, representative and responsible" with
three distinct branches -- the executive, the legislative and the judicial. The
constitution specifically provided for safeguards against abuses, and
enumerated the national and individual rights not only of the Filipinos and of
the aliens.
The legislative powers were exercised by the Assembly of
Representatives composed of delegates elected according to law. To make
the function of Congress continuous, the document provided for a
Permanent Commission which would sit as a law-making body when
Congress was not in session. The assembly elected the President of the
Republic. The Cabinet, composed of the Secretaries of the different
Departments of the government, was responsible not to the President, but to
the Assembly. The administration of justice was vested in the Supreme Court
and in inferior courts to be established according to law. The Chief Justice of
the Supreme Court was to be elected by the Assembly with the concurrence
of the President and the Cabinet.
 The constitution as a whole is a monument to the capacity of the
Filipinos to chart their own course along democratic lines. In a period of storm
and stress, it symbolized the ideals of a people who had emerged from the
Dark Ages into the Light of Reason.

THE MALOLOS REPUBLIC

Owing to the objections of Mabini to some provisions in the
Constitution, Aguinaldo did not immediately promulgate it.
The leaders of Congress compromised by inserting some
amendments. After promulgating the Malolos Constitution, the Filipino
leaders proceeded to inaugurate the first Filipino Republic on January 23,
1899.
Political Caricatures of the American Era
LEARNING CONTENT
INTRODUCTION
In the second part our lesson, we will examine some political
caricatures/cartoons, which is a form of art that gained full expression during
the American era. These cartoons were made by Filipino artists to record
national attitudes toward the coming of the Americans as well as the
changing mores and times in the Philippines.
Cartoons became an effective tool of publicizing opinions through
heavy use of symbolism, which is different from a verbose written editorial
and opinion pieces. The unique way that a caricature represents opinion and
captures the audience's imagination is reason enough for historians to
examine these political cartoons. Commentaries in mass media inevitably
shape public opinion and such kind of opinion is worthy of historical
examination (Readings in Philippine History, 2018).

LESSON PROPER

Political Caricatures of the American Era

by: Alfred McCoy
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Born on June 8,1945 in Concord,
Massachusetts, United States, Dr. Alfred "Al”
W. McCoy is a Professor of SE Asian History at the
University of Wisconsin at Madison where he also
serves as director of the Center for SE Asian
Studies. He's spent the past quarter-century writing
out the politics and history of the optimum trade.
McCoy has spent the thirty years writing
about Southeast Asian History and politics. His
publications include Philippine Cartoons (1985),
Anarchy of families (1994), Closer Than rothers:
Manhood at the Philippine Military Academy (2000) and Lives at the Margin
(2001).
After earning a Ph.D. in Southeast Asian history at Yale, the writings
of McCoy on this region has focused on two topics; Philippine Political
History and Global Opium Trafficking. The Philippines remains the major
focus of his research. His teaching interests include; Modern Philippine
social and political history, U.S. foreign policy; Colonial empires in Southeast
Asia; illicit drug trafficking; and CIA covert operations.

POLITICAL CARICATURES
In his book Philippine Cartoons: Political Caricature of the American
Era (1900-1944), Alfred McCoy, together with Alfredo Roces, compiled
political cartoons published in newspaper dailies and periodicals in the
aforementioned time period. For this part, we are going to look at selected
cartoons and explain the context of each one.
The first example shown above
was published in The Independent on
May 20, 1916. The cartoon shows a
politician from Tondo, named Dr.
Santos, passing his crown to his
brother-in-law, Dr. Barcelona. A
Filipino guy is depicted wearing
salakot and barong tagalog was trying
to stop Santos, telling the latter to stop
giving Barcelona the crown because it
is not his to begin with.

The second cartoon was also

published by The Independent on 16
June 1917. This was drawn by
Fernando Amorsolo and was aimed
as a commentary to the workings of
Manila Police at that period. Here, we
see a Filipino child who stole a
skinny chicken because he had
nothing to eat. The police officer was relentlessly pursuing the said child. A
man wearing a salakot, labeled Juan de la Cruz was grabbing the officer,
telling him to leave the small-time pickpockets and thieves and to turn at
the great thieves instead. He was pointing to huge warehouses containing
bulks of rice, milk, and grocery products.

The third cartoon was a commentary on

the unprecedented cases of colorum
automobiles in the city streets. The
Philippine Free Press published this
commentary when fatal accidents
involving colorum vehicles and taxis
occurred too often already.

The fourth cartoon depicts a cinema. A

blown-up officer was at the screen
saying that couples are not allowed to
neck or make love in the theater. Two
youngsters looked horrified while an
older couple seemed amused.

The next cartoon was published

by The Independent on 27 November
1915. Here, we see the caricature of
Uncle Sam riding a chariot pulled by
Filipinos wearing school uniforms. The
Filipino boys were carrying American
objects like baseball bats, whiskey, and
boxing gloves. McCoy, in his caption to
the said cartoon, says that this cartoon
was based on an event in 1907 when
William Howard Taft was brought to the Manila pier riding a chariot pulled by
students of Liceo de Manila. Such was condemned by the nationalists at that
time.
The last cartoon was published by Lipang
Kalabaw on 24 August 1907. In the picture,
we can see Uncle Sam rationing porridge to
the politicians and members of
the Progresista Party (sometimes known as
the Federalista Party) while members of
the Nacionalista Party look on and wait for
their turn. This cartoon depicts the
patronage of the United States being
coveted by politicians from either of the party.

ANALYSIS OF THE POLITICAL CARICATURES

The transition from the Spanish Colonial period to the American
Occupation period demonstrated different strands of changes and shifts in
culture, society, and politics. The Americans drastically introduced
democracy to the nascent nation and the consequences were far from ideal.
Aside from this, it was also during the American period that Filipinos were
introduced to different manifestations of modernity like healthcare, modern
transportation, and media. This ushered in a more open and freer press. The
post-independence and the post-Filipino-American period in the Philippines
were experienced differently by Filipinos coming from different classes. The
upper principalia class experienced economic prosperity with the opening up
of the Philippine economy to the United States but the majority of the poor
Filipino remained poor, desperate, and victims of state repression.

The selected cartoons illustrate not only the opinion of certain media
outfits about the Philippine society during the American period but also paint
a broad image of society and politics under the United States. In the arena
of politics. for example, we see the price that Filipinos paid for the democracy
modeled after the Americans. First, it seemed that the Filipino politicians at
that time did not understand well enough the essence of democracy and the
accompanying democratic institutions and processes. This can be seen in
the rising dynastic politics in Tondo as depicted in the cartoon published
by The Independent. Patronage also became influential and powerful, not
only between clients and patrons but also between the newly formed political
parties composed of the elite and the United States. This was depicted in the
cartoon where the United States, represented by Uncle Sam, provided dole
outs for members of the Federalista while the Nacionalista politicians looked
on and waited for their turn. Thus, the essence of competing political parties
to enforce choices among the voters was cancelled out. The problem
continues up to the present where politicians transfer from one party to
another depending on which party was powerful in specific periods of time.

The transition from a Catholic-centered. Spanish-Filipino society to an

imperial American-assimilated one, and its complications, were also
depicted in the cartoons. One example is the unprecedented increase of
motorized vehicles in the city. Automobiles became a popular mode of
transportation in the city and led to the emergence of taxis. However, the
laws and policy implementation were mediocre. This resulted in the
increasing colorum and unlicensed vehicles transporting people around the
city. The rules governing the issuance of driver's license was loose and traffic
police could not be bothered by rampant violations of traffic rules. This is a
direct consequence of the drastic urbanization of the Philippine society.
Another example is what McCoy called the "sexual revolution" that occurred
in the 1930s. Young people, as early as that period, disturbed the
conservative Filipino mindset by engaging in daring sexual activities in public
spaces like cinemas. Here, we can see how that period was the meeting
point between the conservative past and the liberated future of the
Philippines.

Lastly, the cartoons also illustrated the conditions of poor Filipinos in

the Philippines now governed by the United States. From the looks of it,
nothing much has changed. For example, a cartoon depicted how police
authorities oppress petty Filipino criminals while turning a blind eye on
hoarders who monopolize goods in their huge warehouses (presumably
Chinese merchants). The other cartoon depicts how Americans controlled
Filipinos through seemingly harmless American objects. By controlling their
consciousness and mentality, Americans got to control and subjugate
Filipinos.

**************END OF WEEK 7*************

 WEEK 8: FILIPINO GRIEVANCES AGAINST
GOVERNOR LEONARD WOOD
LEARNING CONTENT
INTRODUCTION
For this topic, we are going to study
Filipino Grievances against Governor Wood
which served as impeachment request to the
Governor. Although Governor Wood established
improvements in some areas, his personality
caused strong antagonism between him and
Filipino political leaders. They feared that the
autonomy gained from previous administration
might be lost. The struggles between Wood and
Filipino leaders enhanced the nationalistic
spirit of the people. However, the crisis against
his administration was eased shortly as
Governor Wood died due surgery failure in the
United States.
Unlike other sources discussed from previous modules, this primary
source was authored and collaborated by two politicians, Jose Abad Santos
and George Jacobo.

LESSON PROPER

FILIPINO GRIEVANCES AGAINST GOVERNOR WOOD

by: Jose Abad Santos

AUTHORS' BACKGROUND
 Jose Abad Santos was born in San Fernando,
Pampanga. He was a Pencionado and studied law in
Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. He was
appointed Undersecretary of Justice in 1921 but gave up
the position at the height of the cabinet crisis in 1923. He
served as chief legal counsel of the Senate President and
the Speaker of the House of Representative and it was
during this time when he joined the Anti-Wood
campaign. He was appointed Associate Justice of the Supreme Court in
1932 and became Chief Justice nine years later. On April 11, 1942, the
Japanese army arrested him in Barili, Cebu and he was subsequently
brought to Mindanao. On May 7, 1942, he was executed in Malabang,
Lanao in the presence of his son Pepito.

Jorge Bocobo was born in Gerona, Tarlac on

October 19, 1886. His parents were Tranquilino
Bocobo and Rita Teodora Tabago. In 1907, he
earned his Bachelor of Law degree from Indiana
University under the Pensionado program of the
colonial government. He started his career as law
clerk in the Executive Bureau and in 1911, he
began teaching in the U.P. College of Law. In 1917,
he was appointed Full Professor of Law and acting
Dean of the College. He was a close associate of
Manuel L. Quezon and served as one of his speech
writers. He became president of the University
of the Philippines from 1934 to 1939 and
Associate Justice of the Supreme Court from 1942-1944. He died on July
23, 1965 Jorge Bocobo was born in Gerona, Tarlac on October 19, 1886. In
1907, he earned his Bachelor of Law degree from Indiana University under
the Pensionado program of the colonial government. He was a close
associate of Manuel L. Quezon and served as one of his speech writers. He
became president of the University of the Philippines from 1934 to 1939 and
Associate Justice of the Supreme Court from 1942-1944. He died on July
23, 1965.
GOVERNOR LEONARD WOOD AND THE FILIPINOS
After Woods replaced the highly popular Harrison on October 5, 1921,
he vetoed 64 of 217 bills passed by the Legislature compared to only five
under Harrison. According to the Filipinos, the bills were dismissed on the
flimsiest motives. Wood for his part saw the vetoed bills as poorly made or
unconstitutional. The strictness of Wood was perceived as an affront to the
newly found liberties by Filipino leaders like Quezon. Wood was also aghast
to learn that the government was in a financial crisis and it was subsidizing
losing corporations like the Philippine National Bank, the Manila Railway
Company, and Manila Coal Company which became inefficient because of
having too many employees, many of whom were recommended by Filipino
officials. Wood moved to streamline these corporations and make them self-
sufficient. The threat of removing officials placed there by patronage of
Filipino officials made Wood their personal enemy.
The point of confrontation between Wood and the Filipino officials led
by Quezon came to the fore with the Cabinet Crisis of 1923. This crisis was
sparked over Wood’s order to reinstate an American police detective named
Ray Conley. Conley was the head of vice squad of the Manila Police tasked
with running after the operators of gambling and opium den and their patrons.
He was charged with accepting bribes from gambling den operators
apparently as revenge by criminal elements because of his efficient drive
against them. The city mayor of Manila, Ramon Fernandez, and the
Secretary of Interior, Jose P. Laurel, believed in Conley’s guilt. The Court of
First Instance, however, found the evidence against Conley as insufficient
and inconsistent, and ordered the case against the detective dismissed.
Wood ordered Conley reinstated but Conley’s enemies wanted him charged
administratively of keeping a mistress and having made false statement that
the mistress was his wife. Laurel tried to have Conley investigated
administratively but Wood objected saying that this would make Conley’s
accusers his judges. Wood himself encouraged the investigation of Conley
on the charge of keeping a mistress and making false statement. An
independent Committee of Investigation was convened and it found Conley
not guilty of the charges. Wood then sent a memorandum to Laurel ordering
Conley’s reinstatement. Laurel transmitted a letter to Mayor Fernandez
requesting compliance and then tendered his resignation as Secretary of the
Interior. Conley who was later reinstated, retired with full benefits.
Filipino officials then accused Wood of meddling in the details of the
local government which should have been handled by the Filipinos. Quezon
saw this incident as an opportunity to embarrass Governor Wood by
resigning form the Council of State. At the time, the ruling Nacionalista party
was facing the prospect of defeat in the 1923 elections. Quezon needed a
villain to fight and keep himself in power. Following Quezon’s resignation,
Mayor of Manila, Speaker of the House, Manuel Roxas, and all the Filipino
Department Secretaries also resigned. Wood accepted the mass resignation
of the Filipino officials. Quezon, as President of the Philippine senate,
refused to confirm for his part, and refused to confirm all officials appointed
by Wood to replace the officials who resigned. The Cabinet Crisis plagued
the rest of Wood’s term until his death on August 7, 1927 while being
operated on for a brain tumor.

THE PROTEST
"In the face of this critical situation, we, the constitutional
representatives of the Filipino people, met to deliberate upon the
present difficulties existing in the Government of the Philippine Islands
and to determine how best to preserve the supremacy and majesty of
the laws and to safeguard the right and liberties of our people, having
faith in the sense of justice of the people of the United States and
inspired by her patriotic example in the early days of her history, do
hereby, in our behalf and in the name of the Filipino people, solemnly
and publicly make known our most vigorous protest against the
arbitrary acts and usurpations of the present Governor-General of the
Philippine Islands, particularly against Executive Order No."

Speech of Corazon Aquino During the Joint Session of the United

States Congress
LEANING CONTENT
INTRODUCTION
Philippines being in Martial Law under the leadership of
Ferdinand Marcos experienced a lot of brutality from the government. This
urged Corazon Aquino to be a strong advocate for the restoration of
democratic country to bring back the power to Filipino people. To declare
freedom from Marcos regime, to mark a new beginning for Filipinos and to
appeal financial assistance to cope with all the adversities the Philippines is
facing during her time were the intentions of her speech. She also credited
her husband Ninoy Aquino for conceptualizing achieving peace through
peaceful means in her speech. Corazon being the first female president
successfully restored civil rights and abolish 1973 constitution and made
remarkable contributions to the Philippines.

LESSON PROPER

Speech of Her Excellency Corazon C. Aquino

President of the Philippines
During the Joint Session of the United States Congress

AUTHOR’S BACKGROUND

President Corazon C. Aquino was the

11th president and the first female president of the
Philippines. When President Ferdinand Marcos
called for a snap election in 1986, she became
the opposition’s presidential candidate. When she
narrowly lost the election, Aquino and her
supporters challenged the results. This resulted
to the so-called EDSA revolution, prompting
Marcos to seek exile in Hawaii. On the 25th of
February 1986, Aquino was sworn into office.

Speech of Her Excellency Corazon C. Aquino

President of the Philippines
During the Joint Session of the United States Congress

Three years ago, I left America in grief to bury my husband, Ninoy Aquino. I
thought I had left it also to lay to rest his restless dream of Philippine
freedom. Today, I have returned as the president of a free people.
In burying Ninoy, a whole nation honored him. By that brave and selfless act
of giving honor, a nation in shame recovered its own. A country that had lost
faith in its future found it in a faithless and brazen act of murder. So in giving,
we receive, in losing we find, and out of defeat, we snatched our victory.
For the nation, Ninoy became the pleasing sacrifice that answered their
prayers for freedom. For myself and our children, Ninoy was a loving
husband and father. His loss, three times in our lives, was always a deep
and painful one.
Fourteen years ago, this month was the first time we lost him. A president-
turned-dictator, and traitor to his oath, suspended the Constitution and shut
down the Congress that was much like this one before which I am honored
to speak. He detained my husband along with thousands of others –
senators, publishers and anyone who had spoken up for the democracy as
its end drew near. But for Ninoy, a long and cruel ordeal was reserved. The
dictator already knew that Ninoy was not a body merely to be imprisoned but
a spirit he must break. For even as the dictatorship demolished one by one
the institutions of democracy – the press, the Congress, the independence
of the judiciary, the protection of the Bill of Rights – Ninoy kept their spirit
alive in himself.
The government sought to break him by indignities and terror. They locked
him up in a tiny, nearly airless cell in a military camp in the north. They
stripped him naked and held the threat of sudden midnight execution over
his head. Ninoy held up manfully–all of it. I barely did as well. For 43 days,
the authorities would not tell me what had happened to him. This was the
first time my children and I felt we had lost him.
When that didn’t work, they put him on trial for subversion, murder and a host
of other crimes before a military commission. Ninoy challenged its authority
and went on a fast. If he survived it, then, he felt, God intended him for
another fate. We had lost him again. For nothing would hold him back from
his determination to see his fast through to the end. He stopped only when it
dawned on him that the government would keep his body alive after the fast
had destroyed his brain. And so, with barely any life in his body, he called off
the fast on the fortieth day. God meant him for other things, he felt. He did
not know that an early death would still be his fate, that only the timing was
wrong.
At any time during his long ordeal, Ninoy could have made a separate peace
with the dictatorship, as so many of his countrymen had done. But the spirit
of democracy that inheres in our race and animates this chamber could not
be allowed to die. He held out, in the loneliness of his cell and the frustration
of exile, the democratic alternative to the insatiable greed and mindless
cruelty of the right and the purging holocaust of the left.
And then, we lost him, irrevocably and more painfully than in the past. The
news came to us in Boston. It had to be after the three happiest years of our
lives together. But his death was my country’s resurrection in the courage
and faith by which alone they could be free again. The dictator had called
him a nobody. Two million people threw aside their passivity and escorted
him to his grave. And so began the revolution that has brought me to
democracy’s most famous home, the Congress of the United States.
The task had fallen on my shoulders to continue offering the democratic
alternative to our people.
Archibald Macleish had said that democracy must be defended by arms
when it is attacked by arms and by truth when it is attacked by lies. He failed
to say how it shall be won.
I held fast to Ninoy’s conviction that it must be by the ways of democracy. I
held out for participation in the 1984 election the dictatorship called, even if
I knew it would be rigged. I was warned by the lawyers of the opposition that
I ran the grave risk of legitimizing the foregone results of elections that were
clearly going to be fraudulent. But I was not fighting for lawyers but for the
people in whose intelligence I had implicit faith. By the exercise of
democracy, even in a dictatorship, they would be prepared for democracy
when it came. And then, also, it was the only way I knew by which we could
measure our power even in the terms dictated by the dictatorship.
The people vindicated me in an election shamefully marked by government
thuggery and fraud. The opposition swept the elections, garnering a clear
majority of the votes, even if they ended up, thanks to a corrupt Commission
on Elections, with barely a third of the seats in parliament. Now, I knew our
power.
Last year, in an excess of arrogance, the dictatorship called for its doom in
a snap election. The people obliged. With over a million signatures, they
drafted me to challenge the dictatorship. And I obliged them. The rest is the
history that dramatically unfolded on your television screen and across the
front pages of your newspapers.
You saw a nation, armed with courage and integrity, stand fast by democracy
against threats and corruption. You saw women poll watchers break out in
tears as armed goons crashed the polling places to steal the ballots but, just
the same, they tied themselves to the ballot boxes. You saw a people so
committed to the ways of democracy that they were prepared to give their
lives for its pale imitation. At the end of the day, before another wave of fraud
could distort the results, I announced the people’s victory.
The distinguished co-chairman of the United States observer team in his
report to your President described that victory:
“I was witness to an extraordinary manifestation of democracy on the part of
the Filipino people. The ultimate result was the election of Mrs. Corazon C.
Aquino as President and Mr. Salvador Laurel as Vice-President of the
Philippines.”
Many of you here today played a part in changing the policy of your country
towards us. We, Filipinos, thank each of you for what you did: for, balancing
America’s strategic interest against human concerns, illuminates the
American vision of the world.
When a subservient parliament announced my opponent’s victory, the
people turned out in the streets and proclaimed me President. And true to
their word, when a handful of military leaders declared themselves against
the dictatorship, the people rallied to their protection. Surely, the people take
care of their own. It is on that faith and the obligation it entails, that I assumed
the presidency.
As I came to power peacefully, so shall I keep it. That is my contract with my
people and my commitment to God. He had willed that the blood drawn with
the lash shall not, in my country, be paid by blood drawn by the sword but by
the tearful joy of reconciliation.
We have swept away absolute power by a limited revolution that respected
the life and freedom of every Filipino. Now, we are restoring full constitutional
government. Again, as we restored democracy by the ways of democracy,
so are we completing the constitutional structures of our new democracy
under a constitution that already gives full respect to the Bill of Rights. A
jealously independent Constitutional Commission is completing its draft
which will be submitted later this year to a popular referendum. When it is
approved, there will be congressional elections. So within about a year from
a peaceful but national upheaval that overturned a dictatorship, we shall
have returned to full constitutional government. Given the polarization and
breakdown we inherited, this is no small achievement.
My predecessor set aside democracy to save it from a communist insurgency
that numbered less than 500. Unhampered by respect for human rights, he
went at it hammer and tongs. By the time he fled, that insurgency had grown
to more than 16,000. I think there is a lesson here to be learned about trying
to stifle a thing with the means by which it grows.
I don’t think anybody, in or outside our country, concerned for a democratic
and open Philippines, doubts what must be done. Through political initiatives
and local reintegration programs, we must seek to bring the insurgents down
from the hills and, by economic progress and justice, show them that for
which the best intentioned among them fight.
As President, I will not betray the cause of peace by which I came to power.
Yet equally, and again no friend of Filipino democracy will challenge this, I
will not stand by and allow an insurgent leadership to spurn our offer of peace
and kill our young soldiers, and threaten our new freedom.
Yet, I must explore the path of peace to the utmost for at its end, whatever
disappointment I meet there, is the moral basis for laying down the olive
branch of peace and taking up the sword of war. Still, should it come to that,
I will not waver from the course laid down by your great liberator: “With malice
towards none, with charity for all, with firmness in the rights as God gives us
to see the rights, let us finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation’s
wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow
and for his orphans, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and
lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.”
Like Lincoln, I understand that force may be necessary before mercy. Like
Lincoln, I don’t relish it. Yet, I will do whatever it takes to defend the integrity
and freedom of my country.
Finally, may I turn to that other slavery: our $26 billion foreign debt. I have
said that we shall honor it. Yet must the means by which we shall be able to
do so be kept from us? Many conditions imposed on the previous
government that stole this debt continue to be imposed on us who never
benefited from it. And no assistance or liberality commensurate with the
calamity that was visited on us has been extended. Yet ours must have been
the cheapest revolution ever. With little help from others, we Filipinos fulfilled
the first and most difficult conditions of the debt negotiation the full restoration
of democracy and responsible government. Elsewhere, and in other times of
more stringent world economic conditions, Marshall plans and their like were
felt to be necessary companions of returning democracy.
When I met with President Reagan yesterday, we began an important
dialogue about cooperation and the strengthening of the friendship between
our two countries. That meeting was both a confirmation and a new
beginning and should lead to positive results in all areas of common concern.
Today, we face the aspirations of a people who had known so much poverty
and massive unemployment for the past 14 years and yet offered their lives
for the abstraction of democracy. Wherever I went in the campaign, slum
area or impoverished village, they came to me with one cry: democracy! Not
food, although they clearly needed it, but democracy. Not work, although
they surely wanted it, but democracy. Not money, for they gave what little
they had to my campaign. They didn’t expect me to work a miracle that would
instantly put food into their mouths, clothes on their back, education in their
children, and work that will put dignity in their lives. But I feel the pressing
obligation to respond quickly as the leader of a people so deserving of all
these things.
We face a communist insurgency that feeds on economic deterioration, even
as we carry a great share of the free world defenses in the Pacific. These
are only two of the many burdens my people carry even as they try to build
a worthy and enduring house for their new democracy, that may serve as
well as a redoubt for freedom in Asia. Yet, no sooner is one stone laid than
two are taken away. Half our export earnings, $2 billion out of $4 billion,
which was all we could earn in the restrictive markets of the world, went to
pay just the interest on a debt whose benefit the Filipino people never
received.
Still, we fought for honor, and, if only for honor, we shall pay. And yet, should
we have to wring the payments from the sweat of our men’s faces and sink
all the wealth piled up by the bondsman’s two hundred fifty years of
unrequited toil?
Yet to all Americans, as the leader of a proud and free people, I address this
question: has there been a greater test of national commitment to the ideals
you hold dear than that my people have gone through? You have spent many
lives and much treasure to bring freedom to many lands that were reluctant
to receive it. And here you have a people who won it by themselves and need
only the help to preserve it.
Three years ago, I said thank you, America, for the haven from oppression,
and the home you gave Ninoy, myself and our children, and for the three
happiest years of our lives together. Today, I say, join us, America, as we
build a new home for democracy, another haven for the oppressed, so it may
stand as a shining testament of our two nation’s commitment to freedom.

ANALYSIS OF CORY AQUINO'S SPEECH

Cory Aquino’s speech was an important event in the political and
diplomatic history of the country because it has arguably cemented the
legitimacy of the EDSA government in the international arena. The speech
talks of her family background, especially her relationship with her late
husband, Ninoy Aquino. It is well known that it was Ninoy who served as the
real leading figure of the opposition of that time. Indeed, Ninoy’s eloquence
and charisma could very well compete with that of Marcos. In her speech,
Cory talked at length about Ninoy’s toil and suffering at the hands of the
dictatorship that he resisted. Even when she proceeded talking about her
new government, she still went back to Ninoy’s legacies and lessons.
Moreover, her attributions of the revolution to Ninoy’s death demonstrates
not only Cory’s personal perception on the revolution, but since she was the
president, it also represents what the document discourse was at that point
in our history.
The ideology or the principles of the new democratic government can also
be seen in the same speech. Aquino was able to draw the sharp contrast
between her government and her predecessor by expressing her
commitment to a democratic constitution upholds and adheres to the rights
and liberty of the Filipino people. Cory also hoisted herself as the
reconciliatory agent after more than two decades of a polarizing authoritarian
politics. For example, Cory saw the blown-up communist insurgency as a
product of a repressive and corrupt government. Her response to this
insurgency rooted from her diametric opposition of the dictator. (i.e. initiating
reintegration of the communist rebels to the mainstream Philippines society.)
Cory claimed that her main approach to this problem was through pace and
not through the sword of war.
Despite Cory’s efforts to hoist herself as the exact opposite of Marcos,
her speech still revealed certain parallelisms between her and the Marco’s
government. This is seen in terms of continuing the alliance between the
Philippines and the United States despite the known affinity between the said
world super power and Marcos. The Aquino regime, as seen in Cory’s
acceptance of the invitation to address the U.S. Congress and to the content
of the speech, decided to build and continue the alliance between the
Philippines and the United States and effectively implemented an essentially
similar foreign policy to that of dictatorship. For example, Cory recognized
that the large sum of foreign debts incurred by the Marcos regime never
benefited the Filipino People. Nevertheless,
Cory expressed her intentions to pay off those debts. Unknown to many
Filipinos was the fact that there was a choice of waiving the said debt
because those were the debt of the dictator and not the country. Cory’s
decision is an indicator of her government’s intention to carry on a debt
driven economy.
Reading through Aquino’s speech, we can already take cues, not just on
Cory’s individual ideas and aspirations, but also the guiding principles and
framework of the government that she represented.

**************END OF WEEK 8*************

 WEEK 9: Speech of President Ferdinand
Marcos During the Termination of Martial Law
LEARNING CONTENT
INTRODUCTION:
It was on September 21, 1972 when the late President Ferdinand Marcos
promulgated Proclamation No. 1081, placing the entire Philippines under Martial Law in
order to protect the integrity of the Republic from the rising wave of lawlessness and the
threat of a communist insurgency. This curtailed press freedom and other civil liberties,
closed down Congress and media establishments, and caused the arrest of opposition
leaders and militant activists.
Then, by virtue of Proclamation No. 2045, Marcos lifted the state of martial law to
show the Filipino people and the world that the situation in the Philippines was back to
normal and that the 1973 Constitution and the government were working smoothly.
In this lesson, we are going to examine the speech made by President Marcos
during the termination of Martial law in the country, titled Encounter with Destiny. We will
also discover how the legacy of the Marcos administration and the Martial Law continues
to affect our political landscape as we move forward as a democratic country.

LESSON PROPER

SPEECH OF PRESIDENT MARCOS

DURING THE TERMINATION OF MARTIAL LAW

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos Sr. was born
on September 11, 1917, in Ilocos Norte province. He was
a member of the Philippine House of Representatives
(1949-1959) and Senate (1959-1965) before winning the
presidential election. After winning a second term, he
declared martial law in 1972, establishing with wife Imelda
an autocratic regime based on widespread favoritism that
eventually leads to economic stagnation and recurring
reports of human rights violations. Marcos held onto the
presidency until 1986 when his people rose against his
dictatorial rule and he was forced to flee. He died on
September 28, 1989 in exile in Honolulu, Hawaii.
 During World War II, Ferdinand Marcos served as an officer with his country's
armed forces, later claiming that he was also a top figure in the Filipino guerrilla resistance
movement. (U.S. governmental records eventually revealed these assertions to be false.)
At the end of the war, when the American government granted the Philippines
independence on July 4, 1946, the Philippine Congress was created.
Marcos was inaugurated on December 30, 1965. His first presidential term was
notable for his decision to send troops into the fray of the Vietnam War, a move he had
previously opposed as a Liberal Party senator. He also focused on construction projects
and bolstering the country's rice production. Marcos was reelected in 1969, the first
Filipino president to win a second term, but violence and fraud were associated with his
campaign, which was believed to be funded with millions from the national treasury.
Marcos decreed martial law in 1972, with Imelda eventually becoming an official
who often appointed her relatives to lucrative governmental and industrial positions.

CONTEXTUAL & CONTENT ANALYSIS

On September 21, 1972, President Ferdinand Marcos placed the Philippines under
Martial Law. The declaration issued under the Proclamation 1081 suspended the civil
rights and imposed military authority in the country. Marcos defended the declaration
stressing the need for extra powers to suppress the rising wave of violence allegedly
caused by communists.
Marcos wants to save the republic from evil elements like communists by declaring
the Military Law. Instead of losing and losing communists, their members grew stronger
and more, they fueled against the Marcos regime.
Marcos wanted to change society through the Military Law. He already changed
society because the Filipinos are already afraid of him. Social reforms also included the
implementation of a nutrition program. There are 4,000-daycare centers all over the land.
Their model, which has been adopted by the United Nations—health program, a family
planning program which had been long denied the humblest and the poorest of the
countrymen. Government reform a program in the word “PLEDGES” which means Peace
and Order; Land Reform; Economic Development; Development of moral values;
Government Reform; Educational Reforms and Social Services.
The Gross National Product increased from P55,526 million in 1972 to P192,911
million in 1979 at 1972 constant prices or P269,781 million at current prices. The Gross
National Product increased from P55,526 million in 1972 to P192,911 million in 1979 at
1972 constant prices or P269,781 million at current prices. Savings and time deposits
have increased from P5,402 million in 1972 to P49,116 million as of September 1980.
Gross domestic investments have not only doubled but trebled, quadrupled, quintupled.
From P11,573 million in 1972, it was increased to about P78,198 million in 1980, while
gross national savings increased from P11,679 million in 1972 to P62,395 million in 1980.
There was a time when the debt service ratio before this administration was more than
40 percent of the dollar earnings the previous year. This has been reduced to 20 percent;
and now, as of 1980, reduced to 18.72 percent of foreign exchange earnings in the
previous year.
When Marcos took over as President in 1965, most of the indebtedness was short-
term indebtedness payable within one year, two years, three years, and five years. More
than 90 percent. All of these were immediately shifted or converted into long-term
indebtedness, for some reason or other, because of inefficient management of our affairs.
Because of their bad creditworthiness, they could not borrow any money from anywhere.
The most that the World Bank could lend them before 1965 was 40million.By 1975 and
1976, the World Bank had changed its opinion of the Philippines so much so that it was
ready to lend at a single time 500 million. But most of these borrowings did not go to the
government. They went into productive enterprises. The borrowings of government do
not go to pay for salaries or what those, in government, call ordinary or current
expenditures—housekeeping, salaries of officers and employees, as well as furniture and
equipment. On the current budget, there is always a surplus. Since 1965 to the present,
there has always been a surplus in the current budget of the Republic of the Philippines.
They have borrowed but only for purposes of productive enterprise. These are the
self-paying and the self-regenerating enterprises which people must support. And,
incidentally, nobody lends you money if you cannot put up a counterpart fund. The least
amount of counterpart fund that is required is about 50 percent of the entire cost of the
project.
The international reserves were increased from practically zero in 1965. The
statistics say the US 282 million were left in the Central Bank. When Marcos asked the
Central Bank, however, he was told that their commitments exceeded the US 300 million.
And, therefore, they did not have enough foreign exchange to pay their indebtedness as
of 1965. The foreign exchange reserves were practically zero. And later they have the US
$3.1 billion in the Central Bank as the foreign exchange reserves of the Republic of the
Philippines. It was said truly that the rich will grow richer because they have the funds
and the capital. And they have no intention of confiscating private property. It is not a part
of the ideology of the New Society to confiscate private property and private enterprise.
But they shall regulate wealth so it shall not be utilized to brutalize the poor and the
weakness of our people. And thus, it is that the rich must pay heavier taxes.
In 1972, the percentage of families with incomes of P1,999 and below was 24.3
percent. In 1979, this had been reduced to 11.2 percent, or by more than one-half. The
families with incomes of P30,000 and more. In 1972, there was only 5 percent of them
out of the entire population. Now, there are more than twice that. There is 12.8 percent of
those who have this high income. And considering that almost all of these families that
Marcos speak of life in the rural areas, the New Society certainly has effectively changed
the standard of living of the Filipino masses. Finally, the effective minimum wage had
increased from P4.75 in 1972 to P23.30-24.70 in 1980.
There has been a major change in government since the proclamation of Martial
Law. The Congress that makes and outsourcing laws has been abolished. The senators
and representatives have been removed from duty. Under the Military Act, the President
had the legislative power. He made Presidential Decrees, General Orders, and Letter of
Instruction. These will govern the Government and all civilian powers. The Presidential
Order is valid and forceful as the laws issued by the former Congress.

HISTORICAL & CONTEMPORARY RELEVANCE

As the country was suffering from grinding poverty, widespread corruption, a
stalled political and judicial system, and internal violence, three alternative explanations
for the martial law decision may include the following:
The official, the constitutional explanation is the threat of violent rebellion.
Another view sees martial law as Marcos' way of circumventing congressional and
bureaucratic obstruction to achieve reforms and eliminate corruption--whether for
altruistic or selfish reasons.
The "imperialist lackey" view focuses on Marcos' relations to the United States and
multinational business interests. Marcos is protecting foreign investors and granting huge
incentives for oil exploration, against the wishes of the Congress; some believe that his
purpose is to stabilize himself in power and avoid demanding that the United States pay
rent on its Philippine bases.
This document will help constructively recognize the contributions of President
Marcos to the country's economic, social, cultural, and educational development. These
contributions have shaped our nation as it is today. We also have to put a premium on
his legacies which we undeniably enjoy now. Moreover, the primary source should let us
forgive but not to forget the lessons of the past. We should never allow anyone to take
away our hard-earned freedom and democracy. Filipinos experienced suppression of
their rights during the military rule and we should learn from that chapter in our history
and not let it happen again. As freedom is everyone's right, this should not be curtailed.
We always have to remember that one-man rule or emergency powers did not benefit the
country. We should never commit the same mistake.
 Paintings of Juan Luna and
Fernando Amorsolo
LEARNING CONTENT
INTRODUCTION
Do Arts like paintings provide a glimpse of history? Paintings are art and painters
paint to express their thoughts, ideas, and feelings; hence, every painting has its own
significance and meaning. The Philippines is also known for arts especially in paintings.
In this lesson, we are going to discuss the works of the well-renowned Filipino
painters who have contributed so much to Philippine history, namely Juan Luna and
Fernando Amorsolo. Both of them are remarkable artists of different styles and
techniques in relaying their subjective energies through their masterpieces. The paintings
of Juan Luna and Fernando Amorsolo had reflected the life of Filipinos during the latter
part of the Spanish Colonization, the middle years of American rule, and Japanese
occupation in our country that arouse the sense of nationalism and showcase the
Philippine Culture as well as the greatness of Filipinos in arts.

LESSON PROPER

JUAN LUNA'S PAINTINGS

AUTHOR’S BACKGROUND
Juan Luna (October 23, 1857-
December 7, 1899) was known as the
“Finest arts and First International Filipino
Painter”. He was the son Juaquin Luna de
San Pedro y Posadas and Laureana
Novicio y Ancheta that was born on
October 23, 1857, in Badoc, Ilocos Norte.
He was influenced to paint by his brother
Manuel who was also a painter. Juan
Luna is considered one of the greatest
Filipino artists in Philippine history with
masterpieces such as Solarium, The Death of Cleopatra, and Blood Compact. He was a
Filipino painter, sculptor, and a political activist of the Philippine Revolution during the late
19th century. He was one of the first recognized Philippine artists. His close friendship
with National Hero Jose Rizal has sparked Philippine nationalism and pride. Juan Luna
was mostly known for his works as being dramatic and dynamic, focusing on romanticism
and realism styles of art.
 On December 8, 1886, Luna married Maria de la Paz Pardo de Tavera, a sister of
his friend Felix and Trinidad Pardo de Tavera, the couple traveled to Europe and settled
in Paris. They had one son, whom they named Andres and a daughter who died in
infancy.

Educational Background
He received his degree in Bachelor of Arts at Ateneo de Manila and enrolled later
at Escuela Nautica de Manila where he became a sailor. This did not stop Luna from his
pursuit of developing his artistic skills. He took lessons under the famous painting teacher
Lorenzo Guerrero and also enrolled at Academia de Dibujo y Pintura under the Spanish
artist Agustin Saez.
Luna left for Barcelona in 1877, together with his elder brother Manuel, who was a
violinist. While there, Luna widened his knowledge of the art and he was exposed to the
immortal works of the Renaissance masters. One of his private teachers, Alejo Vera, a
famous contemporary painter in Spain, took Luna to Rome to undertake certain
commissions. In 1877, Juan Luna traveled to Europe to continue his studies and enrolled
at Escuela de Bellas Artes de San Fernando. It was in 1881 when he received his first
major achievement as an artist and this is through winning a silver medal at the Nacional
de Bellas Artes(National Demonstration of Fine Arts) with his work “The Death of
Cleopatra.” From there, he continued to gain recognition and respect as an artist. Juan
Luna kept on impressing the European and Filipino society through the Nacional de Bellas
Artes with outstanding works such as the “Spolarium” which won gold in 1884 and “Battle
at Lepanto” in 1887.

Awards
 Silver Medal for La Muerte de Cleopatra (Death of Cleopatra), Rome 1881
 Silver Palette for Dafinis Y Cloe (Roman Youths), Rome, 1881
 1st Gold Medal (1st Class) for Sploliarium (Rome, 1884
 Silver Palette with Laurel for Spoliarium (Madrid, 1884)
 1st Gold Meda (3rd Class) for Spoliarium (Madrid, 1884)
 Diploma of Honor for Las Damas Romanas (Roman Ladies), Paris, 1886
 Diploma of Honor for La Mestiza en Su Tocador (The Mestiza in her Boundier), Venice, 1886
 Gold Medal/Special Award for La Batalla de Lepanto (Paris, 1887)
 Bronze Medal for Hymen, Oh Hymenee (A Roman Wedding) (Venice, 1886)
 Honorary Award for Chiffonier (Paris, 1888)
 Gold Medal (Posthumous Award) for Peuple et Rois (People and Kings), Paris, 1882
 Silver Medal (Posthumous Award for El Pacto de Sangre (The Blood Compact), Paris, 1886
 Silver Medal (Posthumous Award) for Don Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Paris, 1886
CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS
The masterpieces of Juan Luna were created during the Spanish Colonization of
the Philippines in the 19th Century and some were created during the midyears of
American Rule in the Philippines.

CONTENT ANALYSIS

Death of Cleopatra, Rome 1881

The famous painting was a silver medalist
or second prize winner during the 1881 National
Exposition of Fine Arts in Madrid. The 1881 Madrid
painting contest was Luna's first art exposition.
Because of the exposure, Luna received a pension
scholarship at the Ayuntamiento de Manila. After
the painting competition, Luna sold it for 5,000
Spanish pesetas, the highest price for a painting at
the time. As Luna's "graduation work", The Death
of Cleopatra was acquired by the Spanish government for one thousand euros.

Blood Compact, Paris 1885

It depicts the traditional “kasikasi” or
drinking ceremony which was a symbol of
friendship, peace, and goodwill among those
executing the compact. Blood Compact executed
by the Spaniards in the Philippines held on March
16, 1565, between Don Miguel Lopez de Legazpi
and Rajah Sikatuna of Bohol.

Spoliarium
The painting features a glimpse of Roman
history centered on the bloody carnage brought by
gladiatorial matches. Spoliarium is a Latin word
referring to the basement of the Roman Colosseum
where the fallen and dying gladiators are dumped
and devoid of their worldly possessions.
At the center of Luna’s painting are fallen
gladiators being dragged by Roman soldiers. On the left, spectators ardently await their
chance to strip off the combatants of their metal helmets and other armories. In contrast
with the charged emotions featured on the left, the right side meanwhile presents a
somber mood. An old man carries a torch perhaps searching for his son while a woman
weeps the death of her loved one.
The Spoliarium is the most valuable oil-on-canvas painting by Juan Luna, a Filipino
educated at the Academia de Dibujo y Pintura (Philippines) and at the Academia de San
Fernando in Madrid, Spain. With a size of 4.22 meters x 7.675 meters, it is the largest
painting in the Philippines. A historical painting, it was made by Luna in 1884 as an entry
to the prestigious Exposicion de Bellas Artes (Madrid Art Exposition, May 1884) and
eventually won for him the First Gold Medal.
The Parisian Life
Juan Luna painted this masterpiece in
1892 when he was staying in Paris, France. It is
called The Parisian Life but is also known as
Interior d’un Cafi (meaning “inside a cafe”). He
used oil on canvas to create this 22 x 31-inch
painting.
This may seem like any other old piece
of artwork but the details and story of this
masterpiece are one of a kind. The men in the
background are actually three well known Filipinos: Juan Luna himself, Jose Rizal, a very
famous author and hero, and Ariston Bautista Lin, the first owner of the painting. These
men were all living in France at that time.
Her mirror image is said to resemble the archipelago of the Philippines – her
outstretched arm being the island of Palawan. Another interesting detail is the darkness
on the woman’s neck and the line going from her head to the top of the picture. This
apparently shows that the Philippines was going through a time of struggle which could
very well be because they were being oppressed by the Spanish at that time.

España Y Filipinas
España Y Filipinas meaning “Spain and
the Philippines” is an oil on wood painting of Juan
Luna in 1886. The two women together are the
representation of Spain and the Philippines. The
painting also is known as España Guiando a
Filipinas (Spain Leading the Philippines).
In this painting, Juan Luna wants to show
the strong bond between Spain and the
Philippines. It also revealed the true hope and
desire of every Filipino to have an equal treatment
between Spain and the Philippines, even Spain
leading the Philippines in a progressive country.
 FERNANDO AMORSOLO'S PAINTINGS

AUTHOR'S BACKGROUND
Fernando Cueto Amorsolo (May
30, 1892 – April 26, 1972) is one of the
most important artists in the history of
painting in the Philippines. Amorsolo was
a portraitist and painter of rural Philippine
landscapes. Fernando Amorsolo was
born on May 30, 1892, in Paco, Manila to
Pedro Amorsolo, a bookkeeper, and
Bonifacia Cueto. Amorsolo spent his
childhood in Daet, Camarines Norte,
where he studied in a public school and was tutored at home in Spanish reading and
writing. After his father’s death, Amorsolo and his family moved to Manila to live with Don
Fabian de la Rosa, his mother’s cousin, and a Philippine painter. At the age of 13,
Amorsolo became an apprentice to De la Rosa, who would eventually become the
advocate and guide to Amorsolo’s painting career. During this time, Amorsolo’s mother
embroidered to earn money, while Amorsolo helped by selling watercolor postcards to a
local bookstore for 10 centavos each. Amorsolo’s brother, Pablo, was also a painter.
During his lifetime, Amorsolo was married twice and had 14 children. In 1916, he
married Salud Jorge, with whom he had six children. After Jorges death in 1931, Amorsolo
married Maria del Carmen Zaragoza, with whom he had eight more children. Among her
daughters are Sylvia Amorsolo Lazo and Luz Amorsolo. Five of Amorsolo children
became painters themselves. Amorsolo was a close friend to the Philippine sculptor
Guillermo Tolentino, the creator of the Caloocan. It is believed that he had painted more
than 10,000 pieces, his Rice Planting (1922), which appeared on posters and tourist
brochures, became one of the most popular images of the Commonwealth era. He died
on April 24, 1972, at the age of 79.

Educational Background
Amorsolo earned a degree from the Liceo de Manila Art School in 1909 and
entered the University of the Philippines' School of Fine Arts. He was a portrait artist and
known painter of rural Philippine landscapes. He graduated with honors from the U.P. in
1914 and got a study grant in Madrid, Spain. He was also able to visit New York, where
he encountered postwar impressionism and cubism, which would be major influences on
his work. Don Fabian De La Rosa advocate and guide to Amorsolo’s painting career while
Diego Velasquez is the major influence of Amorsolo’s and Enrique Zobel De Ayala gave
him the grant to study in Madrid, Spain
 Awards
 1908 2nd Prize, Bazar Escolta (Asociacion Internacional de Artistas), for Levendo Periodico
 1922 1st Prize, Commercial and Industrial Fair in the Manila Carnival
 1929 (1939?) 1st Prize, New York’s World Fair, for Afternoon Meal of Rice Workers (also
known as Noonday Meal of the Rice Workers)
 1940 Outstanding University of the Philippines Alumnus Award
 1959 Gold Medal, UNESCO National Commission
 1961 Rizal Pro Patria Award
 1961 Honorary Doctorate in the Humanities, from the Far Eastern University
 1963 Diploma of Merit from the University of the Philippines
 1963 Patnubay ng Sining at Kalinangan Award, from the City of Manila
 1963 Republic Cultural Heritage Award
 1972 Gawad CCP para sa Sining, from the Cultural Center of the Philippines

CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS
The masterpieces of Amorsolo were created during the American colonial rule and
the Japanese occupation of the Philippines during World War II.

CONTENT ANALYSIS
The painter Fernando Amorsolo (1892-1972) was a dominant figure in the visual
arts of the Philippines during the decades before the Second World War and into the post-
war period. His oeuvre is characterized by scenes of the Filipino countryside,
harmoniously composed and richly colored, saturated with bright sunlight and populated
by beautiful, happy people: it is an art of beauty, contentment, peace, and plenty – which
perhaps explains its enduring popularity in the Philippines to this day. Moreover,
Amorsolo's paintings commemorate the different tradition, cultures, and customs of
Filipinos.

Planting Rice with Mayon

Volcano
Planting Rice with Mayon Volcano
was painted in 1949. Happy Filipino
villagers in their bright clothes and straw
hats work together amid a green and sunlit
landscape of plenty. Behind them,
releasing a peaceful plume of steam rises
the beautifully symmetrical cone of Mayon
stratovolcano. It is the ash erupted by the volcano over its highly-active history that has
made the surrounding landscape fertile, and the tranquil cone appears here to be a
beneficial spirit of the earth standing guardian over the villagers and their crops. Mayon’s
eruptions can be very destructive (as in the violent eruption of 1947, not long before this
picture was painted, when pyroclastic flows and lahars brought widespread destruction
and fatalities) but here the relationship between the volcano and the surrounding
landscape is depicted as a positive, fruitful and harmonious one. Mayon is a celebrated
symbol of the Philippines, and its presence in Amorsolo’s painting emphasizes his wish
to represent the spirit of the nation on canvas.
The Fruit Pickers under the Mango
Tree
Fernando Amorsolo created this painting
during the year 1937. This year was the rise of
women's rights. Many events for the Filipinas
occurred during that time. One, the Philippines
held a plebiscite for Filipino women on whether
they should be extended the right to suffrage; over
90% voted in the affirmative. Also, for the first-
ever, Filipino women were given the right to vote
during elections.
The artist, Amorsolo, created this artwork to show the true value of Filipinos. They
are hard-working yet happy of what they are doing. It was to also make the world aware
of the true Filipina beauty. Overall, this painting was intended to show Filipino’s
characteristic glow. This can be proven by looking at the characters in the painting. The
artwork is entitled Fruit Pickers Under the Mango Tree. It was painted by Fernando
Amorsolo a famous Filipino artist. It was made by using oil on 25 1/4 x 37 1/2 inches
canvas and was finished in the year 1937.

The Making of the Philippine Flag

The painting shows three women namely
Marcella Marino de Agoncillo (on the right side)
refer as the mother of the Philippine flag, with the
help of Lorenza and Delfina Herbosa de Natividad
which is actually the daughter of Marcela. They
were tasked by Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo to sew the
first flag for the new republic. The clothes that the
women are wearing are an older style, more
vintage, and really depict the traditional styles.
The skirts the women are wearing are long and their tops were like a traditional “kimona”.
The three women are sewing passionately which demonstrates elegance. The painting
was not that kind of vibrant in the eyes but can set your mood is calm. The setting is inside
of a house which is more like a “Bahay Kubo” The main colors that were used in the
painting were brown, red, blue, and yellow. The mood and visual effects that this painting
can be considered are calmness and serenity. The painting shows a contrast of colors of
brown to yellow which is not harmonious. The artist balanced his characters and the
background in his painting which makes the painting balanced. There are no real lines in
the painting because it is painted in a pointillist style.

Defense of a Filipina Woman’s Honour

This is a representative of Amorsolo's
World War II-era paintings. Here, a Filipino man
defends a woman, who is either his wife or
daughter, from being raped by an unseen
Japanese soldier. Note the Japanese military
cap at the man's foot.
After the onset of World War II,
Amorsolo's typical pastoral scenes were replaced by the depictions of a war-torn nation.
During the Japanese occupation of the Philippines during World War II, Amorsolo spent
his days at his home near the Japanese garrison, where he sketched war scenes from
the house's windows or rooftop.
During the war, he documented the destruction of many landmarks in Manila and
the pain, tragedy, and death experienced by Filipino people, with his subjects including
"women mourning their dead husbands, files of people with pushcarts and makeshift bags
leaving a dark burning city tinged with red from fire and blood."Amorsolo frequently
portrayed the lives and suffering of Filipina women during World War II. Other World War
II-era paintings by Amorsolo include a portrait in absentia of General Douglas
MacArthur as well as self-portraits and paintings of Japanese occupation soldiers.

**************END OF WEEK 9*************

 WEEK 10: Raiders of Sulu Sea
LEARNING CONTENT
Introduction
We live in a pluralistic world and a conflict-torn world. Sad to say that some of
these are the open armed conflicts and bloody resistance between Muslims and
Christians.
The gap of these two religious standpoints was undeniably huge. But what really
happened in the gap of these two that it seems to continue years after until today? How
and why these Muslim People were called pirates and raiders? Are they really what they
call and identify, “The Raiders of the Sulu Sea?”
For this lesson, we are going to examine a historiography documentary film that
exhibits how the tribes of men on certain parts of Mindanao fiercely fought against the
Spaniards whom at that time, colonized the Philippines. This documentary film was
narrated by several key informants that made the film more understandable by actually
being a part of it. These people studied and analyzed the whole history of the conflict and
identified causes of it.

LESSON PROPER

THE RAIDERS OF SULU SEA

THE BACKGROUND OF THE AUTHORS AND NARRATORS

Icelle Gloria Durano Borja Estrada was born in Zamboanga City and was a 7th
generation direct descendant of Vicente Alvarez, the hero of Zamboanga City during the
Spanish-American War. She earned her first degree at Western Mindanao State
University (WMSU) of Bachelor of Science in History Education; then continued finishing
other degrees at Pilar College, Zamboanga City; University of the Philippines Diliman
College of Fine Arts, major in Art History; and Ateneo de Zamboanga City.
She is a collector of art and is a member of the National Commission on Museums
of the National Commission for Culture and the Arts of the Philippines, President of the
Mindanao Association of Museums and for many years, was a curator of Art Museum
Exhibits in the Philippines and abroad.

Dr. Samuel Kong Tan is a Samal-Taosug-Chinese Filipino born in Siasi, Sulu. He

earned his Masters Degree in History at University of the Philippines Diliman and his
Doctoral in Philosophy in Interdisciplinary Studies at Syracuse University, New York,
USA. He is a published Author and served as the Chairperson of UP Diliman’s
Department of History and was also the Chairman and Executive Director of the National
Historical Institute in 1998.
He is well-known for his famous book “A History of the Philippines”, briefly
describes the human history and culture of the Philippines, focusing on three Filipino
cultural communities--the Moros, the Indios, and the Infieles--and examining how these
groups reflect the country's history and development.
He shared his view about the colonial depictions of Moro “Slave raiding” in the
Philippines coastal towns where it demonstrated the open-armed resistance to the
colonial rule of the Muslims.
Prof. Barbara Watson Andaya, born on June 7, 1943, is an Australian historian
and author who studies Indonesia and Maritime Southeast Asian History. She had done
extensive researches on women’s history in Southeast Asia, and of late, on the
localization of Christianity in the Region.
She received her Bachelor of Arts and Diploma of Education in Asian Studies from
the University of Sydney. She also earned her Doctoral in Philosophy in Southeast Asian
University at Cornell University with a specialization in Southeast Asian History and got
her Masters Degree at the University of Hawaii. She teaches courses as a full-time
professor in Asian Studies and is the director of the University’s Center for Southeast
Asian Studies. She was the president of the American Association for Asian Studies from
2005 to 2006.

Dr. Julius Bautista is currently appointed as Senior Lecturer at the Department

of Southeast Asian Studies at the National University of Singapore. He remains as an
Associate of the Religion and Globalization in Asian Contexts Cluster at Asia Research
Institute.
He is an anthropologist and cultural historian who earned a Doctorate degree in
Philosophy in Southeast Asian Studies from the Center for Asian Societies and Histories
at the Australian National University. He was a Visiting Fellow at ARI's Religion and
Globalisation in Asian Contexts Cluster from 2005 to 2011. His teaching and research
interests include Catholicism in the Philippines, Comparative World Religions, The
material culture of Southeast Asia, Pain, Nociception and religious ritual, Ethnographic
practice and methodology, and Asian-Australian heritage scholarship.

Halman Abubakar is a Taosug and a town councilor of Jolo, Sulu, and is a member
of the educated Abubakar Clan of Jolo. He asserts that the attacks on the Spanish forces
were the Moro reaction to Spanish and American imposition on the Moro People.
He promotes indigenous martial arts "Silat" –historic and significant on Taosug
bladed weapons; as a form of self-defense and glorifies the historic and symbolic
significance of these weapons. He also shares the sentiments of his people by resenting
the characterization of Western Colony and Filipino historiography as "pirates".
 Dr. Margarita “Tingting” R. Cojuangco is a Filipino politician, philanthropist, and
socialite. She was the former Chairman of the Kabalikat ng Malayang Pilipino (Kampi)
party, was governor of Tarlac, and was an Undersecretary of the Department of Interior
and Local Government and a member of the Council of Philippine Affairs (COPA). She is
a columnist in The Philippine Star and was a candidate for a seat in the Senate in the
2013 Philippine Senate Election.
She studied at the University of Santo Tomas with a doctorate degree in
Philosophy of Public Safety, finished her Masters in National Security Administration
(MNSA) at the National Defense College, and holds doctorate degrees in Criminology
and Philippine History.
She is known for her humanitarian projects and works among Muslim communities
and her participation in the peace talks with the Moro National Liberation Front.

CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS
It is the 18th Century, and life from some of the coastal inhabitants of the
Philippines was anything but idyllic. For without warning, they could be attacked by the
merciless Illanuns –the raiders of the Sulu Sea. These raiders were fearless and fiercer
in battle even against better armed, technologically superior colonial forces.
To the western colonists, these raiders are nothing but barbaric pirates; and they
were hunted down and such. But there is speculation that these raiders are not the
savages they were made out to be, but nearly indigenous people defending their way of
life against the foreign oppressor. There is little doubt that these raiders were skilled
fighters and deadly swordsmen, but they are also expert sailors and builders of formidable
vessels of war. These raiders are not just bandits but a well-organized force that could
attack with the precision of strategy, giving these western colonial forces a run for their
lives.
On December 8th, 1720, the Southern regions of Mindanao were occupied by
Spanish soldiers that were then identified as Zamboanga City. It sits at the tip of the
Southwest peninsula of the Philippines that is protected by the city’s Fort Pilar –a ten-
meter-high wall that acted as a defense fortress. The Fort served as the base of
operations to check on slave-raiding going on the north and back.
King Dalasi was the King of Bulig in Maguindanao who led in attacking the Fort
Pillar together with the forces of the Sulu Sultanate; burned the town around the Fort, cut
down the line of provisions for the Spaniards, and began a war against the soldiers inside
the Fort. Dalasi’s raiders fight with a vengeance and desire to rip Zamboanga City off the
Spanish Forces. They really had to suppress the Spanish presence here in the peninsula
because the Fort was their base of operations.
According to some historians, slave raiding happened in the Philippines long
before the Western Powers arrived but it was never widespread productivity. The arrival
of the Spanish and the desire to dominate trade in the region trigger slavery. The Spanish
 refer to the slave raiders as Moros. If they weren’t from different tribes, they would
challenge the Spanish authority for occupancy.
The pirates that were described by the Colonial Powers involved activities of
different tribes in the Mindanao Area as well as the Sulu Archipelago. These 3 Muslim
Groups were the Balangingi-Samal Tribe, the Illanuns, and the Taosugs. The Illanuns
and Balangingi-Samal group were both long-standing seafaring communities and would
often join forces with the Taosugs that is known for its fierce warriors. All of the piratical
attacks and retaliatory attacks conducted from Sulu and Maguindanao always carried
these contingents.
History also questioned, should these raiders from the south be called “Pirates”?
Do these raiders fight for personal gain or just serving their local, political masters? The
documentary informants stated that “pirates” is misleading because it doesn’t cover
raiders and people who acted on behalf of the state. It was then concluded that the Moro
act was an act of retaliation against the foreign occupier and was sanctioned by the
sultanates in the name of a higher course: Islam.
There was also a certainly great deal of pressure from the South for populations in
the Visayas to become Islamized. But, the presence of the Spanish in the Visayas and
Northern Luzon disrupted the spread of Islam. The Spanish Colonial Administration
thought it was their responsibility to prevent the spread of Islam from the south to the
Christianized populations in the North. They have an impressive empire that their
conquest is not only motivated by these colonies but also by the opportunity to propagate
Christianity. Therefore, Christianity deploys quickly displacing Islam and Indigenous
Tribal beliefs.
The Spaniards weren’t concern about what the people in the South were after but
rather, was really more than that they really undermined the commercial interests of the
region. Through this, they gained new power in the region which was exerting its own
agendas and its own influences. However, the Sultanates in the South just wanted to do
was to maintain their power, if not, increase it a little bit more. Both sides use religious
ideologies to further influence and feed their objectives.
Behind the clash of religious doctrines was a more compelling reason for the
Spanish to bring the slave raiders to the hill –the spoils of trade with the orient. Something
the Spanish wanted a full-control of. In many respects, the Spanish wanted to be a part
of this exchange in trade but also wanted to do so in conjunction with the conversion of
religious perspective and mindset and colonization of our Islands.

CONTENT ANALYSIS
The documentary film addressed the resistance of the People in the South, the Moros,
from the Spanish-American Colonial forces in the Southern region of the Philippines.
 The Moro People are not really pirates or rebels but indigenous people who demonstrated
resistance from the Spanish forces.
 The most celebrated attack was the December 8th, 1970 attack by King Dalasi.
 The Moro act was an act of retaliation against the foreign occupier and was sanctioned
by the sultanates in the name of a higher course: Islam.
 Spaniards were concerned about the commercial interests of the region and to propagate
Christianity.
 Slave-raiding was part of the bigger regional trade in the Islands of Southeast Asia.
 Artifacts originating from China that was found in Butuan City are proof of the great
distances travelled by the Sea farers of Sulu and the trading activities they were involved
in
 The Western Colonial Ruling sand open-armed conflicts in the Southern region of the
Philippines cause the impoverishment of Muslim Areas economically and religiously.

The Three Muslim Tribes

1. Balangingi-Samal Tribe
The Balangingi, also known Northern Sama or Northern Sinama, is an
ethnolinguistic group living on the Greater Sulu Archipelago and the southern and western
coastal regions of the Zamboanga peninsula in Mindanao. They are mostly found in
Lutangan and Olutangga islands in Zamboanga del Sur, Basilan Island of the Sulu
Archipelago, coastal areas of Zamboanga coast peninsula, and as far north as Luzon;
particularly in White Beach near Subic Bay, Zambales. Balangingis are considered to be
part of the larger group of Sama-Badjao and speak the Balangingi dialect.
In the early nineteenth century, an entire ethnic group, the Samal Balangingi of the
Sulu-Mindanao region, specialized in state-sanctioned maritime raiding, attacking
Southeast Asian coastal settlements and trading vessels. This paper traces the process
of the formation of the Samal Balangingi as an ethnic group comprised of 'pirates' and
their captives, and their continued sense of belonging to the island stronghold of
Balangingi, even after its inhabitants were forcefully resettled between 1848 and 1858.
The paper also stresses just how critical the Spanish resettlement policy directed
against the deported Samal Balangingi was for their future cultural and social life. It
highlights the inextricable relationship between maritime raiding, slavery, forced
migration, 'homeland', and cultural identity as being critical factors that led to the
emergence of new ethnicities and diasporas. By highlighting the problems of self-
definition and the reconstruction of identities and the meaning of homeland and lost
places, as a revealing social and psychological process in its own right, the case of the
Samal Balangingi challenges lineal notions of history and bounded static conceptions of
'culture' and ethnic groups that were imposed, imagined and maintained by Europeans
both prior to and after colonization.

2. The Illanuns
The Illanun, called Iranun and Ilianon as well, are closely related culturally and
linguistically to the Maranao and Maguindanaon. The Illanun language is part of the
Austronesian family that is most closely related to Maranao. When the Spaniards left,
however, contact between the Maranao and Illanun decreased.
The majority of Illanun live along the coastline in the of the towns of Nulingi,
Parang, Matanog, and Barira in Maguindanao Province, Mindanao; along the Iliana Bay
coast, north of the mouth of the Pulangi River; and all the way to Sibugay Bay in
Zamboanga del Sur and even the western coastal plain of Borneo. Illanun, a Malay term
meaning “pirate,” is appropriate for the people of this ethnic group, who were once
regarded as the fiercest pirates in the Malay area.

3. The Taosug Tribe

The dominant ethnic group in the Sulu archipelago because of their political and
religious institutions, the Tausug occupy Jolo, Indanan, Siasi, and Patikul in Sulu
(ARMM). There are also scattered settlements in Zamboanga del Sur and Cotabato, and
all the way to Malaysia, which has an estimated Tausug population of more than 110,000.
Tausug is a combination of tau (person) and suug (the old name of Jolo Island).
The present generation of Tausugs are believed to be descended from the different ethnic
groups that had migrated to the Sulu archipelago.
Traditionally the Tausug are sailors, pearl divers and traders, their ancestral
homelands in the Sulu Archipelago have vigorous tidal currents that flow from the Sulu
and China Seas to the Celebes Sea. This translates literally into the name people of the
current.
This native tribe, the first group in the archipelago to be converted to Islam,
possess a courage that is beyond doubt, their bravery is supposed to be unquestionable,
therefore the Tausug are often named Tau Maisug or brave people.
They are proud Muslims renowned for their fierce resistance in the face of Spanish
Conquerors, for 300 years the Tausug and the Spanish were engaged in almost
continuous warfare, which ended when the Spaniards left the Philippines. The Tausug
regards themselves superior to other Philippine Muslims and still live a combative way of
life, running away from a fight is considered shameful. One old Tausug proverb says:
Hanggang maybuhay, may pag asa, meaning; Never admit defeat as long as you live.

The Ancient Maritime Vessels of the Moro People

The Moro People used compasses, browsed telescopes, and the stars to navigate
the seas. They are also knowledgeable about the monsoon of the region and use them
to travel extensively during the month of August and October in a period called “The Pirate
Season.”

1. Lanong
 Lanong is a large outrigger warship used by the Iranun and the Banguingui people
of the Philippines. It could reach up to 30 m (98 ft) in length with 6 meters wide hounds,
each at cannons mounted at the bar and had two biped shear masts which doubled as
boarding ladders. It has 24 oars at each side rowed by captures slaves that served as
their flagships.
Each vessel carried a hundred to hundred-fifty men including a captain, soldiers,
slaves to row and captured local slaves to navigate unknown waters. The vessels were
specialized for naval battles. They were prominently used for piracy and slave raids from
the mid-18th century to the early 19th century in most of Southeast Asia. Large lanongs
were also inaccurately known by the Spanish as joangas or juangas. The name Lanong
is derived from Lanun, an exonym of the Iranun people.

2. Garay
Garay is a traditional native warship of the Banguingui people in the Philippines.
These are the fast-attack boats of the Samalian Tribes. They were made of Bamboo wood
and Nipa Palm and could carry more than 100 sailors. The ship was 25 meters long and
6 meters across and hounds the power magazine and cannon at the barrel. With 30 to 60
oars in each side, the Garay was faster than any other sea-going vessel of its time.
In the 18th and 19th centuries, they were commonly used for piracy by the
Banguingui and Iranun people against unarmed trading ships and raids on coastal
settlements in the regions surrounding the Sulu Sea. They are smaller, faster and more
manoeuvrable speeding boats replaced from the juangas. The name means "scattered"
or "wanderer" in the Sama language of the Banguingui.

3. Salisipan
Kakap (also known as salisipan) is a canoe-shaped boat which sometimes have
outriggers. They are often used by the Iranun and Banguingui people of the Philippines
for piracy and for raids on coastal areas. They are usually part of fleets with larger
motherships like pangajava, garay, or lanong warships. Among Malays, this type of boat
is used as a boat of war or passenger boat. Raiding fleets are used as auxiliary vessels.
These boats were used to collect manpower and ships from friendly raiding bases along
the way; eventually, building a fearsome, organized sea force.
The Ancient Weapons of the Moro People
1. Kalis / Kris
It is a type of double-edged Filipino sword, often with a "wavy" section The kalis's
double-edged blade can be used for both cutting and thrusting. The sword is more than
300 years old and it was used during the time of the Spanish colonization. It is a weapon
for warfare and servility. It is 2 meters in length and was carried not only by slave raiders
into battle but also nobles and high-ranking officials of southern Sultanates. It’s double-
edge blade is used for easier slashing and penetration to the bone that would stick so it’s
very hard to pull.

2. Barong
Barong or Barung is the one Taosug warriors use to cut off an M-14 and a
carabiner because its blade is thick. It is a deadly weapon and a sword with a single-edge
leaf-shape blade made of thick type of steel. It is also a 1-meter long weapon that was
used to enclose hand to hand battle to cut Spanish firearms down to size. This weapon
is used by Muslim Filipino ethnolinguistic groups like the Tausug, Sinama or Yakan in the
Southern Philippines.

3. Kampilan
Kampilan is the longest sword that was used by the Illanuns. It is a heavy, single-
edge sword that has two horns projecting from the blunt side of the tip which was used to
pick up the head of the decapitated body. The Kampilan has a distinct profile, with the
tapered blade being much broader and thinner at the point than at its base, sometimes
with a protruding spikelet along the flat side of the tip and a bifurcated hilt which is believed
to represent a mythical creature's open mouth. At about 36 to 40 inches (90 to 100 cm)
long, it is much larger than other Filipino swords.

4. Armor
The armor was made from carabao horn. Its steel plate was molded to fit the body
and held together by chain mail. It could also deflect the blows from a sword but useless
against firearms.

The Ancient Weapons of the Spanish Forces

1. Musket
The musket could fire 90 meters. It was inaccurate and took several stages steps
to reload.
2. Cannons
It is a type of gun classified as artillery that launches a projectile using propellant.
In the past, gunpowder was the primary propellant before the invention of smokeless
powder in the 19th century. Cannons vary in caliber, range, mobility, rate of fire, angle of
fire, and firepower. Different forms of cannon combine and balance these attributes in
varying degrees, depending on their intended use on the battlefield.

The Fort Pilar of Zamboanga City

Zamboanga City sits at the tip of the Southwest peninsula of the Philippines that
is protected by the city’s Fort Pilar –a ten-meter-high wall that acted as a defense fortress.
The Fort served as the base of operations to check on slave-raiding going on the north
and back.

HISTORICAL RELEVANCE
The historiography documentary film “Raiders of the Sulu Sea” is a presentation
of the study of the history that happened in the mid-17th century and the years after that
was still in the line with the Moro-Spanish past. It vindicated the Moro Wars in the
Mindanao Region, as to the influence of Religious Ideologies and economic forces that
drove the clash resistance –to what was the aftermath of it; that will serve as an insight
to what happened on the Southern tip of Zamboanga City and the Western Power
sufficing it with artillery and force.
The history of the Moro people is part of the backbone of the historical development
of the Philippines. It was asserted in the film that no Philippine history can be complete
without the study of Muslim development and the Colonization that occurred.
The historical relevance in the Southern Philippines and the Spanish Colonization
is concerned with the line of conflicts in the historical development:
Political: The Moro People frayed for their political power hold that was gradually
assimilated into the jurisdiction of the Philippine Government.
Social: The resistance of the Moro People against the religious influence of the
Christianity that was widely spread by the Spaniards
Economic: Commercial ventures of natural resources fuelled the growing demands of
slaves from the south that intensify the frequency of the Moro people of their raiding
expeditions.
Cultural: The artistic indigenous crafts making of the Slave raiders through the boats and
weapons made and used; and also, the pattern of trade that has begun years ago
between China and India long before the entry of Western Powers.
CONTEMPORARY RELEVANCE
In the modern context and setting of the Philippines today, we live in a pluralistic
world and a conflict-torn world. Sad to say that some of these conflicts have been abetted,
if not aggravated by religions, flaring up in open armed conflicts and bloody resistance
between Muslims and Christians. The Philippine context of which we have to share open
armed conflicts was in Mindanao, and have been portrayed as Christian-Muslim Conflict.
The “Raiders of the Sulu Sea” presents the study of the history that happened in
the Moro-Spanish past. It vindicated that the different standpoints of the two parties was
brought forth by the influence of Religious Ideologies and economic forces that drove the
clash resistance. Muslim-Christianity Rivalry is until today, sufficing in our era.
The history of the Moro people and the Colonization that happened in Zamboanga
City will always be a part of the backbone of the historical development of the Philippines.
It abridges us to the perspective of knowing, understanding, and commemorating the
importance of the history of the Southern Region of the Philippines.
The contemporary relevance in the Southern Philippines and the Spanish
Colonization is concerned with the line of causations in the Philippine setting and context
today:
Political: The Moro People constructs an autonomous political entity in the South,
supported by the Bangsamoro Organic Law (Republic Act No. 11054)
Social: The acceptance and acknowledgment for the Moro People with regards to
religious differences and ideologies in our modern time.
Economic: To combat the freedom to attain and acclaim natural resources against the
oppression of big companies and international trading system; and also the tax system
supported by TRAIN LAW that would only threaten continuing poor areas in the South.
Cultural: The preservation of the indigenous crafts and products in the South and the
continuity of performing indigenous arts and beliefs is a way of keeping the culture alive.

**************END OF WEEK 10*************