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CHAPTER 10

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IMAGES, MAPS, AND
THE (DE)STABILIZATION
OF NATIONAL MASTER

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ht 1
NARRATIVES IN ARGENTINA
re
2
Cristian Parellada
María Fernanda González
s
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2

People usually believe that images in general, and maps in particular, of-
ig

fer a more accurate and less ambiguous representation of reality than lan-
guage does. This belief is rooted in a modern conception of the image
developed by the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century,
which postulates the objective nature of images in the field of scientific
knowledge (Daston & Galison, 2007). Beyond the scientific field, the popu-
©

lar expression “a picture is worth a thousand words” claims the eloquence

of an image, expressing how people conceive of graphic representations in
ll

everyday life. Rose (2003) showed that the meaning of images is ambiguous
and that the same image can cause different effects and create different
A

ideas in different subjects. The value of images, as instruments for build-

ing a representation of the world, is currently so immense that an app like

Reproducing, Rethinking, Resisting National Narratives, pages 177–194

Copyright © 2021 by Information Age Publishing
All rights of reproduction in any form reserved. 177
 178    C. PARELLADA and M. F. GONZÁLEZ

Google Earth can show different representations and toponyms of currently

disputed territories, based on the geographic location of the device con-
nected to the internet (Bensinger, 2020).
The app shows different territorial limits and toponyms depending on
the laws and territorial claims in force in the country in which the internet
user is located. For example, as a result of the territorial claims for sover-
eignty existing between the United Kingdom and Argentina over the Islas

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Malvinas (Falkland Islands), somebody connected to the app in Argentina

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will visualize them as “Islas Malvinas.” However, if the same person uses the
app through a device connected in the United Kingdom, the toponym will

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change to its British denomination. This difference exemplifies the histo-
ricity in the construction of national territory. In other words, we think that
the naming of the territory is not only the product of cartographic conven-
tion but also of a historical narrative, in this case, regarding the conflict
between Great Britain and Argentina over the sovereignty of those islands.
In this chapter, we consider, based on our previous research (González &
AU: Any updates? Carretero, 2013; Parellada et al., in press), that historical narratives as well
as images and historical maps used in the Argentine school context mainly
s
support an essentialist and timeless conception of the nation. We also think
ht 1
that in order to stimulate a conception that considers the dynamic and
re
historical features of the nation-building process among students, it is not
enough to propose a new narrative. Beyond the role of narratives alone, we
2
argue that special attention should be given to the relationship between the
narratives, maps, and images used to build historical knowledge.
s
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THE ARGENTINE NATION-BUILDING PROCESS

The creation of nation states in the 19th century was deeply related to the
development of history as a scientific discipline, together with other social
2

sciences such as cartography and geography (Berger & Conrad, 2015; Berg-
ig

er & Lorenz, 2008; Hobsbawn, 1997). In Argentina, the official historical

narratives used to explain the origin of the nation and the life of its national
heroes were also developed in the second part of the 19th century (Chiara-
monte, 2013; Entin, 2016). This was done mainly by a group of intellectual
©

members of the ruling elite, who imposed their ideology and their political
project. Bartolomé Mitre (1821–1906) stands out in particular. He was both
ll

the founder of Argentine historiography and president of the republic be-

tween 1862 and 1868. The historiographical tradition initiated by Mitre
takes the view that the Argentine nation already existed before the declara-
A

tion of independence and originated in the colonial period. In this version

of national history, Argentina’s independence process started in 1810 with
the so-called “May Revolution,” continued with the effective declaration of
 the (De)Stabilization of National Master Narratives in Argentina    179

independence on July 9, 1816 and was followed by a succession of events

during the 19th century that helped consolidate the nation state.
The 19th-century nationalist narratives were revised in the 20th century
by historiographers questioning the thesis of a national historical continu-
um and showing that it would be impossible to talk about a true Argentine
nation at the time of the independence wars (Di Meglio, 2016; Palti, 2009;
Romero, 2004). According to their critical perspectives, before and even

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after July 9, 1816 there were civil wars, “internal” self-government process-

d
es, political turmoil and tensions between the provinces that greatly ques-
tioned the existence of one Argentine nation. Furthermore, in the days

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following the May Revolution of 1810, there was not a single element (such
as a religion, ethnic group, or common language) that could predict or
project that a single nation state would form. In fact, from the viceroyalty of
the Río de la Plata, several current nations were formed (Argentina, Bolivia,
Paraguay, and Uruguay; Bohoslavsky, 2006; Cavaleri, 2004; de Titto, 2015).
All in all, it can be argued that the assumption of a state and a nation born
in 1810 or 1816 is an effect of the “myth of origin” (Chiaramonte, 1997).
These mythical narratives were transmitted through educational institu-

s
tions to strengthen a national identity and cultivate a feeling of love for
ht 1
the country among the people (Bertoni, 2007; Carretero, 2011). Teaching
re
about this mythical past in schools was actually a solution to problems per-
ceived by the country’s intellectual elite. As Argentina observed a period
2
of immense immigration and economic growth between 1880 and 1914
(Gallo, 2013), some politicians considered this massive arrival from other
continents—mainly Europe—as a threat to the nation and its national iden-
s

tity (Benítez & Parellada, 2017). To solve this problem, they launched a
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national-building process based on a cultural standardization campaign,

with the educational field as its main conduit (Talak, 2016). Within this
endeavor, history education was a central curricular axis as it enabled the
transmission of nationalist historical narratives. Today, almost one century
2

later, despite many changes to the school curriculum and the development
ig

of new educational proposals for history teaching, we can still find such nar-
ratives circulating in educational institutions (Romero, 2004). Their per-
sistence indicates that they are genuine master narratives (Alridge, 2006;
Carretero & van Alphen, 2014; Straub, 2005).
©
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MASTER NARRATIVES AS CULTURAL TOOLS

We use the concept of master narrative to refer to an official historical narra-

A

tive about national development deeply rooted in society and transmitted

from one generation to another (see also Abdou, 2017). Some scholars
have considered these narratives, endowed with a nationalistic outlook, as
 180    C. PARELLADA and M. F. GONZÁLEZ

dominant discourses by which some social groups make their representa-

AU: Reconcile date or
add to references. tions of history and national development prevail (Barreiro et al., 2016;
AU: Add to references. Hammack, 2008). In this sense, a political dimension inherent to master
narratives is that they tend to convey a hegemonic vision of past, present,
and future defended by a dominant group.
As dominant discourses, master narratives can also be considered sche-
AU: Reconcile date or matic narrative templates, a concept by which Wertsch (2002) refers to a basic

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add to references.
plot structure underlying historical narratives. He describes them as sche-

d
matic because they are abstract structures from which multiple specific
narratives can be generated. An important feature of schematic narrative

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templates is their conservative nature and resistance to change, as “infor-
mation that contradicts these schemas is routinely distorted, simplified and
ignored” (Wertsch, 2008, p. 142). Hence, drawing on Wertsch’s concept,
national master narratives can be approached as dominant story plots that
shape the way in which people tend to see the past. A structure of the domi-
nant national narrative, which will be presented in continuation, has been
proposed based on empirical research.
From a sociocultural perspective, it is necessary to study how national his-
s
torical narratives are produced, how they are used by individuals, and how
ht 1
these processes relate to national identity construction (Wertsch, 1998).
re
Over the last years, our research group has been studying how subjects
of different ages build their historical knowledge (Carretero & González,
2
2008; Carretero & van Alphen, 2014; González & Carretero, 2013; Parel-
AU: verify current on
publication.
lada et al., in press). This research has been developed mainly according
to a theoretical model of six dimensions that structure national historical
s

narratives (Carretero & Bermúdez, 2012). According to this model, these

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narratives are characterized by: (a) a homogeneous, unified, and timeless

historical subject; (b) an essentialist concept of the nation and of a time-
less national identity; (c) a simplified, teleological, or monocausal histori-
cal plot; (d) a heroic exemplary status bestowed on the national protago-
2

nists; (e) an implicit identification with these protagonists and their goals
ig

in terms of “us” and “them”; (f) a positive evaluation or at least a moral

justification of these protagonists’ actions.
For example, in the narratives produced by most of our research par-
ticipants (Carretero et al., 2018; González & Carretero, 2013), actions are
©

described as being performed by a homogeneous group: “the people.” In

these cases, there is also an identification process, evident in the narra-
ll

tive through the use of a timeless “we” opposed to “them” (Carretero &
González, 2008; Carretero & van Alphen, 2014). The latter usually include
those groups trying to threaten, subdue, or dominate the national group,
A

or willing to take away national territory. Another main feature found in the
narratives produced by our participants is the presence of a common goal,
such as the search for freedom or independence by the national group.
 the (De)Stabilization of National Master Narratives in Argentina    181

Furthermore, these studies showed that participants usually see the nation
as an essential and timeless entity (Carretero & González, 2008; Carretero
& van Alphen, 2014; González & Carretero, 2013; López et al., 2015). Only
some of the participants introduced voices that were critical towards these ca-
nonical or official versions of national history. The essentialist conception of
the nation has also been observed in the arguments given by most of our par-
ticipants, inasmuch as people living in the colonial territory are considered

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Argentine (Carretero & González, 2006; González & Carretero, 2013). This

d
claim was justified by the idea that the territory “has always been” Argentina,
or that national feelings already existed. Participants manifested a strong in-

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ternalization of identity aspects through the use of a national “we” in their
narratives, previous to the formation of the nation, thus excluding “others,”
such as the indigenous people (Pérez-Manjarrez & González, 2014).
To summarize, most of the historical narratives produced by the research
participants contained the dimensions that characterize national master
narratives. That is, an idealized past, teleologically related to the present,
and a national group that transcends the relationship between nationals
living in the present and the actors of the past, evidenced by a timeless ter-
s
ritory (Carretero et al., 2018; González & Carretero, 2013). In other words,
ht 1
people consider that the national territory in the past was the same as the
re
current one. For them, the dimensions of the national territory have not
changed over the years.
2

HISTORICAL MAPS AS CULTURAL TOOLS AND THEIR

s

RELATION TO NATIONAL MASTER NARRATIVES

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The importance of maps in the nation-building process has been high-

lighted by Anderson (1983), who argued that, together with census and
museums, maps help create imagined communities. From this perspective,
2

scholarship in the field of cartography emphasizes the importance of carto-

ig

graphic representations in the process of building a national identity (Dym

& Offen, 2011; Herb, 2004; Lois, 2014). These cartographic representa-
tions aimed to develop a concrete image of the territory among citizens
and contributed to shaping the nation (Winichakul, 1997). In this vein, it is
©

no coincidence that maps of the national territory hang in every classroom

(Carretero, 2008). The theatre play, The Cartographer (Mayorga, 2017), re- AU: Reconcile author
ll

or add to references.
flects on this. In a dialogue between a girl and an old man, the producer of
cartographic images, the latter states that
A

the map makes France exist (. . .) At school, hanging on the wall, is France in a
single colour, so the child learns the country of which he or she is the subject.
This map is the triumph of reason and of the king. (Mayorga, 2017, p.14)
 182    C. PARELLADA and M. F. GONZÁLEZ

Maps do not just affect the representations people build about space in
literary imagination. Pickles (2004) showed how, in times of war, states tend
to increase the production and circulation of maps in order to legitimize the
nationalist narratives. Henrikson (1975) showed how, as a consequence of
the United States’ participation in the Second World War, a zenithal projec-
tion of the Earth centered on the North Pole was popularized. According to
this author, the increased circulation of this type of cartographic representa-

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tion, as opposed to the Mercator map,1 aimed to highlight the proximity of

d
the United States to Japan and the Soviet Union, and thereby its vulnerability,
thus encouraging the approval of war among the American people.

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When we talk about historical maps, we refer to a group of cartographic
representations aimed at representing what a territory was like in the past.
However, when the maps used in Argentine textbooks fulfil this goal, they
do so based on the map of the current national territory, thus creating the
illusion that this territory has remained the same since time immemorial
AU: Any update? (Kamusella, 2010; Parellada et al., in press). Along these lines, in the last
years we have conducted research on how students assimilate historical nar-
ratives as well as other cultural tools which, in many cases, support the rep-
s
resentation of the nation transmitted through national master narratives.
ht 1
In the studies conducted so far, we can identify several of the six dimen-
re
sions shaping national master narratives that are reinforced by the historical
maps used in textbooks, namely the essentialist conception of nation and the
2
building of a timeless national identity. As we have seen above, this timeless na-
tional identity appears in students’ narratives and can be observed in their use
of “we,” emphasizing a shared past with those who lived in the territory, con-
s

sidering them as members of a nation and presenting a national continuum

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between the past, present, and future. The historical maps used in textbooks
reinforce this essentialist conception and the building of a timeless identity.
In other papers, we have shown how maps published in Argentine textbooks
illustrate a period of civil wars that took place for decades after 1816, overlap-
2

ping with the current national map (Carretero et al., 2018; Parellada, 2016;
ig

AU: Any update? Parellada et al., in press). This means that the historical territorial limits are
reproduced in a space representing the current limits of the national territory.
However, in 1816 the territory could not yet be considered Argentina, in terms
of either state organization or its geographical dimensions.
©

The Argentine territory acquired its present shape by the end of the
19th century, after a military process of appropriation of lands inhabited
ll

by indigenous peoples, over which no sovereign right existed (Lois, 2014).

This historical process, from 1878 to 1885, is known as the Conquest of the
Desert and it allowed the Argentine state to acquire huge extensions of land,
A

including part of Patagonia and the Northeast Region. The people who
AU: Reconcile date or
add to references.
inhabited those lands were either killed or enslaved (Barreiro et al., 2016;
Bayer, 2010). We think that drawing the current limits on historical maps
 the (De)Stabilization of National Master Narratives in Argentina    183

implies considering the territory as a timeless and immutable entity over

the years. By doing so, the historical conflicts represented seem to have de-
veloped within a territorial unit; clearly defined at the time they took place,
when in fact this was not the case (Lois, 2014).
In recent years, there has also been research on how subjects of different
ages represent the national territory when they produce a narrative about
the independence of Argentina (González, 2005; Parellada et al., in press). AU: Any update?

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Participants are asked to draw the limits of the territory that became inde-

d
pendent from Spain in 1816. The results show that, irrespective of their lev-
el of education, participants tend to draw the current limits to refer to the

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situation at the beginning of the 19th century (see Figure 10.1). In other
words, participants consider the Argentine territory as something that has
remained stable for more than 200 years.

s
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2
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2
ig
©
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Figure 10.1  Map drawn by a college student when he was asked to draw the ter-
ritory that became independent from Spain in 1816. Source: (from Parellada et al.
(in press). AU: Any updates?
 184    C. PARELLADA and M. F. GONZÁLEZ

In sum, based on the studies conducted, we can see a tendency to rep-

resent the national territory in a way that is consistent with the national
master narrative, especially regarding the essentialist and timeless notion
of nation and its territory. In this sense, we think that the national master
narrative in textbooks is not only transmitted through narrative, but also
through other cultural tools, such as maps and historical images.

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HISTORICAL IMAGES AND MASTER NARRATIVES

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If there is, as we have seen, an alignment between national historical nar-
ratives and the use and production of historical maps, it is also interesting
to consider the relationship between narratives and historical images. This
suggests studying the process by which people of different ages make sense
of images representing events of Argentine national history. To this end,
it is important to first reflect on the value of historical images in historio-
graphical research.
AU: Add citation to
references.
According to Peter Burke (2001), historiographical research must con-

s
sider some key aspects of images. For example, historians must focus on
ht 1
the image production processes so as not to fall into anachronistic inter-
re
pretations. Far from considering images as simple illustrations or transpar-
ent sources of events and historical periods, Burke proposes a contextual-
2
ized use of images, since the image, as an historical document, poses many
problems: authorship and context, function and usage, rhetoric, method of
production, as well as circulation and type of source (e.g., primary or sec-
s

ondary source). This is the case with all kinds of images used in historical
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research, such as paintings, photographs, and engravings, among others.

Burke focuses particularly on the conventions and contextual keys of so-
called narrative painting. This type of painting usually represents historical
events, such as battles, the signing of peace treaties or revolutions. These
2

paintings use their own rhetoric known as eyewitness, which introduces hier-
ig

archies among characters, symbols, and conventions to represent temporal

events in a static space. That is the reason why paintings depicting revolu-
tions or battles must be read in light of all these clues and conventions.
In conclusion, Burke considers that images should be critically questioned
©

within historical research.

This critical attitude towards images in historical research can also be
ll

useful from an educational standpoint. In educational research, imag-

es have been studied in the context of textbooks (González & Taboada,
AU: Reconcile author 2017; Hakoköngäs & Sakki, 2016; Tsyrlina-Spady, 2017). The latest trends
A

or add to references.
in graphic design and the need to include a greater textual and icono-
graphic diversity (to develop new competences in history teaching) have
led to the allocation of over 50 % of the space in textbooks to different types
 the (De)Stabilization of National Master Narratives in Argentina    185

of images, particularly photographs, graphs, maps, and tables (Gómez &

López-Martínez, 2014; Valls, 2001, 2008).
Additionally, some classic studies on school textbooks found that histori-
cal images, as well as narratives, contribute to building a specific imaginary
about national history (Ferro, 1984; Johnsen, 1993; Pérez Siller, 1992; Riek-
enberg, 1991). Images may reflect different ideological and historiographi-

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cal positions, and the way they are interpreted may change as the political AU: Reconcile author

d
and sociohistorical context changes. Along these lines, Carretero, Jacott, and or add to references.
LORI: Should this say,
López-Manjón (2002) found that the same image representing the arrival “et al.?” or does it not
matter?
of Columbus in America was portrayed differently in Mexican and Spanish

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textbooks. While the Mexican textbook referred to the event as the meeting
of two cultures, the Spanish textbook referred to the discovery of America by the
Europeans. As the same image is included in different narratives circulating in
different cultural traditions, it results in different interpretations.
Previous studies concerning the interpretation and reading of historical
images (Carretero & González, 2008; González, 2005) found that, in gen-
eral, Argentine children and adolescents tend to read them literally and
with little contextualization. The images used in these studies represented
s
ht 1
the foundational events of the Argentine independence process: May 25,
re
1810 and July 9, 1816 (Figure 10.2 and 10.3, respectively). On May 25, 1810,
the Spanish colonial representatives were replaced with an independent
government in Buenos Aires. Six years later, on July 9, 1816, independence
2
from Spain was finally declared.
In previous research, carried out with groups of children aged 12 to
s

14, multiple realistic readings of historical images were found. Images are
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considered to be copies of reality and their author as an eyewitness to the

events (Carretero & González, 2006). This is clear in Sofia’s explanation of
the image in Figure 10.2:
2

I think that what you see in the image [on 25 May] was exactly like that,
ig

because it shows something very important. That’s how we won! On 25 May,

people were like that with more freedom (. . .) [pointing to the painting] it
could have been painted by someone from those days. I think he was there,
among those people. He saw it and painted it. (Extract from the interview
©

with Sofía, 12 years old, Argentine nationality. In González, 2005)

ll

Further research shows that this realistic vision is progressively abandoned,

and some 16-year-old adolescents and adults use strategies that allow the
point of view of the painter, as a mediator in the production of the painting,
A

to be considered. There is suspicion about the image as a copy of reality

and it is compared to the subject’s own historical knowledge. As Julia says,
also about Figure 10.2:
 186    C. PARELLADA and M. F. GONZÁLEZ

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d
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Figure 10.2  El pueblo quiere saber de qué se trata [The people want to know what
re
it is about], painted by Léonie Matthis (1883–1952). Source: Open Educative Re-
source from the Argentine Ministry of Education website (www.educ.ar).
2
I don’t think that someone painted the image in those days because there are
gauchos2 and women, and in those days they weren’t involved in politics, or so
I’ve been taught (. . .) this [the image] is a vestige or something else about the
s

past with different perspectives of history, different lines of thought. (Extract

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from the interview with Julia, 16 years old. In González, 2005)

If we analyze the participants’ descriptions of the images, we can find many

elements of the narrative dimensions described by Carretero and Bermú-
2

dez (2012). Firstly, many of the participants use the first-person plural:
ig

“This image is from 25 May when it was said that we were free” (Mariel,
12 years old, in González, 2005). Secondly, identity and emotional aspects
are present in the descriptions of the images. In fact, participants use many
emotional terms and claim that the images show the joy, euphoria, and cel-
©

ebration of the people (González, 2005). Thirdly, this emotional element

in the interpretation of the images is related to the issue of the “search
ll

for freedom” and to the consolidation of a homogeneous subject in the

narratives: “the Argentine people.” Lastly, the strength of the identity as-
pect is also manifested in the anachronistic conception of the nationality of
A

the people in the images. Most of the participants consider the people in
the images to be Argentine because they had been born within that terri-
tory. This is very important in understanding how narrative elements shape
 the (De)Stabilization of National Master Narratives in Argentina    187

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d
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ht 1
re
2
Figure 10.3  El congreso de Tucumán [The Congress of Tucumán], painted by Anto-
nio González Moreno in 1941. Source: Open Educative Resource from the Argen-
s

tine Ministry of Education website (www.educ.ar).

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image interpretation and how the concept of the territory is a matrix for
national identity. As Santiago explains with regard to Figure 10.3:
2

They were not Argentine because of their identification card, but because
ig

they felt it in their soul, because they wanted their land to be independent
and they fought for what is ours (. . .) they rebelled against power and they
confronted it to be independent and make the territory become Argentina.
(Santiago, 16 years old, in González, 2005)
©
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TOWARDS THE FUTURE: STABILIZATION

AND DE-STABILIZATION OF MASTER NARRATIVES
A

Bruner (1990) has shown that narratives are powerful cultural tools that
allow human beings to build possible worlds. When trying to understand
 188    C. PARELLADA and M. F. GONZÁLEZ

the historical development of their own nation, people tend to incorpo-

rate (though, on occasion, also resist) master narrative elements circulating
within their social and cultural milieu, particularly in the process of learn-
ing national history and in historical narratives at school. In this chapter, we
have argued that national master narratives are supported and produced
through a political and ideological process. In the case of Argentina, the na-
tional master narrative has been built over the course of the 19th century as

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part of a mythical construction of the nation. As a schematic narrative tem-

d
plate, Argentina’s national master narrative has a basic and well-established
story plot—structured around the territory, as a timeless fundament of the

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nation and nationality—that has dominated history teaching in schools.
This way, generation after generation has learned (and taught) a simplistic
and simplified narrative about the origin and development of the nation.
Furthermore, we think that there is a strong interaction between maps, im-
ages, and narratives. In the first place, because images and maps provide
important symbolic support for historical narratives. They are used to both
illustrate the events described in the narrative and represent the space–
time structure of the narrative, as well as the places where those events took
s
place. In the second place, images and maps are not produced in a social
ht 1
void. They are interpreted in light of a set of socially shared meanings,
re
which are transmitted—among other means—through dominant narra-
AU: Reconcile date or
add to references.
tives resistant to change (Wertsch, 2002).
2
At the same time, we have employed the sociocultural emphasis on criti-
cally studying the processes of historical comprehension. In this chapter,
we have presented empirical findings that support our idea of convergence
s

between the subjects’ interpretation of historical images and national ter-

r 0

ritory in the past. In the studies presented, it was found that images are
described by referring to a homogenous collective subject, endowed with
heroic features and with a nationality preceding the formation of the na-
tion. Furthermore, participants considered the national territory to always
2

be the same in terms of its shape and dimensions, thus casting a territorial
ig

continuum between past and present in essentialist and timeless terms. In

sum, we can conclude that when participants represent the national terri-
tory or interpret historical images and maps, they do so based on ideas that
are culturally transmitted through narratives widely accepted and natural-
©

ized in society. However, as we have also shown, images and maps used in
school tend, in turn, to support such narratives, thus reinforcing a single
ll

perspective on national history.

Conceptually, it is interesting to consider the relationship between these
phenomena. A hypothesis we suggest is that there are elements from mas-
A

ter narratives that limit a subject’s approach to an understanding of the cul-

tural tools present in history teaching; in this case, images and maps. This
limitation can be found at the level of history teaching and in the subject’s
 the (De)Stabilization of National Master Narratives in Argentina    189

usage and appropriation of cultural tools. Further research is necessary to

find out, for example, how historical narratives stabilize and destabilize im-
ages and maps in school textbooks, and how people understand and con-
ceive these relationships at different ages with different levels and kinds of
history education. Studying these topics may contribute to a better under-
standing of the process of history teaching and encourage a de-essential-

er P
ization of the nation. In this sense, we think that in order to de-essentialize

d
national master narratives it is not enough to encourage critical narratives
or to incorporate other voices into history teaching. It is necessary to revise
the type of images and historical maps used in the school context. If a car-

ve
IA
tographic image reproducing the limits of the current national territory is
not analyzed critically, it might provide an essentialist representation of the
national territory, even when the teacher encourages a critical comprehen-
sion of the process.
Finally, we consider that, apart from the strategies for encouraging histori-
cal thinking, it is necessary for students to encounter narratives as well as car-
tographic representations and images that conflict with the official narrative.
In this way, they would then understand why, curiously, the same islands off
s
ht 1
Argentina’s coast have two different names according to Google Earth.
re
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
2
This chapter was written thanks to the PICT 2016-2341 project, coordinated
by Mario Carretero and funded by the Ministry of Science, Technology, and
s

Innovation, Argentina, and the UBACyT20020170100222BA project, coor-

r 0

dinated by José Antonio Castorina and funded by the University of Buenos

Aires, Argentina.
2
ig

NOTES

1. The map, based on the projection created by Gerard Mercator in 1569, pre-
dominates in both schools and mass media. This map is characterized by ex-
aggerating the dimensions of the places close to the poles.
©

2. Argentine cowboy.
ll

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